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TASK AVOIDANCE
THEORY, RESEARCH, AND
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PROCRASTINATION
AND
TASK AVOIDANCE
THEORY, RESEARCH, AND
TREATMENT
JOSEPH R. FERRARI
DePaul University
Chicago, Illinois
JUDITH L. JOHNSON
Villanova University
Villanova, Pennsylvania
WILLIAM G. MCCOWN
Nathan Kline Institute for Psychiatric Research
Orangeburg, New York
AND ASSOCIATES
On file
10 9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1
vii
FOREWORD
ix
x FOREWORD
ago when a graduate student asked me to serve as his thesis adviser on the
~opic. After reading the few published articles available at the time, I
suggested that he investigate procrastination in everyday life-the extent
to which one deals efficiently and effectively with the many minor tasks of
daily living-rather than more conventional topics, such as academic
procrastination or neurotic indecision. In retrospect, this suggestion came
out of my unique cultural experience as an American who had settled in
Israel. Hand,ling the routines of daily living is, in fact, far more difficult in
Israel than in the United States. For example, few service establishments-
financial, municipal, cultural, or recreational-are open at the same time
(e.g., 9-5) during the week. Banks, post offices, museums, and depart-
ment stores all have different opening and closing times, as well as
different schedules for different days of the week. Furthe~ Israel is far more
bureaucratic than the United States and requires many more documents,
even for minor matters. I found the ability to deal promptly, efficiently, and
effectively with the routine tasks of daily living in Israel to be a valuable
asset, and the absence of this ability to be a debilitating stressor.
This personal awareness permitted me to make the procrastination-
hassle connection when I first encountered Lazarus's work on daily has-
sles. In my split (American/Israeli) brain, procrastinating on the many
routine tasks of daily living becomes a proximal cause for the intense,
chronic experience of feeling hassled that leads, in turn, to adverse
psychological and physical consequences. People who engage in chronic
task avoidance, but are affectively indifferent to it, suffer only adverse
practical consequences of their dilatory behavior. People who engage in
chronic task avoidance and are upset about it suffer adverse psychological
consequences as well. Several kinds of negative appraisals may arise in the
context of chronic task avoidance associated with dysphoriC affect. These
appraisals threaten several personal characteristics that are cherished by
most people: Self-control, effeetance or control over the environment, and
self-esteem. These kinds of appraisals serve as expectancies that produce
task avoidance, or as conclusions that follow from it, or both. Interest in the
relationship of procrastinatory behavior, dysphoric affect elicited by this
behavior, and adverse expectancies is reflected in this book.
Procrastination is as much a consequence of adverse preexisting
personality characteristics and life experiences as it is an agent for bringing
about adverse consequences in its own right. This volume is well-balanced
in its emphasis on the antecedents and consequents of procrastination,
and documents the fruitful interplay between programmatic research on
both aspects. Research on the former enhances diagnosis and identifica-
tion of the relevant pathological etiological factors that produce procras-
tination. Research on the latter ascertains the degree and kind of the
FOREWORD xi
NORMAN A. MILGRAM
Tel Aviv University
PREFACE
xiii
xiv PREFACE
JOSEPH R. FERRARI
JUDITH1. JOHNSON
WILliAM G. MCCOWN
CONTENTS
Chapter 1
An Overview of Procrastination ................................ . 1
Chapter 2
Procrastination Research: A Synopsis of Existing Research Perspectives 21
Chapter 3
Assessment of Academic and Everyday Procrastination: The Use of Self-
Report Measures ......................................... 47
Chapter 4
Academic Procrastination: Theoretical Notions, Measurement, and
Research ................................................ 71
Henri C. Schouwenburg
Chapter 5
Trait Procrastination, Agitation, Dejection, and Self-Discrepancy. . . . . . 97
Clarry H. LAy
Chapter 6
Dimensions of Perfectionism and Procrastination ................... 113
Gordon L. Flett, Paul L. Hewitt, and Tlwmas R. Martin
Chapter 7
Procrastination, Negative Self-Evaluation, and Stress in Depression and
Anxiety: A Review and Preliminary Model ................... 137
Gordon L. Flett, Kirk R. Blankstein, and Thomas R. Martin
Chapter 8
The Role of Personality Disorders and Characterological Tendencies in
Procrastination ........................................... 169
Chapter 9
Treatment of Academic Procrastination in College Students 187
Chapter 10
Treating Adult and Atypical Procrastination ....................... 211
Chapter 11
Epilogue as Prologue 235
AN OVERVIEW OF
PROCRASTINATION
Sloth is equal in nefariousness to greed, lust, theft, and murder . . .
HENRY WYKLIFFE, 1142
Procrastination is not merely a curious human aberration, one of the
many instances in which people failed to pursue their interest in an
efficient and productive manner. It represents a dysfunction of human
abilities that are important, if not essential, for coping with the myriad
tasks, major or minor, that accumulate daily on our desks, in our memo
books, or in our minds .... When we procrastinate we waste time,
miss opportunities, and do not live authentic lives ...
NORMAN MILGRAM, 1991
1
2 CHAPTER!
DEFINITIONS OF PROCRASTINATION
HISTORICAL Roars
Milgram (1992) emphasized that procrastination is essentially a mod-
ern malady, noting that its occurrence is only relevant in countries where
technology is advanced and schedule adherence is important. There is
4 CHAPTER!
was much more relevant to the lives of persons who lived in an agricul-
turally based social milieu. In today's industrial society the term has
mostly vanished from contemporary use, although perhaps the concept of
getting over, expressed by working persons when they shirk respon-
sibilities onto other people, is a close approximation.
Regardless, Milgram (1992) is undoubtedly correct when he asserts
that the importance attached to punctuality is greater in industrialized
countries. The distinction between sagacious delay and immoral laziness
has seemed to blur in contemporary Western language and social thought
where economic emphasis is on more immediate activity. An interesting
study for the industrial psychologist working in conjunction with a lin-
guist and an economist would be to correlate linguistic changes in the
concepts of task delay with indices of economic growth. We would predict
that as economies become larger and more complex, the concept of sloth
becomes less important and words related to the concept of task avoidance
become more negatively imbued with meaning.
CONTEMPORARY DEFINITIONS
this behavior is that the procrastinator forfeits the likelihood that a task will
be completed successfully and optimally. Procrastination, he argues, is not
simply the act of task avoidance, which may under certain circumstances
be a highly logical decision. Silver argues that individuals who procrasti-
nate do not intend to ignore or elude the task they are delaying. Instead,
they simply put the task off past the optimal time it should be initiated to
guarantee the maximal likelihood of its successful completion.
Attempting to determine the most appropriate time for a specific
action occurring under uncertain conditions (e.g., selling a particular
stock) has fostered a sophisticated branch of applied-decision theory
(Swets, 1991). There is substantial evidence that humans do not perform
these types of activities well and, instead of examining options in an
optimal fashion, rely on simplified internal rules or heuristics to guide
their behaviors (Kahnemann, Slovic, & Tversky, 1982). It is also clear that
people can vastly improve this skill through simple problem-solving
training that emphasizes construction of a costlbenefits analysis regarding
the outcomes of their behavioral choices (Baron & Brown, 1991).
Perhaps a problem with Silver's definition is that it ignores the
importance of the specific task and probable payoffs associated with task
completion. In real life, some things get done first because the remote
possibility associated with their incompletion may be quite disastrous.
Other events are postponed because there is little likelihood that less-than-
prompt attention will have a significant impact. An example of this is
demonstrated by hospital emergency rooms in the form of emergency
triage. An individual with severe chest pains and a family history of heart
disease gets immediate attention; there is no procrastination by the hospi-
tal staff whatsoever. The odds that the patient's condition will tum out to
be rather benign are actually quite high. However, the consequences of the
unlikely outcome are quite serious.
On the other hand, the patient with a toothache gets a low priority
because the chances that he or she will need immediate care are extremely
low, based on prior probabilities. Staff might make such a patient wait
through their break periods before seeing the unfortunate tooth sufferer.
They "procrastinate" caring for him or her because the condition is of
apparently low priority. Occasionally there are terrible exceptions to the
retrospective wisdom in such a course of action, for example when a
"toothache pain" is actually a symptom of an intracranial hemorrhage.
However, the usually less serious needs of this patient will be balanced
against the necessity of completing other tasks first. The statistical theory
of expected values has found a nice application in a relatively new field
known as risk management, which assesses the costs of a possible outcome
as well as the likelihood of its occurrence (froyer & Salman, 1986).
AN OVERVIEW OF PROCRASTINATION 7
Irrationality
Another set of definitions has emphasized the irrational aspects of
procrastination. As we will show in Chapter 2, the paradoxical notion of
procrastination as irrational behavior was almost a natural attraction to
cognitively oriented psychotherapists. For example, Ellis and Knaus
(1977), in a layperson's self-help book, provide one of the first quasi-
empirically oriented treatments of procrastination. They liken the behavior
to neurosis and believe its illogicalness is its salient feature. Ellis and
Knaus find it very curious, therefore, that few psychologists have at-
tempted an empirically based treatment of such an obviously dysfunc-
tional behavior. 1 In lamenting the amount of empirical research conducted
on this topic they state:
Does no one care? Will no one lift a finger to help rid the world of this
destructive aspect of slothfulness? Fortunately, we do and will. For we don't
like procrastination. It adds little to and it subtracts a lot from joyous autono-
mous living. We don't see it as the worst emotional plague imaginable, but we
view it as a dangerous disadvantage. Part of the human condition-yes-but a
nasty, unattractive part. And one that merits extirpation. (pp. 1-2)
1A dissertation by McKean (1990) notes, however, that despite the fact that Ellis and Knaus
loudly lament the lack of empirical research regarding procrastination, they then proceed to
fiJI the next 100 pages of their popular psychology book with c1inical conjectures and
speculations. No empirically derived data is presented, only anecdotal accounts from the
authors' private-practice experiences.
8 CHAPI'ERI
Operational Definitions
Perhaps to avoid the moral dimensions, some researchers involved in
procrastination prefer to avoid a formal definition of the behavior and
instead emphasize operational definitions. Kantor's (1969) classic text
regarding the progression of psychology argued that operational defini-
tions are often necessary in the early stages of any scientific construct's
history. It is only when the construct becomes better understood that
operationalism is no longer necessary.
Operational definitions may involve either behavioral indices or may
derive from psychometric classifications. As an example of behavioral
indices, in a typical research project regarding procrastination, college
students who do not turn in a percentage of assignments or who show up
late to class a specific number of times are operationally defined as
procrastinators. Changes in lateness regarding specific and necessary but
often avoided tasks can also be used as an indication of consumer or client
satisfaction (Spoth & Molgaard, 1993). Specific-task items leading to late-
ness can be analyzed with techniques such as conjoint analysis (Green &
Wmd, 1975), which allows an estimation of the relative importance or
utility an individual attaches to each possible feature of a product, service,
or process when these features are considered jointly, rather than one at a
time (R. Johnson, 1987). In conjoint analysis, specific attributes associated
with consumer preference can usually be isolated, suggesting a role for
this and similar techniques in program evaluation as well as business
(Spoth, 1989). Behaviorally anchored operational definitions lend them-
selves quite well to applied community research (Stecher & Davis, 1987),
since criteria measures-such as percentages of people who file income
taxes late or who put off annual medical checkups-are comparatively
easy and inexpensive to obtain and replicate.
Behaviorally anchored operational definitions of specific undesirable
10 CHAPTERl
Multidimensional Definitions
A broad and systematic definition of procrastination is offered by
Milgram (1991), who has emphasized four components as necessary for
procrastination. They note that procrastination is primarily (1) a behavior
sequence of postponement; (2) resulting in a substandard behavioral
product; (3) involving a task that is perceived by the procrastinator as being
important to perform; and (4) resulting in a state of emotional upset.
While this definition provides an excellent description of many of the
aspects of the syndrome of procrastinating behavior, some may disagree
with its universality. Milgram's definition may seem more of an ideal
typology, in the sense used by Max Weber (1926) to describe core aspects of
a behavior. Procrastination does not always result in inefficiency or sub-
standard behaviors. As we will see in later chapters, procrastination is
often a deliberate self-motivating strategy for persons who are in need of
intense levels of stimulation in order to be adequately motivated. In fact,
some persons can work efficiently only after procrastinating. Some per-
sons work extremely well under the pressure of self-manipulated dead-
lines and perform quite well.
Other people are not particularly distressed regarding their behav-
ioral or purported behavioral decrements following procrastination. Pro-
crastination may sometimes be viewed as a method of self-handicapping
and may be used as an excuse to avoid ego-dystonic cognitions (Ferrari,
1991b, 1992c). As Snyder and Higgins (1988) have noted, people engage in
a variety of excuses to negotiate a more pleasant outcome for their behav-
iors. Procrastination is often an excellent excuse for poor performance.
Clinical interviews with procrastinators often find that they are emo-
tionally unfazed regarding their inefficiencies or delays, and in fact may
be quite pleased with poor performance that was accomplished by merely
a frantic last-minute effort.
Another attempt at a multifocused definition has been proposed by
12 0IAPI'ER1
55
53
51
w 49
a:
0
~ 47
z
0
z~
45
~ 43
8a: 41
~
39
37
35
20 25 30 35 40 45 50 55 60 65 70
AGE
which is common among persons with PTSD (van der KoIk, 1987), contrib-
utes to dilatory behavior.
What was unexpected in this study was the lack of relationship
between phobias, anxiety, and depression and procrastination. These
findings, in combination with the elevated procrastination found in per-
sons with PTSQ suggest that it is not neuroticism or anxiety per se that
correlates with procrastination, but instead a synergistic combination of
traits. Presently, projects are underway in the authors' laboratories to
determine the causal relation of procrastination and psychopathology.
Despite the fact that causality between various forms of psychopathol-
ogy and procrastination remains unclea~ an additional role has been
suggested for the capacity of procrastination to foster psychological symp-
tom severity in vulnerable individuals. Johnson (1992) hypothesized that
trait procrastination should correlate positively with psychological symp-
tom severity for persons experiencing initial psychotherapy sessions. Her
reasoning was that procrastinators would probably have delayed seeking
treatment for longer intervals than nonprocrastinators and, consequently,
their symptoms would have become more severe by the time they sought
treatment.
Using the Symptom Survey 77, an instrument designed to measure
the severity of multiple psychological symptoms, Johnson surveyed 160
psychiatric outpatients at the time of their first clinic appointment. She
found significant and positive correlations between the Adult Inventory of
Procrastination Scores and symptom severity in the following areas: anxi-
ety (.34), depression (.32), obsessive compulsive tendencies (.26), phobias
(.21), and substance abuse (.41). Furthermore, there was a positive correla-
tion (.38) between the log function of days between the time clients first
thought about treatment and actually went for help and an aggregate
function of symptom severity. Data was aptly summarized by the com-
ments of one client with severe anxiety: "I meant to get help for my nerves,
but I just never got around to it until it got real bad ... I guess if I didn't
put things off all the time, I might have come in (for treatment) sooner."
Notably, Johnson found only a slight reduction of procrastination
accompanying symptom improvement. This suggests that procrastination
is a stable trait, even in persons with severe psychological symptoms. It
also may indicate that procrastination is a risk factor for more severe
relapse, since clients who reexperience difficulties may not return to
treatment until their lives are substantially disrupted.
CONCLUSION
Schizoid .05
Schizotypal .11
Paranoid -.04
Avoidant .21·
Dependant - .2'7"
Obsessive-compulsive - .11
Passive-aggressive .41"
Self-defeating .10
Hisbionic .26·
Narcissistic .32·
Borderline .39"·
Antisocial .36"
n = 165 outpatient subjects
'p (two-tailed) < .05
"p (two-tailed) < .01
PROCRASTINATION RESEARCH
A SYNOPSIS OF EXISTING
RESEARCH PERSPECTIVES
Despite the lack of a singular definition of the key term and, until recently,
a relative lack of interest displayed toward this topic by the scientific
community, there have been several forays into research regarding procras-
tination. This chapter reviews empirical research, highlighting areas war-
ranting further inquiry, with emphasis on contrasting the past and poten-
tial contributions of various theoretical orientations. Later chapters will
focus on specific, novel theories or new data that are presently unavailable.
PREEMPIRICAL INQUIRY
Augustine's commentary regarding sloth as one of the seven deadly
sins is well known. As we have indicated in Chapter I, Augustine's beliefs
were part of the tradition that has significantly shaped the way most
people view procrastinators (DeSimone, 1993). Howevex; the notion of sloth
implies getting someone else to do one's personal work, tasks that are
necessary for personal survival. This concept differs from procrastination
because the former involves a shirking of responsibility at someone else's
direct expense. Augustine never addressed the morality of putting off
until tomorrow behavior that was in one's own objective self-interest to
defer. Explanations of a lack of punctuality also occur in the work of many
of the prescientific moral philosophers, who attempted to understand
21
22 CHAPTER 2
PSYCHOANALYTIC THEORIES
PSYCHODYNAMIC THEORIES
lesser extent, British psychology from the 1920s to the 196Os. Procrastina-
tion usually appears to involve cognitive variables that were of little
interest to, or perhaps were even provocative for, behaviorists. Further-
more, the question of why people would put off tasks which they could
clearly be punished for failing to complete is somewhat problematic from a
behavioral perspective. Not surprisingly, then, behaviorists did little to
advance knowledge of procrastination. However, many behavioral con-
structs are very useful for attempting an explanation of procrastination.
Ironically, one major type of behaviorism, advocated by B. E Skinner,
generated a fairly substantial body of empirical research relevant to task
delays in academic settings.
REINFORCEMENT THEORY
sample-test item and reminded that the level of difficulty of the actual red
and blue tests would be "exactly the same as the sample." The dependent
measure was the"color" of the test the students chose to solve first. In the
first condition, a significantly greater number of subjects chose the red
over the blue test to solve first; in the second condition, the results were
reversed. This is true despite the fact that, logically, it should have made
no difference which test was solved first because subjects had experience
with items and knew that they had ample time to complete both tests well
within the time limits imposed by the experimenter. Post hoc credibility
checks, which removed subjects from the analysis who believed that the
experimenter intended to deceive them with harder problems, did not
change the results. These findings support the hypothesis that tasks are
less likely to be procrastinated if there is the likelihood of punishment in
the near future, as compared to at a distant time.
100 r--------------------------------------, 10
80 8
60 6 (!)
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~ 40 4 0
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EXAM
20 2
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14 10 6 2
FIGURE 2-1. State anxiety and hours spent studying in a group of procrastinating students.
Phobias
Because phobias are assumed to have a learned component, they are
frequently included under discussions regarding behaviorism. There is a
substantial behavioral literature regarding phobic task avoidance (Gray,
1987; Marks, 1969), and occasionally procrastination seems to mask genu-
ine phobic behaviors. For example, some people with physician and
PROCRASTINATION RESEARCH 31
IRRATIONAL BELIEFS
IRRATIONAL PERFECTIONISM
low self-esteem would put off completing tasks. On the other hand,
people who do not complete tasks might very well develop low self-
esteem, especially during periods of their lives when punctuality is highly
reinforced, such as during college. Data does not allow for causal infer-
ence, but does support a moderate relationship between self-esteem and
procrastination. Aitken (1982) found a correlation of -.42 between "low
self-concept" (measured by the Tennessee Self-Concept scale, Fitts, 1965)
and academic procrastination scores. Similar correlational findings have
been reported elsewhere (Effert & Ferrari, 1989; Ferrari, 1989b, 1992b) and
appear to be consistent throughout all studies in the literature.
The relationship between anxiety and procrastination is more complex
and controversial. Earlier in this chapter, we discussed how anxiety might
be a discriminative stimulus for avoidance. The role of anxiety as a cue for
task avoidance has been discussed above and appears to have some
support. A separate question involves whether or not procrastinators are
more or less anxious than nonprocrastinators. Aitken (1982) tested the
hypothesis that procrastination is related to an elevated level of anxiety.
She correlated academic procrastination scores from her inventory with a
measure of anxiety (the Taylor Manifest Anxiety Scale, Taylor, 1953).
Procrastination scores correlated only slightly with this measure (.21,
p < .05). Although significant, this correlation accounts for only about
5% of the total variance.
McCown, Rupert, and Petzel (1987) found a strong curvilinear rela-
tionship between neuroticism scores (as measured by the Brief Eysenck
Personality Questionnaire, Revised) and academic procrastination (as
measured by Aitken). High neuroticism scores were related with the first
and fourth quadrants of scoring on the Aitken measure. Students who
were extremely habitual and timely were more likely to be higher on the
neurotic score. Students who were extremely procrastinating were also
likely to score high on neuroticism. These authors suggest that, depending
upon other factors, neuroticism or autonomic activity can serve as either
signals to get things done or as signals to avoid things.
Lay, Edwards, Parker, and Endler (1989) report a more linear relation-
ship between anxiety and procrastination, with anxiety increasing among
procrastinators during an exam period. Rothblum, Solomon, and Mara-
kami (1986) report that test and trait anxiety is particularly problematic for
female procrastinators and believe that anxiety reduction is key for reduc-
ing procrastination, especially in women. The relationship between anxi-
ety and procrastination is probably complex and depends largely on
measurement methodology. This may be because anxiety is a multidimen-
sional mixture of both cognitive and physiological variables (Gray, 1987;
Zuckerman, 1991). Chapter 5 further discusses this relationship.
40 CHAPTER 2
less ability are those most likely to procrastinate. It is not surprising that
such significant differences have been found between groups on these
variables. Ferrari (1991a) compared procrastinators and nonprocrastinators
on intelligence measures. He found that they did not differ significantly on
verbal or abstract-thinking abilities, as assessed on the Shipley (1940)
Intelligence Test.
A study cited earlier is relevant to the discussion of academic procras-
tination and ability. Blatt and Quinlan (1967) found no significant differ-
ences between overall grade point average and procrastination. Similarly,
Newman, Ball, Young, Smith, and Purtle (1974) found that procrastination
was unrelated to grade point average, and only insignificantly related to
the final grade in a PSI class.
Several other studies appear in the literature supporting the hypoth-
esis that academic procrastination. is unrelated to ability. Rosati (1975)
operationally defined procrastination as the number of modules completed
in a self-paced engineering class. He found no differences between pro-
crastinating and nonprocrastinating students on grade point average or
mathematical ability. Taylor (1979) constructed a self-report questionnaire
to distinguish procrastinating from nonprocrastinating students. He also
found no significant difference between the two groups in terms of grade
point averages or WAIS scores. Ely and Hampton (1973) found that English
Achievement Tests (ACT) and a composite of algebra achievement-test
scores correlated negatively with procrastination, at least in a PSI curricu-
lum. It is important to note, however, that these researchers used a battery
of 11 different achievement tests and found only two significant (p < .05)
correlations with procrastination. Furthermore, the multiple-regression
composite of the tests utilized accounted for only a small portion of the
total variance between procrastinating students and their more punctual
peers.
On the other hand, Morris, Surber, and Bijou (1978) found that stu-
dents who procrastinated in a PSI course tended to be better students than
nonprocrastinators. This fact might be because brighter students feel more
comfortable putting off work until the last minute. O~ it also could be that
the brighter students had more difficult academic "completion" from other
courses and scarce resources of time. In this case the PSI simply was
"triaged" until later.
Aitken (1982) found that academic procrastinators actually had
slightly significantly higher math SAT scores than punctual students. This
led her to advance the hypothesis, similar to that of Morris et al. (1978),
that procrastination is more common in capable students who have learned
that they possess the cognitive abilities to perform the bulk of their course
work at the last minute and still do reasonably well in school.
42 CHAPI'ER2
CONSOENTIOUSNESS
CONCLUSION.
We have outlined the use of the term procrastination, diverse explana-
tions for this behavior, research findings, and applications. We hope this
overview provides a pragmatic framework to foster understanding of
procrastination as a psychological construct worthy of scholarly interest
and systematic study. Chapter 3 focuses on how procrastination has been
assessed through self-report measures. The psychometric properties of
seven major inventories will be presented to provide a "handbook" of
measures for future researchers and clinicians. Then, we present five
chapters discussing the role of procrastination within a number of educa-
tional, clinical, and social areas. Finally, we provide two chapters outlining
treatment protocols for modifying the behavior of chronic procrastination.
CHAPTER 3
ASSESSMENT OF ACADEMIC
AND EVERYDAY
PROCRASTINATION
THE USE OF SELF-REPORT MEASURES
47
48 CHAPTER 3
ACADEMIC PROCRASTINATION
Description
The 38-item PASS is divided into two parts, with Part 1 assessing the
frequency and reasons for procrastination in six academic areas (writing a
term paper, studying for an exam, keeping up with weekly reading
assignments, performing administrative tasks, attending meetings, and
performing academic tasks in general), as well as the desire for change in
each of these areas. On three 5-point scales, participants respond to the
frequency procrastination in each academic area, the extent to which
procrastination caused them a problem, and the desire to stop procras-
tinating at these target areas. Scores may be summed for each set of items
(prevalence, problem, motivation), and a total score summed across all six
areas.
Part 2 presents the respondent with a given scenario of procrastinating
at writing a term paper and then asks for a 5-point scale rating of 13 reasons
TIm USE OF SELF-REPORI' MEASURES 49
Aaulemic behaviors
Procrastination E. Rothblum, Ph.D. 38 items
Assessment Scale- Dept. of Psychology split-half
Students (PASS, University of Vermont T (prevelence) = .26
1984) Burlington, VT 05405 r (reasons) = .81
retest
r (prevelence) = .74
r (reasons) = .56
Aitken Procrastination OM. Aitken, Ph.D 19 items
Inventory (API, alpha r = .82
1982) retest r = NA
Tuckman B. Tuckman, Ph.D. 16 items
Procrastination Scale Dept. of Educational Psychology alpha r = .86
(TPS,1991) Florida State University retest r = NA
Tallahassee, FL 32306-1051
Everday, global tendencies
General c. Lay, Ph.D. 20 items
Procrastination Scale Dept. of Psychology alpha r = .82
(GP, 1986) York University retest r = .80
4700 Keele St.
North York, Ontario
Canada M3J IP3
Decisional L. Mann, Ph.D. 5 items
Procrastination Scale Dept. of Psychology alpha r = .721.80
(DP, 1982) Flinders University retest r = .62/.69
South Australia,
Australia
Adult Inventory of J. Johnson, Ph.D. 15 items
Procrastination (AlP, Department of Psychology alpha r = .79
1989) Villanova University retest r = .71
Villanova, PA 19086
The Tel-Aviv N. Milgram, Ph.D. 54 items
Procrastination Dept. of Psychology alpha r (time frame) = .91
Inventory (TAP, Tel-Aviv University alpha r (schedule) = .81
1983) Ramad Aviv, 66 retest r = NA
Israel
•Aitken's (1982) Procrastination Inventory was developed as part of a doctoral dissertation submitted to the
Department of Educational Psychology at the University of Pittsburgh, Pittsburgh, PA.
NA = information not available
50 CHAPTER 3
for procrastinating on this task. The reasons include (1) evaluation anxiety,
(2) perfectionism, (3) difficulty making decisions, (4) dependency and
help-seeking, (5) task aversiveness, (6) lack of self-confidence, (7) laziness,
(8) lack of assertion, (9) fear of success, (10) feeling overwhelmed and
poor time management, (11) rebellion against control, (12) risk-taking, and
(13) peer influence.
Psychometric Properties
Normative Data. Solomon and Rothblum (1984) based normative in-
formation on responses from 291 out of 323 university introductory psy-
chology students (222 women, 101 men)., Most students were freshmen
(81.7%) and between 18 and 21 years of age (90%). Mean scores for the
total endorsement of procrastination on the PASS were 33.53.
Reliability. Only one study reported tests of reliability for the PASS
(Ferrari, 1989a). With 116 college students enrolled in introductory psychol-
ogy, split-half (odd versus even) comparisons were performed for the
prevalence of procrastination (Part 1 subset of items) and reasons for
procrastination on an essay (Part 2). The procrastination prevalence coeffi-
cient was low (.26), perhaps because it included six different target areas,
while the essay procrastination coefficient was moderately high'(.81). Test-
retest reliability (1 month) with 99 of the origina1116 students (85.3%) was
.74 for prevalence and .56 for reasons, which may be more susceptible to
changes during a semester.
Oinical Use
To date, the PASS has not been tested with clinical populations.
Solomon and Rothblum (1984) claim that the PASS is useful to assess
the effectiveness of intervention programs on academic procrastination.
Howeve~ they do not report any data in terms of its use in treatment-
program evaluation. Future studies may examine the usefulness of the
PASS to explore academic procrastination with younger (e.g., high school
students) and older (e.g., nontraditional-age college students) popula-
tions.
52 CHAPfER3
Description
The API consists of 19 items interspersed throughout a larger body of
52 items. Each statement is rated along 5-point scales from False (1) to True
(5). Table 3-2 includes only the items that formulate the procrastination
scale.
Psychometric Properties
Normative Data. Aitken (1982) reported that the API scale was tested
against 120 freshmen and sophomore university students (62% women
and 38% men). No information was provided on their age, GPA, or other
demographics. The mean for the total procrastination scores was 46.4
(SD = 12.0).
Reliability. Coefficient alpha with the Aitken (1982) sample was .82.
No evaluations of temporal stability have been performed on the API.
proved difficult to identify from item loadings. However, these factors may
tap the two previously identified on the PASS, namely fear of failure and
task aversiveness.
Clinical Use
The API scale has only recently been evaluated with populations other
than college students. McCown and Ferrari (1995) administered the inven-
tory to 111 public high school students (78 females), mean age of 15.5, SD
= 1.1. Coefficient alpha for this population was .79, in the satisfactory
range. One month test/retest correlation was .71. No evidence regarding
validity has been obtained with high school students.
As with the PASS, this scale should be tested with younger students
in high school and with older college students. Designed to assess aca-
demic procrastination, this scale may not be appropriate with clinically
related forms of procrastination.
Purpose
The Tuckman (1991) Procrastination Scale (TPS) was developed re-
cently to detect whether undergraduates tend to procrastinate at complet-
ing college requirements. This scale provides a general index of academic
procrastination resulting from a student's ability to self-regulate or control
task schedules.
Description
The TPS is actually 16 items embedded among 35 items concerning
academic behaviors. Tuckman (1991) claimed that procrastination is caused
by a combination of one's disbelief that he or she is capable of performing
tasks well, inability to postpone gratification, and frequent assignment of
blame to external sources for life "predicaments." An initial set of 72 items
was developed to examine these aspects of procrastination. The 72-item
scale was administered to 50 college junior- and senior-education majors
(age range = 19-22) and a principle component factor analysis with
orthogonal rotation resulted in a shorter, unidimensional scale version of
16-items, 4-point scales (1 = Low; 4 = High).
Psychometric Properties
Normative Data. Tuckman (1991) reported that the median score was
2.5 out of a 4-point Likert scale alternative, as computed with the original
THE USE OF SELF-REPORT MEASURES 55
Validity. Few studies using the TPS have been conducted. In one
study, Tuckman (1991) reported data on an earlier 32-item TPS inventory. A
group of 64 upper-division education majors completed this earlier TPS
version and earned bonus points for writing weekly test items in educa-
tional psychology. Half the students received praise and positive feedback
for their test items. Rewarded students earned more points than non-
rewarded students, even with procrastination scores covaried out. Tuck-
man (1991) also found that among upper-division students (n = 183), scores
on the 16-item TPS were negatively related to self-efficacy and completing
homework (-.54).
Clinical Use
The TPS has not been evaluated with clinical populations. Tuckman
(1991) claimed it is a reliable test for identifying students with academic
problems early in their career. Future studies should include tests of
reliability (e.g., test-retest) and extensive validity assessments (e.g., with
behavioral indices and other construct measures). Research also is needed
to evaluate this measure with different populations (e.g., age, gender) and
subgroups (e.g., minority students).
Psychometric Properties
Normative Data. The inventory was constructed by asking 110
introductory-psychology students to respond to 18 true items and 18 false
items. The 20 items selected from the origina136 items were those that
were most highly interrelated. No demographic information (e.g., age,
gender ratio, race) was provided, nor was a median/mean response on the
scale.
58 CHAPTER 3
Oinical Use
The GP scale has not been tested with any clinical population. It
remains unclear how this measure would assess procrastinatory behavior
among certain pathologies. Future research should explore its use with
these populations. However, the GP scale has been tested with noncollege-
student populations. In fact, this scale has an advantage over other
measures in that it has been widely tested across settings, responses, and
THE USE OF SELF-REPORT MEASURES 61
Description
The DP scale is composed of 5 items, originally on a 3-point scale that
later was converted to a 5-point Likert scale (1 = low; 5 = high). These 5
items are embedded with 5 other decision-making styles (e.g., buck-
passing, vigilance, rationalization) for a total inventory of 31 items. The
items focusing on decisional procrastination, or indecision, address the
tendency to put off decisions by doing other tasks. Table 3-4 presents
the DP scale items.
Psychometric Properties
Normative Data. The items selected for the final version of the DP
scale were chosen from items piloted with Australian introductory-
psychology students (n = 262) using the 3-point rating scale (0 = low; 2 =
high). The mean score was 2.92 (SD = 2.16; L. Mann, personal communi-
cation, January 8, 1988).
Reliability. The DP scale has reported Cronbach alphas of .72 and. 80,
and test-retest scores (1 month) of .62 and .69 (Beswick et al., 1988; Mann,
1982).
Beswick et al., 1988; Effert & Ferrari, 1989). In one study (Ferrari, 1989b)
with 72 women and 27 men enrolled in introductory psychology at a
community college (M age = 24, SD = 6), DP scores were related to self-
handicapping (.30), low self-confidence at making decisions (- .21), and
unrelated to self-monitoring. With 119 other community-college students
(M = 24, SD = 5), DP scores were related to scores on behavioral
procrastination (.47), self-handicapping (.45 and .49), low self-esteem
(- .44), public self-consciousness (.21), and social anxiety (.38). Indecision
also has been a predictor of academic procrastination, such as delays in
submitting a term pape~ missing deadlines, and nonattendance as a
research participant (Beswick et al., 1988)
Ferrari (1991a) selected female procrastinators and nonprocrastinators
(extremely high and low scores, respectively), on two procrastination
scales, including the DP scales. In Sample 1, from among 241 women at a
public college in introductory-psychology courses, 46 procrastinators and
52 nonprocrastinators were selected. Procrastinators reported lower self-
esteem and higher public self-consciousness, social anxiety, and self-
handicapping than nonprocrastinators. In Sample 2, from among 287
women attending a liberal arts college and enrolled in introductory psy-
chology, 48 procrastinators and 54 nonprocrastinators were selected using
the same criteria as with Sample 1. Procrastinators claimed to have a less
information-oriented and more diffuse-oriented identity style than non-
procrastinators. Neither group differed significantly in verbal or abstract
intelligence.
In another study, Ferrari (1991b) selected high-scoring (n = 57) and
mE USE OF SELF-REPORT MEASURES 63
Oinical Use
To date, this scale has been used almost exclusively with nonclinical
populations (i.e., college students, primarily women) to assess their ten-
dency to be indecisive. The usefulness of this measure with clinical
populations (e.g., depressives, obsessive-compulsives) seems apparent
and worthwhile for investigation (see Ferrari & McCown, 1994). Future
researchers also may wish to include this scale to examine the cognitive
processes of indecisive and other types of individuals, including their
ability to process information quickly and how they seek information
when making decisions (Clark, Boyer, & Ferrari, 1993; Zelinsky, Ferrari, &
Dovidio, 1994). In addition, the DP scale may be an important addition to
studies designed to evaluate interventions focused on promoting decision
strategies.
Description
The AlP originally contained 16 items, but 1 item ("1 have a problem
with procrastination") was eliminated because it directly sensitizes re-
spondents to the scale's purpose. Consequently, the AW is a 15-item scale
64 CHAPTER 3
in which respondents rate the extent to which they disagree (1) or agree (5)
with each item along a Likert scale. Seven items are reverse-scored and
ratings are summed for a single-scale score. High total scores reflect a high
tendency toward diligence. Table 3-5 presents the lS-item AlP, and items
with asterisks should be reverse-scored.
In its original form, the authors constructed the inventory as a 7-point,
instead of S-point, Likert-type measure. The authors also experimented
with a 9-point scale. However, subsequent work failed to produce any
meaningful differences between the 5- and 7-point scales. Ferrari, partic-
ularly, has preferred the S-point Likert-type version because it seems more
understandable to students.
Psychometric Properties
Normative Data. Scale development involved 431 undergraduates
enrolled in lower division psychology courses in three institutions. One of
Reliability. McCown and Johnson (1989a) reported that the AlP has a
coefficient alpha of .79 (n = 40 adult students, Mage = 38.3), and retest
reliability (1 month) of .71 (n = 22 third-year medical and social-work
graduate students). Subsequent research has suggested a higher reliability
among nonstudents. McCown and Johnson (1989b) found a coefficient
alpha of .86 for a group of1lD adults (M age 37.2) and a 6-month test-retest
of .76.
Factor Analysis. McCown and Johnson (1989b) stated that the scale
was constructed out of 36 items administered to 431 undergraduates.
Items were factor analyzed using an oblique rotation producing four
factors, using the criteria of a scree test. One factor represented general
procrastination, and items loading .5 or greater were selected. One item,
which addressed procrastination directly, was dropped, and the 15 re-
maining items formed the AlP. Specific meanings of the other three factors
are unclear from the item loadings.
Clinical Use
The validity of the AlP to measure diligent behavior has been tested in
a limited number of studies. Its clinical use was illustrated in Chapter 1.
The fact that it is designed for mature, nonstudent populations makes the
scale attractive to psychologists and other behavioral scientists interested
in adult behaviors. In addition, since it seems to measure avoidance
motives for procrastination, it may be desirable to research and clinical
psychologists. Howeve~ future students need to report on the effective-
ness of the AlP with a number of target responses, clinical populations,
and experimental tasks before utility of the measure is clearly delineated.
Purpose
Sroloff (1983) developed the Tel-Aviv Procrastination (TAP) Inventory
to assess two measures of procrastination in tasks of everyday living: time
THE USE OF SELF-REPORT MEASURES 67
frame, and ease of scheduling and schedule adherence. The first investi-
gates when a person does a particular task-that is, early or late in the
respondent's personal time frame for that particular task. The second
investigates the ease with which a person schedules when to do a given
task and whether he or she adheres to the schedule once set. The first
kind of measure has been used in other procrastination scales, the second
has not.
Description
The TAP Inventory instructs respondents to rate 54 tasks twice on
4-point scales. In the time frame instructional set, respondents rate when
they do the task: promptly, fairly promptly and well before the deadline, a little on
the late side, but before the deadline, or at the last minute, if at all. In the ease of
scheduling and schedule adherence set, respondents classify themselves
as falling into one of four categories with reference to each task: promptly
schedule when to do the task and do it on schedule; delay scheduling when to do the
task, but once scheduled, do it on schedule; promptly schedule when to do the task,
but do not do it on schedule; and delay scheduling when to do the task and do not
do it on schedule. Milgram, Sroloff, and Rosenbaum (1988) found that
ratings by the two instructional sets were highly correlated (.67). They
concluded that people who schedule tasks promptly and adhere to their
schedules tend to do these tasks relatively early in their personal time
frame. The two instructional sets are not, however, equivalent. The time
frame instructional set should be used for routine purposes and the other
set should be used when differential relationships of the two instructional
sets to relevant variables are expected.
The TAP Inventory consists of 38 items on everyday tasks (e.g., doing
the dishes, paying the telephone bill), 10 work-related tasks (e.g., asking
your employer for a raise, preparing assignments at work), and 6 academic
tasks (e.g., being on time to lectures, checking your latest grades).
Psychometric Properties
Normative Data. Sroloff used an initial sample of participants for a
student project in 1983 to develop the TAP Inventory, but his honors' paper
was unavailable for this chapter. However, Milgram et al. (1988) reported
data with a second sample of 314 college students (210 women and 104
men) enrolled in introductory psychology at an Israeli university. These
students were older than traditional American college students (M age =
24.7) because of an Israeli policy of completing 3 years of compulsory
military service before one enters higher education. Mean scores for time-
68 CHAPTER 3
frame and schedule-adherence subscales were 2.1 (SD = 0.4) and 1.8 (SD
= 0.3), respectively.
Reliability. Milgram et al. (1988) report coefficient alphas of .91 and
.81 for time-frame and schedule-adherence scales, respectively. Intercorre-
lates between scales were .67. No measure of temporal stability for the TAP
inventory has been reported.
Oinical Use
The TAP Inventory was designed to assess behavioral delay in per-
forming a representative sample of tasks of everyday life and has conse-
quently been used thus far only with normal populations. It is worthwhile
to investigate its validity with clinical populations of compulsive procras-
tinators to ascertain whether procrastination generalizes across all phases
of their functioning. The authors recommend its use in research on the
relationship between daily hassles and mental and physical health out-
comes and propose that: A high daily hassle index is the direct result of
pervasive, chronic procrastination with reference to the recurring tasks of
daily life; and efficient planning and scheduling and performing on
schedule are teachable skills that will reduce procrastination and associ-
ated distress and thereby contribute to greater well-being. Both hypoth-
eses should be vigorously tested. The two TAP subscales show promise for
research and clinical assessment because they provide operationally inde-
pendent measures of inefficient time management and deficiencies in
scheduling when to do things and following through. Future studies
should undertake a factor analysis of the two TAP subscales and investi-
gate their discriminant validity in non-Israeli populations. In addition,
more and varied validity studies are needed on the TAP inventory and on
scales derived from this assessment approach.
younger children) also should be studied using the DP and TAP measures.
Only the AIP has been substantially used with clinical populations to
diagnose procrastinatory behaviors. Only the AIP has been frequently
used to evaluate the effectiveness of treatment programs to reduce procras-
tinatory behavior. (This is discussed further in Chapters 9 and 10.) Future
studies should address the utility of these scales with both clinical popula-
tions and clinical-intervention programs.
Furthermore, studies should compare and contrast these scales to
determine if any, or all, are necessary and sufficient measures of procras-
tination. Possibly, all four measures are not needed. Preliminary research
(Ferrari, 1992, 1993a) indicates that two scales assess different motives for
procrastinatory behavior, thereby suggesting they be used for different
research purposes. However, no other comparisons between or across
measures exist. It is possible that the use of an inappropriate measure
would result in erroneous conclusions, either wrongly supporting or re-
jecting one's hypothesis. Therefore, it is important to ascertain which
measure is appropriate for which target goal.
In summary, a number of self-reported measures exist on procrastina-
tory behavior. These recent measures have both research and clinical
promise. Still, further research is needed to establish their validity across
settings, behaviors, and respondents. Moreover, investigations that com-
pare and contrast these measures are needed in the literature for social!
personality and clinical psychologists.
CHAPI'ER4
ACADEMIC PROCRASTINATION
THEORETICAL NOTIONS,
MEASUREMENT, AND RESEARCH
HENRI C. SCHOUWENBURG
It has been estimated that over 70% of college students engage in procras-
tination (Ellis & Knaus, 1977). Solomon and Rothblum (1984) concluded
that academic procrastination may depend on the task: Among university
students in an introductory psychology course, 46% of students reported
procrastination when writing a term paper, 30% when reading weekly
assignments, 28% when studying for exams, 23% on attendance tasks, and
11% on administrative tasks. In addition, they examined possible causes of
academic procrastination, as perceived by students. Results indicated that
fear of failure and task aversiveness were the primary motives reported.
These motives have been replicated with Dutch university students as well
(Schouwenburg, 1992a).
The first part of this chapter will review various theoretical notions on
the manifestations and underlying psychological mechanisms of academic
procrastination. More specifically, types of procrastinatory behavior, the
issue of irrationality, the assumed relationship with fear of failure, the
nature of trait procrastination, and a presumed function of academic
procrastination, will be discussed. These aspects then will be integrated
into a working hypothesis with respect to the nature and function of the
phenomenon. In conclusion, procedures for the treatment of academic
procrastination will be suggested. In the second part of this chapter, self-
report instruments for measuring different aspects of academic procras-
71
72 CHAPTER 4
ITests of fear of failure consist largely of items referring to evaluation anxiety and test anxiety.
Although these concepts may differ in general, in educational settings they may be regarded
as identical.
74 CHAPI'ER4
same (Hays, 1973). For the subsample of high fear of failure and high
procrastination, this hypothesis was rejected (p < .05). For the remaining 8
subsamples, it was not rejected. Thus, both traits were strongly related
only in students with a high score on both trait procrastination and fear of
failure. For all other students, this relationship was close to zero.
It may be argued that students reporting both extremely high procras-
tination and fear of failure would be most likely to consult student
counselors or psychologists. In educational research, however, researchers
select participants sampled from the complete spectrum of possible values
of trait procrastination and fear of failure (Ferrari, Parke~ & Ware, 1992).
Based on the results presented earlie~ procrastination and fear of failure
are unrelated with most students. Consequently, the fact that fear of
failure and procrastination are related may be due to selective perception.
Thus, in students who have a strong habit of procrastination and who
suffer from extreme fear of failure, avoidance behavior and procrastinatory
behavior are probably identical. This is not necessarily the case in other
students. On the other hand, fear of failure or test anxiety is a respectable
phenomenon among students. As was recently noted by Covington (1993),
the test anxious student is the perfect "blameless victim." For this reason
fear of failure is, in retrospect, very well suited to serve as an explanation
for procrastinatory behavior.
In summary, there is no doubt that some procrastinators do suffer from
high levels of fear of failure. It has been estimated that 6-14% of the
procrastinating students also display high levels of fear of failure (Roth-
blum, 1990). Although exact percentages will depend on the selection
76 CHAPrER4
criteria for scores, their data can actually be taken to indicate that, for most
procrastinating students, fear of failure is rwt the main issue. Indeed, fear
of failure and procrastination are generally unrelated (Schouwenburg,
1992b). Nevertheless, strong correlations may appear, depending on the
selection of subjects. In addition, fear of failure seems to play a role as an
excuse for academic procrastination.
TABLE 4-2. Three Sets of Variables (1990-1992 Studies) for Factor Analysis
Variable n Set 1 Set 2 Set 3
Planning and time management 601 yes yes
Planning and time management (rating) 426 yes yes
Optimizing working environment 603 yes yes
Optimizing working environment (rating) 426 yes yes
Self-control 596 yes yes
Self-control (rating) 426 yes yes
Hope for success 277 yes
Fear of failure 277 yes
Inadequacy/neuroticism 278 yes
Social inadequacy 278 yes
Rigidity 278 yes
Hostility 278 yes
Egotism 278 yes
Dominance 278 yes
Self-esteem 278 yes
Depression 98 yes
Test anxiety: worry 602 yes yes yes
Test anxiety: emotionality 599 yes yes yes
Thtit procrastination 776 yes yes yes
Academic procrastination 585 yes yes
Rating academic procrastination 592 yes yes
Academic procrastination: log doing other things 413 yes
Academic procrastination: administrative tasks 731 yes yes yes
Academic procrastination: attending lectures 780 yes yes yes
Academic procrastination: preparing exams 734 yes yes yes
Academic procrastination: lack of promptness 688 yes yes yes
Academic procrastination: attending examination 781 yes yes yes
Academic procrastination: intention-behavior discrepancy 699 yes yes yes
Task aversiveness 183 yes
Lack of autonomy 183 yes
State academic procrastination: doing other things 493 yes yes
State evaluation anxiety 504 yes yes
State (low) study motivation 504 yes yes
State lack of self-discipline 323 yes
Study problems: low work discipline 783 yes yes yes
Study problems: lack of study motivation 786 yes yes yes
Study problems: fear of failure 787 yes yes yes
Study problems: study stress 785 yes yes yes
78 CHAPTER 4
a generalized trait. Consequently, its etiology has been ignored and only
symptomatic treatment in the form of improved time management and
study habit techniques has been offered. As we have shown, this state-
ment is not accurate because most authors who seek explanations of
procrastinatory behavior postulate a personality trait.
As we have seen, however, the term procrastination applies to various
phenomena. First, we can call any sample of dilatory behavior procrastina-
tion. Second, we can reserve the term for the habit of postponing things
and imply a personality trait. Third, we can also use the term procrastina-
tion for any single manifestation of the personality trait. This is the state-
trait distinction, already made by Cicero in the year 45 B.C. (Eysenck,
1993). Procrastinatory behavior appears to be diverse; by the term academic
procrastination we may designate: (1) postponing the moment one is intend-
ing to begin studying; or (2) postponing the moment that actual studying
is to begin; or (3) study intention-behavior discrepancy; or (4) doing
things other than studying.
Ellis and Knaus (1977), by observing that most procrastinators know
that they are procrastinating and yet do not manage to stop, inferred an
emotional disturbance. This emotional disturbance leads people to deni-
grate themselves, to suffer from low self-esteem, and to be depressed.
These characteristics are clearly associated with one of the most well-
known, broad personality dimensions-Neuroticism or emotional insta-
bility. In relation to academic achievement, this dimension is represented
by fear of failure. In addition, Ellis and Knaus observed that procrastina-
tors demonstrated a lack of frustration tolerance. Such a trait seems to be
characteristic of the broad personality dimension of Conscientiousness
(Costa et aI., 1991).
According to Ainslie (1992), however, procrastinating knowingly does
not necessarily imply emotional disturbance. Rather, this phenomenon is a
consequence of a general motivational mechanism that involves time delay
of future events. Consequently, procrastination is only seemingly irra-
tional. As the effects of this mechanism can be countered to a large extent
by deliberate effort, it seems probable that people characterized by traits
on the negative pole of the Conscientiousness factor (i.e., trait procrastina-
tion) are especially susceptible to this mechanism.
As Neuroticism and Conscientiousness are independent, broad per-
sonality dimensions, traits derived from these dimensions may vary freely
within a person. Consequently, both trait procrastination and fear of
failure may be present in academic procrastinators. Because academic
procrastinators who, in addition, suffer from fear of failure (Covington's
failure-avoiding students) seem to be the preeminent clients of student
counselors and clinical psychologists, such a selection of procrastinating
ACADEMIC PROCRASTINATION 83
students may have given rise to theoretical notions in which fear of failure
plays a predominant role.
Moreove~ theoretical notions on academic procrastination have been
based on attributions made by procrastinating students, of which fear of
failure appeared to be one of the favorites. In my view, attributions of
academic procrastination may serve two different goals: one is to reduce
the apparent irrationality of procrastinating knowingly, the other is to
maintain feelings of self-worth (Covington & Beery, 1976). The former goal
is served by any plausible excuse, whereas the latter goal is served by the
excuse of fear of failure par excellence (Covington, 1993). By claiming fear
of failure, a student sacrifices his chances for success in exchange for
the benefit of a respectable excuse. By doing so, the student is self-
handicapping.
MrnASUREMENT:THEDEVELOPMrnNT
OF NEW INSTRUMENTS
In the course of my research project, beginning in 1989, the develop-
ment of theoretical notions on academic procrastination was accompanied
by a process of construction of various tests for measuring academic
procrastination in its diverse manifestations. A total of 792 Dutch univer-
sity students (both genders and across age groups and study departments)
has participated in this process. They were requested to complete que~
tionnaires in exchange for free admission to academic-skills courses of
their choice. Such courses included Social Skills, Study Skills, Fear of
Failure Management, Writing Papers, Addressing an Audience, Applying
for a Job, and so on. As a consequence, subjects have been sampled from
various subpopulations of university students.
obtain reliable scales. The items, and the results of this factor analysis
(varimax rotated principal components), are displayed in Table 4-5.
Three factors accounted for 54% of the variance (n = 177). By linear
combination of the items constituting these factors, three very homoge-
neous scales were formed (Table 4-5). As expected, the first scale applied to
academic procrastinatory behavior; the correlation of this scale with trait
procrastination was .60, and with test anxiety .19. The second scale
appeared to measure fear of failure. This scale correlated .66 with test
anxiety, and .19 with trait procrastination. Finally, the third scale measured
lack of study motivation. The correlations of this scale with both trait
procrastination and fear of failure were low (.20 and .18, respectively).
The APSI and its subscales seem both reliable and valid. The procras-
tination scale produces a measure of academic procrastinatory behavior.
The items of this scale, howeve~ are a mixture of Type 1 (postponing) and
Type 3 (doing other things) procrastinatory behavior.
Factor 1: Procrastination
1. Drifted off into daydreams while studying. 0.64 0.20 0.06
2. Studied the subject matter that you had planned to do. -0.61 -0.10 -0.18
3. Had no energy to study. 0.58 0.20 0.39
4. Prepared to study at some point of time but did not get 0.70 0.22 0.26
any further.
5. Gave up when studying was not going well. 0.68 0.24 0.11
6. Gave up studying early in order to do more pleasant 0.77 -0.02 0.08
things.
7. Put off the completion of a task. 0.70 0.24 -0.05
8. Allowed yourself to be distracted from your work. 0.77 0.12 0.04
9. Experienced concentration problems when studying. 0.67 0.25 0.05
10. Interrupted studying for a while in order to do other 0.73 -0.00 0.17
things.
11. Forgot to prepare things for studying. 0.41 0.14 0.10
12. Did so many other things that there was insufficient 0.68 -0.05 0.04
time left for studying.
13. Thought that you had enough time left, so that there 0.51 0.05 0.33
was really no need to start studying.
Factor 2: Fear of failure
14. Had panicky feelings while studying 0.16 0.72 0.09
15. Had doubts about your own ability. 0.05 0.80 -0.04
16. Experienced fear of failure. 0.12 0.83 -0.01
17. Wondered why you would study if this would mean so 0.08 0.68 0.22
much trouble for you.
18. Felt tense when studying. 0.19 0.77 0.17
19. Gave up studying because you did not feel well. 0.33 0.56 0.17
Factor 3: Lack of nwtivation
20. Found the subject matter boring. 0.09 -0.13 0.81
21. Felt that you really hated studying. 0.23 0.24 0.70
22. Doubted that you should have ever taken this course. 0.13 0.27 0.63
23. Felt, when studying, that you disliked the subject. 0.12 0.11 0.86
Variance explained 33% 12% 9%
Number of items in scale 13 6 4
Coefficient alpha 0.90 0.85 0.79
ACADEMIC PROCRASTINATION 89
RESEARCH
intended or planned for study in that week, and state procrastination and
lack of study motivation, as measured by the APSI. In addition, before the
course started, trait procrastination (see Chapter 5), test anxiety (Van der
Ploeg, 1988), work discipline, and study interest were assessed. The latter
two variables were measured by the SPQ. The aim of this study was to
examine changes in study behavior over time, including academic procras-
tination, and to investigate the role of individual differences in this time
dependency. Because of the rather small number of observations, non-
parametric statistical tests were used.
First, number of hours planned for studying, number of hours actu-
ally spent studying, state procrastination, and lack of study motivation
were plotted against the number of weeks left until the next examination.
For clarity, Figure 4-1 shows only the linear trend lines for these plots. The
figure shows a decrease in academic procrastination, a decrease in
intention-behavior discrepancy with respect to hours spent studying, and
an increase in study hours both planned and studied, and also a slight
decrease in lack of study motivation, as a function of time left until
examination. In order to test for these trends, time was categorized into
32
30
28 . Pro,.__ ,.
········;:-:-:~natJon
26 ............. ....
.... ..... ....
24
....
22
20
18
16
14
12
10
8~'---'---~---'---'---'---'r---.-__. -__~
9+ 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 o
Weeks until examination
FIGURE 4-1. Time dependency of state measures (students, n = 66).
92 CHAPI'ER4
2Genera1 study progress (in hours) correlated .83 with grade in General Economics, .74 with
grade in Business Economics, and .70 with grade in Mathematics.
94 CHAPTER 4
Extra mathematics
at college
\ 0.56
Trait -0.17
L..;:.:...;....-~=-7f Work discipline
procrastination
\
0.49
Chi-square (4) = 9.63 (p=0.05)
Adjusted goodness of fit = 0.93
Planning and time
management
CONCLUSION
AcKNOWLEDGMENTS
I wish to thank Joseph R. Ferrari, DePaul University; Jan T. Groenewoud
and Willem K. B. Hofstee, Groningen University; and Carry Lay, York
University, for their helpful comments on an earlier version of this chapter.
CHAPTERS
TRAIT PROCRASTINATION,
AGITATION, DEJECTION,
AND SELF-DISCREPANCY
CLARRY H. LAY
97
98 CHAPl'ER5
person ought to possess, i.e., someone's beliefs about the duties, respon-
sibilities, and obligations for the person" (McCann & Higgins, 1988, p. 66).
Actual-ideal discrepancies are thought to involve the absence of positive
outcomes and to result in dejection-related emotions (e.g., disappointment
and shame). Actual-ought discrepancies involve the presence of negative
outcomes, or the anticipation of punishment, and result in agitation-
related emotions (e.g., fear and uneasiness). Self-discrepancy theory has
generated a great deal of research activity and support (Higgins, Bond,
Klein, & Strauman, 1986; Higgins, Klein, & Strauman, 1985; McCann &
Higgins, 1988; Moretti & Higgins, 1990; Sanchez-Bemardos & Sanz, 1992;
Strauman & Higgins, 1987, 1988).
Higgins and his associates have explored self-discrepancies primarily
within an idiographic framework. Research participants are typically
asked to list traits or attributes associated with their different self-states.
Categories of self may involve the actual self, the ideal self viewed from the
person's own perspective or from that of a significant other, and the ought
self, viewed from one's own perspective or that of a significant other. The
levels of the various self-discrepancies are derived for each subject and
related to the specified emotions, sometimes after a particular type of self-
discrepancy has been primed. To date, no mention has been made of
individual-difference variables that may be particularly related to the
tendency to experience self-discrepancies and their corresponding emo-
tions. Nevertheless, the researcher with a more nomothetic perspective
could address this question, and it is a particularly natural one for anyone
interested in trait procrastination. 'Irait procrastinators have a prepon-
derance of experiences in which their behavior does not match their
intentions, goals, and commitments. In many situations, such intentions
may reflect what one ought to be doing, producing actual-ought discrep-
ancies. In other situations, intentions reflect what one would like to do,
resulting in actual-ideal discrepancies.
At the same time, many tasks and experiences in the lives of individ-
uals involve elements of both "ought" and "ideal." For example, student
procrastinators who delay in preparing their history-course essay due in a
week's time may view the preparation as something they would ideally do,
as well as something they ought to do. Students away from home may also
put off phoning their parents, a delay which could be viewed from both an
"ideal" and an "ought" perspective. Consequently, trait procrastinators
would be expected to experience both types of discrepancies and thus be
more likely to report both dejection-related emotions and agitation-related
emotions than would nonprocrastinators.
Although both types of discrepancies may occur, one type of discrep-
TRAIT PROCRASTINATION, AGITATION, DEJECTION, AND SELF-DISCREPANCY 99
ancy may be dominant in the day-to-day life of the trait procrastinator. This
is one of the central research questions of the present chapter. It is related
to Higgins's Hypothesis 3 (1987, p. 324), which states that "if a person
possesses more than one type of self-discrepancy. . . he or she is likely to
suffer most intensely the kind of discomfort associated with whichever
type of discrepancy has the greatest magnitude." Do trait procrastinators
experience greater actual-ideal, or greater actual-ought discrepancies? By
reversing Hypothesis 3, this question can be addressed by comparing the
extent to which trait procrastinators experience agitation emotions and
dejection emotions in their everyday lives, in relation to nonprocrasti-
nators.
STUDY 1
In one study recently completed, 58 female and 13 male university
students with a median age of 21 years completed a personality inventory
that included a measure of procrastination (Lay, 1988). This scale is more
fully described in Chapter 3.
Participants also indicated how they felt on 24 emotion-labels used in
previous work by Higgins and his associates. 1 These included 6 positive
instances of agitation (e.g., anxious, worried) and 6 negative instances (e.g.,
calm, secure), along with 6 positive instances of dejection (e.g., discouraged,
ashamed) and 6 negative instances (e.g., energetic, happy). The negative
instances were reverse-scored and total agitation scores and dejection
scores were calculated. Assessments of the internal consistency of both
emotion scales led to the elimination of one emotion-label (virtuous) from
the total agitation measure. Cronbach's alpha coefficients for the resulting
ll-item agitation-related emotion scale was .89; for the 12-item dejection-
related emotion scale it was .87.
The students first made their emotion judgments at the outset of a
lecture session (T1Il\e 1) early in a summer course which met daily for 3
hours over a 3-week period. They were then asked to think about their
study and work plans for the two term tests and the two papers required in
the course. Students indicated when they planned to begin writing a paper
or studying for a test, when they planned to finish each assignment, how
many days they intended to study, and the average number of hours per
day. They also rated the amount of control they had in following all of their
plans. The questionnaire on study and work plans was immediately
followed by a second version of the affect scales (Time 2). This time, the
students were asked to rate how IIthey feel now when they think about
their study and work plans for this course."
The making of plans for their course was expected to act as a priming
procedure with different repercussions for procrastinators and nonpro-
crastinators. Higgins (1987) outlined three hypotheses (numbers 3, 4, and
5, p. 324), which concern the current or temporary accessibility of the
different types of self-discrepancies and their relation to the kinds of
discomfort experienced by the individual. The lIaccessibili~ hypotheses
11 would like to thank T'lmothy Strauman for supplying the list of emotion-labels.
TRAIT PROCRASTINATION, AGITATION, DEJECTION, AND SELF-DISCREPANCY 101
Results
The semipartial correlation coefficient between trait procrastination
and agitation emotions at Time 1, controlling for the variance in agitation
attributable to dejection emotions, was .15 (ns). The corresponding semi-
partial correlation coefficient between trait procrastination and dejection
emotions, controlling for the variance in dejection attributable to agitation
emotions, was .26 (p < .02). Thus, under relatively neutral conditions, trait
procrastinators reported experiencing higher levels of dejection, but not
agitation, compared to nonprocrastinators. At Time 2, after completing the
study-plans questionnaire, trait procrastination was unrelated to both the
dejection and the agitation-related emotions.
In this first study, trait anxiety scores were also obtained from respon-
102 CHAPTERS
dents, using a 16-item scale taken from the Jackson Personality Inventory
Gackson, 1976). As a means of contrasting agitation-related emotions and
dejection-related emotions, the relations between trait anxiety and the
emotion subscales were assessed. At Time I, the semipartial correlation
coefficient between trait anxiety and agitation was .36 (p < .001); the
corresponding coefficient between trait anxiety and dejection was .06 (ns).
These results clearly distinguished the two emotion-related scales (which
were, nevertheless, highly related to one another-r = .66), and provided
evidence for their conceptually independent validity.
After making their plans, students indicated how much control they
had in following them. This perceived level of control was unrelated to
either agitation or dejection emotions at Time I, as would be expected, but
was related at Time 2 to dejection emotions (semipartial r = .32, P < .003).
Students perceiving greater control over their study plans reported experi-
encing lower levels of dejection.
The relation between trait procrastination and dejection under rela-
tively neutral conditions at Time 1 was not repeated at Time 2. The making
of plans for the course at Time 2 was expected to prime the more accessible
self-discrepancies experienced by procrastinators. It did not appear to do
so. Rather, the act of making plans may have countered the everyday
dejection experienced by many of the procrastinators. It may have pro-
vided a structure to their academic pursuits, and removed them from
future concerns based on past behavior. Perceived control over study plans
was now the important factor-for that moment, at least.
STUDY 2
In a second study, the participants were 57 female and 22 male
university students with a median age of 21 years. They completed the
agitation-emotions and dejection-emotions scales used in Study 1 on three
occasions. The first occasion was at the outset of their second-year psychol-
ogy course, rating "how they had felt during the past week" (Time 1). The
second time was 2 weeks prior to their final examination. Students com-
pleted an in-class questionnaire about their plans for studying for the final
examination in the course. They indicated when they intended to begin
studying, and the number of days and the total number of hours they
planned to study. They were also asked to predict their future "actual"
behavior, a question which follows from the distinction between intentions
and expectations made by Warshaw and Davis (1985) and Gordon (1989).
Following this, the students were asked to complete the agitation- and
dejection-affect scales concerning "how they feel now" (Time 2). Finally, 2
weeks later, immediately after completing their examination, they were
TRAIT PROCRASTINATION, AGITATION, DE}ECflON, AND SELF-DISCREPANCY 103
asked to indicate Hhow they feel now when they think about their study
behavior for this exam" (Time 3).
Results
As in Study 1, under relatively neutral conditions at Time 1, trait
procrastination was positively related to dejection-related emotions (semi-
partial r = .22, P < .02). 'D:ait procrastination was also related to agitation
(semipartial r = .22, P < .02). Consistent with Study 1, at Time 2, after
making study plans, trait procrastination was unrelated to both dejection
emotions and agitation emotions. Finally, at Time 3, after the final exam-
ination, procrastinators reported experiencing higher levels of dejection
(semipartial r = .22, P < .05), but not agitation. At Time 3, students also
completed a 6-item scale assessing the frequency with which they had
engaged in 6 behaviors representing delay in studying. These items were
adapted from Schouwenburg (1992). Sample items include: HI watched TV
or listened to music when I should have been studying"; HI prepared to
study at some point but did not get any further"; HI gave up studying early
in order to do more pleasant things." Responses were made on as-point
scale which ranged from Never (1) to Very Often (5). The item responses
were summed to form a procrastinatory-behavior scale with a Cronbach's
alpha of .79. Scores on this procrastinatory-behavior scale provided the
opportunity to examine the relations between such self-reported behavior
and affect, as opposed to the earlier assessments of the associations
between affect and trait procrastination.
Higher levels of self-reported procrastinatory behavior during the
study period were associated with higher dejection emotions after the
examination (semipartial r = .37, P < .001), but not with higher agitation.
Thus, the measures of trait procrastination and procrastinatory behavior
were linked to affect in comparable ways at Time 3, although the behavioral
measure accounted for more than twice the variance.
STUDY 3
In a third assessment of the relations between trait procrastination and
agitation and dejection, data gathered but not reported in Lay (1990) were
examined. The participants, 50 females and 20 males, had provided
emotion ratings about their ongoing personal projects (Little, 1983). This
sample, drawn from a college devoted to part-time students, ranged in age
from 20-61 years, with a median age of 34.
A version of Little's (1983) Personal Projects Analysis questionnaire
was administered at the outset of the study. Respondents were asked to list
104 0IAPTER5
Results
With short-term, self-imposed projects, trait procrastination was re-
lated to dejection-related emotions (semipartial r = .27, n = 56, P < .03)
and unrelated to agitation. With short-term projects, mutual or other-
imposed, procrastination was again related to dejection (semipartial r =
.30, n = 54, P < .03), and unrelated to agitation. With long-term, self-
imposed projects the results were unique. Procrastination was now nega-
tively related to dejection (semipartial r = - .39, n = 44, P < .01). Procras-
tination was unrelated to agitation emotions with such projects. Finally,
TRAIT PROCRASTINXI10N, AGIT.AJION, DEJECTION, AND SELF-DISCREPANCY 105
STUDY 4
Scores on trait procrastination and ratings on the Positive and Nega-
tive Affect Scales (PANAS) developed by Watson, Clark, & Tellegen (1988)
were available from other studies that we have conducted (Lay, 1992, Study
Ii and three sets of unpublished data obtained for various reasons). With a
reinterpretation of the affect scales, these data provided an additional
source in examining the relations between trait procrastination and agita-
tion and dejection.
The participants combined across the data sets were 268 female and
159 male university students enrolled in various undergraduate psychology
courses. Their ages ranged from 18-48 years, with a median age of 21 years.
The PANAS consists of 10 positive-emotion items and 10 negative-
emotion items. Some of the emotion terms were reassigned to an agitation-
106 CHAPTER 5
21 would like to thank Usa Feldman for her assistance in allocating the 20 PANAS emotions to
the agitation-related emotion and dejection-related emotion scales. The label "excited"
appears on the PANAS and could have been assigned to the agitation subscale. In Feldman's
unpublished data, the term appears to be interpreted by university students as sexual
excitement, however. The internal consistency of the agitation subscale with "excited"
included was found to decrease the value of Cronbach's alpha. The corrected item-total
scale correlation coefficient for this emotion was .07, compared to the next lowest value of T =
.45. Of additional interest, given the overlap between the positive-emotion subscale of the
PANAS and the newly derived agitation subscale, the inclusion of "excited" in the assess-
ment of the internal consistency of the positive subsca1e did not reduce Cronbach's alpha,
and the item-total scale value was T = .52. This would suggest that the agitation scale was
not simply the positive scale of the PANAS reflected and renamed.
TRAIT PROCRASTINATION, AGITATION, DEJECTION, AND SELF-DISCREPANCY 107
CROSS-CULTURAL CONSIDERATIONS
31 would like to thank Sophia 1iivilas of the University of Crete for obtaining the data, George
Mamalakis for translating the scales, and Catherine Vamakas-Lay for the back-translation.
TRAIT PROCRASTINATION, AGITATION, DEJECI1ON, AND SELF-DISCREPANCY 109
tors will be East Asians, thereby involving cultures that are heavily
characterized by their collectivistic or interdependent nature. In the mean-
time, these initial results with the Greek sample lend more credibility to
our interpretation of the North American sample as bounded by actual-
ideal self discrepancies.
selves, which in tum are equal to their future selves. Individuals exhibit-
ing these patterns were expected to experience high levels of distress,
although the type of dejection-related emotions would differ. Pattern 2
individuals were characterized by Hfeeling weak" and Pattern 4 individuals
by Hfeeling despondent." Our research has not yet examined the Hcan" self
and the Hfuture" self, but I would expect that procrastinators would be
most characterized by Pattern 2-the chronic perception of failing to meet
one's potential.
In examining the relations of affect to trait procrastination, other
theoretical perspectives may be considered. One of the most applicable is
the self-regulation theory of Carver and Scheier (1990). People monitor
their behavior with reference to what they want, making adjustments in
behavior in line with their goals. The key to this adjustment is the
recognition of discrepancies between current actions and specific inten-
tions. Behavior is guided by a desire to reduce such discrepancies. Parallel
to this monitoring system is a second feedback process which concerns the
110 CHAPTERS
rate at which one's behavior is moving toward the goal (Carver & Scheier,
1990). This rate of progress is compared with some standard, resulting in a
second perceived discrepancy in which progress is less than, greater than,
or equal to the standard. Carver and Scheier (1990) suggest that affect is an
outcome of this second feedback process, whereby progress less than the
standard is associated with negative affect and progress greater than the
standard with positive affect.
In general, the trait procrastinator probably has standards of progress
that are comparable to the nonprocrastinator. I say this based on the
finding that, for the most part, the temporal intentions of the two seldom
differ. It is their actions that differ. Thus, trait procrastinators would be
expected to experience higher levels or greater frequencies of the "rate-of-
progress" discrepancy in the Carver and Scheier (1990) model. The conse-
quences would be negative affect. This expectation was confirmed in a
reanalysis of the data presented in Study 4. Putting the confounding of
agitation and depression aside, the emotion ratings on the PANAS (Wat-
son, Clark, & Tellegen, 1988) were rescored according to the original
positive- and negative-affect subscales. 'frait procrastination was positively
related to negative affect (r = .23) experienced "during the past week."
Recall that Studies 1 and 2 reported that trait procrastination was unrelated
to agitation emotions and to dejection emotions when students were asked
to formulate their study intentions. At that point, discrepancies in rate-of-
progress were either irrelevant, because only intentions were considered,
or they were anticipated to be nil. A rate of progress consistent with one's
standard has no impact on affect (Carver & Scheier, 1990). The earlier
results are therefore consistent with the theory. When students were asked
to indicate how they felt when they thought about their study plans, they
experienced no discrepancy, and thus no systematic link between affect
and trait procrastination was observed.
behavior serves to lessen this anxiety. Thus, putting off working on some
tasks may be viewed as avoidance behavior designed to circumvent
heightened-state anxiety. This would be a specific example of the role of
negative affect in self-destructive behavior, a line of inquiry now popular in
psychological literature (e.g., Baumeister & Scher, 1988).
Our own research provides no support for this view. In the research
described above trait procrastination was unrelated to agitation at the point
of making course plans. Lay, Edwards, Parker, and Endler (1989) assessed
high school students 1 week and 1 day prior to their final examination
period and found no relation between trait procrastination and state
anxiety. In unpublished data within our program, students were asked to
indicate their typical intentions of when they would plan to engage in a
variety of 21 everyday tasks, and then to indicate when they would actually
carry out the tasks. They also rated their level of state anxiety when
thinking about each task. Although trait procrastination was associated
with larger intention-behavior temporal gaps, procrastination was unre-
lated to state anxiety. To date, then, we have no evidence to indicate that
trait procrastinators, compared to nonprocrastinators, experience higher
levels of state anxiety in task-related endeavors. Since they do not experi-
ence greater state anxiety, this variable cannot be used to explain their
greater frequencies of dilatory behavior.
Popular thought about procrastinators also includes an arousal-
seeking interpretation (Burka & Yuen, 1983). Some trait procrastinators
deliberately postpone that which is necessary until the last minute,
thereby providing themselves with a "pleasurable rush" as they scramble
to the deadline. You will be most likely to hear this reasoning from
procrastinators themselves. There is no doubt that the role of deadlines is
important in guiding behavior, but as of yet there is no direct assessment of
the thrill-seeking interpretation. In one indirect study (Ferrari, 1992c),
factor analyses indicated that scores on my general procrastination scale
(Lay, 1986) loaded with sensation-seeking measures. The "rush" reported
by these procrastinators may be positive, but I would argue that the
dilatory behavior that preceded it was due to other factors-factors such as
perceived-task aversiveness.
In other unpublished data that we recently obtained, students made
judgments about their typical intentions and behaviors across 21 everyday
tasks. rrait procrastinators self-reported greater intention-behavior gaps.
Across participants, levels of positive affect (the lack thereof an index of
depression) were unrelated to the expression of dilatory behavior. Thus,
moderate levels of dejection may not be causally linked to the frequent
occurrence of procrastination. Negative affect was also unrelated.
In conclusion, the evidence to date suggests that affect, per se, plays a
112 0iAPTER5
AcKNOWLEDGMENTS
The research reported in this chapter was partially supported by a grant
from the Social Science and Humanities Research Council of Canada
(410-89-0646).
CHAPTER 6
DIMENSIONS OF
PERFECTIONISM AND
PROCRASTINATION
GORDON L. FLETT, PAUL L. HEWITT,
AND THOMAS R. MARTIN
113
114 CHAPTER 6
Cases studies such as these not only highlight the close conceptual link
between procrastination and heightened evaluative standards, they also
illustrate the severe problems in daily functioning that can accompany
procrastination and perfectionism.
The observations outlined indicate that perfectionism and dilatory
tendencies are closely related. The purpose of the present chapter is to
examine in detail the proposed association between perfectionism and
116 0iAPTER6
Flett, Hewitt, Blankstein, & Koledin, 1991). Both perfectionists and pro-
crastinators endorse beliefs involving the need for high levels of perfor-
mance and the need to avoid social disapproval.
Perfectionism and procrastination are also similar in that they are
associated with elements of Type A behavior. Flett, Hewitt, BIankstein,
and Dynin (1994) have shown that different aspects of the perfectionism
construct correspond to aspects of the Type A construct, while Effert and
Ferrari (1989) have shown that procrastinators exhibit Type A characteris-
tics, such as speed and impatience. Perhaps the most noteworthy charac-
teristic that is common to both constructs is the association with fear of
failure. In the case study described previously, Pacht (1984) alluded to a
link between perfectionism and fear of failure. A recent study on perfec-
tionism and self-actualization confirmed that perfectionism and fear of
failure are closely linked (see Flett, Hewitt, Blankstein, & Mosher, 1991).
Other studies have shown that perfectionism is associated with a variety of
specific fears (Blankstein, Flett, Hewitt, & Eng, 1993) and chronic worry
(Meyer, Miller, Metzger, & Borkovec, 1990).
Similarly, many authors in the procrastination literature have dis-
cussed procrastination in achievement contexts and and in the context of
excessive concern with failure (see Burka & Yuen, 1983; Ellis & Knaus,
1977; Rorer, 1983; Rothblum, 1990; Schouwenburg, 1992a; Solomon &
Rothblum, 1984).
DIsTINGUISHING FEATURES
Overall, then, two out of five studies that have treated the perfection-
ism construct as a unidimensional construct did report evidence of a
substantial positive association between perfectionism and procrastina-
tion. Regarding the two studies that did obtain a link between perfection-
ism and procrastination, it is worth noting that the results may be due to
the presence of social-evaluation anxiety as a contributing factor. In their
paper, Solomon and Rothblum (1984) reported that the perfectionism item
loaded significantly on a factor that also included an evaluation-anxiety
item. Similarly, the obtained association between perfectionism and pro-
crastination that was reported by Ferrari (1992b) could be due to the fact
that the perfectionism measure in that study was the BPS (Bums, 1980),
and this perfectionism scale includes item content that reflects a fear of
negative evaluation.
fectionism. What factors account for this difference? Perhaps the most
logical explanation is that the MPS measure includes a salient motivational
component that is lacking from the BPS (see Hewitt & Flett, 1990, 1991b, for
related discussions). Individuals with high standards, who are actively
striving to meet these standards, do not appear to exhibit procrastinatory
tendencies. Procrastination is only exhibited by those individuals who
value perfect performance but lack the required intrinsic motivation and
self-determination to attain these standards. These findings suggest that
an analysis of related differences in motivational orientations may further
our understanding of the nature of procrastination.
The need to distinguish self-oriented and socially prescribed perfec-
tionism was demonstrated clearly in a recent investigation by Martin, Flett,
and Hewitt (1993). A sample of 178 college students completed the MPS
and Lay's GPS. Subjects also completed the Generalized Expectancies of
Success Scale (Fibel & Hale, 1978) because we wanted to test the possibility
that self-expectancies moderate the link between perfectionism and pro-
crastination. This hypothesis stems from self-regulation models and self-
efficacy models, which postulate that maladaptive responses are espe-
cially likely to be present if an individual with perfectionistic standards
also is characterized by a tendency to be self-critical or a tendency to be
pessimistic about outcomes involving the self (Bandura, 1986; Kanfer &
Hagerman, 1981).
Consistent with Flett et al. (1992), correlation analyses revealed that
greater procrastination was associated with higher levels of socially pre-
scribed perfectionism. In addition, procrastination and socially prescribed
perfectionism were both associated with negative self-expectancies. Anal-
yses with the other perfectionism dimensions revealed that there was a
significant negative correlation between procrastination and self-oriented
perfectionism.
Predictions that were derived indirectly from self-regulation models
(Bandura, 1986; Kanfer & Hagerman, 1981) were tested in this study by
treating trait procrastination as the outcome variable in a hierarchical-
regression analysis. These self-regulation models suggest that responses
to self-evaluation follow from the joint consideration of perfectionistic
standards and other variables involving the self, such as self-expectancies
and self-evaluations. According to these models, the most negative re-
sponses are likely to be exhibited by perfectionistic individuals with
negative views of the self. Evidence for this view was obtained by Martin et
al. (1993). Initially, a predictor block comprised of the three MPS variables
was entered into the equation to predict levels of procrastination. This
predictor block was highly significant and accounted for 13% of the
variance in procrastination scores (F change = 8.67, P < .01). Interestingly,
126 CHAPTER 6
15~------------------------------------------1
14
z 13
0
~
z 12
~
0
11
0
II:
Q.
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~
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9
7
Low High
are consistent with the view that procrastination may be a response to the
expectation that parents will respond to self-characteristics in a harsh and
controlling manner.
Unfortunately, the Frost et al. (1990) measures of parental expectan-
cies and parental criticism provide combination scores that do not permit
comparisons of the respective roles of maternal versus paternal expecta-
tions. Thus, in the present instance, it is not possible to establish which
parent contributes the most to perfectionism and procrastination. Separate
lines of investigation on familial factors in perfectionism and familial
factors in procrastination do not provide a clear picture as to which parent
is perceived as responsible for these tendencies. In terms of perfectionism,
Frost, Lahart, and Rosenblate (1991) examined parental influences with a
sample of female college students and their parents. They concluded that
mothers were mostly responsible for perfectionism in their daughters.
Flett, Hewitt, and Singer (in press) examined this issue from another
perspective by administering the MPS (Hewitt & Flett, 1991b) and a new
measure of parental authority style (Buri, 1991) to a sample of 50 male
college students and 50 female college students. It was found that socially
prescribed perfectionism was associated with an authoritarian, overcon-
trolling parenting style on the part of both parents. However, this associa-
tion between socially prescribed perfectionism and authoritarian parent-
ing was present for men but not for women.
As for procrastination, Ferrari and Olivette (1994) administered two
measures of procrastination and the identical measure of parental author-
ity style (Buri, 1991) to a sample of 84 female college students. This study
with college women showed that authoritarian parenting on the part of
fathers was associated with procrastination among daughters. Taken to-
gether, these studies suggest that maladaptive parenting styles may con-
tribute to perfectionism and procrastination, but the respective roles of the
mother versus the father need to be clarified.
Some additional insight on the role of parental influences in perfec-
tionism and procrastination was provided in a recent study by Voicu (1993),
who conducted a more detailed analysis of the positive association be-
tween procrastination and socially imposed standards of perfectionism
from parental figures. In this investigation, measures of perfectionism and
procrastination were included as part of a larger study on family environ-
ment variables that may contribute to the development of procrastination.
A sample of 133 college students completed multiple measures of procras-
tination. The procrastination measures included a measure of general
procrastination (Lay, 1986) and Solomon and Rothblum's (1984) original
measure of academic procrastination. In its original form, the Solomon and
Rothblum scale provides measures of the frequency of academic procras-
DIMENSIONS OF PERFECTIONISM AND PROCRASTINATION 129
Voicu, 1993), while other evidence highlights the role of the father (e.g.,
Ferrari & Olivette, 1994). Procrastination is associated not only with the
presence of social standards of perfectionism, but also with a relative lack
of personal standards of perfection. Finally, as indicated by our regression
analyses, an individual is especially high in the tendency to procrastinate
if this low level of self-oriented perfectionism and goal-directed behavior is
accompanied by a pessimistic view of one's chances for success.
1992). In this study, 146 subjects who varied in trait levels of procrastination
and perfectionism were contacted and told that they would be asked to
complete some questionnaires on two occasions separated by a 2-week
interval. At Time 1, subjects completed various measures, including the
MPS (Hewitt & Flett, 1991b), a measure of general procrastination (Lay,
1986), and a measure of optimism. In addition, because the study had a
health focus, subjects at Time 1 were asked under a pretext to complete a
self-report checklist of their fluid consumption over a 3-day period. It was
left up to each subject tp determine when, during the 2-week period, they
would complete the checklist. However, they were informed that they
should return the form at some point before their next appointment
because the experimenter wanted to begin preliminary analyses of the
data. The behavioral dependent measure was how long it took the subject
to return the fluid-consumption checklist. The situation itself involved
relatively low ego threat because subjects were not to be queried about
their fluid consumption, and there was no way for the experimenter to
discern whether the measure had been completed in a truthful and
accurate fashion. This situation was not very threatening in the sense that
there was little focus on self-evaluation or related concerns.
Table 6-3 is based on the results of a regression analysis with behav-
ioral procrastination as the outcome measure (i.e., length of time to return
the checklist). The five personality variables (i.e., procrastination, self-
oriented perfectionism, other-oriented perfectionism, socially prescribed
perfectionism, and optimism) were entered simultaneously in a predictor
block. The five personality measures predicted a Significant 12% of the
variance in the behavioral measure (F change = 11.85, P < .01). Examina-
tion of the individual measures within the predictor block confirmed that
the self-report measure of procrastination was able to predict the measure
10~----------------------------------------------~
4~----------------------~----------------------~
Low High
OPTIMISM
18~--------------------------------------------~
16
14
12
w
a: 10
~
i5 8
III
O~---------------------r--------------------~
Low High
TRAIT PROCRASTINATION
SUMMARY
In our estimation, there is an important lesson to be learned by the
recent research on perfectionism and procrastination. Historically, the
procrastination and perfectionism literature has been characterized by
anecdotal reports and descriptions that emphasized the perfectionistic
tendencies of procrastinating individuals. This view went unchallenged
for many years and seems to have been accepted as fact by authors of
books for the lay public. No attempts were made to explicate the nomologi-
cal network of the perfectionism or procrastination construct and the
hypothesized associations between these traits. However, as illustrated in
the present chapter, a multidimensional approach that relies on empirical
evidence rather than speculation suggests that the link between perfec-
tionism and procrastination is rather complex-one element of perfection-
ism is related positively to procrastination, but another element of perfec-
tionism is related negatively to procrastination. This pattern of findings
may have great significance for an understanding of the nature of procras-
tination; these two perfectionism dimensions differ not only in terms of
their links with procrastination, but also in terms of their association with
measures of motivational orientations, control beliefs, and generalized
expectancies (see Hewitt & Flett, 1991b). The recent research findings on
procrastination and perfectionism lead us to believe that future research
on the more speculative aspects of procrastination and perfectionism will
also confirm some descriptive observations, but it promises to disconfirm
other observations.
CHAPTER 7
PROCRASTINATION, NEGATIVE
SELF-EVALUATION, AND STRESS
IN DEPRESSION AND ANXIETY
A REVIEW AND PRELIMINARY MODEL
137
138 0iAPTER7
reported that this patient was severely depressed and apathetic. One of his
chief presenting problems was chronic procrastination. Detailed examina-
tion of this individual suggested a close link between procrastination and
negative self-referent thoughts. This patient was described as suffering
from '~ . . a fundamental perception of the self as a powerless child
victimized by powerful and malicious adult figures" (p. 518). This case
study is consistent with the belief that individuals who are characterized
by extreme levels of procrastination suffer from exceedingly negative self-
concepts that generalize across life domains.
The chief purpose of the present chapter is to summarize extant
research on procrastination and maladjustment. The chapter is organized
into three sections. The first section consists of a brief review of past and
current research on procrastination and maladjustment, with a particular
emphasis on research showing that most procrastinators suffer from a
tendency to evaluate the self in a negative manner. This section focuses on
contemporary research on procrastination in anxiety and depression, as
well as work on procrastination and the self-concept. The second section
contains a description of research in our laboratory on procrastination, life
stress, and adjustment. This research identifies the robust link between
procrastination and life stress. Finally, in the third section, we conclude by
discussing the available evidence within the context of a preliminary
model of procrastination and maladjustment.
Meyer, Miller, Metzger, & Borkovec, 1990), the Student Worry Scale (SWS;
Davey, Hampton, Farrell, & Davidson, 1992), and the Worry Domains
Questionnaire (WDQ; Tallis, Eysenck, & Mathews, 1992). The PSWQ
provides a single measure that reflects the frequency and intensity of
pathological worry in general, without reference to specific content areas
(Le., "My worries overwhelm me." "Once I start worrying, I can't stop. H).
The SWS is 10-item scale that assesses specific worries in 10 life domains
(e.g., financial concerns, personal relationships, academic demands). The
SWS provides a single score of worry frequency. Finally, the WDQ pro-
vides a total score and subscale scores of worry in 5 domains: relationships
(Le., "That I will lose close friends"), lack of confidence (Le., "That I might
make myself look stupid"), aimless future (Le., "That life may have no
purpose"), work incompetence (Le., "That I don't work hard enough"),
and financial worries (Le., "That my money will run out"). The inclusion of
the WDQ in our study enabled us to examine procrastination and worry
across several life domains.
The results of our correlational analyses are shown in Table 7-2.
Several interesting fmdings emerged. As in other studies, procrastination
was associated with greater depression and worry in terms of test anxiety.
However, additional results showed that findings were not identical with
all of the worry measures. There was no significant association between
procrastination and the general measure of pathological worry. In contrast,
It is our belief that the link between procrastination and poor psycho-
logical adjustment reflects a tendency for procrastinators to have a negative
self-concept. Another line of research in our laboratory has established that
a set of core negative beliefs about the self account for the tendency to
experience high levels of test anxiety (Blankstein & Flett, 1990; Blankstein,
Flett, Boase, & Toner, 1990; Blankstein, Flett, Watson, & Koledin, 1990;
Blankstein, Toner, & Flett, 1989). Because procrastinators suffer from
excessive worry in evaluative contexts, it follows that they should also have
negative views of the self.
Examination of the extant literature reveals numerous indications that
procrastinators do indeed suffer from a negative self-concept in the form of
the perception of many negative attributes. Research has established that
procrastinators suffer from low self-esteem (Effert & Ferrari, 1989; Ferrari,
1991a) and they tend to denigrate themselves (Muszynski & Akamatsu,
1991). Procrastinators also report lower self-efficacy (Ferrari, Parker, &
Ware, 1992; Tuckman, 1991) and a diminished sense of personal resource-
fulness (Rothblum et al., 1986). In addition, procrastinators report higher
levels of self-consciousness (Ferrari, 1991a; McCann, Moretti, & Gavin,
1986) and self-handicapping (Ferrari, 1991a,b,c). Self-handicapping repre-
sents a general tendency on the part of the procrastinator to engage in
protective forms of self-presentation by providing an excuse that justifies
negative outcomes.
The pervasive association between procrastination and a negative self-
concept has been documented in several recent studies by Ferrari (1991a, b,
1992b). For example, Ferrari (1991a) compared 46 female procrastinators
with 52 female nonprocrastinators on a variety of self-concept measures. It
was found that the procrastinators had significantly higher levels of public
144 CHAPrER7
complete the BOI (Beck et al,. 1979) and the BAI (Beck et al., 1988). We
included measures of anxiety and depression symptoms for two reasons.
First, we wanted to establish whether the link between procrastination and
the negative self is still detectable after removing variance due to levels of
psychological adjustment. We wanted to rule out the possibility that the
link between procrastination and the negative self is solely due to the fact
that both are associated with poor psychological adjustment. Second, we
wanted to examine the association between procrastination and depres-
sion after removing variance due to anxiety, as well as the association
between procrastination and anxiety after removing variance due to de-
pression. It is widely acknowledged that anxiety and depression are
highly correlated in various populations (see Kendall & Watson, 1989;
Vredenburg et al., 1993). Partial correlation analyses enabled us to address
the issue of whether the psychological problems of procrastinators stem
primarily from a disappointment about the self in the form of depression
or a concern about threats in the future in the form of anxiety. The BAI
(Beck et al., 1988) is particularly appropriate for testing this issue because
its cont~nt has minimal overlap with the BOI (Beck et al., 1979) and it has
adequate psychometric properties when used with college students (Bor-
den, Peterson, & Jackson, 1991).
The results provided further evidence of a pervasive association be-
tween procrastination and unfavorable ratings of various self-concept
dimensions. Procrastinators tended to exhibit a greater tendency toward
self-concealment, greater self-handicapping, low self-esteem, and a more
negative self-concept as assessed by the Beck Self-Concept test (BSCS; see
Table 7-3). Separate analyses with the subscales of the BSCS test showed
that procrastinators are especially negative in terms of self-appraisal of
work efficacy. However, they also have negative views of their intellectual
ability and physical appearance. It is important to note that the response
key of the BSCS test asks respondents to compare their own attributes to
the attributes of similar others. In essence, then, procrastinators are
making negative social comparisons in the domains of work, intellect, and
appearance. The tendency to make negative social comparisons across a
variety of domains is a common characteristic of people who are prone to
depression (Brewin & Furnham, 1986; Crocker, Alloy, & Kayne, 1988;
Swallow & Kuiper, 1988; Tabachnik, Crocker, & Alloy, 1983) and there is
some evidence to suggest that social comparison is relevant to an under-
standing of procrastination (see Ferrari, 1992b).
The results displayed in Table 7-4 represent evidence that these asso-
ciations between procrastination and the negative self do not simply reflect
the common variance between depression and a negative self-concept. A
hierarchical regression analysis was conducted with procrastination as the
148 CHAPTER 7
should experience greater stress because they suffer from low perceptions
of self-control and self-efficacy. In addition, it is quite likely that procras-
tinators are preoccupied with the possibility of encountering aversive
stimuli. Stressful situations may come in the form of unrealistic social
expectations and punitive reactions of others to their own failure to
complete tasks (Flett, Blankstein, Hewitt, & Koledin, 1992). A key aspect of
the stress-appraisal process is the expectation that aversive experiences are
about to be experienced (Girodo & Roehl, 1978; Girodo & Stein, 1978;
Shipley, Butt, & Horwitz, 1979; Spacapan & Cohen, 1983). The procrastina-
tor's tendency to anticipate failure and to worry about problems in many
life domains should translate into higher levels of perceived stress.
Our second hypothesis was that procrastination interacts with life
stress to produce significantly higher levels of poor psychological adjust-
ment. Indirect evidence for the second hypothesis was provided by McCown
et al. (1989). Their principal-components analysiS identified one group of
procrastinators who were characterized simultaneously by high levels of
procrastination, depression, neuroticism, and a sense of time loss. The
time-loss measure may be interpreted as a sign of stress in that this scale
measures the subjective feeling that time is out of one's control and the
organization of time is a common source of stress among students (Blanks-
tein, Flett, & Koledin, 1991). These data prOvide support, albeit indirect, for
the existence of a group of procrastinators with high levels of stress and
depressive symptoms. McCown et al. (1989) did not examine whether
levels of procrastination and stress due to time loss interact multiplicatively
to produce higher levels of depressive symptomatology because this was
not the purpose of their study. Thus, it remains to be determined whether
the interaction of procrastination and stress factors accounts for a signifi-
cant degree of unique variance in depression scores.
The research that we have conducted to test this issue has focused
primarily on the procrastinators' appraisals of daily-life stressors. One of
the most important developments in stress research over the past decade is
the proliferation of studies on daily-life hassles and adaptational outcomes.
The impetus for much of this work was prOvided by Kanner and associates
(Kanner, Coyne, Schaefer, & Lazarus, 1981). These researchers developed
the Hassles Scale, a measure of lithe irritating, frustrating, distressing
demands that to some degree characterize everyday transactions with the
environment" (Kanner et al., 1981, p. 3). Whereas past research in this area
focused on the experience of major life stress (e.g., Monroe, 1983; Sarason,
Johnson, & Siegel, 1978), the Hassles Scale consists of 117 minor stressors
that occur on a frequent basis. Hassles may involve such minor occurrences
as losing things, financial concerns, and even getting a traffic ticket.
PROCRASTINATION IN DEPRESSION AND ANXIETY 151
Respondents to the Hassles Scale are asked to note the occurrence and rate
the severity of these daily-life hassles.
There is now extensive evidence of a significant relation between self-
reported hassles and poor psychological and physical adjustment (e.g.,
Chamberlain & Zika, 1990; Delongis, Coyne, Dakof, Folkman, & Lazarus,
1982; Kanner et al., 1981). Furthermore, some studies have demonstrated
that daily hassles are more predictive of self-reported adjustment diffi-
culties than are traditional measures of major life events (e.g., Delongis et
al., 1982; Kanner et al., 1981; Monroe, 1983).
Research in our laboratory with a variety of measures provides sup-
port for the first hypothesis-namely, that procrastinators are charac-
terized by higher levels of stress. In one sample, we administered Lay's
(1986) CPS and measures of daily hassles, life events, and perceived stress
to a sample of 135 college students (54 men, 81 women). Specifically,
subjects completed the revised Hassles and Uplifts Scale (Delongis, Folk-
man, & Lazarus, 1988), the Life Experiences Survey (LES; Sarason et al.,
1978), and the Perceived Stress Scale (PSS; Cohen, Kamarck, & Mermel-
stein, 1983). The revised Hassles and Uplifts Scale is comprised of 53 daily
events that can represent a source of daily pleasure or daily irritation.
Subjects rate each item as both a daily uplift and a hassle. The LES
measures the impact of positive life events and negative life events. The
student version, which was used in the present study, describes 55 life
experiences. It also provides five blank items for respondents to list recent
experiences which had an impact on their lives but are not included among
the 55 life experiences. Respondents are required to indicate which of the
events had occurred within the past year and to rate the impact of these
events on a 7-point scale ranging from Extremely Negative to Extremely
Positive. The measures of positive and negative life stress represent the
intensity of the events that have occurred during the past year, as deter-
mined by the subject'S subjective rating of experienced events. The PSS is a
14-item measure of self-reported stress during the past month. It has items
that assess subjective distress (i.e., "In the last month, how often have you
felt that you were unable to control the important things in your life?") and
items that assess stress due to an inability to cope (i.e., "In the last month,
how often have you felt that you were effectively coping with the impor-
tant changes that were occurring in your life?") (Hewitt, Flett, & Mosher,
1992).
The results of this study are shown in Table 7-5 (see Sample 1).
Analyses of the data from the total sample showed that procrastination was
associated with significantly higher levels of daily hassles, negative life
events, and perceived stress. Procrastination was not associated with the
152 CHAPrER7
16
14
12
z 10
Q
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w 8
IX:
D..
...
W
0
6
0
Low High
120
110
> 100'
~
~
90
~
~
~
80
~
rl.
70
.....
~ 60
w
zw
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40
30
Low High
Early
attachment Well-
experiences adjusted
Procrastination
and
avoidance
"infants could bejdentified. Securely attached infants feel that caregivers are
loving and responsive. They believe that others will be a reliable source of
comfort in stressful situations. In contrast, insecurely attached infants are
more likely to experience distress in the presence of others. Two types of
insecurely attached infants have been identified-avoidant infants and
ambivalent/anxious infants. Avoidant infants deal with distress by avoiding
contact with others. Interaction with others is painful for the avoidant
child, in part due to overly harsh parenting, so he or she tends to keep a
distance from others. In contrast, ambivalent/anxious infants have a strong
demand for attachment with others and this dependency on others stems
from exposure to inconsistent, nonresponsive parenting.
Recent research on attachment styles and relationship functioning in
adults has confirmed that these three attachment styles can be identified
(Hazan & Shaver, 1987). Moreover, these attachment styles are related
differentially to adjustment outcomes. Collins and Read (1990) examined
various samples of adults and established that it is the ambivalent/anxious
attachment style that is especially likely to be associated with self-esteem
deficits and a mistrustful view of others.
Research is only beginning to examine the developmental roots of
procrastination. We have administered a measure of attachment style and
three measures of procrastination to a sample of 127 college students (Flett
& Blankstein, 1993b). The attachment-style measure is a 13-item inventory
that provides separate measures of secure attachment, avoidant attachment,
and anxious/ambivalent attachment (see Simpson, 1990). The procrastina-
tion measures in this study were Lay's (1986) GPS and both subscales of the
first half of the PASS-the frequency of academic procrastination, and the
extent to which academic procrastination is a problem. The correlational
fmdings are shown in Table 7-7, where it can be seen that all three
procrastination measures were associated with the absence of a secure
attachment style, with the greatest association involving the measure of the
extent to which academic procrastination is a problem. Further analyses
showed that procrastination is associated with both an avoidant attach-
ment style and an anxious/ambivalent attachment style. The most robust
association was between the extent to which academic procrastination is a
problem and anxious/ambivalent attachment (r = .48, P < .01).
Our data indicate that procrastination is associated equally with both
types of insecure attachment. Another study on work styles and attachment
types by Hazan and Shaver (1990) provides indirect evidence for a stronger
link between procrastinatory tendencies and an anxious/ambivalent at-
tachment style. A discriminant analysis was conducted on the reported
work styles of avoidant versus anxiously attached subjects. The one item
that best discriminated the two groups was II difficulty finishing projects, "
160 CHAPTER 7
seek information about their abilities and opinions when they are in a state
of evaluative uncertainty. One way to obtain information about the self is to
engage in social comparison. That is, when a person is not sure of the
adequacy of his or her ability, or the correctness of his or her attitudes, that
person will compare performance levels or beliefs with those exhibited by
others. According to Festinger's (1954) similarity hypothesis, comparison
is most likely with people who are generally similar to the self in terms of
general attributes (i.e., gender, age, etc.).
Developmental analyseS of social-comparison processes have yielded
some important findings about the nature of social comparison. First, it
has been established reliably that meaningful social comparisons occur at
the age of 7 years and there are age-related increases in both interest and
the frequency of social comparison (Ruble & Flett, 1988). Second, most
individuals seek to compare with standard-setters (i.e., the highest pos-
sible scorers). Comparison with standard-setters has a high information
value because it establishes the upper limits of performance. Finally, social
comparison is a painful process for most individuals because comparison
with superior others highlights deficiencies in the self (Brickman & Bul-
man, 1977). Initially, most children are overly optimistic and unrealistic
about their abilities. Frequent social comparison in the process of self-
socialization causes many children to become more realistic about their
abilities as they develop an awareness of their relative standing. An
increasing awareness that they are not standard-setters is a factor that
contributes directly to lower self-esteem and harsh evaluations of the self
by some children (Ames, 1984; Marsh & Parker, 1984).
In short, we believe that procrastinators are uncertain about their
abilities so they seek social-comparison information, and this information
may be damaging to the self. Evidence that procrastinators engage in
negative social comparisons was provided by our study in which procras-
tinators completed the BSCS (Beck et al., 1990). As noted earlie~ procras-
tinators were particularly negative about their characteristics, relative to
the characteristics of others, in the domains of work efficacy, intellectual
abilities, and appearance. The achievement and appearance domains are
quite central to the developing self-concepts of adolescents (Harter &
Marold, 1994), so frequent negative social comparisons in these domains
should have a substantial impact on levels of adjustment.
Coping style
Task-oriented -.41 .... -.36** -.30*"
Emotion-oriented .29** .25** .25**
Avoidance-oriented .16 .08 .07
Distraction .17* .20* .22*
Social diversion .10 -.04 -.06
Depression
BDI depression-Time 1 .31** .33** .26**
BDI depression-Tune 2 .27** .29** .24**
n = 156
'p < .05.
"p < .01.
Note: The following abbreviations were used LAY (Lay's General Pr0-
crastination Scale), PFREQ (Procrastination Assessment Scale for
Students-Frequency), and PPROB (Procrastination Assessment Scale for
Students-Problem).
THE ROLE OF
PERSONALITY DISORDERS
AND CHARACTEROLOGICAL
TENDENCIES IN
PROCRASTINATION
169
170 CHAPTERS
mands for adequate social and occupational performance .... The resis-
tance is expressed indirectly rather than directly. . . . this disorder is based
on the assumption that such people are passively expressing covert aggres-
sion" (p. 356). Individuals with this disorder are prone to express their
anger indirectly through stubbornness, forgetfulness, and procrastination.
In fact, two major diagnostic criteria for passive-aggressiveness are
procrastination-that is, putting off things that need to be done so that
deadlines are not met-and avoiding obligations. In short, frequent pro-
crastination and avoidance appear to be important components to passive-
aggressive disorders.
Despite some reservations from the committee that assembled DSM-
IV (APA, 1994), we believe that ample construct validity exists for this
diagnosis. For example, McCann (1988) found that persons diagnosed as
having a passive-aggressive personality disorder demonstrate a stubborn
resistance to fulfilling the expectations of others, are erratic and inefficient
in their work, and frequently feel gloomy and despondent. Other experts
more directly label persons with this diagnosis as being procrastinators
(Millon, 1981). The attitudinal features of passive-aggressiveness include
cynicism, skepticism, and a strong sense of disbelief in others' opinions
(Drake, Asler, & Vaillant, 1988; McCann, 1988).
Generally, theoretical accounts support the notion that passive-
aggressive persons restrict the direct expression of anger and hostility,
probably due to factors related to fear and anxiety for such expression
(Biaggio & Godwin, 1987; Small, Small, Alig, & Moore, 1970). For example,
Drake, Asler, and Vaillant (1988), and McMahon and Davidson (1985)
reported that passive-aggression is most frequently diagnosed among
middle-age men with alcoholic tendencies, a group known for frequent
inhibition of angry impulses. Defferbacker, McNamara, Stark, and
Sabadell (1990) found that anger suppression is common among college
students who sought counseling at a university campus, apparently
because of social proscriptions related to overt hostility. Jette and Remien
(1988) stated that among Hispanic geriatric patients passive-aggressive
behavior is a means to resist institutionalization, again perhaps because
overt displays of hostility are likely to be punished. Protter and Travin
(1982) also found frequent passive-aggressive behavior, including anger
suppressions, among young adult criminal offenders convicted of violent
crimes, apparently because these persons are in social situations which do
not allow expression of violence or anger.
Apart from work discussed in Chap.ter 1, we know of no studies that
use a psychometrically reliable and valid measure of passive-aggressiveness
to explore its association with procrastination. Because of concern regard-
ing diagnostic reliability (also expressed by the DSM-IV committee of the
ROLE OF PERSONALITY DISORDERS IN PROCRASTINATION 173
PROCRASTINATION
AND OBSESSIVE-COMPULSIVE TENDENCIES
In the DSM-III-R, the obsessive-compulsive personality disorder
(OCD) is described as stubborn, perfectionistic, and inflexible. Addi-
tionally, individuals with this disorder are characterized as being work-
aholics and overly conscientious, with pronounced tendencies to be with-
holding in both affection and material gifts. It is common for such
individuals to complain that they are not organized enough or that they
procrastinate too much (Turkat, 1990). Two major criteria for classification
of this disorder are an apparent perfectionism that interferes with task
completion, and indecisiveness, manifest through decision making that is
either avoided or postponed (American Psychiatric Association, 1987).
Obsessive-compulsive personality disorder (an Axis II personality dis-
order) is different from obsessive-compulsive disorder (Axis I disorder) in
that the symptoms and difficulties are less severe. We will not examine the
differences between these two pathologies, but will confine our discussion
to patterns of obsessions and compulsions in general and their frequency
among nonclinical and clinical populations. The remainder of this chapter
presents findings from three studies designed to explore the relationship
between passive-aggression, obsessive-compulsive tendencies, and chronic
procrastination.
STUDY 1
Method
Participants. There were a total of 262 college students (211 women,
51 men) who volunteered for Study 1. The mean age for this sample was
18.4 (SD = 0.6). These students were lower division students (Freshmen
174 CHAPfER8
(anger-in: "I boil inside, but do not show it"); and control of anger expres-
sion and experiences-as well as a total anger-expression score ("I keep my
cool") that provides a general index of the frequency with which anger is
expressed. Anger expression is calculated as a combination of scores on the
anger-in, anger-out, and anger-control scores. The coefficient alphas for
these scales range from.72 to .89 with college students. Speilberger (1988)
reported that the validity of this scale is sufficient for research purposes.
Procedure
All inventories were completed during a 65-minute class session (M
completion time = 53 minutes), 5 weeks into a 12-week semester. The
questionnaires were randomly ordered to avoid ordering effects. The
inventories were introduced as a set of questions on a "person's reaction to
situations." Each volunteer was administered a consent form, a set of
scales, and a computerized answer sheet. Participants were asked to read,
sign, date, and return the consent form, place all responses on the answer
sheet, and to complete all scale items anonymously. At the end of the
semester, students were told details about the study.
~
~
TABLE 8-1. Intercorrelates between Major Personality Scores with Total Student Sample 1
§
g
crJ
Lynfield
Avoidant Anger Anger Anger Perfectionistic Social ~
SeH-reportmeasure procrastination Obsession Compulsion IN our expression cognitions desirability
Avoidant procrastination (.82)
§
Lynfield/obsession .088 (.80) Z
Lynfield/compulsion .099 .788** (.88)
Anger-IN .195** .191* .202** (.74)
~
Anger-Our .204** .226** .237** .982** (.79)
Anger-expression .194* .249** .189* .841** .856** (.85)
Perfectionistic cognitions -.034 .440** .441** .347** .377** .274** (.86)
Social desirability .114 .247** .250** .273** .298** .247** .341** (.61)
n = 262 Significant levels .•p < .01 ••p < .001
Note: Coefficient alphas with the present sample are presented in parentheses along the diagonal.
i
~
.....
:::}
178 CHAPI'ER8
STUDY 2
Method
Participants. A sample of 136 college students (114 women, 22 men)
who participated in Study 1 completed a seCond set of scales for the
present study. The mean age of this subsample was 18.2 years (SD = 0.5),
and most were lower division students (Freshman = 77%), similar to
Study 1. All inventories were converted to 5-point scales (1 = Low, 5 =
High).
Procedure
Approximately 3 weeks after completing the set of inventories de-
scribed in Study 1, a subsample of students were asked to volunteer (for
extra credit) to complete a second set of scales during regular class time.
Students agreeing to participate were distributed a folder containing a
consent form, set of scales, and answer sheet. After signing and dating the
consent form, participants completed the DPS and CAC checklists, as well
as several other scales (see Ferrari, 1992d), in random order. Coded sheets
facilitated matching responses from Study 1.
TABLE 8-3. Intercorrelates between Major Personality Scores with Student Subsample for Study 2
Lynfield Compulsive
Avoidant Decisional Perfectionistic
Self-report measure procrastination procrastination Obsession Compulsion Checker Washer cOgnition
00
I
ROLE OF PERSONALITY DISORDERS IN PROCRASTINATION 181
High Low
Self-report measure (n = 15) (n = IS)
correlational results from Study 1 involving the entire sample, and with the
present subsample demonstrated that avoidant procrastination, obses-
sions, and compulsions were not related tendencies. Thus, it appears that
behavioral procrastination to avoid threatening situations is not an impor-
tant factor to obsessive and compulsive tendencies with nonclinical popu-
lations. However, high compared to low OCs did report significantly more
indecisiveness, or decisional procrastination (t (31) = 1.74, P < .05). This
factor suggests that decision-making is either avoided or postponed by
individuals who report obsessive-compulsive tendencies in their daily
lives. Furthermore, to the extent that the high OCs in the present study
were similar to clinical samples of OCPDs, it suggests that indecisiveness
may be an important component to clinical obsessive-compulsive clients as
suggested by the DSM-ill-R.
STUDY 3
Study 3 was performed with a clinical sample to further explore the
role of both avoidant and decisional procrastination with obsessive-
compulsive personality disorder (OCPD). Based on the results of Studies 1
and 2, one would expect avoidant procrastination to be unrelated to
obsessions and compulsions. Howeve~ the DSM-ill-R claims that procras-
tinatory behaviors are associated with OC personality disorders. There-
fore, it is possible that high rates of avoidant procrastination would be
reported with a clinical sample of OCPDs. In addition, it is expected that
high rates of indecisiveness would be reported by clinical OCPDs, as
suggested by the DSM-ill-R and as reported with nonclinical high OCs in
Study 2.
Method
Participants. A total of 16 men and 25 women, diagnosed by a
psychologist or psychiatrist with OCPD participated in this study. The
mean age for this sample was 42.6 years old (SD = 11.9). On average,
clients reported nearly 8 years of therapy with individuals claiming onset
of OCPD tendencies during childhood (64.1% younger than age 14 years).
GENERAL CONCLUSION
TREATMENT OF ACADEMIC
PROCRASTINATION IN
COLLEGE STUDENTS
be denied treatment, based on the fact that his or her problem is either not
serious enough to warrant intervention or because there are no demon-
strated methods that have proven useful for treating this syndrome.
However, the therapist often must be somewhat dishonest and perhaps
even unethical in applying these psychiatric labels. On the other hand,
when the therapist states that the client's primary problem is procrastina-
tion, he or she is likely to encounter reimbursement problems or severe
limitations on treatment length. This is true even in college-counseling
centers, where many students initially present to clinics with the problem
of not being able to complete their assignments. Oients who are not given
standard psychiatric diagnoses (or are given so-called NV Code diag-
noses") are often shunted into brief study-skills training interventions,
despite the fact that these clients may have long-standing problems that
are likely to be ineffectively handled by educational modalities.
Oients who are diagnosed with formal psychiatric nomenclature may
receive a more appropriate level of services but often risk stigmatization.
For example, in one college-counseling center, any student who received a
psychiatric diagnosis was automatically referred to a psychiatrist for
further evaluation. This was simply the protocol and no exceptions were
made. Many students found this process irrelevant, demeaning, or stig-
matizing, and simply failed to return for follow-up sessions. As a result
many procrastinating students who could have benefited from psycho-
logical intervention were denied this opportunity.
We have no solutions for these diagnostic or labeling problems,
difficulties which will undoubtedly swell as mental health services are
increasingly scrutinized and rationed. Often this service-utilization review
is handled by inappropriate reviewers. Our only suggestion is that practi-
tioners must be prepared to document the clinical significance of problems
caused by procrastination in the lives of their clients. They must then be
able to present a theoretically reasonable set of interventions. Since a
scientific understanding of procrastination is beginning to emerge, we are
now able to suggest potentially effective methods of intervention that
might modify this behavioral syndrome.
Our goal for successful intervention is to enhance the .47 SDs rate of
improvement found with the treatment of procrastinators. Ideally, we wish
to raise it to a level associated with psychotherapy for other problems, such
as anxiety or depression, where the effect size is approximately .8 or
190 CHAPTER 9
greater (Smith, Glass, & Miller, 1980). To attempt this goal we will employ
the theoretical accounts of the etiology of procrastination discussed by
various authors in this volume, who have indicated that this dysfunctional
pattern can be due to a variety of causes. However, foremost among these
are two independent profiles of behavior: 1) neurotic avoidance, associated
with fear, anxiety, and overarousal; and 2) a lack of conscientiousness, which
may also include an exaggerated, sensation-seeking pattern associated
with underarousal, especially when deadlines approach for desirable goals.
Most of the interventions we propose in the present and following
chapter involve attempts to modify these two dysfunctional patterns.
However, these two patterns (which are not mutually exclusive) do not
account for all cases of procrastination that a clinician will encounter.
Consequently, a careful psychological and behavioral assessment is recom-
mended before beginning any treatment, a contention that we will reiter-
ate frequently. .
These two chapters discuss assessment and treatment strategies for
three distinct classes of procrastinators: (1) college and (perhaps) high
school students; (2) adult/nonstudents; and (3) "atypical" cases of persons
who procrastinate only on very definable tasks, such as completing doc-
toral dissertations and income taxes, visiting relatives, or other circum-
scribed behaviors. These three classes represent distinct categories in
which specific treatment interventions can be best tailored. These inter-
ventions may include behavioral, cognitive-behavioral, and psycho-
dynamic therapies, depending on the type of procrastination, its severity,
and the degree of discomfort it causes in the client. Assessment strategies
also differ between these groups, depending in part on the base rates of
other disorders that can mask as procrastination. For example, as a general
rule, adult procrastinators require more rigorous psychological, and in
some cases, medical evaluation, as discussed in the next chapter. Group
therapy, in contrast, seems particularly helpful for college students and not
particularly useful for nonstudents.
REFERRAL TYPOLOGIES
tive challenges of irrational fears are perhaps the most important aspect of
treatment for the typically anxious procrastinator. We recommend the use
of cognitive interventions for treating these irrational thoughts whenever
they are encountered as the primary treatment of anxiety-related procras-
tination toward goal-focused behavior. This is not to argue that other
methods of anxiety reduction are inappropriate or unhelpful. However,
cognitive-behavioral interventions are usually presented as the most help-
ful aspects of treatment by former clients who have successfully completed
treatment.
In our experience, the reduction of anxiety should proceed in tandem
with plans to achieve specific, measurable, behavioral goals. Frequently,
specific items of anxiety that cause avoidance can be easily identified, such
as an upcoming test, applying for college or graduate school, or in the case
of adults, paying income taxes. The next useful step is often to reduce the
aversive task into nonoverlapping components, which once completed
may signal that the goal is nearer. Table 9-4 shows the components
generated for a procrastinator regarding an upcoming history paper that a
student that we treated could not accomplish. We have labelled this
procedure, simply, as "Developing a Task Plan."
Notice that the tasks are divided into simple steps that are clear and
are nonoverlapping. Silver (1974) maintains that a tendency of procrastina-
tors is to perseverate on portions of the task they feel they can perform, to
the exclusion of other aspects. By developing some specific components,
this tendency is circumvented. Note also that the components have spe-
cific criteria by which the client and others will know that the task is
completed, thus reducing self-deception. Where dates are flexible, it is
important to assign concrete deadlines that are"in plain black and white."
Finally, note how potential cognitive ''blocks'' associated with anxiety are
anticipated, so that they will not be a source of unpredictable anxiety.
about 50% of their assigned projects and usually during this group there
is a sense of despair when they realize that there are only two sessions left
and the procrastination is not "cured." At this point, the counselors
reiterate that success against procrastination is a habit and that all habits
take time to solve. Students are then asked to identify impediments to
reducing procrastination and to plan an active strategy helpful in combat-
ing these impediments. After a break, students outline long-term goals for
the next 3 months and identify impediments, time needs, and milestones
similar to Session 7. There is no homework for this session, but students
are encouraged to think about what they have learned in the course.
Session 10 involves a "wrap-up" of the previous weeks and a sharing
session regarding the tasks that students realistically believe that they will
complete during the next 3 months. Material from the previous sessions is
briefly repeated and students are encouraged to present testimonials
regarding the changes that they have made in their lives and are planning
to make. Students are also encouraged to contact each other for support
at the end of a specific period.
Follow-up: No formal booster sessions have been implemented to date.
However, at 3-,6-, and 12-month intervals, students are readministered the
procrastination inventory presented earlier. At 3 months the treatment
effect, compared with wait-listed persons, was .52, and it was essentially
the same at 6 months (.44). At a 12-month period it actually improved
slightly, to .51, for reasons that are not clear. We believe that booster
sessions would assist clients in preserving therapeutic gains and might
actually help them to continue to improve even in the absence of treatment.
A TWO-SESSION INTERVENTION
We have also experimented with a very brief, abridged version of the
Doing It Now treatment for group intervention. This method involved two
80- to 90-minute workshops that can be presented at the start of an
academic year or at the start of the second semester. The workshops are
appropriate for a much larger audience, perhaps upwards of 40 people,
and also may be used preventatively for high-risk students (such as
returniilg older students who may not be sure of their ability to complete
tasks on time, or students from disenfranchised backgrounds).
The abridged method of Doing It Now dispenses with group exercises
and a substantial portion of the personal sharing involved in the longer
modality. Students complete a procrastination inventory during the first
session and score it. They then receive a lecture about two different types
of procrastination-anxious avoidance and low conscientiousness. The
first session closes with students receiving a handout and being lectured
on cognitions that foster anxiety or nonconscientiousness. There is no
break in this lecture. Students are then instructed to go home and identify
some of the dysfunctional cognitions that influence their procrastination.
The second meeting begins with a brief sharing of some of the
dysfunctional cognitions that students have identified during the previous
week. Students are then taught methods of challenging the cognitions for
reasonableness and accuracy. Students break up into groups and partici-
pate in helping each other criticize one another's procrastinating cogni-
tions.
This abridged version of Doing It Now has been tried with 106
students and has an effect size of .32, which is not significantly different
from the nonspecific effect found in psychotherapy, or the effect found in a
traditional study-skills workshop of 10 sessions. It is, however, much more
economical, in that it only requires approximately 3 hours of treatment
210 CHAPTER 9
also in cases of student procrastination that do not fit into the model
presented in Chapter 9, we have even less outcome data than the unsatis-
factory amount available for the treatment of college-student procrastina-
tion. Essentially, we have only clinical records and case histories to
delineate factors associated with treatment success and failure. Until sys-
tematic, empirical studies are conducted, limited and unscientific clinical
accounts are the best we can offer. The empirically oriented psychologist is
certainly apt to feel disappointment, if not complete skepticism, at some of
our statements and suggestions. Where we do not have data, we will
advocate that interventions be based on well-established psychological
theory, inasmuch as possible. As we have stated throughout this volume,
serious research is needed regarding the efficacy of various treatment
strategies for procrastination. We hope this chapter will not only be useful
for clinicians, but also be a heuristic to suggest areas where thorough
outcome research is needed.
a time closer to its deadline reduces the time spent without reward.
Furthermore, such persons frequently are not sufficiently aroused by cues
in their environment, so they do not begin a task at the optimal time to
guarantee the maximal possibility of completion.
Unfortunately, conscientiousness and its behavioral antithesis charac-
terized by the lack of this trait, has only recently emerged as a factor of
serious personality research (Costa & McCrae, 1989; Costa, McCrae, &
Dye, 1991). There are no controlled studies at this time that demonstrate
empirically valid methods of increasing this trait. Consequently, our
treatment goals for this group of clients are less theoretically based than
with anxiety-related procrastination. In the absence of good literature,
again, we have to rely on clinical interventions based substantially on
observations.
The following case study highlights the manner in which a clinical
formulation stressing the causes of chronic "typical" procrastination is
important in adult clients. It illustrates the manner in which the therapist
used information regarding the client's conscientiousness and anxiety to
establish a treatment plan that was successful.
of a high level of trait neuroticism. Suzanne fit into both of the patterns
of "typical" procrastinators in that she was both unconscientious and
also anxiously avoidant.
Suzanne was treated with 21 sessions of cognitive-behavioral
therapy, which attempted to change her lack of conscientiousness and
increase her empathy for others. She was also taught relaxation tech-
niques and methods of challenging anxiety-provoking cognitions.
Several sessions were spent on encouraging her to develop self-reward
strategies for achieving incremental goals. Finally, Suzanne's tendency
to use procrastination as an excuse for failure (i.e., self-handicapping)
was challenged and she learned not to make excuses for her avoidance
behaviors.
The results were a decrease in her Adult Inventory of Procrastina-
tion (see Chapter 3) score from 2.3 SD above the mean to 1.6 SD above
the mean. Although she noted that she still has a tendency to want to
put things off, she stated that now she has been more able to cope with
this deficit. "1'11 tell you, I kick myself in the butt each time so that I
don't do it." Suzanne's procrastination is sufficiently under control so
that she has encountered fewer work-related problems. Mostly, the
behavioral problems that she now has involve her personal life,
"mostly getting my oil changed in my car and getting the library books
back on time."
While we would not claim that this client has been "cured" of her
tendencies to procrastinate, both empirical testing and the client's own
self-reports suggest that she has obtained substantial symptoms re-
duction.
Similar to the treatment of students who are extremely unconscien-
tious, our general strategy with adults who demonstrate this type of
procrastination is multifocal. It involves some of the following components:
1) increasing environmental cues regarding upcoming deadlines; 2) de-
creasing cognitions that foster impulsiveness and underestimation of task
demands; and 3) increasing self-rewards associated with completing tasks.
As with college students, treatment is not designed to increase anxiety per
se. Threats, punishment, cajoling, and other "lay" methods work about as
well when the therapist applies them as they do for the boss, spouse, or
friend. Instead, the strategy is to increase awareness of aspects of the task
that demand attention, primarily through cognitive-behavioral means, or by
instructing the client in methods of self-reward and behavioral management.
GROUP TREATMENT
Within group therapy, treatment of "typical" adult procrastinators is
no different then that for college students. However, we have been ineffec-
216 CHAPTER 10
suggested for group treatment of students. One reason for this disparity
involves the different time allocations in individual versus group treat-
ment. Typically, individual psychotherapy sessions run 45-50 minutes,
once a week. Group sessions run about 80 minutes. A second reason is that
for adult procrastinators, whose mean ages are usually higher than those
of students, there may be a much longer history of procrastination. The
behavior is more ingrained, less dystonic, and therefore the behavior may
require longer treatment to cause substantial modification.
such as his need to control the situation and the overcontrol his father
had on his family, the treating psychologist categorized Harvey's
procrastination as "typical" and attempted to treat the overwhelming
contributing symptom of anxiety.
Harvey was taught relaxation therapy. Some of his anxiety regard-
ing upcoming tasks was extinguished using classical methods of
systematic desensitization. This desensitization/extinction process
took eight sessions. The next four sessions involved Harvey learning to
challenge cognitions that caused him to increase avoidance behavior.
Two "wrap-up" sessions concluded the therapy, and two booster
sessions were administered at 6-month intervals.
Harvey was able to work out his problems with the IRS and with
the state motor vehicle agency. He has had no problems paying taxes
since treatment, though he does note that, "Unless I kick myself in the
rear I will get back into that old avoidance trap." He still practices
relaxation training daily and has found his work performance improv-
ing in a number of areas.
lIn our experience, the reverse type of misdiagnosis also occurs all too frequently. A chronic
procrastinator, a person with a clear longtime pattern of major task avoidance, will seek a
consultation with a general practitioner, physician, or psychiatrist who will diagnose him or
her as being depressed. Pharmacological treatment-often fluoxetine, though occasionally a
tricyclic antidepressant-will be tried, but to no avail. Usually the patient is referred for
psychoanalytic treatment at this point, an expensive and usually inappropriate treatment.
TREATING ADULT AND ATYPICAL PROCRASTINATION 223
TO PROCRASTINATION
'~DDICTION"
AND CONCURRENT SUBSTANCE ABUSE
ATYPICAL PROCRASTINATION
seems very often that many persons when faced with a defining challenge
are unconsciously unable to complete the necessary task. More psycho-
analytic clinicians might wish to evoke unresolved childhood traumas as
explanatory concepts, and despite the fact that these hypotheses are prob-
ably impossible to support with data, they often seem to fit the clients'
clinical presentation (Summers, 1990).
Dissertation procrastination, unlike other forms of procrastination, is
actually more common among conscientious students. In unpublished
data, we found a correlation between the amount of time to complete a
dissertation and conscientiousness (as measured by the NEO-PI) of .21
(n = 126), P < .05. While this correlation is not particularly high, it is
notable in that it goes against the direction found in typical procrastination
where lack of conscientiousness correlates with higher procrastination
scores.
The task avoidance experienced by dissertation procrastinators is
usually very upsetting for the persons involved because they do not have
the substantial experience with uncompleted tasks that the typical procras-
tinator has. The usual personality style is one of conscientiousness, per-
haps excessively so. Not being able to complete a task is very alarming and
implies a loss of control. It is precisely for this reason that this behavior is
so distressing to the procrastinator. A surprising number of previously
high-functioning graduate students actually seek mental health interven-
tion regarding their dissertation procrastination.
Green (1981) has shown that dissertation procrastination can be
treated in a group setting. Although we do not have any experience
treating dissertation procrastination in a group setting, we have super-
vised students who were treated for it in individual psychotherapy. Seven-
teen of19 students were able to complete their dissertations with nondirec-
tive, supportive psychotherapy, involving 5 to 25 sessions. Interestingly,
three of these dissertations won awards or professional accolades, indicat-
ing the degree of conscientiousness or perfectionism that dissertation
procrastinators usually exhibit. The two students who did not complete
their dissertations were both very unconscientious, as indicated by their
scores on the NED-PI.
In general, our approach for coping with this type of procrastination
involves both cognitive-behavioral and psychodynamic intervention. Cog-
nitive interventions are used to challenge the perfectionistic tendencies of
these individuals. Psychodynamic interpretations are offered for the sym-
bolic meaning of completion of the task at hand and perhaps the fear of
succeeding independently. These "clinical hypotheses" are presented gin-
gerly and offered as tentative formulations. If the student does not endorse
them, we do not force the issue. Some students seem particularly en-
228 CHAPTER 10
more severe: Unconsciously he imagined that within the woman's vagina was
the adversary who would kill or mutilate him. (1989: pp. 49-50).
While there are many facts in Tom's case that suggest alternative
interpretations based on other, perhaps more cognitive-behavioral con-
structs, it is noteworthy that the patient did indeed complete his Ph.D.
after treatment by Dr. Arlow, and the treatment seemed to be successful.
When procrastination occurs suddenly and in very delimited areas in
a person's life, we often find utility in framing our hypotheses in a
psychodynamic fashion. We find it a useful framework to hypothesize that
some unknown and unconscious aspect regarding the event's completion
is distressing and consequently, the person strives, always unconsciously,
to avoid task completion. Therefore, in treating atypical procrastination it
is often useful to establish the meaning of what an event symbolizes for an
individual. The following case study highlights this:
Susan, Hack, and Eric were three very bright siblings in their mid-30s.
Susan had failed her doctoral dissertation orals exams three times.
This occurred despite the fact that her course work had been excellent
in graduate school and she was well respected by her peers and
teachers. Hack was a recent graduate from a medical-residency pr0-
gram. Twice he failed his boards. Eric had been a Phi Beta Kappa
graduate with degree in chemical engineering. 'fry as he could, Eric
could not Uget it togethe~ to apply to graduate school.
All three persons entered individual therapy at various times,
each with different therapists. Their therapeutic "issues" were quite
similar. The children's father had been a very intelligent chemical
engineer, who, due to a lack of fortune and opportunity, was never able
to rise above a BS degree. The mother had even less formal education,
despite the fact that she was very bright. Although both parents
ostensibly championed education for their children, both parents were
clearly annoyed by the greater achievements of their children, and
frequently disparaged the fact that their children received more formal
schooling than either of them. Although these comments were often
made in a seemingly lighthearted manner, they were made consis-
tently during the children's graduate careers.
Brief psychodynamic therapy helped each adult child identify a
pattern of wanting to fail for the reason of not threatening their
parents, whom they loved deeply. The children received between 20
and 50 sessions of dynamically oriented psychotherapy, during which
time they were able to meet their educational objectives. Several years
later, Susan completed her Ph.D. degree in neurochemistry and re-
ceived a tenure-track position at a university. Hack eventually decided
to change career emphasis and now is a physician in a small town, "a
decision much more congruent with my temperament, compared to
230 CHAPTER 10
men are being big fat assholes to me, though I don't really know why."
Four weeks of twice-weekly sessions of psychodynamically ori-
ented psychotherapy allowed John to develop the hypothesis that he
behaved poorly around older men because of his hatred toward his
father, an abusive and alcoholic authoritarian. Regardless of John's
accomplishments, they were not enough for his rigid, never-grateful
dad. When John realized the source of his anger, his demeanor
immediately changed and he went from being hostile to feeling hurt
and scared. However, John became overconscientious about carrying
out his superiors' commands, to the point where it would potentially
interfere with other aspects of his life.
Upon returning home, John followed up on his previous thera-
pist's recommendations for continued treatment. He spent about 24
sessions in individual therapy, generally focused on his anger at his
father. Today his problem is substantially resolved and he has not
demonstrated any inappropriate procrastination regarding directives
from older men.
Ambivalence about achievement has been well documented in women,
but it also occurs with men. Often this takes the form of dissertation
procrastination, where a previously very high-functioning person sud-
denly cannot complete a discrete task. Almost always this is a task
associated with a rite of passage, often a dissertation, as we discussed
previously, but sometimes also an examination (such as a medical licensing
exam or specialty-board or bar exam). The following case study indicates
such an example with a female physician:
Donna was a 34-year-old neurologist at an East Coast university who
failed her specialty boards on two occasions. This occurred despite the
fact that she clearly had outstanding ability, having graduated from an
Ivy League school and made ADA, the national medical honor society.
The analyst stated that she would probably require several years of
treatment, which left Donna feeling more disparate. At the insistence
of her departmental chair, she consulted a psychiatrist, who, being
unable to suggest any pertinent interventions, referred her to a psy-
choanalyst. At the insistence of her friend, Donna next consulted with
a psychologist experienced in the treatment of procrastination.
Donna was administered an MMPI and a clinical interview.
Donna appeared very anxious, but only when she spoke about her
upcoming exams. Other than this she seemed quite calm and well
adjusted. There was no evidence of thought disorder or any other Axis
I or IT difficulties from the MMPI. Importantly, there was also no prior
history of any type of test anxiety, an important personality variable to
rule out in the case of any type of examination-related procrastination
or academic failure.
The clinician hypotheSized that Donna's repeated failure had to
do with a fear of success and of ultimate independence that passing her
232 CHAPTER 10
boards would bestow on her. Donna was presented with this inter-
pretation, but initially denied it vehemently. The therapist, not wishing
to challenge her resistance, instead began working with her on behav--
ior goals, attempting to teach Donna a number of relaxation skills that
might prove necessary if she were to successfully study for the upcom-
ing exams.
Four sessions into treatment Donna changed her demeanor and
announced, nyou know, I've been thinking about what you told me
about fear of failure and all. I think it might be true." Donna then
related a story regarding the fact that all of her life she had studied to
distract herself from the fact that she felt she was not physically
attractive and too fat. While other girls and young women were dating
or enjoying a social life, Donna hid in her room with her books,
essentially overachieving to fill her blank, empty evenings.
The therapist then offered an interpretation: Passing of the spe-
cialty boards was the final major test that Donna would take in life. She
would then have no reason left to spend evenings and weekends
studying. She would then have to confront her feelings about being
lonely and unattractive.
When offered this interpretation Donna began to cry. She then
stated, nyou know, it's just like you've reading parts of my mind I've
been afraid to admit to anyone." Within several sessions Donna began
to form the hypothesis that her compulsive studying was interfering
with her passing of the boards. She decided to pursue a different
strategy: relax, study less, and take things as they come.
Donna eventually passed the boards and even began dating. She
remains in treatment to deal with her negative self-image, but the
quality of her life has improved substantially.
UnfortUnatel~ there are few guidelines to determine when a more
psychodynamic treatment for procrastination is appropriate, compared to
a more traditional or cognitive-behavioral treatment. Our rule of thumb is
Simple, although perhaps not always accurate: If there is a history of
procrastination, cognitive-behavioral and behavioral interventions are ap-
propriate. If the behavior is discrete and involves a specific event or person,
a more psychodynamic framework may be necessary to explore the mean-
ing that the event has for the person and its associations with prior
significant events or people.
FAMILY TREATMENT
Family treatment may be indicated if there is more than one person in
the family who procrastinates, or if the procrastination seems to be main-
tained by reinforcers occurring in family interaction. For example, it is not
TREATING ADULT AND A1YPICAL PROCRASTINATION 233
CONCLUSION
EPILOGUE AS PROLOGUE
INDUSTRIAuORGANlZATIONAL PSYCHOLOGY
PERSONAliTY PSYCHOLOGY
SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY
CUNICAUCOUNSELING PSYCHOLOGY
CONCLUSION
We would like to extend our utmost appreciation to the contributors to
this volume and to the many individuals who made it possible. Procras-
tination is an exciting area with many dimensions, and our hope is that the
reader obtains an understanding of the complexities involved in research
and intervention efforts. Finally, we are optimistic that work will continue
in the many implications associated with this construct. For those who are
interested or at least curious, the field remains wide open, and researchers
can make substantial contributions.
REFERENCES
247
248 REFERENCES
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INDEX
265
266 INDEX