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C H A P T E R 29

Learning as a Cultural Process

Achieving Equity Through Diversity

Na’ilah Suad Nasir, Ann S. Rosebery, Beth Warren,


and Carol D. Lee

In this chapter, we argue that learning and lives – from home to school, mathematics
teaching are fundamentally cultural pro- class to English literature class, basketball
cesses (Cole, 1996; Erickson, 2002; Lee, team to workplace or church youth group –
Spencer, & Harpalani, 2003 ; Rogoff, 2003 ). they encounter, engage, and negotiate var-
The learning sciences have not yet ade- ious situated repertoires of practices. Each
quately addressed the ways that culture is repertoire represents a particular point of
integral to learning. By “culture,” we mean view on the world, characterized by its own
the constellations of practices historically objects, meanings, purposes, symbols, and
developed and dynamically shaped by com- values (Bakhtin, 1981; Gee, 1990). Naviga-
munities in order to accomplish the pur- tion among these repertoires can be prob-
poses they value. Such practices are con- lematic at any time in any place for any
stituted by the tools they use, the social human being. However, for youth from non-
networks with which they are connected, dominant groups (i.e., students of color,
the ways they organize joint activity, the students who speak national or language
Copyright © 2005. Cambridge University Press. All rights reserved.

discourses they use and value (i.e., specific varieties other than standard English, and
ways of conceptualizing, representing, eval- students from low income communities),
uating and engaging with the world). On this navigation is exacerbated by asymmet-
this view, learning and development can be rical relationships of power that inevitably
seen as the acquisition throughout the life come into play around matters of race,
course of diverse repertoires of overlapping, ethnicity, class, gender, and language. Thus
complementary, or even conflicting cultural these youth must learn to manage multi-
practices. ple developmental tasks: both the ordinary
Through participation in varied com- tasks of life course development, as well
munities of practice, individuals appropri- as tasks that involve managing sources of
ate, over time, varied repertoires of cul- stress rooted in particular forms of insti-
tural practices. As youth make their rounds tutional stigmatization due to assumptions
through the varied settings of their everyday regarding race, poverty, language variation,
489

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490 the cambridge handbook of the learning sciences

gender, and disability (Burton, Allison, & ies of (a) learning in and out of school
Obeidallah, 1995 ; Spencer, 1987, 1999). settings; (b) relationships between every-
Such stigmatization limits access to oppor- day and academic knowledge and discourse,
tunities (e.g., schooling, work, etc.) across with particular reference to youth from
the life course for certain groups of youth. nondominant groups; and (c) classroom-
Historically, studies of culture have often based design research that explores linkages
viewed nondominant students and commu- among the varied repertoires of practice of
nities as the “other” and have assumed a youth and those of academic disciplines.
singular pathway of development based on These bodies of research address multi-
American middle class norms. For the last ple dimensions of learning, including cog-
century, culture has for the most part been nition, discourse, affect, motivation, and
viewed in static terms – as well-integrated, identity. We argue that a cultural view
cohesive sets of neatly bounded traditions of learning encompasses adaptive expertise
that are used to distinguish groups of peo- (Bransford et al., this volume; Hatano &
ple (González, 2004; Moll, 2000). Rogoff Inagaki, 1986; Spiro et al., 1991), that is,
and Angelillo (2002) referred to this treat- the development of flexible knowledge and
ment of culture as the “box” problem. It dispositions that facilitate effective naviga-
leads to statements such as, “Mexicans do tion across varied settings and tasks. Adap-
this; Anglos do that,” as if culture is a fixed, tive expertise is crucial for youth from non-
holistic configuration of traits (an “essence”) dominant groups who typically face and
carried by the collection of individuals must be able to address extreme societal
that comprise these groups (Gutiérrez & challenges.
Rogoff, 2003 ). The tendency to “essential- A cultural view of learning challenges the
ize” groups has obscured the heterogeneity normative view that tends to dominate edu-
of practice within both dominant and non- cational thinking and practice. Rather than
dominant groups. privileging a restricted set of practices as fun-
Although we argue against essential- damental to learning, this view expands the
izing, we acknowledge that there are research lens to include three critical, related
historically-rooted continuities that connect questions:
individuals across generations (Boykin & r What characterizes learning in the var-
Bailey, 2000; Lee, 2003 b). Erickson (2002)
used the example of the piñata in Mexican ied repertoires of practice in which peo-
American culture to make the point that ple routinely participate as they go about
while not every Mexican American family their everyday lives?
r In what specific ways do these varied
has a piñata at birthday parties 100 percent
of the time, the piñata is a practice that is repertoires of practice connect with aca-
common and an aspect of continuity of time demic disciplinary practices?
and space in Mexican American culture. We r In what ways can these varied reper-
Copyright © 2005. Cambridge University Press. All rights reserved.

argue that culture at once involves diverse toires of practice be recruited to create
developmental pathways across communi- meaningful opportunities for academic
ties and historical continuities within them, learning for all students? What principles
but that such continuities are flexible. What of design emerge from this expanded
makes essentializing so dangerous is not inquiry into learning?
the attention to perceived continuities, but
the implied assumption that those who dif- In this chapter, we discuss the significance
fer from American middle class norms are of each of these questions for a cultural
somehow deficient. view of learning, and we illustrate each with
In this chapter, we draw on empirical examples from the research literature on sci-
research into the cultural nature of learn- ence, literacy, and mathematics learning and
ing. The research we discuss includes stud- teaching.

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learning as a cultural process 491

Question 1: What Characterizes to the context-specificity of the skills and


Learning in the Varied Repertoires knowledge learned in informal settings
of Practice in Which People Routinely (Cole et al., 1971; Lave, 1988). Often,
Participate as They Go About Their people can competently perform complex
Everyday Lives? cognitive tasks outside of school, but may
not display these skills on school-type tasks.
This finding indicates the importance of
One way to explore issues of equity in the
understanding the nature of learning in
learning sciences is to pay close attention
out-of-school settings, and how to build on
to the nature and organization of settings
this learning to support learning in school.
where students are learning successfully. In
As we discuss selected studies of success-
this section, we review research on the out-
ful out-of-school learning environments, we
of-school learning of children from non-
argue that scaffolding plays a critical role
dominant groups with the point of illumi-
in the development of adaptive expertise.
nating what such learning looks like and how
Scaffolding involves (1) organizing participa-
it happens. Consider the following vignette
tion in activities in ways that address basic
from a study of learning in the game of domi-
human needs for a sense of safety as well as
noes (Nasir & Stone, 2003 , p. 17).
belonging; (2) making the structure of the
Four 10-year-old African American boys domain visible and socializing participants
are playing a game of dominoes. In their for dispositions and habits of mind necessary
version of the game, the goal is to score for expert-like practice; (3 ) helping novices
points by creating a sum of the end pieces understand possible trajectories for compe-
that is a multiple of five. A novice player tence as well as the relevance of the domain
in the group puts a play on the board, then to the learners; and (4) providing timely and
uses his finger to count the number of points flexible feedback.
on the board, but does not know if it is a
score. An expert player notices his confusion
and says, “It’s not nothing!” Later, at the Participation that Addresses Basic Needs
end of this hand of play, the expert player
suggests pieces that the novice could have A key part of scaffolding in out-of-school
played to create a score. learning involves organizing participation
in ways that address basic human needs
In this vignette, the expert player served for safety, belonging and identification,
as an important resource for supporting self-esteem and respect (Maslow, 1962).
the sense-making of the novice player, both The need for safety (both physical and
through the feedback he offered directly, and psychological) is central to the creation of
as an example of what more advanced play a learning environment. Although it seems
looks like. Through interactions like these, fairly obvious that learning requires a sense
domino players come to learn both more of physical safety, psychological safety is
Copyright © 2005. Cambridge University Press. All rights reserved.

competent play and concepts of multiples less often acknowledged. Psychological


and serial addition. safety can be defined as a sense of comfort,
As this vignette illustrates, learning willingness to take risks and be oneself,
happens in a wide range of activities and a feeling of acceptance. Steele’s work
outside of school, including carpet-laying documenting stereotype threat demon-
(Masingila, 1994), dairy factory work strates the profound influence that a lack
(Scribner, 1985 ), plumbing (Rose, 2004), of psychological safety has on learning
hair-dressing (Majors, 2003 ), candy-selling (Steele, 1997). This work has demonstrated
(Saxe, 1991), basketball (Nasir, 2000), that when the climate was psychologically
gardening (Civil, 2005 ), and everyday unsafe (i.e., African American students
language use (Ball, 1992, 1995 ; Heath, 1983 ; were made to think that their performance
Lee, 1993 ). Several studies have pointed on a test was diagnostic, triggering fears of

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492 the cambridge handbook of the learning sciences

fitting into a stereotype about their race), toward scientific discourses. Participants also
performance suffered. In other learning talk about talk, that is, how scientific
settings, including community-based pro- talk differs from everyday talk. In these
grams for youth (Heath & McLaughlin, ways, I-Club practices help make visible
1993 ; Rosenfeld, 2005 ), adult organizers to participants how particular scientific dis-
recognized the importance of creating safe courses work.
spaces for activity. A number of studies have documented
Successful learning contexts also attend the literacy practices that are embedded in
to students’ need for a sense of belonging and a variety of out-of-school settings, includ-
identification (Hirsch, 2005 ). This occurs ing church (Baquedano-Lopez, 1997), blue
through both the organization of the prac- collar work settings (Rose, 2004), sports
tice itself and through the social interac- (Mahiri, 1998), and the arts (Ball, 1995 ).
tion that occurs within these contexts. For Fisher (2003 ) documented how a number of
instance, in a study of high school track and nontraditional community-based organiza-
field (Nasir, Cooks, & Coffey, 2005 ), this tions create multigenerational spaces where
sense of belonging was explicitly attended to African American and Latino/a adolescents
by the coaches, such that they viewed a sense gather to create written and oral poetry
of belonging to the team as an important called “spoken word” (see also Morgan,
outcome. The athletes discussed this feeling 2002). In spoken word communities, as
of belonging and identification as one reason in domino communities, public discussions
they persisted in the sport, and they contin- of criteria for quality writing or play are
ued to work to improve their performance, routine.
even through difficult races.
Trajectories for Competence
Making Visible the Structure
Providing novices a clear view of more
of the Domain
expert practice is another form of scaffold-
Effective out-of-school settings also make ing. This allows newcomers to see how
visible a deep structural knowledge of experts participate and provides them with
the domain. For example, in dominoes a sense of possible learning trajectories. This
(Nasir, 2002), not only do more expert play- form of scaffolding has been observed across
ers make their thinking about game strate- many kinds of practice. This research has
gies (involving multiplication and probabil- documented how novices work in appren-
ity) available to novices, but they do this tice roles while performing tasks in con-
in a developmental fashion; that is, as play- junction with experts. Rogoff (2003 ) has
ers become more skillful, they are given described such learning as “intent partici-
feedback that pushes them to the next pation,” highlighting the ways participants
level of understanding the game. Language learn by observing the flow of an activ-
Copyright © 2005. Cambridge University Press. All rights reserved.

practices are critical to this scaffolding, ity. Within after-school environments such
because it is through language that novices as I-Club and the Computer Clubhouse at
are given access to the structure of the the Museum of Science in Boston, youth
domain. also have access to each others’ experience
Language practices also play an impor- and practice. At the Computer Clubhouse,
tant role in the Investigators Club (I- youth work closely with one another and
Club), an after-school science program with support and inspiration from adult
for middle school students who are not mentors to learn to use leading-edge soft-
experiencing academic success in school ware to create their own artwork, ani-
(Sohmer & Michaels, 2005 ). In I-Club, mations, simulations, multimedia presenta-
dynamic metaphors that bridge actual situ- tions, virtual worlds, musical creations, Web
ations in the world and scientific concepts sites, and robotic constructions (Resnick &
are used to scaffold student investigators Rusk, 1996).

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learning as a cultural process 493

Timely and Flexible Feedback Question 2 : In What Specific Ways Do


These Varied Repertoires of Practice
Timely and flexible feedback takes many Connect with Academic Disciplinary
forms in out-of-school practices and often Practices?
involves evaluation and on-the-spot correc-
tion. In candy-selling among Brazilian chil-
In this section, we examine research that
dren, evaluation and correction occur when
explores intersections between everyday
sellers are pricing candy, or when they are
practices and important disciplinary knowl-
counting their profits. Saxe (1991) described
edge. This work expands what we know
sellers who correct the pricing conven-
about both everyday practice and disci-
tions of others during the course of activ-
plinary practice, and fundamentally entails
ity. In dominoes (Nasir 2000; 2005 ), not
rethinking what counts as disciplinary
only does correction occur in the midst of
practice. We believe that educators can
game play (usually with more competent
use the varied and productive resources
players advising and correcting less sophis-
youth develop in their out-of-school lives
ticated players), but evaluation is a part
to help them understand content-related
of the regular game structure in the form
ideas.
of a post-game analysis, where players dis-
cuss the strengths and weaknesses of the
plays in the previous round of the game. Intersections with Science
In track, a similar process occurs between The following vignette (described in greater
the coach and the runners (Nasir et al., detail in Ballenger, 2003 ), illustrates differ-
2005 ). After each race the coach and run- ences in students’ sense-making practices in
ner deconstruct each leg together – evalu- elementary school science.
ating performance, techniques, and setting
goals for the next race. This focus on eval- While discussing the question, “Do plants
uation and correction is a formative and grow everyday?”, third grade children in
routine part of the practice, rather than an a two-way Spanish-English bilingual pro-
assessment to judge one’s competence or gram debated the pattern of growth and
whether you can see it. One girl, Ser-
worthiness.
ena, the child of highly educated parents
It is important to note that these four fea- who was considered an excellent student,
tures are often coordinated, and this coor- approached these matters from a stance
dination can be very powerful for learn- outside the phenomenon, through the logic
ing. Such coordination is evident in 5 th of measurement. She argued that growth
Dimension afterschool clubs (Nicolopoulou can be seen through the evidence of mea-
& Cole, 1993 ) where youth have access to a surement on a chart of a plant’s daily
variety of resources to support their develop- growth. Another girl, Elena, approached
ing expertise with computer games, includ- the question differently. The child of immi-
grant, working class parents, Elena was
Copyright © 2005. Cambridge University Press. All rights reserved.

ing college-age tutors, peers, information


cards, and the now famous virtual wizard repeating third grade. She took up the ques-
tion of how one can see a plant’s growth
to whom youth and adults can write for
by imagining her own growth through “the
advice. In addition, Gutierrez et al. (1999) crinkly feeling” she has when her feet are
asserted that the participation structure of starting to outgrow her socks.
play invites engagement, and – in conjunc-
tion with multiple forms and layers of sup- This vignette illustrates two important
port – facilitates persistence and identifi- scientific practices, one commonly recog-
cation of personal goals. Whereas we have nized and one not. Serena’s approach is
focused on out-of-school settings, the forms valued in the classroom; it conforms to
of scaffolding that we have highlighted widely held conceptions of scientific reason-
may also be enacted in school learning ing. While undoubtedly important, it rep-
settings. resents one tool in what ought to be a

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494 the cambridge handbook of the learning sciences

wide-ranging repertoire of sense-making acceptance of fact-like statements. Similarly,


practices in science. In contrast, Elena’s researchers working in bilingual classroom
approach is undervalued, sometimes even settings found that Haitian youth use a com-
dismissed by teachers and researchers as con- mon Haitian discourse practice, bay odyans,
fused, which can have profound implica- to argue claims and evidence in biology
tions for her learning and sense of herself and physics (Hudicourt-Barnes, 2003 ). Bay
as a thinker. In fact, Elena’s move to imag- odyans takes several forms, one of which
ine her own growth and, through this, the is argument. In everyday life, this form of
growth of a plant, reflects scientific prac- bay odyans centers around religion, soccer,
tice. Scientists regularly use visual and nar- or politics; is highly animated; and can seem
rative resources to place themselves inside like a fight to outsiders. But to participants,
physical events and processes in order to this is a form of theatre in which one speaker
explore how these may behave (Keller, 1983 ; asserts a claim, which is then immediately
Ochs, Jacoby, & Gonzales, 1996; Wolpert & challenged by others. Participants express,
Richards, 1997). defend, and dispute divergent points of view
Studies of scientific practice have with evidence or logic, often forcing one
described the fundamental heterogeneity of another to narrow their claims, in a man-
science-in-action as an intricate intertwining ner similar to disagreement sequences doc-
of conceptual, imaginative, material, discur- umented by Lynch (1985 ) in studies of pro-
sive, symbolic, emotional, and experiential fessional scientific activity. Bay odyans has
resources (Biagioli, 1999; Galison, 1997). been shown to support students’ learning in
These analyses of the everyday work of science by helping students specify meanings
scientists challenge a stereotype of science for crucial terms, explore potential explana-
as largely hypotheticodeductive in nature, tory models, and develop norms of scien-
discontinuous with everyday experience tific accountability (Ballenger, 1997; Warren
of the physical world, and represented in & Rosebery, 1996). Other studies have docu-
thinking practices distinct from those used mented how practices of narrative sequenc-
to make sense of everyday life. Dominant ing and metaphor are used by youth from
understandings like these have shaped nondominant groups to express arguments
traditional science education in ways and explanations in science (Gee & Clinton,
that privilege certain ways of displaying 2000; Warren, Ogonowski, & Pothier, 2005 ).
understanding (e.g., Serena’s) over others Although these discourse practices look and
(e.g., Elena’s). sound different from those valued in school
Classroom-based studies have docu- science, they connect no less deeply with dis-
mented intersections between the sense- course practices routinely used in scientific
making practices of scientists and those of communities.
youth from nondominant groups. One result
is an expanded view of what counts as
Intersections with Literacy
Copyright © 2005. Cambridge University Press. All rights reserved.

scientific thinking and activity – including,


among other things, use of embodied imag- Historically, the language of so-called non-
ining (as noted above), argumentation, and mainstream dialect speakers (such as African
metaphor for the purposes of theorizing and American English [AAE] or Appalachian
knowledge-building. Let us look at argu- English) and of English language learners
mentation as one example. has been positioned as inadequate when
In Laboratory Life, Latour and Woolgar compared to academic forms of learning.
(1986) argued that scientists transform their However, much research indicates that non-
observations into findings through argumen- mainstream dialects are complex in their
tation and persuasion, rather than through own right with features relevant to learn-
measurement and discovery. They portrayed ing academic reading and writing. For exam-
the activity of laboratory scientists as a ple, Gee (1989) documented complex liter-
constant struggle for the generation and ary features of what Michaels (1981) called

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learning as a cultural process 495

an AAE topic associative narrative style. concepts of average and percent as a part
Ball (1995 ) illustrated preferred expository of calculating their own and others’ game
patterns among African American adoles- statistics. Other work has documented how
cents reflecting rhetorically powerful pat- Latino students work with principles of
terns used by great African American ora- spacing and geometric design in the con-
tors, but not typically taught in high schools. text of sewing and gardening with their
Lee (Lee et al., 1999) scaffolded everyday families (Civil, 2005 ; Moll & González,
knowledge of narrative conventions among 2004) as well as how families involve ado-
child AAE speakers to produce high qual- lescents in budgeting practices and using
ity written narratives. These everyday con- standard algorithms to find batting averages
ventions include what Smitherman (1977) (Goldman, 2001). Research on younger chil-
called the African American Rhetorical Tra- dren has documented Brazilian and African
dition as well as event scripts from African American students’ participation in buy-
American cultural life. Smitherman (2000) ing (Taylor, 2004) and selling (Saxe, 1991)
conducted post hoc analyses of African activities.
American writing samples from the 1984 and This work is striking because the partic-
1988/1989 National Assessment of Educa- ipants rarely view what they are doing as
tional Progress (NAEP) writing assessments. mathematics and often claim to be very poor
She found these African American rhetori- at math. This poses a challenge for teachers
cal features were highly correlated with high and researchers: how do researchers, teach-
quality of writing as determined by NAEP ers, and participants learn to see the math in
examiners. what they are doing? On one hand, recogniz-
Other studies document how bilingual ing mathematics is simple, if we view math
speakers use competencies in their first lan- as calculations. However, this becomes more
guage in reading, writing and speaking in difficult when we are dealing with more
a second language, at the level of vocab- sophisticated mathematics, such as geome-
ulary, syntax, and discourse (Garcia, 2000; try or probabilistic thinking. Furthermore,
Jimenez, Garcia, & Pearson, 1996; Langer even when the mathematics involves simple
et al., 1990; Moll & González, 2004). Lit- calculations, in practices outside of school
eracy in the first language can scaffold read- such problems are often solved by estimat-
ing and writing in the second, particularly ing. Estimating strategies can result in a
with respect to content area learning, mak- deeper understanding of mathematical rela-
ing technical distinctions in science (Warren tionships even as they fail to yield precise
et al., 2001), and reasoning in mathemat- mathematical answers of the sort valued in
ics (Moschkovich, 1999). Others (Orellana school.
et al., 2003 ; Valdes, 2002) have documented Our point here is that in order to see
the metalinguistic competencies of bilin- robust, authentic connections between the
gual youth who translate for their parents everyday knowledge and practices of youth
Copyright © 2005. Cambridge University Press. All rights reserved.

in consequential settings, including adapting from nondominant groups and those of aca-
speech registers to the setting, comprehend- demic disciplines, we must look beyond the
ing complex technical texts, and managing typical connections made in school curric-
complex power relations. ula and identify important continuities of
practice. By identifying and then using prac-
tices such as imagining, bay odyans, or AAE
Intersections with Mathematics
discursive forms, we not only create spaces
In mathematics, studies have shown how in which students can participate in aca-
sophisticated mathematical thinking has demic disciplinary practices, but we also
occurred across multiple repertoires of prac- put ourselves in a position to better under-
tice for nondominant students. For instance, stand the role such practices play in learn-
Nasir (2000) showed how African Ameri- ing (Lee, 1993 , 1995 ; Rosebery et al., 2005 ;
can high school basketball players learned Warren et al., 2001).

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496 the cambridge handbook of the learning sciences

Question 3: In What Ways Can These Such design work also requires that
Varied Repertoires of Practice be researchers, curriculum designers, and
Recruited to Create Meaningful teachers recognize that learning in academic
Opportunities for Academic Learning disciplines includes more than mastery of a
for All Students? What Principles of body of conceptual knowledge. Crucially,
it also involves critical engagement with
Design Emerge from This Expanded
epistemological assumptions, points of view,
Inquiry into Learning?
values, and dispositions (Collins & Ferguson,
1993 ; Lee, 2001; Perkins, 1992; Warren et al.,
Learning to see heterogeneous – and often 2005 ). It also brings to the forefront the
unfamiliar – meaning-making practices as many issues of affect and emotion that
being intellectually related to those in aca- attend academic risk-taking, especially for
demic domains entails two related moves: youth who have not experienced academic
expanding conventional views of these success in school (Heath, 2004).
domains and deepening understanding of A number of school-based interventions
the intellectual power inherent in varied dis- have taken up these design challenges. These
cursive and reasoning practices that youth include the Algebra Project (Moses & Cobb,
from nondominant groups bring to school. 2001), Chèche Konnen (Conant et al., 2001;
To do this, teachers and researchers must Rosebery, 2005 ; Warren et al., 2001, 2005 ),
work continually to make sense of youth’s the Cultural Modeling Project (Lee, 1993 ,
varied ideas, ways with words, and expe- 1995 , 2001), the Funds of Knowledge Project
riences (Lee, 2001; Ballenger & Rosebery, (González, Amanti, & Moll, in press),
2003 ; Warren et al., 2001), coming to the Kamehameha Early Education Project
grips with the limiting assumptions of one’s (Au, 1980; Tharp & Gallimore, 1988), the
own knowledge, perspectives and values Migrant Student Summer Program at UCLA
with regard to academic discourses, learn- (Gutierrez, 2005 ), and the Talent Develop-
ing and teaching, language, culture, and race ment Project at Howard University (Boykin,
(Ball, 2000; Ballenger, 1999; Foster, 1997; 2000; Boykin & Bailey, 2000), among others.
Ladson-Billings, 2001; Lee, 2005 ; Rosebery We discuss three of these as an illustration of
& Warren, in press). attempts to design the kinds of classrooms
To take up the intellectual resources that support deep learning of important dis-
embedded in youth’s everyday practices ciplinary ideas and practices for nondomi-
requires us to reorganize school practices in nant students.
ways that actually make explicit the link- Cultural Modeling (Lee, 1993 , 1995 , 2001,
ages between everyday and school-based 2003 a; Lee & Majors, 2005 ) is a frame-
knowledge and discourse. This act of design work for the design of learning environments
requires principles for that leverage knowledge constructed out
of everyday experience to support subject
1. making the structure of the domain
Copyright © 2005. Cambridge University Press. All rights reserved.

matter learning. Studies in Cultural Mod-


visible; eling have focused on literature and narra-
2. engaging youth in actively populating tive writing with African American youth
academic discourses with meaning and (Lee et al., 1999). In this work, a detailed
intention, through participation struc- analysis of the structure of these domains
tures that create roles and relationships determined the cultural practices and forms
through which youth can identify with of everyday knowledge that would provide
the practices of the domain; the most leverage. Types of generative prob-
3 . structuring occasions for metalevel anal- lems, strategies, and general heuristics for
ysis (e.g., talk about thinking and lan- identifying and tackling such problems and
guage) that help youth see relationships necessary habits of mind or intellective dis-
between usually tacit everyday knowl- positions were identified. This called for a
edge and discourse and academic knowl- different orientation to the idea of genre in
edge and discourse. literature, and to the genre’s usefulness in

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learning as a cultural process 497

helping novice readers make sense of texts. from a bad one, recognizing when a signify-
Interpretive problems such as symbolism, ing retort is not sufficiently creative, miss-
irony, satire, and use of unreliable narration ing the tenor of the previous metaphor),
were identified as crucial for literary read- the talk that surrounds these cultural data
ings across national and other traditions. All sets privileges reflection about the struc-
of these interpretive tasks require an ability ture of particular problems in the domain,
to deal with problems of figuration and often strategies for tackling such problems, cri-
require analogical reasoning. For example, teria for evaluating the goodness of fit of
Lee found that AAE speakers’ knowledge of explanations – in short, for making the prac-
signifying (Mitchell-Kernan, 1981; Smither- tices of the domain public and the trajec-
man, 1977) – a form of ritual insult requir- tories for competence within it visible. The
ing analogical reasoning, appreciation of lan- examination of such cultural data sets pro-
guage play, and comprehension of figurative vides models of generative domain problems
language – could be leveraged effectively to rooted in everyday experience that facili-
teach literary reasoning. tate analogical reasoning, a powerful prob-
The following vignette illustrates such lem solving strategy used both by novices
design principles at work: and historically used by scientists and math-
ematicians at the edges of new discover-
Beginning a literature unit on symbolism, ies. From a design perspective, the challenge
a class of African American high school is to locate analogies that are sufficiently
students critique the Hip Hop lyrics “The
rooted in students’ everyday experiences to
Mask” by The Fugees. Jonetha offers this
explication of the second stanza: “I’m say- bring both relevant knowledge and inter-
ing I think he had a mask on when he was est to the task, and that connect to cru-
fighting, when he beat him up, because in cial features of the target learning. Second,
order for him to have the mask on – he was the relationship between teacher and stu-
spying on that person. He was spying on dents is fundamentally restructured when
somebody. I don’t know who he was spying the discussion is about texts that students
on. But in order for him to realize that the know a lot about. This reorganization of rela-
man was spying on him, he had to take off tionships between experts and novices – in
his mask. In order to realize that the man Lee’s study, students and teachers are both
was saying . . . I don’t know – shoot. (laugh- functioning simultaneously as expert and
ter from class). I’m saying that the man, in
novice – facilitates a sense of identification
order for him to realize that the other man
was spying on him, that he had to take off with the practice, and as a consequence a
his mask.” (Lee, 2 005 b) greater sense of belonging to a community
of learners.
In this example, design principles Chèche Konnen Center teachers and
involved using rap lyrics (see also Mahiri, researchers have developed an inquiry prac-
2000/01; Morrell, 2002) as what Lee called tice they call Science Workshop (Warren
Copyright © 2005. Cambridge University Press. All rights reserved.

“cultural data sets” where students make & Rosebery, 2004). Science Workshop is
public how they understand that the mask designed to engage children in exploring
is not literal, but symbolic. They went on to possible meanings and functions of their
apply what are now public (through class own and others’ diverse “ways with words”
discussion) strategies for interpreting sym- in the science classroom. It explicitly fea-
bolism to the analysis of the canonical text tures language as an object of inquiry, by
Beloved by Toni Morrison. Jonetha’s expli- focusing students’ attention on a repertoire
cation demonstrated analogical reasoning, of discursive practices broader than that typ-
appreciation of language play, close textual ically featured in school science and more
analysis without direct instruction from the representative of the practices that children
teacher, and intellectual risk-taking. from nondominant groups bring to the class-
By drawing on models of competence room. In Science Workshop, the potential
students already have (for example, know- meanings and functions of varied ways with
ing the features that distinguish a good rap words – whether those of child, a scientist

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498 the cambridge handbook of the learning sciences

or a text – are explored. For example, while professional development, and an out-of-
discussing possible titles for a student-made school organization – the Young People’s
mural depicting the life cycle of a pump- Project – in which youth actively assume the
kin plant, a second grade African American banner of mathematics as the civil right of
boy felt a need to enlarge the scope of the twenty-first century. Dr. Robert Moses,
the discussion (described in greater detail founder of the AP, identified the concep-
in Warren & Rosebery, 2004). Drawing on tual shift from arithmetic to algebraic think-
metaphoric practices known to be prevalent ing as a major stumbling block to higher
within African American discourse commu- mathematics. He asked what in the everyday
nities, he likened the life cycle of pumpkin practices of urban adolescents, particularly
seeds to a spider, “because when the mom African American youth, embodied mathe-
dies it lays eggs before it dies.” Later, as the matical problems such as displacement and
class probed his analogy, they made visible equivalence. He came up with travel on an
various relationships implied in it (e.g., the urban transit system as an anchor for exam-
pumpkin forms seeds before it rots just as ining such problems. The AP has since devel-
a spider lays eggs before it dies). This kind oped units on ratio and proportion – one of
of expansive inquiry into possible meaning which uses African drumming traditions. In
for diverse ways of conceptualizing, repre- linking mathematics learning and social jus-
senting and evaluating scientific phenom- tice (Brantlinger, in preparation; Gutierrez,
ena has several effects. First, it takes chil- 2002; Gutstein, 2003 ; Tate, 1995 ), the AP
dren deeper into the scientific terrain (e.g., explicitly engages important developmen-
in what ways are eggs and seeds alike or tal relationships between youth and adults
different and how does each gives rise to both within and outside the school com-
new life?). Second, it engages them with var- munity. Related to many of our earlier
ied ways with words, which they explore examples, the AP takes seriously the chal-
as tools for their own thinking. Third, by lenges of translating from students’ everyday
positioning learners as analysts of their own language to the symbolic inscriptions that
and others’ ways with words, it engages characterize the discourse of mathematics.
them in thinking through both the affor- Similar to Cultural Modeling and Chèche
dances and limits of ways with words (e.g., Konnen, the AP supports an understanding
what does this analogy not explain?), which of mathematics that is rooted in the every-
helps make explicit how such practices func- day cultural practices of students. In doing
tion as meaning-making tools in the sci- so, students are positioned as competent
ences. Finally, as in Cultural Modeling, talk members of both their home communities
in Science Workshop is hybrid – combin- and the academic community of “doers of
ing serious analytic work and playful engage- mathematics.”
ment with language and other symbol sys-
tems (e.g., models, tables, graphs). To help
Concluding Remarks
Copyright © 2005. Cambridge University Press. All rights reserved.

students build a sense of the structure of


and ways of knowing in academic science,
teachers need to have respect for and to We have argued that culture and diversity
pay explicit attention to: the heterogene- are not external to understanding funda-
ity of students’ thinking and discourse and mental processes of learning, but rather that
that of scientific disciplines; the construction to understand learning it is crucial to view
of a community of learners; and their own it as a cultural process of engagement in
scaffolding. repertoires of practices (Gutiérrez & Rogoff,
The Algebra Project (AP) is another inter- 2003 ; Lee, 2005 a; Rogoff, 2003 ). In doing
vention that takes up the design challenges so, we move toward transforming “diversity”
we have identified. Operating in twenty- into a pedagogical asset, rather than a prob-
eight cities and serving ten thousand chil- lem to be solved (Gutiérrez et al., 2000;
dren annually, the AP includes curriculum, Warren et al., 2001). This is particularly

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learning as a cultural process 499

important in rethinking how we view and needs for belonging and identification. Mov-
address issues of race, culture, ethnicity, ing toward equity will occur as we cre-
class, and gender in the learning sciences. ate learning environments that connect in
Our perspective encompasses much more deep ways to the life experiences of all stu-
than a naı̈ve notion that all types of diver- dents. Fundamental to this perspective is the
sity matter, and we are not simply argu- view that in the end, equity is not about
ing that prior knowledge matters. Rather, offering or producing sameness, but about
we contend that particular configurations of enabling youth to appropriate the reper-
race, ethnicity, and class require that youth toires they need in order to live the richest
wrestle with pervasive challenges (Spencer, life possible and reach their full academic
1999) and that designing learning environ- potential.
ments for these students must address multi-
ple (and often neglected) elements of learn-
ing, including identity and affect. A Note About Authorship
This argument has important implica-
tions both for the practice of designing Na’ilah Suad Nasir served as lead author
learning environments and for the devel- in organizing this chapter. All authors have
opment of learning theory. With regard to made equal contributions to its content.
practice, the perspective that we describe
argues for a radical restructuring of the way
we organize learning in school and of the References
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ceed. With regard to theory, we put forth the expository writing of African-American
the assertion that learning is a cultural pro- adolescents. Written Communication, 9(4),
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group membership, class, or gender. More- Ball, A. F. (1995 ). Community based learning in
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requires the research community to ask a


C. D. Lee & P. Smagorinsky (Eds.), Vygot-
broader and deeper set of questions about
skian perspectives on literacy research: Construct-
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The Cambridge Handbook of the Learning Sciences, edited by R. Keith Sawyer, Cambridge University Press, 2005. ProQuest Ebook Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/lancaster/detail.action?docID=261112.
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