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The Positive Psychology of Positive Emotions

Chapter · January 2011

DOI: 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195373585.003.0007

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1 7

2 The Positive Psychology of Positive

3 Emotions: An Avuncular View

4 Shigehiro Oishi and Jaime L. Kurtz

5 Introduction of the positive psychology movement, and the 30

leaders of positive psychology (e.g., Martin 31
6 Since its inception in the late 1990s, the positive Seligman, Christopher Peterson, Robert Emmons) 32
7 psychology movement has inspired a wealth of should be congratulated for courageously break- 33
8 new research on positive emotions (e.g., Emmons, ing the taboo in academic psychology, paving the 34
9 1999; Fredrickson, 1998, 2001; Seligman & wider and smoother road for a younger genera- 35
10 Csikszentmihalyi, 2000). In particular, recent tion of positive psychologists, and connecting 36
11 years have seen an explosion in the examination psychological science with the concerns of ordi- 37
12 of positive moral emotions, including awe (e.g., nary citizens as well as those of policy makers. 38
13 Keltner, & Haidt, 2003), admiration (e.g., Haidt, The mounting body of research puts positive 39
14 & Seder, in press), gratitude (e.g., McCullough, psychology in the favorable position of being 40
15 Tsang, & Emmons, 2004), and other related con- able to provide practical advice to an eager audi- 41
16 structs such as hope (e.g., Snyder, 2002) and ence. However, it is important to take a step back 42
17 savoring (e.g., Bryant & Veroff, 2007). Also, and assess exactly how far the field has come and 43
18 whereas an earlier generation of positive emo- what it needs to focus on next. 44
19 tion researchers had never engaged in interven- In this chapter, we offer a critique of positive 45
20 tion studies (perhaps to remain in the basic emotion research with the goal of suggesting 46
21 research areas), many positive psychologists specific ways positive psychology could move 47
22 have boldly delved into intervention studies forward. Although research on positive emotion 48
23 to improve people’s well-being (e.g., Emmons has made tremendous inroads in the past decade, 49
24 & McCullough, 2003; Lyubomirsky, Sousa, & we believe that several areas need further 50
25 Dickerhoof, 2006; Seligman, Steen, Park, & addressing. First, positive psychology often 51
26 Peterson, 2005). Now academic psychologists can appears “thin” at this point, partially because it 52
27 investigate moral emotions and/or conduct an is not founded in a historical perspective (see 53
28 intervention study without risking their academic Keltner & Haidt, 2003 for an exception). Because 54
29 reputation. This is a remarkable accomplishment the leaders of positive psychology tend to frame 55

101

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102 PART III. EMOTIONAL PERSPECTIVES

1 positive psychology as a new endeavor, researchers (e.g., Emmons, & McCullough, 2004); and Todd 52
2 do not pay enough tribute to an earlier genera- Kashdan and colleagues’ work on curiosity (e.g., 53
3 tion of positive emotion researchers. We believe Kashdan, Rose, & Fincham, 2004). 54
4 that positive psychologists must recognize the Another pioneering psychologist, William 55
5 rich tradition of positive emotion research con- McDougall (1908/1921), made an important dis- 56
6 ducted since the early 1900s. A historical per- tinction between pleasure and various positive 57
7 spective will provide insight into what to study, emotions (e.g., joy, happiness, admiration, grati- 58
8 how to study it, and how to avoid the demise of tude) and envisioned the scientific study of 59
9 the entire scientific endeavor on emotion that human instincts, emotions, and the development 60
10 took place in the 1940s and 1950s. Second, we of moral emotions to be the foundation of 61
11 believe that positive psychologists must make an psychological science. He conceived curiosity 62
12 explicit connection with other contemporary and parental instincts (or tender emotions and 63
13 research on the topics relevant to positive psy- sympathy) to be two of the most important 64
14 chology (e.g., empathy, willpower, cooperation) instincts. In the chapter entitled “Nature of the 65
15 to broaden its intellectual base. Third, although Sentiments,” McDougall further detailed vari- 66
16 most people in the U.S. want to be happier and ous positive moral emotions. For instance, he 67
17 most positive psychologists want to make people described admiration as follows: “The primary 68
18 happier as well, we propose that it is critical to condition of their excitement is the presence of a 69
19 test the tacit assumption of positive psychology person bigger and more powerful than oneself; 70
20 that the happier, the better. Fourth, we think it and, when we admire such an object as a picture 71
21 important for positive psychologists to acknowl- of a machine, or other work of art, the emotion 72
22 edge that negative emotions play a non-trivial still has this social character and personal refer- 73
23 role in a well-lived life, and to begin to fully ence; the creator of minds as the object of our 74
24 examine how negative emotions fit into positive emotion, and often we say, ‘what a wonderful 75
25 psychology. Fifth, although recent intervention man he is!’ (p. 134). McDougall defined awe as 76
26 studies were successful, it is important to exam- “of many shades, ranging from that in which 77
27 ine the longer-term effects of these interventions admiration is but slightly tinged with fear to that 78
28 in the future. Finally, we propose that more in which fear is but slightly tinged with admira- 79
29 cross-cultural research is necessary to under- tion” (p. 135), reverence as “the religious emo- 80
30 stand the universality of our findings. tion par excellence,” and gratitude as “a binary 81
compound of tender emotion and negative self- 82
feeling” (p. 136). 83
In addition, McDougall (1908/1921) deemed 84
31 Taking Stock
these positive emotions to be central to the foun- 85
dation of a civilized society. For instance, he 86
32 An Intellectual Ancestor of Positive
stated that “aesthetic appreciation of the beauty 87
33 Emotion Research
of fine character and conduct may play a large 88
34 Psychologists have investigated positive emotions part in the genesis of the ideal of conduct and of 89
35 since the very beginning of psychological science. the sentiment of love for this ideal” (p. 233). In 90
36 William James (1890/1950) famously proposed his other words, similar to the current generation of 91
37 theory of emotion in The Principles of Psychology, positive psychologists, McDougall viewed posi- 92
38 in which he distinguished “coarser emotions” tive emotions such as admiration, awe, and grati- 93
39 such as love, joy, and pride from “subtler emo- tude as important research topics and the critical 94
40 tions” or moral, intellectual, and aesthetic feel- building blocks of a well-functioning society. 95
41 ings such as moral satisfaction, gratitude, and Moreover, he presented an idea that was a pre- 96
42 curiosity. For instance, James (1892/1963) dis- cursor to the current form of eudaimonic theory 97
43 cussed moral feelings by stating “the voice breaks of well-being (e.g., Ryan & Deci, 2001; Seligman, 98
44 and the eyes moisten when the moral truth 2002; Sheldon, 2004), stating that “happiness 99
45 is felt” (p. 340). It is obvious that these moral, arises from the harmonious operation of all the 100
46 intellectual, and aesthetic feelings capture one sentiments of a well-organised and unified per- 101
47 dominant force in positive psychology of today, sonality, one in which the principal sentiments 102
48 namely Jonathan Haidt and colleagues’ work on support one another in a succession of actions all 103
49 awe, admiration, and elevation (e.g., Haidt & of which tend toward the same or closely allied 104
50 Seder, in press; Keltner & Haidt, 2003); Robert and harmonious ends,” and that “to add to the 105
51 Emmons and colleagues’ work on gratitude sum of happiness is not merely to add to the sum 106

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CHAPTER 7. THE POSITIVE PSYCHOLOGY OF POSITIVE EMOTIONS 103

1 of pleasures, but is rather to contribute to the adults remembered more happy events than 56
2 development of higher forms of personality, per- unhappy events (55.1% vs. 33.1%, 11.8% indif- 57
3 sonalities capable, not merely of pleasure, as the ferent events). When asked immediately after a 58
4 animals are, but of happiness” (p. 160). In sum, vacation period, schoolchildren recalled more 59
5 although McDougall’s book is often conceived as happy experiences than unhappy experiences 60
6 a theory of instincts today, it featured various (Wohlgemuth, 1923). The first major review 61
7 prosocial positive emotions and foreshadowed paper was published in Psychological Review in 62
8 the emergence of positive psychology eight 1930, in which Meltzer examined all of the 25 63
9 decades later. empirical papers on memory for pleasant and 64
10 Whereas the central interests of James unpleasant experiences. In 1938, Gilbert pub- 65
11 (1890/1950) and McDougall (1908/1921) were lished the second review paper in Psychological 66
12 broader than positive emotions per se, there were Review, summarizing 20 empirical papers on the 67
13 several psychologists whose main interests cen- same topic since Meltzer’s review. Combined 68
14 tered squarely on positive emotions. For instance, with other empirical papers on sympathy (e.g., 69
15 the psychologist George Van Ness Dearborn Meltzer, 1939), empathy (e.g., Gordon, 1917), 70
16 published the book entitled The Emotion of Joy gratitude (e.g., Baumgarten-Tramer, 1938), and 71
17 in 1899, summarizing the literature on the psy- curiosity (Kendrew, 1930), then, it can be said 72
18 chophysiology and psychobiology of positive that the first generation of psychological scien- 73
19 emotions. In the book entitled The Influence tists did study topics directly relevant to positive 74
20 of Joy, Dearborn (1916) went on to catalogue the psychology of today. 75
21 effect of joy on digestion, blood circulation, and The number of empirical papers on positive 76
22 nervous system. This book also provided a prim- emotions became noticeably smaller, however, in 77
23 itive version of Isen’s (1987) work on positive the 1950s and 1960s, for several reasons. First, 78
24 moods and creativity and Fredrickson’s (2001) McDougall’s (1908) theory of instincts was heav- 79
25 celebrated broaden-and-build theory of positive ily influenced by Darwin, and Social Darwinism 80
26 emotion by explicitly linking happiness and came under severe attack by social scientists 81
27 creativity. Furthermore, in the chapter entitled and behavioral psychologists who believed in 82
28 “The economics of happiness,” Dearborn antici- environmentalism in the 1920s and 1930s. 83
29 pated the positive consequences of happiness Accordingly, McDougall’s theory of instinct and 84
30 that Lyubomirsky, King, and Diener (2005) emotion also fell out of favor and lost its influ- 85
31 empirically documented nearly a century later ence (see Hilgard, 1987 for a historical review). 86
32 by stating that “a happy girl in a paper-box factor Second, the concept of emotion came under 87
33 will probably make at least five percent more attack by empirical psychologists in the 1930s 88
34 boxes in a day than the same girl unhappy can and 1940s. For instance, Meyer (1933), after 89
35 pile up. Moreover, the work done under the describing William James as a “poet and philoso- 90
36 stimulus of joy is not only faster but better in pher combined,” criticized the lack of definition 91
37 every way, for it means an attentive interest of emotion by stating that “Now, if anybody can 92
38 in the adjustments, making them more exact” find a textbook on psychology in which the term 93
39 (p. 197). Dearborn would be considered a positive ‘emotion’ is introduced thus honestly, and not 94
40 psychologist today, as he was very much inter- by the novelistic back door, he can make himself 95
41 ested in improving ordinary people’s levels of distinguished as the greatest discoverer in man- 96
42 happiness. He stated, “We may cordially agree kind” (p. 297). He went on to conclude his 97
43 with sundry theorists that gladness as an effec- Psychological Review article by saying that 98
44 tive agent in our behavior is eminently easy of “I predict: The ‘will’ has virtually passed out of 99
45 cultivation. Were it not so, this book were of no our scientific psychology today; the ‘emotion’ is 100
46 use beyond its narrow and problematic scientific bound to do the same. In 1950, American psy- 101
47 interest” (p. 218). chologists will smile at both these terms as curi- 102
48 Moreover, a cursory look at the empirical lit- osities of the past” (p. 300, see also Duffy, 1934, 103
49 erature makes it clear that there was a period of 1941 for a similar view; Worcester, 1933 for the 104
50 active research on positive emotions in the early oppositional view). 105
51 1900s (e.g., Gardiner, 1916). Most notably, the Although American psychologists of today 106
52 memory for happy events has been actively might smile at Meyer (1933) and Duffy (1934, 107
53 investigated at that time (see Oishi, 2000, for a 1941) as curiosities of the past, in 1950 most 108
54 review on this literature). For instance, Henderson American psychologists indeed thought of both 109
55 (1911) showed that over the entire lifespan, “will” and “emotion” as similarly antiquated. 110

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104 PART III. EMOTIONAL PERSPECTIVES

1 In the heydays of behaviorism, all the fuzzy Daniel Batson and his colleagues investigated 54
2 terms were questioned and deemed unworthy of altruism and empathy (e.g., Coke, Batson, & 55
3 scientific psychological investigations. This is McDavis, 1978; see Batson, 1991 for a review) 56
4 why happiness, admiration, gratitude, curiosity, and empirically demonstrated a bright side of 57
5 and other important positive emotions were human nature. Elaine Hatfield, Robert Sternberg, 58
6 neglected for an extended period of time in Arthur Aron, and others successfully showed 59
7 American psychology (see Arnold, 1960’s chapter that love can be measured and scientifically 60
8 entitled “Some positive human emotions,” how- investigated (e.g., Aron & Westbay, 1996; 61
9 ever, in which she discussed love, admiration, Hatfield, & Sprecher, 1986). Since the 1970s, 62
10 happiness, love of beauty, empathy, sympathy, secure attachment has been also shown to pre- 63
11 and laughter). The re-emergence of positive emo- dict better interpersonal competence and rela- 64
12 tion also started with “coarser emotions” that tionship quality later in life (e.g., Waters, 65
13 were easily manipulated or observed first (e.g., Wippman, & Sroufe, 1979; Simpson, 1990). 66
14 Arnold, 1960; Ekman, 1964; Isen & Levine, 1972), Furthermore, over the last two decades psycho- 67
15 before the fuzzier, more complex emotions were logical scientists have accumulated evidence that 68
16 rediscovered much later. In our humble opinion, indicates that trust, cooperation, volunteerism, 69
17 it is important to have a historical perspective on and other prosocial behaviors play an important 70
18 positive emotion research because (a) it expli- role in the foundation of a well-functioning 71
19 cates the critical importance of a sound definition society (e.g., Dawes & Messick, 2000; Omoto 72
20 and the steady establishment of the nomological & Snyder, 1995; Penner, Dovidio, Piliavin, 73
21 network (Cronbach & Meehl, 1955), preferably & Schroeder, 2005; Van Vugt, Snyder, Tyler, & 74
22 with behavioral indicators; (b) it helps ground Biel, 2000). 75
23 the current empirical endeavors in broader theo- Despite the obvious link between these 76
24 ries with a clear intellectual heritage (e.g., evolu- research programs and positive psychology, 77
25 tionary perspective taken by William McDougall); research on willpower, empathy, love, attach- 78
26 and (c) it allows us to appreciate and be grateful ment, trust, cooperation, volunteerism, and posi- 79
27 for the favorable academic atmosphere of today tive intergroup relations has not been generally 80
28 for positive psychologists, which should not be part of the positive psychology movement. It is 81
29 taken for granted. true that the Handbook of Positive Psychology 82
(Snyder & Lopez, 2002) includes chapters on 83
empathy and love. However, it appears to us that 84
30 Intellectual Cousins of Positive Psychology
the positive psychology movement and existing 85
31 In addition to positive emotion research in the research on positive emotions and related con- 86
32 first half of the 20th century, positive psycholo- structs summarized above have been poorly 87
33 gists should pay tribute to positive psychologies integrated, which has contributed to the relative 88
34 advanced by researchers who do not necessarily isolation of the positive psychology movement 89
35 identify themselves as positive psychologists. from the rest of psychological science. It is desir- 90
36 When emotion research was largely dormant able to consciously integrate new positive emo- 91
37 from the 1950s to 1970s, various important dis- tion research with older research programs on 92
38 coveries were made on the topics relevant to the aforementioned topics. We believe that such 93
39 positive psychology. For example, Walter Mischel an integration will “thicken” the positive psy- 94
40 and his colleagues examined willpower and self- chology movement and provide a broader and 95
41 regulation using the delay of gratification para- more stable base for the movement. 96
42 digm, finding empirical support for William
43 James’ (1890) assertion that willpower plays an
More Is Not Always Better 97
44 indispensable role in an individual’s successful
45 functioning (e.g., Mischel & Gilligan, 1964; As described above, the intervention studies 98
46 Mischel, Ebbesen, & Raskoff Zeiss, 1972; Mischel, conducted by positive psychologists (e.g., 99
47 Shoda, & Rodriquez, 1989; Shoda, Mischel, & Lyubomirsky et al., 2006; Seligman et al., 2005) 100
48 Peake, 1990; see also Fabes et al., 1999; Tangney, made an invaluable contribution to the science 101
49 Baumeister, & Boone, 2004). Muzafer Sherif, and the practice of positive psychology. These 102
50 Elliot Aronson, and their colleagues discovered studies can help improve millions of ordinary 103
51 specific ways to improve intergroup relation- people’s levels of daily functioning and feelings of 104
52 ships (Aronson & Bridgeman, 1979; Sherif, happiness. Underneath these intervention studies 105
53 Harvey, White, Hood, & Sherif, 1954/1961). and the philosophy of the positive psychology 106

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CHAPTER 7. THE POSITIVE PSYCHOLOGY OF POSITIVE EMOTIONS 105

1 movement in general are two tacit assumptions between life satisfaction at one point and income 56
2 that happiness is good and that the happier one is, at later points was replicated in two large longi- 57
3 the better off he or she is. Lyubomirsky et al. tudinal studies: the German Socio-Economic 58
4 (2005) conducted a comprehensive meta-analysis Panel Study and the British Household Panel 59
5 and found resounding support for the first assump- Study. Similarly, we (Oishi, Diener, & Lucas, 60
6 tion that happiness is good. Specifically, happiness 2007) examined the longitudinal association 61
7 is associated with various positive outcomes between life satisfaction and educational attain- 62
8 including higher income, better health, better job ment in the Australian Youth in Transition study 63
9 performance, and more stable relationships. (the number of years of schooling they com- 64
10 But just how happy should a person be? The pleted beyond high school in 1987, when they 65
11 second assumption of positive psychology—that were 26 years old). Similar to the income find- 66
12 the happier, the better—requires an empirical ings, the moderately satisfied groups completed 67
13 inquiry. Namely, it is important to test whether more education than did the most satisfied group. 68
14 an increase in the level of happiness is mono- Thus, the optimal level of happiness in terms of 69
15 tonically associated with an increased number of future income and educational attainment was a 70
16 positive outcomes. We (Oishi, Diener, & Lucas, moderate level of happiness, not the highest level 71
17 2007; Oishi & Koo, 2008) have recently exam- of happiness: the happier is not the better. 72
18 ined this very question and found that this Interestingly, however, when we examined the 73
19 assumption was not tenable in terms of income longitudinal relation between life satisfaction at 74
20 and education. For instance, Diener, Nickerson, age 18 in 1979 and the length of their intimate 75
21 Lucas, and Sandvik (2002) analyzed a large set relationships in 1994 in the Australian dataset, 76
22 of longitudinal data on Americans who entered the most satisfied group in 1979 were, on aver- 77
23 one of 25 elite colleges in 1976. In this study, age, involved in a longer intimate relationship 78
24 participants reported their cheerfulness when in 1994 than the second and third satisfied 79
25 they were incoming college freshmen on a groups. In short, the highest level of satisfaction 80
26 5-point scale (1 = lowest 10%; 2 = below average, may in fact be optimal in terms of relationship 81
27 3 = average, 4 = above average, 5 = highest 10%) stability, although the happier is not the better in 82
28 in 1976. In 1995, these participants reported their terms of educational achievement and income 83
29 annual income. The most cheerful in 1976 later in life. 84
30 ($65,023) were making substantially more But why is the optimal level of happiness 85
31 money in 1995 than did the least cheerful different between achievement domains (e.g., 86
32 ($49,770). More important, the researchers income, education) and relationship domains? 87
33 found a curvilinear relation between cheerful- We believe that self-critical motivation serves 88
34 ness in 1976 and annual income in 1995 such well in the achievement domains partly because 89
35 that participants who rated themselves as “above this mindset makes it clear what needs to be done 90
36 average” on cheerfulness in 1976 earned $65,573 to improve skills and performance. In contrast, 91
37 in 1995, slightly more than those who rated self-complacency prevents one from clearly 92
38 themselves as the “highest 10%” in cheerfulness. seeing one’s weaknesses and working on these 93
39 Thus, if we use income as a criterion, the optimal weaknesses. The epitome of self-criticism and 94
40 level of “cheerfulness” was not the highest pos- improvement motivation, Tiger Woods spent 95
41 sible level, but rather the “above average” level. long hours practicing to improve his already- 96
42 In other words, the happier is not the better. amazing shot after winning his first Masters. 97
43 We (Oishi, Diener, & Lucas, 2007) analyzed Similarly, Ichiro Suzuki is known to spend hours 98
44 the Australian Youth in Transition study, which and hours improving his swing, even though he 99
45 is a longitudinal study of nationally representa- is already one of the best hitters in Major League 100
46 tive cohorts of young people in Australia. The Baseball. 101
47 respondents in this study indicated their life sat- This type of perfectionism and self-improvement 102
48 isfaction (“satisfaction with life as a whole”) often brings high performance, fame, status, and 103
49 when they were 18 years old, in 1979. They also wealth. The same kind of motivation applied to 104
50 reported their gross income in 1994, when they an intimate relationship, however, does not work 105
51 were 33 years old (N = 1,166). Consistent with as well. This mindset could lead to a realization 106
52 the findings of Diener et al. (2002), those who fell that the current partner is less than ideal, and 107
53 in the second-highest category of life satisfaction that a better partner is somewhere out there. 108
54 earned more money than those in the highest Indeed, idealization of the partner is associated 109
55 category. In addition, the curvilinear relationship with higher relationship satisfaction and stable 110

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106 PART III. EMOTIONAL PERSPECTIVES

1 relationship (e.g., Murray, Holmes, & Griffin, The Positive Role of Negative Emotions 56
2 2003). In other words, positive illusion serves
3 well in romantic relationships, in which one Although few psychologists would advise one to 57
4 might not want to pay too much attention to his be continually “maxed out” on happiness, the 58
5 or her partner’s weaknesses. In the 1959 film casual student of positive psychology may con- 59
6 Some Like It Hot, the millionaire Osgood clude that experiencing the greatest amount of 60
7 Fielding III (played by Joe E. Brown) fell in love happiness for the longest time possible, while 61
8 with Daphne (played by Jack Lemmon). In the avoiding any form of negative emotion, is a rea- 62
9 memorable ending, Daphne confessed that she sonable and important goal. Therefore, it is 63
10 was actually a man. In response, Osgood important that positive psychology dispel this 64
11 famously said, “Well, nobody’s perfect!” In sum, idea by acknowledging the benefits of certain 65
12 we hypothesize that the highest possible level of negative emotions and more directly researching 66
13 happiness is associated with idealization of the how they contribute to a well-lived life. 67
14 partner and positive illusion about the relation- Sadness, for instance, serves an important func- 68
15 ship itself, which in turn results in relationship tion simply through contrast. In the same way 69
16 stability. In an area in which nobody can be per- that a sunny day is more fully appreciated when 70
17 fect, improvement motives can be toxic. preceded by a week of rain, happiness is experi- 71
18 In a recent study, we also found the down enced more fully when it is contrasted with sad- 72
19 side of chronic happiness (Oishi, Diener, Choi, ness. Experiencing sadness every now and then 73
20 Kim-Prieto, & Choi, 2007). In this study, partici- may help to undo hedonic adaptation (Brickman 74
21 pants in the U.S., Korea, and Japan completed a & Campbell, 1971; Diener, Lucas & Napa Scollon, 75
22 daily report of events and well-being for 21 days. 2006), the process through which events lose 76
23 We estimated the impact of positive versus nega- their emotional impact over time. But how much 77
24 tive events on participants’ daily well-being and sadness is desirable? Because “bad is stronger 78
25 found that chronically happy individuals need than good” (Baumeister, Bratslavsky, Finkenauer 79
26 more positive events to offset the detrimental & Vohs, 2001), having a one-to-one balance of 80
27 effect of a negative event on daily life satisfac- happiness and sadness in life is not desirable. 81
28 tion. For instance, chronically happy American According to Fredrickson and Lasoda (2005), psy- 82
29 college students required roughly two compli- chological well-being generally requires that this 83
30 ments to overcome one critique, whereas moder- number be 2.9 to 1 or above. People who reported 84
31 ately happy Japanese were able to recover one 2.9 or more instances of positive affect for every 85
32 critique with one compliment. This study points one instance of negative affect were more likely 86
33 to the greater sensitivity to negative events to fit the criteria for resiliency and flourishing. 87
34 among chronically “very happy” individuals as Notice, however, that negative affect is present in 88
35 compared to moderately happy individuals. this ratio and that Fredrickson and Lasoda esti- 89
36 Being “very happy” is like standing on a very mate that the positive-to-negative ratio of 11.6 to 90
37 steep slope near the summit. Moving further up 1 or higher would result in negative consequences 91
38 is difficult and requires more positive events. (i.e., too much positivity in the system to be func- 92
39 Slipping backward is very easy with a few nega- tional). Clearly, negative emotions do serve some 93
40 tive events. critical function when experienced to this degree, 94
41 In sum, although most Americans want to be a fact that positive psychology needs to consider 95
42 happier and most positive psychologists want to in greater depth. 96
43 make people happier, it is important to question The affect-as-information hypothesis claims 97
44 whether making people happier indeed translates that negative affect is a signal that something in 98
45 into better functioning. If one is already moder- our environment is awry and needs addressing. 99
46 ately happy, becoming even happier seems to Whereas a happy mood fosters global, heuristic 100
47 come with few benefits and might even come processing, people in sad moods have been shown 101
48 with a price. Like having too many choices in life to be more detail-focused and critical in their 102
49 (Schwartz, 2005), having more happiness might thinking, which is important for certain kinds of 103
50 not be always better. Extending the recent effort problem solving (Schwarz & Clore, 1983). State- 104
51 to re-examine the basic assumptions of positive trait congruity is also an important consider- 105
52 psychology (Oishi, Diener, & Lucas, 2007; Oishi ation. Those high in trait levels of negative affect 106
53 et al., 2007), it is important to test whether the (e.g., neurotics) are actually motivated to main- 107
54 happier is the better for more diverse life domains tain higher levels of momentary negative affect 108
55 such as health in the future. because it is consistent with how they view 109

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CHAPTER 7. THE POSITIVE PSYCHOLOGY OF POSITIVE EMOTIONS 107

1 themselves (Tamir, 2005). For all people, but these abound in American culture, suggesting 56
2 especially those high in neuroticism and similar that, although so many of us report wanting to be 57
3 traits, negative emotions serve a critical informa- happier, we also see great value in overcoming 58
4 tive function. life’s struggles. The “good life” comes not out of 59
5 Also, from an evolutionary standpoint, nega- simply maximizing happiness but also from find- 60
6 tive emotions are quite functional (Damasio, ing meaning through life’s trials and tribulations. 61
7 1994; Darwin, 1872). Anger mobilizes us to One of life’s most esteemed virtues is wisdom, 62
8 defend ourselves. Disgust signals that a certain which, again, comes not from a life of hedonic 63
9 food is potentially harmful (Rozin, Haidt, & pursuits but through engagement with the full 64
10 McCauley, 1993). From a functionalist perspec- range of emotional experience. According to 65
11 tive, then, negative emotions are critical for Kunzmann and Baltes (2003), those high in 66
12 ensuring our survival. They also serve important wisdom are less likely to endorse items related to 67
13 self-regulatory and social functions. Guilt, for pleasurable pursuits such as being well-to-do 68
14 instance, is an unpleasant affective state that and having fun. Moreover, wisdom is correlated 69
15 creates a sense of accountability in relationships with lower levels of positive affect. Psychological 70
16 and can serve as negative reinforcement. For adjustment requires much more than just maxi- 71
17 example, giving people false feedback indicating mizing happiness. From a lifespan developmental 72
18 that they were racially prejudice induced a sense perspective, wisdom, meaning, and psychological 73
19 of guilt that motivated them to read articles on health are the result of active engagement with 74
20 how to reduce prejudice on both a personal and all that life has to offer, the good and the bad 75
21 societal level (Amodio, Devine, & Harmon-Jones, (Ryff, 1989). 76
22 2007). According to Baumeister, Stillwell, and In sum, negative emotions contribute to a full 77
23 Heatherton (1994), guilt may also provide lower- and meaningful life. There does seem to be an 78
24 status people with some power or leverage in implicit awareness of the importance of experi- 79
25 social situations, and it helps redistribute nega- encing these emotions. After all, people seek out 80
26 tive affect from the victim of a transgression negative emotions when they willingly go to 81
27 back to the source. In a sense, guilt serves as a scary movies, read tragic love stories, or jump 82
28 psychological payback that may motivate people out of airplanes. However, the positive effects of 83
29 to regulate themselves in social situations. Other negative emotions have received little attention 84
30 similar self-conscious states, such as social anxi- from positive psychologists. As positive psychol- 85
31 ety, shame, and embarrassment, are related to ogy moves forward, it is essential to begin to 86
32 our real or imagined view of how others seen us incorporate the full spectrum of affective experi- 87
33 and therefore serve similar self-regulatory func- ence into understanding what makes a life mean- 88
34 tions (Leary, 2007). ingful and fulfilling. 89
35 Negative life events also serve important func-
36 tions. Of course, the vast majority of us would
Examining Long-Term Effects of Positive 90
37 certainly choose to avoid disease, divorce, and
Interventions 91
38 death of loved ones, but it is traumas such as
39 these that contribute to wisdom and meaning in One challenge inherent in research on wisdom, 92
40 life (Janoff-Bulman & Berger, 2000). Research meaning, and other markers of a well-lived life is 93
41 shows that these desirable outcomes are often the fact that these studies are often correlational 94
42 the result of trying experiences that are rife with and retrospective. For example, people’s life sto- 95
43 negative emotion. For instance, McAdams (2001) ries are reconstructed in an interview format and 96
44 has found that highly generative adults report prone to memory biases (McAdams, 2001), 97
45 life stories that contain redemptive sequences, in making it difficult to really determine and give 98
46 which they translate something negative into advice on how to develop a meaningful life. Given 99
47 something positive and meaningful: “We started these limitations, a tremendous contribution of 100
48 with nothing—I mean nothing. It was really, positive psychology has been the proliferation of 101
49 really terrible. It was all rigged against us. But we longitudinal positive intervention studies, in 102
50 kept going, and we overcame.” “If it hadn’t been which participants incorporate various cognitive 103
51 for my divorce, I would have never gone back to strategies and behavioral changes into their daily 104
52 school. I put my life back together. I learned new lives, with the goal of increasing happiness and 105
53 skills. I left my old life behind, thank God. I am promoting optimal functioning. Fordyce (1977) 106
54 happy today because it all turned out for the pioneered this technique by randomly assigning 107
55 best” (McAdams, 2006, pp. 40–41). Stories like a sample of non-depressed college students to 108

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108 PART III. EMOTIONAL PERSPECTIVES

1 one of the following: (1) an insight program, in Perhaps it is beneficial to keep positive experi- 56
2 which students read the author’s book Human ences slightly mysterious or inexplicable so a 57
3 Happiness: The Findings of Psychological person continues to dwell on them (Kurtz, 58
4 Research, which presented research findings on Wilson, & Gilbert, 2007). 59
5 factors related to happiness, and try to apply the In another set of studies, Emmons and 60
6 book’s advice to their own lives; (2) the funda- McCullough (2003) empirically tested the old 61
7 mentals program, in which participants were adage “count your blessings” by randomly 62
8 asked to apply nine specific pieces of advice on assigning participants to either list things they 63
9 happiness (e.g., “become more present-oriented,” were grateful for, list daily hassles, or generate 64
10 “become more active,” etc.) to their own lives; downward social comparisons. They found that 65
11 (3) the activities program, in which participants expressing gratitude led to increased mood on 66
12 generated their own list of what makes them both a daily and weekly basis. This strategy was 67
13 happy and tried to do them every day of the effective for both undergraduates and adults suf- 68
14 study; or (4) a control group. Although measure- fering from neuromuscular disease. Sheldon and 69
15 ment of happiness was rudimentary at the time Lyubomirsky (2006) also randomly assigned a 70
16 of this study, Fordyce found that the fundamen- sample of college students to count their bless- 71
17 tals and activities programs increased partici- ings and contrasted this with another activity: 72
18 pants’ happiness over the course of the study. visualizing one’s “best possible self.” Doing both 73
19 Although the twenty-odd years following of these activities brought an immediate increase 74
20 Fordyce’s work saw a sharp rise in the number of in positive affect when compared to a neutral 75
21 self-help books suggesting techniques on how to condition (“reflect on the details of your day”). 76
22 live a happier life, it was the advent of positive Moreover, these increases were maintained for 77
23 psychology that inspired researchers to study the duration of the study (four weeks) but only 78
24 these techniques empirically. Armed with vali- when the activities were done regularly. Recent 79
25 dated measures of happiness and related con- research by Lyubomirsky, Dickerhoof, Boehm, 80
26 structs, recent researchers have begun to establish and Sheldon (2008) examined the effectiveness 81
27 evidence that it is indeed possible to make sus- of two similar cognitive strategies: expressing 82
28 tainable changes to one’s level of happiness optimism and practicing gratitude. College stu- 83
29 (Lyubomirsky, Sheldon, & Schkade, 2005). dents were randomly assigned to practice one of 84
30 Expressive writing is one technique that has these strategies or a neutral control once a week 85
31 been tested for its therapeutic nature. Specifically, for eight weeks. These exercises significantly 86
32 writing about negative life experiences carries a increased participants’ happiness over the course 87
33 variety of benefits, such as improved physical of the study, but they were most beneficial for 88
34 and mental health (Pennebaker, & Seagal, 1999; those who were motivated to become happier. 89
35 Lyubomirsky, Sousa, & Dickerhoof, 2006), pre- In what is possibly the most ambitious inter- 90
36 sumably because participants are gaining closure vention study to date, Seligman and colleagues 91
37 and finding order and meaning in their difficul- (2005) used a Web-based randomized controlled 92
38 ties. The results of writing about positive life trial design to examine the effectiveness of six 93
39 experiences, however, are more mixed. In a vari- different activities over a six-month period. These 94
40 ation on Pennebaker’s paradigm, Burton and activities were: paying someone a “gratitude 95
41 King (2004) found that writing about a very pos- visit,” listing three good things that happened 96
42 itive life experience for 20 minutes on three con- that day, imagining a time when the participant 97
43 secutive days created immediate increases in was at his or her best, identifying signature 98
44 positive mood relative to controls. Also, this strengths (Peterson & Seligman, 2004), trying to 99
45 activity produced higher instances of physical use signature strengths in a new way, and a pla- 100
46 health (as measured by fewer trips to the campus cebo control in which participants wrote about 101
47 health center), even after three months. However, their early memories. Of these six activities, 102
48 Lyubomirsky, Sousa, and Dickerhoof (2006) using signature strengths and listing three good 103
49 found that writing about positive life experiences things that happened that day increased happi- 104
50 was actually not as beneficial as thinking and ness and reduced symptoms of depression over 105
51 reflecting on them. While more research on the course of the study, and the gratitude visit 106
52 this is needed, Wilson and Gilbert (in press) offer had similar benefits that lasted about a month. 107
53 a compelling reason for this discrepancy: Not surprisingly, participants’ willingness to 108
54 Constructing a logical, ordered narrative about continue with the activity played a large role in 109
55 a positive experience might “explain it away.” the degree to which it was effective. 110

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CHAPTER 7. THE POSITIVE PSYCHOLOGY OF POSITIVE EMOTIONS 109

1 Taken together, then, these studies make a anxiety and depression. However, the effects of 56
2 fairly convincing argument for the idea that it is it also need to be examined over longer periods 57
3 possible to make sustainable changes in happi- of time. 58
4 ness. However, some questions still remain. For Furthermore, future research should more 59
5 instance, these studies ranged in time from sev- closely examine the mechanisms through which 60
6 eral days to six months. It is unclear as to whether positive interventions are effective. If doing 61
7 these activities and cognitive strategies would random acts of kindness makes people happier, 62
8 bring happiness over the long term. In fact, it is exactly why is that? Does it allow people to see 63
9 highly possible that these activities might be themselves and kind and thoughtful? Does it 64
10 subject to hedonic adaptation (Brickman & build social capital and a sense of trust? Does it 65
11 Campbell, 1971; Wilson & Gilbert, in press). For allow people to see just how fortunate they are, 66
12 example, counting one’s blessings might lose especially if they choose to help someone in need? 67
13 emotional power if the person runs out of bless- Because these studies are often done on partici- 68
14 ings to count over time. Along these lines, once pants’ own time rather than in the lab, assessing 69
15 the blessings become difficult to generate, the these processes may be difficult. However, it is 70
16 activity could actually backfire (Schwarz, 1998). important to understand exactly why they have 71
17 Therefore, it is important to examine whether such benefits. As positive longitudinal interven- 72
18 these interventions are effective over a long tions are beginning to be applied in a clinical set- 73
19 period of time. As Lyubomirsky (2008) suggests, ting (Seligman et al., 2006), it is especially critical 74
20 these happiness-increasing activities might have to more fully understand the nature of the pro- 75
21 to be varied to continue to be beneficial, but fur- cesses underlying their apparent success. 76
22 ther research should establish exactly how they
23 should be varied.
Testing Universality of Positive Psychology 77
24 While research on positive interventions cer-
25 tainly gives reason for optimism, one of the next As is the case with the rest of psychological 78
26 steps for positive psychology is to move beyond research, most positive psychology research of 79
27 speculation and convincingly determine the fea- today has been conducted in North America and 80
28 sibility of these interventions in the long term. Europe. There is a good reason to suspect that 81
29 Also, future research should examine their util- some theories and findings of positive psychol- 82
30 ity at various stages in the lifespan. Do they ogy do not replicate universally, considering the 83
31 work for children? For older people? Impressive cultural variation found in the related topics 84
32 as Seligman and colleagues’ (2005) intervention such as self-esteem (Heine, Lehman, Kitayama, 85
33 is, it used a self-selected sample of people with & Markus, 1999), happiness (Oishi & Diener, 86
34 Internet access who chose to visit a Web site with 2001), and pride (Kitayama, Markus, & Kurokawa, 87
35 the goal of improving their happiness. They were 2000). First, what is “positive” varies to some 88
36 largely middle-aged and well educated. The other extent across cultures. In the U.S. today, “pride” 89
37 interventions above examined mainly college is considered positive by most. Children are 90
38 students. These interventions might work better taught to “take pride” in their accomplishments, 91
39 for certain people than others. More long-term for instance. Among East Asians, however, 92
40 studies should examine for whom they are most “pride” is not considered positive by most (Eid & 93
41 effective, and why. Although Sheldon and Diener, 2001; Oishi, 2007). It is of course well 94
42 Lyubomirsky (2006) have found that happiness- known that Jane Austen used the term “pride” 95
43 increasing activities are most effective when and “proud” in a negative light in her Pride and 96
44 the person feels a certain degree of “fit,” or self- Prejudice (1813/1997), suggesting that “pride” 97
45 concordant motivation (e.g., extreme introverts was not considered positive even in the West 98
46 might feel too uncomfortable to reap the benefits until much later, and that the positivity of “pride” 99
47 of paying someone a gratitude visit), if this changed over time. 100
48 research is to be truly prescriptive, more focus Similarly, the concept of “happiness” varies 101
49 on this notion is needed. Positive interventions across cultures and historical periods. As seen in 102
50 have also been proposed for the treatment of Saul Steinberg’s famous New Yorker cover on 103
51 depression and anxiety (Seligman, Rashid, & January 17, 1959, happiness has been highly 104
52 Parks, 2006). Initial assessments of this positive associated with prosperity in the U.S.—happiness 105
53 psychotherapy, which involves activities similar is something you can attain via success in life. 106
54 to those described above, suggest that it is Implicitly, happiness is conceived as something 107
55 very effective in reducing the symptoms of that one can actively pursue in the U.S. today. 108

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110 PART III. EMOTIONAL PERSPECTIVES
1 In contrast, the Chinese characters for happiness
2 are as follows: 幸福. The first character indicates
3 feeling happy, but the second character indicates
4 luck and fortune. This is partly why East Asians
5 are less likely to conceive of happiness as some-
6 thing that they can actively pursue; rather, they
7 conceive of happiness as something they will feel
8 if they are lucky and fortunate. To be sure, the
9 Latin origin of happiness is “hap,” which indi-
10 cates luck, and historically “happiness” was
11 defined in part as “good fortune and luck.”
12 Interestingly, however, the 1961 Webster’s
13 unabridged dictionary started to denote this defi-
14 nition as “archaic.” That is, “happiness” used to
15 be defined as “good fortune and luck” in the U.S.,
16 but not anymore. It is also interesting to note
17 that, according to the influential moral philoso-
18 pher Martha Nussbaum (1986), Aristotle con-
19 ceived eudaimonia (happiness or flourishing in
20 life) as vulnerable to external conditions and the
21 power of luck and fortune, very much in line
22 with current East Asian use of 幸福. Indeed,
23 Aristotle used eudaimonia interchangeably with
24 the Greek word markarion, which means “for-
25 tune,” throughout his Ethics (Thomson, 1953).
26 This also suggests that the current use of eudai-
27 monia in positive psychology (which tends to be
28 highly agentic) might not fully reflect Aristotle’s
29 concept of eudaimonia.
30 It should be noted that several positive psy-
31 chologists have already begun to investigate uni-
32 versality of their theories. For instance, Park,
33 Peterson, and Seligman (2006) collected data
34 from 54 nations and showed that the rank-order
35 of 24 character strengths is remarkably similar
36 across nations. Similarly, Shimai, Otake, Park,
37 Peterson, and Seligman (2006) showed that the
38 patterns of correlations between character
39 strengths and other related constructs were sim-
40 ilar in the U.S. and Japan. Also, Otake, Shimai,
41 Tanaka-Matsumi, Otsui, and Fredrickson (2006)
42 demonstrated that the kindness intervention
43 worked well in Japan. These research findings
44 provide initial support for universality of charac-
45 ter strengths and the effectiveness of the kind-
46 ness intervention. However, researchers have
47 also found some cultural variation in meaning of
48 life. For instance, search for meaning was nega-
49 tively associated with presence of meaning and
50 life satisfaction in the U.S., whereas it was posi-
51 tively associated with presence of meaning and
52 life satisfaction in Japan (Steger, Kawabata,
53 Shimai, & Otake, 2008). In other words, search
54 for meaning is more “positive” in Japan than in
55 the U.S. It is important for positive psychologists
07_Sheldon_Chapter-07.indd 110
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to continue investigating universality of their 56
theories and findings to find true universality of 57
and cultural variation in positive psychological 58
science (see Norenzayan & Heine, 2005 for a 59
specific research approach). 60
Moving Forward 61
As mentioned at the beginning of this chapter, it 62
should be reiterated that the positive psychology 63
movement has made considerable accomplish- 64
ments in both research and practice. Some of the 65
findings from positive psychology (e.g., Emmons 66
& McCullough, 2003; Lyubomirsky, Sousa, & 67
Dickerhoof, 2006; Seligman et al., 2005; Tugade 68
& Fredrickson, 2004) are truly inspiring. We 69
believe that positive psychology can move even 70
further by attending to all six critiques presented 71
above: namely, (1) cultivating the link with the 72
early generation of positive emotion research, 73
(2) cultivating the connection with other positive 74
psychology research (e.g., empathy, willpower, 75
love, trust, cooperation), (3) recognizing that 76
more is not always better, (4) recognizing the 77
positive in negative emotions, (5) investigating 78
the long-term effect of interventions and identi- 79
fying boundary conditions (e.g., “what works for 80
whom?”), and (6) testing universality of the the- 81
ories. In general, then, we suggest broadening 82
our focus by incorporating complementary lines 83
of research, considering our intellectual and his- 84
torical roots, and acknowledging the cultural 85
context of our findings while continuing to pro- 86
duce rigorous scientific research. 87
Positive psychology has made rapid and 88
impressive progress in the past decade and is 89
TABLE 7.1 Six Recommendations for the Future
Positive Psychology of Positive Emotion
1. Cultivate the link with the early generation
of positive emotion research
2. Cultivate the connection with other positive
psychology research (e.g., empathy, will-
power, love, trust, cooperation)
3. Recognize that the happier is not always better
4. Recognize the positive in negative emotions
5. Investigate the long-term effect of interven-
tions and identify boundary conditions (e.g.,
“what works for whom?”)
6. Test universality of the theories (e.g., what is
“positive”?)
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CHAPTER 7. THE POSITIVE PSYCHOLOGY OF POSITIVE EMOTIONS 111

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114 PART III. EMOTIONAL PERSPECTIVES

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