Vibe Maria Martens, "Belonging To His Majesty The King", Royal Slaves in the Danish West Indies

1792-1848. Speciale. Saxo Instituttet, Københavns Universitet. Bedømmelsesdato: 23.08.10.

Contents

Resumé 3
1 Introduction 4
2 Research question 4
3 Hypothesis 5
4 The field of research 6
5 Historical context 7
5.1 Political and economic history 7
5.2 Slave society 7
5.3 Slave revolts and Emancipation 9
5.4 The Danish administration 10
6 Historiography 12
6.1 Slave societies of the Caribbean 12
6.2 Published primary sources concerning the Danish West Indies
14
6.3 Royal Slaves in the Caribbean 15
6.4 Slave society in the Danish West Indies 18
6.5 Royal Slaves in the Danish West Indies 21
7 Theoretical perspective 22
8 Methodology 26
9 Archival material 28
10 Comparative elements 30
11 Functions and value of the Royal Slaves 31
11.1 Trends and developments 1792 – 1848 32
11.2 Royal Slaves at vejerboden and pakhuset 34
11.3 Royal Slaves at proviantgården 37
11.4 Royal Slaves at the bakery 39
11.5 Royal Slaves at the fortresses 43
11.6 Royal Slaves at the military barracks 46
11.7 Royal Slaves at the hospitals 50
11.8 Royal Slaves in other functions 53
11.9 Non-existing functions 57

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 11.10 The value of the Royal Slaves 61
12 Legal rights 63
12.1 Food provisions 64
12.2 Provision grounds 66
12.3 Housing rights 66
12.4 Clothing 67
12.5 Healthcare 68
12.6 Self-manumission? 68
13 Crime and punishment 69
13.1 Crime and punishment of Royal Slaves 69
14 The state’s provisions for its slaves 72
14.1 Food provisions 72
14.2 Subsistence allowance 75
14.3 Provision grounds 79
14.4 Housing and supervision 82
14.5 Healthcare 86
14.6 Osnaburg – cloth and clothes 88
14.7 Funerals 90
14.8 Baptisms 91
15 Living conditions of other non-Danish Royal Slaves 93
15.1 Winkel slaves 93
15.2 Cobreros 95
16 Research perspectives 97
17 Conclusion 99
Bibliography 102
Unpublished primary sources 102
Maps and drawings 104
Newspapers 104
Published secondary sources 105

Appendices A, B and C are to be found in the separate booklet

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Resumé

”Belonging To His Majesty The King”

Royal Slaves in the Danish West Indies 1792 – 1848.

By Vibe Maria Martens, University of Copenhagen, 2010.

Dette speciale redegør for antallet af de såkaldte kongelige slaver, slaver ejet af den
danske konge i Dansk Vestindien mellem 1792 og 1848. Endvidere undersøger
specialet hvilke vilkår denne gruppe af slaver levede under. De kongelige slaver
varetog funktioner i det urbane rum som var essentielle for opretholdelsen af
slavesamfundet, som f.eks. arbejde i vejerboden, pakhuset og proviantgården, men
også andre steder som forter, hospitaler og toldbåden. Det undersøges, om de
kongelige slaver besad specifikke håndværksfærdigheder for at redegøre for hvorfor
nogle kongelige slaver var meget værdifulde og hvad det kunne have betydet i forhold
til de opgaver de udførte.
Det overordnede formål er at klarlægge, om de vilkår disse kongelige slaver levede
under var bedre eller anderledes end de privatejede slaver i Dansk Vestindien og
andre statsejede slaver i det øvrige Caribien. Dette undersøges ved at sammenligne
rettigheder og traditioners foreskrivelser af størrelse og type af udleveret mad, penge,
boliger, land til dyrkning, tøj og medicinsk pleje.
Endvidere undersøges de typiske forbrydelser disse slaver begik og straffe de blev
idøm, og dette sammenlignes ligeledes med de privatejede slaver. Denne undersøgelse
bruges til at se, om der er belæg for at de kongelige slaver har ageret anderledes end
andre slaver.
Ved brug af arkivmateriale fra Rigsarkivet og historisk demografisk metode
undersøges disse forhold. Ved hjælp af Mintz og Olwig’s teorier om proto-peasants
undersøges endvidere, om adgangen til ”provision grounds”, slave haver til dyrkning
af frugt, grønt mm. havde afgørende betydning for de kongelige slavers identitet og
selvopfattelse.
Fra konklusionen fremgår det, at de danske kongelige slaver ikke har levet under
betydeligt forskellige forhold fra de privatejede slaver, men heller ikke har været de
dårligst stillede slaver i slavesamfundet på de Dansk Vestindiske Øer mellem
1792 og 1848.

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 1 Introduction
In the slave society of the Danish West Indies, slaves performed a
large number of functions vital to the maintenance of slave society and
its economy. Slaves were a commodity, and considered the property of
their masters. Plantations producing sugar were based on slave labour,
and urban dwellers kept slaves who performed a variety of functions
in the urban sphere. All aspects of production in the Danish West
Indian slave society entailed slave labour, thus most European
Caribbeans owned slaves. 1 The Danish King was the owner of the
islands from 1755, and he was no exception to the general dependency
on slavery. The Danish King owned numerous plantations, on which
Royal Slaves laboured, but he also owned a number of Royal Slaves
who worked in the urban sphere where they also performed jobs vital
to the maintenance of the slave society. It is this group of Royal Slaves
who are at the focus of this paper. The Royal Slaves worked in places
of public service such as the weigh houses, the provisions yards, the
bakeries, the hospitals and the forts. These types of functions were not
performed by any other slaves than those owned by the King.
This paper will explore the lives which these urban Royal Slaves lived
from 1792 until Emancipation in 1848, and consider the conditions
which they lived under compared to privately-owned slaves in the
Danish West Indies as well as other Royal Slaves in the Caribbean.
Thus the purpose of this paper is to enquire into whether being a
Royal Slave meant better living conditions, and whether this created a
sense of unique identity amongst this group of Royal Slaves.
I have chosen this particular group of Royal Slaves as focus of this
paper because the story of their functions, living conditions, crime and
punishment and the state’s provisions to them has the potential to
reveal insight into another aspect of Danish colonial history. The
conclusions reached in this paper will thus allow insight into the lives
of yet another group of slaves in the Danish West Indies, of which
very little is known.

2 Research question
This paper aims to answer the following questions:
First, what are the trends in the numbers of Royal Slaves in the Danish
West Indies between 1792 and 1848 and how do they compare to the
general trend in numbers of privately-owned slaves?
Secondly, which functions did the Royal Slaves have, what tasks may
these functions have entailed and where? Did the functions of the
Danish Royal Slaves match those of other Royal Slaves across the

1 European Caribbean here refer to those who were born in Europe, or who were of
European descent but lived in the Caribbean

4
Caribbean? Did the functions they performed differ from those of
other slaves in the Danish West Indies and does this indicate any
significant characteristics of this group of slaves? Were the Royal
Slaves worth considerably more in economic terms than other slaves
on the islands, what does this say about any skills they may have
possessed and what does this indicate about their importance to
society as a group?
Thirdly, what were the social and judicial conditions under which the
Royal Slaves lived? And how do these develop throughout the period
and how do they compare to the conditions of the privately-owned
slaves?
Fourth, what were the typical crimes committed by Royal Slaves and
how were they punished, and did this differ from the actions and
treatment of privately-owned slaves? Do the actions of Royal Slaves in
terms of crime and punishment suggest that the Royal Slaves worked
closely together as a group?
Fifth, the paper at hand considers Sidney W. Mintz and Karen Fog
Olwig’s notion of identity amongst the proto-peasants 2 and their
resistance to slavery as displayed through the importance of access to
and use of provision grounds. 3
Sixth, how did the conditions under which the Danish Royal Slaves
lived compare to the conditions of other groups of Royal Slaves in the
Caribbean?

3 Hypothesis
First of all, it is intriguing that the king if Denmark and thereby the
Danish state, owned slaves. I was interested to see if this group of
slaves were in some way distinguishable from the general slave
population and if it meant anything special to be a Royal Slave.
Therefore, the original thought behind this paper was to investigate if
being a Royal Slave meant a better life, or some form of special status
within the slave society of the Danish West Indies, and if so, how this
could translate into the Royal Slaves’ own position in the social
hierarchy. Was there a special status connected to being a Royal Slave,
how did that differentiate them in their own perception and in the
eyes of the administration?
Did it signify, for instance, that a Royal Slave was provided with more
and/or better food, clothes, healthcare and better housing? Did it
mean increased access to freedom? Is there any indication that the
Royal Slaves felt special or acted differently to other slaves in any way?

2 See chapter 7 for explanation of the term

3 Provision grounds, or slave gardens. More about provision grounds throughout
this paper, particularly in chapters 7, 12.2 and 14.3

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It would be interesting to see if having slaves was something the
Danish king himself was aware of and involved in, and if this in any
way contributed to better living conditions for the Royal Slaves.

Some, but not all of these questions are answered in this paper. Some
aspects were difficult to investigate or form conclusions on, such as
that of the King being aware of the ownership of the Royal Slaves, due
to time constraints and the difficulty in working with archival primary
source material.

4 The field of research

In order to answer the research questions above, this paper will make
use of a small part of the wealth of information available from the
primary source material on the Danish West Indies in Rigsarkivet, the
Danish National Archives. The records concerning the Danish West
Indies are voluminous and widely detailed, and for the greater part,
very well preserved. However, naturally, there are some parts of the
relevant archival material which are incomplete or in such conditions
that they are unavailable to researchers. Nonetheless, the analyses of
the functions, value, the crimes and punishments, and the state’s
provisions to the Royal Slaves derive from the primary source material
and thus the records from Rigsarkivet constitute the basis for the
research presented in this paper.

The selected time frame of 1792 – 1848 was based on several

important historical events in the Caribbean of relevance to the
development and end of the slave society in the Danish West Indies
that took place within this period. This is the abolition of the Danish
slave trade in 1792, the British invasion of the islands in 1801-1802
and again in 1807-1815, the British Slavery abolition Act of 1833 as
well as, of course, Emancipation in the Danish West Indies in 1848.
For these four events the years surrounding the event as well as the
year itself is studied in this paper. This offers an insight into the
numbers of Royal Slaves before and after, and thus illustrates any
effects the events would have had as well as provide an understanding
of the long term changes in the numbers, uses and living conditions of
Royal Slaves between 1792 and 1848.

6
 5 Historical context
5.1 Political and economic history
The Danish West Indies consisted of three islands. St. Thomas was
first colonised in the 1670s, followed by St. Jan in 1718. In 1733, the
best sugar producer of the Danish West Indies, St. Croix, was
purchased from France. As with several other colonised areas of the
Caribbean, the colonisation was directed by trading companies hoping
to make a profit in the Americas. The Danish trading company,
Vestindisk Guineisk Kompagni (VGK) owned the islands until 1755,
when the Danish state took over the islands and all VGK’s
possessions. The Danish state owned the islands until 1917, when they
were sold to the USA.

Upon the state’s takeover of the islands, various orders and legislation
were promulgated in order to secure the largest economic gain
possible from the Danish West Indies. The trade monopoly of VGK
that had been in place prior to 1755 continued more or less the same
way, now with the Danish state as the main benefactor. This meant
that the islands’ produce had to be sold in the mother country, in
return for goods which the islands could not produce themselves,
such as various foodstuffs and industrial products. 4 After 1764, the
system changed slightly, where St. Croix was ordered to solely produce
sugar, and St. Thomas to engage in free trade in the natural harbour of
Charlotte Amalie. 5 The system of free trade and production of sugar
on St. Croix meant significant increased revenue to the Danish state.
Unfortunately it is not entirely clear what expenses the state incurred
during its reign of the Danish West Indies, but it can only be assumed
that the reason why a sale to America was discussed as early as 1852 is
that with the end of slavery, any profitability there may have been, had
completely disappeared. 6

5.2 Slave society

The colony was founded for economic reasons. The main crop, sugar,
was the real source of wealth on the vast majority of the islands in the
Caribbean. In order to grow sugar successfully, it was necessary to use
large amounts of manpower, as the manual labour required for
growing, harvesting and producing sugar was extensive. As in all other
colonies in the Caribbean, slaves were imported from Africa by

4 Brøndsted, Johannes, Vore Gamle Tropekolonier. Bind 2 : Dansk Vestindien 1755-1848:

Fremad, 1966, p. 63
5 Ibid., p. 64
6 ________, Vore Gamle Tropekolonier. Bind 3 : Dansk Vestindien 1848-1880: Fremad,

1967, p. 69

7
Danish and other nations’ ships to the Danish West Indies in order to
obtain sufficient manpower. Although neither the largest colony, nor
the largest importer of slaves, the Danish West Indies had as many as
35.235 slaves in 1802. This number had risen from 27.068 in 1791,
and would decline to 21.990 in 1846. 7 Emancipation in 1848 by
Governor General Peter von Scholten ended slavery on the islands.
The vast majority of the slaves worked on plantations as field slaves,
although some plantation slaves were skilled labourers. In the urban
sphere, a common function was as domestics, most often women who
cooked, baked, laundered and waited at tables as well as a number of
various other jobs in and around European Caribbean households.
Another type of common urban slave was the artisans such as
carpenters, masons, silversmiths, saddlers as well as butchers, barbers
and tailors, some of whose skills was matched by some plantation
slaves. 8
The society of the Danish West Indies was a multicultural and
cosmopolitan society. It was not only slaves that formed part of the
workforce that constituted the plantation society: plantation owners,
overseers and bailiffs were another core of West Indian society. The
Danes themselves were reluctant to travel to the West Indies to try
their luck, and had no prior knowledge of the necessities of running a
plantation. Therefore, the largest numbers of European Caribbean
inhabitants were not Danes, but Dutch, English, French and Irish
among others.

Throughout the 18th century, the Danish policy of neutrality had been
largely successful and contributed great sums of money to the Danish
treasury. 9 This did not last through the Napoleonic Wars, when Britain
believed that the Danish neutrality in trade aided the French and thus
perceived the agreement of neutrality between Sweden, Russia and
Denmark as a declaration of war. 10 The Danish West Indies was
subsequently successfully invaded and occupied twice by the British.
First in 1801 which was short-lived and only lasted until 1802. Then in
1807, in the aftermath of the Battle of Trafalgar, the British once more
showed their discontent with the Danish policy of neutrality and
invaded the Danish West Indies once more, this time to occupy them
until 1815.
Both occupations passed without much bloodshed, this being partly
due to lack of military strength in place in the Danish West Indies,

7 Johansen, Hans Chr, "Slave Demography of the Danish West Indian Islands." The
Scandinavian economic history review 29, no. 1 (1981), p. 3
8 Hall, Neville A. T., Slave Society in the Danish West Indies: St. Thomas, St. John, and St.

Croix. St. Augustine, Trinidad: The University of the West Indies Press, 1994, p.
92
9 Brøndsted, Vore Gamle Tropekolonier. Bind 2 : Dansk Vestindien 1755-1848, p. 218
10 Ibid., p. 219

8
where the armies held few able men who normally performed military
duties. 11

The Danish economy went into a period of extreme difficulty towards

the Napoleonic Wars, and in 1813 the state was declared bankrupt.
At the end of the British occupation, inhabitants in the West Indies
probably expected things to return to normal where sugar production
constituted the major part of the income in the islands, and the period
of occupation had seen sugar producers prosper. 12 However, due to
the economic crisis affecting the European powers around 1820, this
was not to be, and the profitability of sugar production on the islands
went into a decline. 13

5.3 Slave revolts and Emancipation

Inspired by the Enlightenment, an increased number of Europeans
began to question the thought rightfulness of the institution of slavery.
Particularly in England, but also in other European nations, Denmark
included, these debates became common and several works on anti-
slavery was published from the late 1700s. In 1792, the abolition of
the Danish slave trade became a fact, but was not the unique,
humanising legislation that some, for example, its progenitor the
minister of finance, Ernst Schimmelmann, had hoped for. 14 The
legislation meant that over a period of ten years, the import of slaves
was still allowed under the Danish flag, which somewhat ironically
meant that imports rose significantly during this period.
In 1833, the British abolished slavery in their colonies, and many
planters were worried about what would happen in the Danish West
Indies as a result. A growing interest in the islands arose in the 1830s
as the institution of slavery became increasingly debated in several
European countries, first and foremost in Britain, but also in
Denmark. The Danish King, Frederik VI who reigned from 1808 -
1839, became increasingly interested in the inner workings of the
Danish West Indies after he began ruling in court cases concerning the
landmilitær, i.e. the military, and developed close ties with the Governor
General, Peter von Scholten as he began to report directly to the King
himself rather than to the assigned officials in Generaltoldkammer- og

11 Ibid., p. 222
12 Ibid., p. 239
13 Ibid., p. 239-240
14 Heinrich Ernst Schimmelmann 1747 – 1831. Ernst Schimmelmann held several

important political positions including leader of Kommercekollegiet, the

administrative institution of the country’s finances and Minister of Finance. He
was always keen on reform. He owned several of the best and most productive
plantations on St. Croix, Princesse og La Grange.

9
Kommercekollegiet, the administrative under the absolute monarchy who
dealt with financial matters such as foreign trade. 15
Peter von Scholten himself was a military man who climbed the social
ladder and gained favour with Frederik VI, and was sent to the Danish
West Indies in 1814 and given the government post of vejermester, i.e.
the leader of the vejerbod, the weigh house, in Charlotte Amalie. As
vejerboden was one of the places on St. Thomas which employed Royal
Slaves, Peter von Scholten must have met the Royal Slaves working
there on a daily basis.

A series of slave revolts and uprisings took place in the late 18th and
early 19th centuries across the Caribbean. First was the attempted
rebellion in Martinique in August 1789, followed shortly thereafter by
the Saint Dominique insurrection in 1791 which later became known
as the Haitian Revolution. Other large-scale rebellions occurred in
Barbados in 1816, Demerara in 1823 and Jamaica in 1831. The anti-
slavery moment increased in size, which led to an increased
restlessness throughout the Caribbean.
All factions of society were involved in the Saint-Dominique
insurrection, and although the revolt did succeed in overthrowing the
previous regime, it did not signify an end to slavery. Repercussions
were felt all over the Caribbean where it spawned unrest particularly in
Jamaica and on St. Kitts, but most importantly, the Haitian Revolution
affected the psychology of the European Caribbeans across the
Caribbean who became increasingly scared of slave revolts and
accentuated the sensitivity to race, colour and status within the slave
societies. 16
Whichever events occurred that led to the slave revolt in 1848, where
plantation slaves marched to Frederiksted, and Peter von Scholten a
few hours later proclaimed them to be free, is not entirely certain. It is
certain however, that for this act von Scholten was deemed guilty of
treason in the Danish courts some years later, although his sentence
was later reversed. The emancipation of the slaves was a costly affair
to the Danish state, this probably being the main reason why von
Scholten received such ill treatment upon his return to Denmark.

5.4 The Danish administration

The administrative system installed by the Danish king to administer
the islands was altered several times between 1755 and the 1790s,
when the time frame of this paper commences. In 1755, the
administration of the Danish West Indies became a part of
centraladministrationen, the central administration, which was called

15 Peter von Scholten was Governor General from 1827 - 1848

16 Hall, Slave Society in the Danish West Indies: St. Thomas, St. John, and St. Croix, p. 24-25

10
vestindisk-guineisk renteskriverkontor. This consisted of three primary
organs. The main one consisted of Generalguvernementet or Den
Vestindiske Regering, the local West Indian government, comprising the
Governor General, kommandanten, the commanding officer on St.
Thomas and the so-called amtmand, a government official and a
secretary. 17 The second was the so-called sekrete råd 18 on St. Croix,
consisting of the Governor General when present, amtmanden,
landsdommeren, the county judge, and kammereren, a tax- and
bookkeeper19 as well as the same secretary as that appointed to
Generalguvernementet. 20 The third organ was a similar construction of the
second one, this one for St. Thomas and St. Jan, which did not have a
landsdommer attached.
The Governor General held considerable powers, and was probably
largely instructed to act as he saw fit, despite having to adhere to the
approbationer, the legislature that came from Copenhagen. 21 The general
administration was taken care of by Den Vestindiske Regering. Exactly in
which matters the state had the final word, and in which Den
Vestindiske Regering, the local government, could decide for themselves
is not always entirely clear, and does in fact seem to have changed
depending on the case at hand, but the local government was expected
to obey any orders from Copenhagen.
Besides the actual government officials, there were also a number of
officials who worked in other functions on behalf of the Danish state.
This could be the customs and warehouse inspectors and officials,
military personnel, policemen and court officials.
It must be remembered that before 1849, the Danish state was under
an absolute monarchy, which effectively meant that Danish politics
were run and administered by very few people at the absolute top of
the political hierarchy.
The administrative system was complicated. Thus in absence of overall
and general legislation, the decision-making structure concerning the
treatment of Royal Slaves may well have been unclear. Thereby their
living conditions were at the mercy of individuals in the administration
and their individual attitude to slavery and the Royal Slaves.

17 Brøndsted, Vore Gamle Tropekolonier. Bind 2 : Dansk Vestindien 1755-1848, p. 11-12

18 Det sekrete råd was a centre for the administration and decision-making in the
Danish West Indies
19 Ordbog over det Danske Sprog (ODS på nettet):

http://ordnet.dk/ods/opslag?opslag=kammerer. Accessed 23 March 2010

20 Brøndsted, Vore Gamle Tropekolonier. Bind 2 : Dansk Vestindien 1755-1848, p. 13
21 Ibid., p. 13-14

11
 6 Historiography

There are a myriad research publications about the Caribbean and its
slave societies of the 18th and 19th centuries. For the purpose of
providing an easily approachable overview, pertinent literature is listed
according to subject and in chronological order below.

6.1 Slave societies of the Caribbean

Scholarly research on the Caribbean slave societies was pioneered in
the 1950s. However, it made a significant breakthrough and became a
more popular area of research during the 1960s and has continued to
expand. 22
During the 1970s, history as a discipline underwent a transformation
to include theories and methods from other academic disciplines such
as anthropology and sociology, and this was also the case for
researchers of the Caribbean slave societies. 23
In the 1980s, the research perspectives expanded to focus on “the
other”, i.e. the black enslaved of the Caribbean as well as the
freedmen. This perspective spurred on researchers who enquired
further into what the enslaved and freed population felt and thought;
how they viewed themselves and how the society they lived in viewed
them in return. 24 Barry Higman marks his status as one of the most
influential scholars in the area with the largely demographic work Slave
Populations of the British Caribbean. The work provides insight into the
inner workings of almost all aspects of a slave’s life, and has a
particularly useful chapter 7 on the urban regime in which the
differences and benefits of being an urban slave as opposed to a
plantation field slave are assessed. 25 In this chapter, Higman describes
the typical circumstances of the life of an urban slave with regard to
the basic necessities as housing, food, provisions and clothing, which

22 Higman, B. W., "The Development of Historical Disciplines in the Caribbean." In

General History of the Caribbean. Methodology and Historiography of the Caribbean, edited
by B. W. Higman, VI. Paris: United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural
Organization, 1999, p. 14
23 Thode Jensen, Niklas, For Slavernes Sundhed: Sygdom, Sundhed Og

Koloniadministrationens Sundhedspolitik Blandt Plantageavlerne På St. Croix, Dansk

Vestindien, 1803-1848 Det Humanistiske Fakultet. Copenhagen: University of
Copenhagen, 2006, p. 26
24 Ibid., p. 27
25 Higman, B. W., Slave Populations of the British Caribbean, 1807-1834 Johns Hopkins

Studies in Atlantic History and Culture. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University

Press, 1984, pp. 226-259

12
are all useful parameters for comparisons to the conditions under
which the Royal Slaves in the Danish West Indies lived.

In the 1990s, scholars continued the tendency to follow “the other”

thus widening the research field. A prime example of this is the
massive UNESCO publication of the General History of the Caribbean
series with its six volumes of various areas of relevance to Caribbean
history. For the present paper, the most pertinent is volume three, The
Slave Societies of the Caribbean. 26 The work considers the slave economies
and forms of resistance to slavery are particularly useful to the paper at
hand as it offers insight into the general use of provision grounds and
crime and punishment. Furthermore, the work offers practical insight
into other slave societies’ economic and social circumstances, although
it is based largely on plantation slaves. Thus, while the work provides
important information, it is however not necessarily directly relevant
as comparison to the urban Royal Slaves of the Danish West Indies.

Berlin and Morgan’s The Slaves’ Economy is another volume of

particular interest for the present paper. Berlin and Morgan uncover
the inner workings of the slave’s own production processes, primarily
foodstuffs from provision grounds, thus exploring the various options
of a better life which this independent production provided. While
their only conclusion is that there was no guarantee that independent
production by slaves would lead to a better life, their considerations
are pertinent to this paper. Their thesis resembles that of Sidney W.
Mintz of how provision grounds formed the basis of identity for the
enslaved (see chapter 7). 27 Berlin and Morgan claim that by producing
goods on their own, the slaves had a way of controlling a part of their
own lives.
Lydia Pulsipher’s article concerning provision grounds provide
additional and tangible information about the slaves’ use of provision
grounds, the work it entailed and what was typically grown. 28 Since
provision grounds probably were fairly similar across the Caribbean,
Pulsipher’s article provides insight into such work undertaken by the
Royal Slaves.
Both Pulsipher’s and Berlin and Morgan’s work will be used to
provide information about the use and inner workings of provision

26 Knight, Franklin W. (ed.), The Slave Societies of the Caribbean General History of the
Caribbean. Paris: United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural
Organization, 1997
27 Sidney W. Mintz, anthropologist. See chapter 7. Mintz, Sidney W., Caribbean

Transformations: Aldine 2007 and ________, "From Plantations to Peasantries in

the Caribbean." In Caribbean Contours, edited by Sidney W. Mintz, and Price, Sally
Johns Hopkins University Press, 1985
28 Pulsipher, Lydia Mihelic, "They Have Saturdays and Sundays to Feed Themselves.

Slave Gardens in the Caribbean." Expedition 12, no. 1 (1990)

13
grounds in the Caribbean, thus enabling a comparison to that of the
use of provision grounds by the Royal Slaves of the Danish West
Indies. Berlin and Morgan’s discussions concerning the benefits of
slaves taking part in the internal market sphere will be used in
correlation with Mintz and Olwig’s theories, as presented in chapter 7
on the theoretical perspective of this paper.

6.2 Published primary sources concerning the Danish

West Indies
A few published primary sources with descriptions of the Danish
West Indies do exist.
The accounts written by the British naval lieutenant Brady who
published Observations upon the State of Negro Slavery in the Island of Santa
Cruz in 1829, after having visited his brother who was the overseer on
a sugar plantation on St. Croix in the 1820s make some observations
relevant to the Royal Slaves. The work was republished with Arnold
Highfield 29 as editor in 1996, contributing an important eyewitness
account and opinion of slavery in the Danish West Indies to the
collection. 30 Once more, this work is primarily concerned with
plantation slavery, but Brady still makes several useful comments on
the use of provision grounds and how they were uncommon on St.
Croix. 31 Brady’s observations about “town slaves” being worse off
than plantation slaves are interesting, as he clearly favours the
demeanour of the plantation slaves, thus indicating that there were no
benefits to being an urban Royal Slave rather than a plantation slave. 32
Brady’s observations will be used in this paper as comparative
parameters for example in terms of the amount of clothing provision
the slaves normally received.

Johan Christian Schmidt wrote another first-hand account of life on

St. Croix in the late 18th century. He was employed as a surgeon on
one of the Schimmelmann plantations, and wrote his account Blandede
Anmærkninger, samlede paa og over St. Croix i Amerika around 1782, which
was published for the general population in Denmark to read in 1788.
Because Schmidt was employed on a plantation, his work is chiefly
concerned with the plantation labour regimes and does not mention
urban slavery. Schmidt’s description of the provision grounds is
useful, since it is similar to the account in other works, and thus serves
as another indicator of how the system worked and what was typically

29 Professor of Social Sciences and Linguistics, University of the Virgin Islands

30 Highfield, Arnold R. , Observations Upon the State of Negro Slavery in the Island of Santa
Cruz 1829: Antilles Press, 1996
31 Ibid., p. 10-12
32 Ibid., p. 28

14
grown there. Particularly interesting, however, is one short passage, in
which Schmidt describes how Royal Slaves from the warehouse in
Christiansted had wives at La Princesse 33 “from earlier times” who “live
together even better since the men bring money and food that the
King gives them to their wives and children on the same plantation.” 34
He added that many of them “know Whites in town who once in a
while give them good clothes.” 35 Thus, Schmidt believed that the
slaves at La Princesse lived under better conditions than most other
slaves on St. Croix, indicating that the Royal Slaves were able to
provide better for their wives and children than other slaves, and that
they lived under better conditions than most other privately-owned
slaves.

Hans West, who was principal of the Danish school in Christiansted

wrote various accounts of life on St. Croix between 1789 and 1802. 36
A man of the Enlightenment, West maintained an image of the
enslaved as “noble savages”, and thus argue that the enslaved should
maintain their “naturalness” and kept apart from the European
missionaries. 37 Besides the more philosophical aspects, West’s
accounts hold vital information about the prices of goods such as
food and cloth. This information will thus be used in this paper to
assess the value of the cash provided to the Royal Slaves for their
provisions.

6.3 Royal Slaves in the Caribbean

There is a paucity of literature on Royal Slaves. Other than the four
titles mentioned below, Royal Slaves are not included in the various
anthologies of Caribbean slavery, which is somewhat surprising. When
other Caribbean Royal Slaves have been the object of scholarly
research, more often than not, their functions do not mirror that of
the Danish Royal Slaves. Scholarly works have been published on the
use of black Africans as soldiers in a European colonial society, such
as Buckley’s Slaves in Red Coats 38, Klein’s Slavery in the Americas 39,

33 La Princesse was a large sugar plantation on St. Croix belonging to the

Schimmelmann family
34 Schmidt, Johan Christian, Various Remarks Collected on and About the Island of St.

Croix in America: The Virgin Islands Humanities Council 1998 (1788), p. 25

35 Ibid., p. 25
36 West, Hans, Hans West's Accounts of St. Croix in the West Indies, Edited by Arnold R.

Highfield. Kbh., 2004 (1793)

37 Ibid., p. xxi
38 Buckley, Roger Norman, Slaves in Red Coats the British West India Regiments, 1795-

1815. New Haven: Yale University Press, 1979

39 Klein, Herbert S., Slavery in the Americas: A Comparative Study of Virginia and Cuba.

London: Institute of Race Relations, Oxford University Press, 1967

15
Kuethe’s work on Cuba 40 and more recently, Voelz’s Slave and Soldier. 41
However, the slaves used were not owned by the state, or they were
freedmen. Because this use of slaves by the state did not mean they
were actual Royal Slaves, i.e. slaves owned by the King, these texts,
while interesting, are not pertinent to this paper.

In the following section, the literature on Royal Slaves is divided into

two groups. The first group consists of studies of Royal Slaves who
were employed chiefly as artisans and skilled labourers. They therefore
often laboured on fortifications in the Caribbean, primarily in the 18th
century, where power struggles between the colonising states had
resulted in numerous wars and constant threats thereof, thus creating a
constant need for secure and improved fortifications.
The second group consists of studies concerned with another use of
Royal Slaves, that as part of an army, either as soldiers or as
performing other relevant tasks within the military.

Artisans and skilled Royal Slaves

In the first group concerning skilled workmen, Evelyn Powell
Jennings in her article State Enslavement in Colonial Havana, 1763 - 1790,
focuses on the thousands of slaves imported to rebuild and reinforce
the defence of Havana after the British siege of the city in 1762. 42
Here, Jennings offers a chronological account of the development of
the Royal Slaves in Havana between 1763 and 1790 where most of the
work on fortifications had been completed. For the purpose of the
present paper, this article offers important material for comparison
about living conditions for skilled Royal Slaves, although for example
the food provisions are difficult to compare, as the Cuban Royal
Slaves did not have access to provision grounds. The text does
provide some degree of insight into the various social opportunities
that existed for the majority of Royal Slaves due to their skills, and the
opportunities that this offered in terms of self-manumission for
example.

Another text, also by Jennings, recounts a similar tale, albeit from a

different perspective. 43 Here state slavery is considered in a wider and

40 Kuethe, Allan J., Cuba, 1753-1815 Crown, Military, and Society. Knoxville: University
of Tennessee Press, 1986
41 Voelz, Peter M., Slave and Soldier. The Military Impact of Blacks in the Colonial Americas.

New York & London: Garland Publishing Inc., 1993

42 Jennings, Evelyn Powell, "State Enslavement in Colonial Havana, 1763-1790." In

Slavery without Sugar: Diversity in Caribbean Economy and Society since the 17th Century,
edited by Verene Shepherd. Gainesville, FL: University Press of Florida, 2002
43 ________. "State Slavery in the Atlantic Economy: The Case of Cuba in the Late

Eighteenth Century." In Program in Early American Economy and Society. Philadelphia:

Library Company of Philadelphia, 2003

16
more general perspective of power politics as well as the Atlantic
economy.
There are several aspects in both Jenning’s texts which are useful
when answering the questions raised in this paper, as they describe a
particular function typically performed by slaves labouring for a King.

Elena Maria Diaz’s research on a different group of slaves, the Royal

Slaves of El Cobre, the so-called Cobreros, offer easily comparative
parameters such as housing, food and clothing will be used in chapter
15.2 to establish to which extent the conditions which the Cobreros
lived under compare to those of the Danish Royal Slaves. 44
Diaz’s hypothesis is that the Cobreros felt different to other slaves. She
believes that they had a unique social identity, as their relationship to
the remainder of Cuban society as well as other slaves was different to
what we usually perceive slaves to have believed and felt about
themselves and the societies in which they lived.

Alvin Thompson’s work Unprofitable Servants intends to have the so-

called Winkel slaves of Berbice, a region in what was then British
Guyana, as its main focus. 45 The Winkel slaves were owned by the
British state and worked in an urban setting performing construction
work and maintained roads and public buildings, and were used to
form a regiment: the Black Rangers.
Thompson’s main argument is that mismanagement (by the
administration) of the Winkel slaves led to them being unprofitable to
the state. This unprofitability is due to the fact that in order for the
Winkel department to have been a financial success, the slaves should
have reproduced themselves by natural means in order to be
profitable, which none of the various administrations between 1803
and the emancipation of this group of Royal Slaves in 1831 succeeded
in achieving.
As with Diaz’s work, Thompson offers easily comparative parameters
of living conditions which will be used in chapter 15.1 to compare to
those of the Danish Royal Slaves.

Royal Slaves as soldiers

Jane Landers writes about the development of using blacks and
mulattos 46, free and enslaved, in the armies of Spain. 47

44 Díaz, María Elena, The Virgin, the King, and the Royal Slaves of El Cobre: Negotiating
Freedom in Colonial Cuba, 1670-1780 Cultural Sitings. Stanford, Calif.: Stanford
University Press, 2000
45 Thompson, Alvin O., Unprofitable Servants: Crown Slaves in Berbice, Guyana, 1803-

1831, 2002
46 Mulatto signifies an equal ethnic mix of white and black
47 Landers, Jane, "Transforming Bondsmen into Vassals: Arming Slaves in Colonial

Spanish America." In Arming Slaves from Classical Times to the Modern Age, edited by

17
Landers’ main argument is that arming slaves proved to be extremely
important to Spain’s continuous rule in the Caribbean for more than
three centuries, and that the slaves who formed part of the regiments
and were employed in militias of the Spanish Caribbean most
commonly acted loyally to the Spanish state and thus did not betray
their master, the Spanish ruler.
This text is less usable in this paper in that it does not separate the
state’s use of its own slaves from the use of privately-owned slaves. It
is still useful, however, to gain insight into the use of slaves in various
state functions, and therefore Lander’s text deserves mention here.

Another pertinent text from Arming Slaves is Arming Slaves in the

American Revolution by Morgan and O’Shaughnessy. 48 Here the authors
successfully elucidate the great dilemma of arming slaves in a
plantation society, as planters were specifically opposed to the idea of
arming slaves who they thought could later rebel against their masters.
This text is useful as it describes how the slaves were employed within
the armies, which most often was not in actual combat, but rather as
scouts, sailors, artisans as well as working in the ammunition and
storage sections, thus mirroring some of the functions performed by
Royal Slaves in the Danish West Indies.

6.4 Slave society in the Danish West Indies

Until the 1990s some attempts had been made to obtain significant
and detailed information on the slave society of the Danish West
Indies. The most significant of these is Vore Gamle Tropekolonier, edited
by Johannes Brøndsted first published in 1956. 49 This was the first
attempt to make use of the extensive and unique source material on
the islands available in the Danish National Archives. With some
success, Brøndsted and the other contributors, such as Jens Vibæk,
describe the events and changes in colonial society.
This paper will make use of Brøndsted’s work as providing factual
information, mostly concerned with the Danish administration and
less so on the workings of the slave society.
In the 1970s and early 1980s, Danish colonial history was highly
influenced by the tradition of economic history. The influences of the

Christopher Leslie & Morgan Brown, Philip D., 120-146. New Haven: Yale
University Press, 2006
48 Morgan, Philip D. & O'Shaugnessy, Andrew Jackson "Arming Slaves in the

American Revolution." Ibid.

49 Brøndsted, Johannes, Vore Gamle Tropekolonier. Bind 1 : Dansk Vestindien Indtil 1755:

Fremad, 1966; Brøndsted, Vore Gamle Tropekolonier. Bind 2 : Dansk Vestindien 1755-
1848; ________, Vore Gamle Tropekolonier. Bind 3 : Dansk Vestindien 1848-1880;
Brøndsted, Johannes, Vore Gamle Tropekolonier. Bind 4 : Dansk Vestindien 1880-1917:
Fremad, 1967

18
surrounding cultures in Africa, India or in the West Indies were not
taken into account in scholarly research when it came to their
influence on society in the Danish West Indies. They were merely
pieces in a greater puzzle. Although historians such as Svend E.
Green-Pedersen were of the opinion that the Danish legacy in the
former colonies was hugely detrimental, enslaved labourers, African
kings and Indian merchants were nevertheless only described as a
static mass. This state of affairs changed with the ethnocentric
perception of Danish colonial history occurring in the mid-1980s. This
was led by anthropologist Karen Fog Olwig who suggested that the
history of the Danish West Indies should be seen as a result of an
encounter between the European colonial power and the Africans that
gradually turned into a rather important Afro-American counterpart. 50
Olwig also considers the concept of slave resistance in her text in
Palmie’s Slave Cultures and the Cultures of Slaves, in which she argues that
the slaves’ responses of resistance to their enslavement were to a large
extent based on cultural assumptions and social practices which they
had taken with them, most often from West Africa from where they
originated. 51 Through their culture and social practices they were able
to establish themselves as “subjects with lives outside the institution of
slavery” and thus “resisted their formal position as socially dead
private property.” 52 Olwig offers valuable insight into the usages of
provision grounds on St. Jan, and thus this will be used as an
indication of how the usage of provision grounds may have happened
on St. Thomas and St. Croix and the Royal Slaves on those islands.
Olwig’s text will also form part of the theoretical perspective in
conjunction with Mintz’s theories in chapter 7.

More recent and important works include the pioneering in-depth

study of the slave society of the Danish West Indies, Slave Society of the
Danish West Indies by Neville Hall. 53 This seminal work encompasses
the first successful attempt to elucidate all relevant aspects of the slave
society within a chronological framework. The chapter on the urban
milieu is salient to this paper, as the Royal Slaves investigated in this
paper formed part of the urban sphere. This paper will make use of
Hall’s work in several ways. First of all, it offers particularly valuable
insight into the conditions which the urban slaves lived under, as well

50 Brimnes, Niels, "Dansk Kolonihistorie Mellem Historievidenskab Og

Antropologi: Et Forslag Til Metode." Den jyske historiker, no. 60 (1992); Olwig,
Karen Fog, "African Cultural Principles in Caribbean Slave Society. A View from
the Danish West Indies." In Slave Cultures and the Cultures of Slavery, edited by
Stephan Palmié. Knoxville, Tenn.: The University of Tennessee Press, 1995
51 Olwig, "African Cultural Principles in Caribbean Slave Society. A View from the

Danish West Indies."

52 Ibid., p. 23
53 Hall, Slave Society in the Danish West Indies: St. Thomas, St. John, and St. Croix

19
as those of the plantation slaves, both of which are easily comparable
aspects. Even when no material exists concerning certain areas, such
as the housing of urban slaves, Hall makes suggestions as to how it
might have been which although untested at least offer some idea of
the conditions which the slaves lived under.

Erik Gøbel has written Det danske Slavehandelsforbud 1792. Studier og

kilder til forhistorien, forordningerne og følgerne, the first work published on
the subject which today perhaps places Denmark in a positive light in
comparison to other colonial powers. 54 In this somber and largely
descriptive work, Gøbel offers insight into where one might find
information about how slavery was perceived in Denmark and in the
West Indies, but without ever mentioning the Royal Slaves. Gøbel’s
work offer insight into the background of the abolition of the Danish
slave trade and it consequences, and it is this information which is
used in this paper.

Since the turn of the millennium, Danish colonial history has been
influenced not only by social history but also by cultural,
archaeological and medical history.

Gunvor Simonsen’s PhD thesis is another recently published work of

interest. 55 Simonsen attempts to find the voices of slaves who were
present in the court rooms for one reason or the other, and does so
with particular attention to notions of gender and behaviour related
hereto. Of particular interest to the present paper is the mentioning of
court cases and other legal documents that involve Royal Slaves, but
because they fall outside of the specified time frame of this paper, they
will not be used even if they are very interesting.

Niklas Thode Jensen has with his PhD thesis published a significant
study on disease, health and the administration’s policies. 56 Most
relevant to this present paper are the sections dealing with the laws (or
lack thereof) concerning the slave’s rights to free time, food, fresh
water, shelter, clothes and footwear since they offer easily comparable
parameters to the provisions made available to the Royal Slaves by the
state. As Those Jensen focuses on the plantation slaves, as such, the
thesis does not offer information about typical urban slaves or Royal

54 Gøbel, Erik, Det Danske Slavehandelsforbud 1792 Studier Og Kilder Til Forhistorien,
Forordningen Og Følgerne. 1st ed. University of Southern Denmark Studies in History
and Social Sciences. Odense: Syddansk Universitetsforlag, 2008
55 Simonsen, Gunvor, Slave Stories: Gender, Representation, and the Court in the Danish

West Indies, 1780s - 1820s Department of History and Civilisation Florence:

European University Institute, 2007
56 Thode Jensen, For Slavernes Sundhed: Sygdom, Sundhed Og Koloniadministrationens

Sundhedspolitik Blandt Plantageavlerne På St. Croix, Dansk Vestindien, 1803-1848

20
Slaves in particular, but it forms the basis of a comparison to the
conditions that the plantation slaves and the Royal Slaves lived under
in the early 19th century. This will be used to test the hypothesis that
the conditions that the royal slaves lived under were by and large
similar to those of the plantation slaves, but it remains to be
discovered in what ways this exactly was the case. Thode Jensen’s
earlier article concerning the Frederiksted Hospital Commission in
1780 provides additional useful information on the inner workings of
the hospitals in which the Royal Slaves worked. 57

Louise Sebro’s recent PhD thesis offers highly significant insight into
ways in which African Caribbeans 58, in this particular case those linked
to the Moravian mission, created networks and new identities under
enslavement based on shared physical settings, often in the shape of a
plantation or slave village, but most significantly possibly also with
reference to a shared ethnicity. 59 Sebro does not, unlike other scholars
before her, claim that ethnicity was the main factor in determining
new social bonds and identities in the New World for the African
Caribbeans, but maintains that it was a significant aspect nonetheless.
Their new identity was, according to Sebro, based on several identities
which they merged into one: African origin, non-Christian African
Caribbeans, and a sense of belonging to a Christian church enabled
them to built additional layers onto their identity on top of the one
they had brought with them from Africa. 60 This means that they did
not, have to discard their “old” African self and identity, but were able
to simply build onto their existing identity as they became enslaved.
Sebro’s work will be used to discuss the theoretical perspective in
chapter 7.

6.5 Royal Slaves in the Danish West Indies

No large studies which decidedly deal with Royal Slaves in the Danish
West Indies exist. Poul Erik Olsen’s study, Toldvæsenet i Dansk
Vestindien 1672-1917 however, does mention Royal Slaves. He briefly
accounts for the various changes in the number of Royal Slaves
employed in vejerboden 61, the weigh house and pakhuset62, the warehouse

57 Thode Jensen, Niklas "Sundhed, Citroner Og Slaver. Et Detailstudie Af Hospitalet

I Frederikssted På St. Croix I Dansk Vestindien, 1780." 1066-Tidsskrift for Historie
33, no. 4 (2003)
58 African Caribbean refer to those who were of African descent but now lived in the

Caribbean
59 Sebro, Louise, Mellem Afrikaner Og Kreol. Etnisk Identitet Og Social Navigation I Dansk

Vestindien 1730-1770: Historiska Institutionen, Lunds Universitet 2010

60 Ibid., s. 212
61 Vejerboden, commonly spelled veierboden. The building in which all weightings of

goods going and out of a harbour was weighed to establish taxes

62 Pakhuset, sometimes spelled packhuuset. The storage house, or warehouse, in which

all goods shipped in and out of the harbour was stored

21
for storage of goods coming in and out of the harbour, as well as a
renewed use of Royal Slaves on the customs and excise boats used in
attempts to stop smuggling after 1798. The main tasks performed by
these Royal Slaves were a series of physically demanding tasks such as
weighing of sugar in casks barrels, burn marking of the barrels and
loading and unloading of goods. 63 This text offers insight into what
duties another scholar believes the Royal Slaves to have had when
working in vejerboden and pakhuset, which will be used and explored
further in this paper.

7 Theoretical perspective
Scholars have long wished to gain insight into the minds of the
enslaved from the archives which is hidden and difficult to distinguish.
One who has attempted to gain insight into the minds and thoughts of
the enslaved is Orlando Patterson 64 with his theory and concept of
Social Death. 65 In brief, Patterson suggests that, through natal
alienation, the enslaved became social non-beings in a master-slave
relation where the master could always enforce the threat of violence
upon the enslaved. 66 Through the threat of violence, the master was
able to influence the perception of the interests of the enslaved
themselves, and thus also control the culture of the enslaved via
control of public symbols and rituals. 67 This rendered the enslaved
completely powerless.
This notion of the enslaved as entirely powerless beings was recently
opposed by Vincent Brown 68, who claimed that another way to gain
insight into the minds of the enslaved was that of considering their
resistance to enslavement. 69 Patterson, according to Brown, neglects to
consider the ways in which the enslaved displayed their discontent
with their enslavement and thus reduces the enslaved to an “ideal-type
slave, shorn of meaningful heritage.” 70 In short, Brown believes that

63 Olsen, Poul Erik, Toldvæsenet I Dansk Vestindien 1672-1917. Kbh.: Toldhistorisk

Selskab, 1988, p. 112
64 Orlando Patterson wrote Slavery and Social Death as Professor of Sociology at

Harvard University where he continues today as John Cowles Professor of

Sociology
65 Patterson, Orlando, Slavery and Social Death: A Comparative Study. Cambridge, Mass.:

Harvard University Press, 1982

66 Ibid., p. 5-6
67 Ibid., p. 5
68 Vincent Brown is Professor of History and of African and African American

Studies at Harvard
69 Brown, Vincent, "Social Death and Political Life in the Study of Slavery." American

Historical Review 114, no. 5 (December 2009)

70 Ibid., p. 1233

22
displays of resistance to slavery are expressions of a sense of belonging
as well as an acquired and adjusted identity. 71

Several scholars have researched the ways in which slaves displayed

their resistance to plantation society and their own enslavement in that
society. One of them is anthropologist Sidney W. Mintz 72 who
formulated ideas of how the use and access to provision grounds were
both a response and a display of the slaves’ resistance to enslavement
and how this can explain the Caribbean societies of today. 73 Provision
grounds were slave gardens of varying size, which in several Caribbean
slave societies were vital in providing food to both the enslaved and
free population. Slaves were given free time to cultivate the provision
grounds, and could be given more free time to cultivate their gardens
in lieu of receiving a smaller allowance from their owner.

Sketch of provision ground on St. Jan. from Olwig.

Mintz’s concept of provision grounds as a central means of forming a

social identity for the enslaved will be used in this paper as a way to
put forward the hypothesis that because the Royal Slaves had access to
provision grounds, were dependent on them, and lived close to them,
they too were able to form a social identity during their enslavement.
Mintz argues that because the use of provision grounds was a way for
the slaves to develop spheres of socio-cultural and economic

71 Ibid., p. 1236 & 1248

72 Sidney W. Mintz is Research Professor at Johns Hopkins University, and has also
taught at Yale, MIT and Princeton during his career
73 Mintz, Sidney W., Caribbean Transformations: Aldine 1974 & Mintz, "From

Plantations to Peasantries in the Caribbean." . Quoted in Olwig, "African Cultural

Principles in Caribbean Slave Society. A View from the Danish West Indies."

23
autonomy, this was a way in which they could display their resistance
to the system of slavery. This Mintz believes was a response or
adaptation to the slave society in which they lived.
Mintz’s proto-peasants, the term used for enslaved Africans and their
descendants who cultivated provision grounds, performed the job of
cultivating the provision grounds as a mode of resistance to an externally
imposed regiment, i.e. the power of their masters and their status as
property. 74 Thus their physical survival through the productivity of the
provision grounds and their ability to sell their produce on the Sunday
markets became a marked mode of response and resistance, as well as a
guarantee for survival. As Brown speaks of adaptation to enslavement,
so does Mintz when he describes the peasant adaptation of the proto-
peasants who were able to bring cultural and ethnic aspects of their
background with them in the cultivation of the provision grounds. 75
The surplus produce of the provision grounds on the productive
islands of Santo Domingo, Jamaica, Puerto Rico and Cuba ensured
social and economic stability, and soon became a crucial part of the
survival of the entire community, for both African Caribbeans and
European Caribbeans. 76
Proto-peasantry was enabled by “a combination of coercion and
inducement on the part of their master”, and this meant that the slaves
who cultivated provision grounds were taught important agricultural
skills under enslavement, which they could put to use upon
Emancipation. 77 This signifies that the Caribbean peasantry was not a
castoff social product of the plantation, but adapted in its own right. 78
Even if the proto-peasants were under the lash, they “asserted their own
essential humanity, initiative, and intelligence, in the face of every cruel
limitation” that was imposed on them by enslavement, through their
success as proto-peasants. 79 Their goal was not to cut themselves off
economically from the outside world, but rather to be a free and active
part of it, and perhaps, to escape the stigma of slavery through their
role as proto-peasants. 80

Danish anthropologist Karen Fog Olwig’s work Cultural Adaptation and

Resistance on St. John studies the practices of using provision grounds,
their significance in African Caribbean culture, especially as a means of
adapting to plantation society and displaying resistance. Her focus is
on the provision grounds on St. Jan in the 18th, 19th and 20th centuries,
but does not include any particular references to provision grounds

74 Mintz, Caribbean Transformations, p. 132

75 ________, "From Plantations to Peasantries in the Caribbean." p. 136
76 Ibid., p. 135 - 137
77 Ibid., p. 135
78 Ibid., p. 133 & 135
79 Ibid., p. 134
80 Ibid., p. 139

24
provided to the Royal Slaves on St. Jan. 81 Her findings, however, can
be used as examples of how the provision grounds system worked on
one of the islands in the Danish West Indies, and thus compared to
the findings of how the system worked for the Royal Slaves on St.
Thomas and St. Croix.
Olwig, as Mintz, considers provision grounds a form of resistance to
slavery because it was based on a culture largely controlled by the
slaves themselves. 82 Thus, she agrees with Mintz that the Caribbean
peasantries represent both a mode of response to the plantation system
and a mode of resistance to life imposed on the enslaved by their
masters. 83 The slaves were able to form social and economic relations
through reproduction, which here refers to both the production of food
from provision grounds as well as the procreation and rearing of
children. 84 Through the production of foodstuff that took place on the
provision grounds, the slaves took part in the internal market system
and its system of exchange. This participation in a system of exchange
and the exchange network it offered is considered “a means of
forming an autonomous identity.” 85
Olwig argues that the development of the system of exchange marked
the need to create a basis for Afro-Caribbean economic, social and
cultural autonomy, which it was successful in achieving and thus
indicates adaptation as well as resistance to enslavement. 86
The opportunities offered to the enslaved population through their
subsistence farming of the provision grounds went largely unnoticed
by the slave owners. This included the great opportunities which the
provision grounds offered for runaway slaves to hide and support
themselves here, both through the actual food but also through the
network of exchange and social relations. 87 The provision grounds
also offered the opportunity for the slaves to gather without their
master’s knowledge, and thus also provided an “important framework
for protest and rebellion.” 88

Although it is difficult to establish the success of the Royal Slaves and

their provision grounds, we shall see later that there is cause to believe
that the cultivation of the Royal Slaves’ provision grounds were fairly
successful. I suggest that regardless of their productivity rate, the
Royal Slaves in the Danish West Indies formed social bonds in

81 Olwig, Karen Fog, Cultural Adaptation and Resistance on St. John. Three Centuries of
Afro-Caribbean Life: University of Florida Press/Gainesville, 1985
82 Ibid., p. 5
83 Ibid., p. 5. Olwig uses the same terminology as Mintz
84 Ibid., p. 4-5
85 Ibid., preface, 1st page
86 Ibid., p. 7
87 Ibid., p. 6-7
88 Ibid., p. 49 and 6

25
connection with the cultivation of the provision grounds, which they
lived near (if not literally right next to) and that the Royal Slaves must
have formed a type of village community among themselves. 89 As per
Mintz’s theory, it will be argued that this community and the identity it
developed support the hypothesis that the Royal Slaves in their own
minds were a significant and distinguishable group of slaves in the
society of the Danish West Indies in the late 18th and 19th centuries.

As Louise Sebro mentions, the purpose of Olwig’s and Mintz’s works

is to understand the present Caribbean societies by considering the
history of the plantation society. 90
Thus, their work was created with a different purpose than that of the
historian wishing to solely investigate the past and inner workings of
past societies. 91 Nevertheless, they do offer a very valuable insight into
the significance of the access and use of provision grounds to the
identity of the enslaved. Additionally, Olwig does provide information
of the inner workings of the provision ground system in the Danish
West Indies, which makes her work particularly useful. She has
examples from the archives which illustrate that the slaves on St. Jan
were able to trade large amounts of produce from their provision
grounds on St. Thomas. 92 Her extensive use of archival material such
as landfogedens arkiv, the police chief’s archive, and primary sources
such as the writings of C. G. A. Oldendorp, a Moravian missionary
inspector who was in the Danish West Indies between 1767 and 1768
makes her work seem particularly suitable for historians.

In short, Mintz and Olwig provide a theoretical framework for an

understanding of the significance of provision grounds to the identity
of an enslaved population, which make their works ideal for use in this
paper since the Royal Slaves also had access to provision grounds.

8 Methodology
This paper makes use of historical demography in order to establish
and analyse comparable data about the Royal Slaves as a population
group. Historical demography enables the historian to follow the
demographic development in any population group and thus account
for changes in gender, age, occupation, and mean household size. 93 By

89 See chapter 14.4

90 Sebro, Mellem Afrikaner Og Kreol. Etnisk Identitet Og Social Navigation I Dansk
Vestindien 1730-1770, p. 30
91 Ibid., p. 30
92 Olwig, Cultural Adaptation and Resistance on St. John. Three Centuries of Afro-Caribbean

Life, p. 45
93 Johansen, Hans Chr, "Historisk Demografi - Metoder Til Studiet Af Dagliglivet

Hos Ældre Tiders Befolkning." Fortid og nutid 26, no. 1/2 (1975), p. 69

26
using statistical information about a certain population group, it is
possible to establish trends and patterns in changes as well as identify
why the changes and trends might have occurred for the particular
group at the particular time. The advantage of applying the method of
historical demography is that it makes it possible to also consider
groups that traditionally have been left out of historical research due
to the material concerning these groups being deemed insufficient.
Essential research sources are church registers, which provide
information on births, deaths and marriages which in turn enable us to
gather data on mortality, gender composition, and inter familial
relations such as marriage partners and godparents of children. This
data help build the so-called family reconstruction model, which
enables the scholar to obtain an idea of each individual’s household’s
composition, i.e. did they have servants, what other family members
did s/he have, were there any lodgers and what was their occupation. 94
Since the 1960s, reconstruction models have developed to now
include models which also help to analyse kin structures, and not only
simple household structures. 95 This model also enables the scholar to
identify the economic, social and demographic implications of specific
structures, and makes use of a variety of sources besides the church
registry, such as notary archives, tax records, land registers and other
relevant registers. 96 In short, historical demography provides the
scholar with a tool to gain insight into the daily lives of almost any
given group in society.
The difficulty in applying the methods of historical demography for
the present paper is that the archival material available is flawed as it
does not always hold the necessary information to perform a
household/family reconstruction, for example. One such problem is
the fact that the church records found in Rigsarkivet does not hold
information on any Royal Slaves.
Traditionally, the methodology of historical demography has been
applied by using “aggregated information, covering entire nations, or
highly detailed information for local communities.” 97 However, a
problem lies in that the records concerning the Royal Slaves not
always being intact. Thus it is not always possible to identify the local
community to which they belonged. Therefore, the present paper will
make as much use of the demographic method as possible, where it is
applicable, but it will often be impossible to establish a complete
family/household reconstruction or kin structure based on the sources
available.

94 Ibid., p. 75
95 Bengtsson, Tommy, and Geraldine P. Mineau, Kinship and Demographic Behavior in
the Past International Studies in Population, 7. Dordrecht: Springer, 2008, p. 3
96 Ibid., p. 3
97 Ibid., p. 3

27
Demography has been used to ascertain information on slave
societies. However, in contrast to using demographic methods on
European societies, research on slave societies holds further relevant
research parameters than those traditionally offered through
demographic studies. These parameters include manumission,
maroonage 98 and rebellions for example, but also issues such as race
and ethnicity, as these have a unique significance to the understanding
of the workings of the slave societies of the Caribbean. Other
parameters often influenced the workings of the slave societies, such
as the social structures, economies, religion, crime, punishment and
legislation, rural and urban differences as well as culture. In this
respect culture constitutes a multitude of parameters in its own right,
such as naming practices, superstitions, religion and songs and dance.
All these parameters aid the scholars in the understanding of slave
society and offer some insight into the minds of the enslaved
population.
I will apply the parameters pertinent to studies of the Caribbean slave
societies, as well as the other relevant parameters as mentioned above,
when and where the sources and time constraints allow it.

9 Archival material
This paper makes use of six main groups of archives from Rigsarkivet,
the Danish National Archives, which hold relevant information on the
Royal Slaves. First there are the main account books, hovedbøger, which
list the king’s inventory, including the Royal Slave’s names, values, and
where they were assigned to work.
Secondly, there are the so-called royal resolutions, Kongelige Resolutioner,
related to the islands, which contain royal decrees from Copenhagen
imposed on the Governor and the administrators on the islands, as
well as proposals of new legislature from the islands to the king.
Within these files are decrees concerning the provision of housing for
the Royal Slaves, as well as laws concerning the amount of food to
which slaves were entitled.
These files would also be expected to contain information about any
Royal Slaves who were granted their freedom before Emancipation in
1848. However, since the accounts of the hovedbøger do not suggest that
any Royal Slaves were granted or bought their freedom before the late
1840s within the period in question, the lack of fribreve 99 in these files is
predictable.

98 To maroon means to run away

99 The so-called letter of freedom constituted the official document of a slave’s
emancipation

28
Thirdly, there are the church registers. Rigsarkivet primarily holds the
Evangelical Church Registry for all islands, as well as the Dutch
Reformist Church records for St. Thomas and St. Jan. I had hoped,
but was by no means sure, to find Royal Slaves mentioned in the
church registers available at Rigsarkivet, but have not found any
mentions of them. A rare exception was when Royal Slaves were
baptised as part of taking a new name. The Royal Slaves are likely to
have been part of one of the European Caribbean churches on the
islands, for example, that of the Moravian Brethren, but since these
church registries are not as easily available as the Lutheran ones, I have
not been able to investigate this any further within the given time.
Fourthly, there are a number of relevant sources on microfilm in the
US National Archives in Washington DC. This holds information
about how much flour, cloth and money the Royal Slaves were given,
albeit not from the years I have chosen as examples, but this can still
be used to ascertain if the lists here at least adhere to the laws and
decrees of the Royal Resolutions, or if there were significant
differences between the laws’ intentions and the provisions the Royal
Slaves were actually given. Furthermore, these records also list the
profession or skills of the Royal Slaves, but do not specify the year, or
the place. It may, however, to possible to recognise the names and
thus identify whether the slaves listed here were from St. Croix or St.
Thomas. Most likely, however, they would have been from St. Croix
since this was where the largest group of Royal Slaves were
throughout the first half of the 19th Century. Occasionally, the list also
provides details of where the Royal Slaves worked, most commonly
those who were carpenters, bricklayers or the so-called håndlangere,
helpers or assistants. What these jobs entitled and how much
responsibility the slaves had for their own work, is impossible to
ascertain from the sources, so here I will have to make a qualified
guess as to how the system worked for everyone involved.
Fifth, politijournaler, the police files from both St. Croix and St. Thomas
will be examined for any references to Royal Slaves who had been
arrested, detained or punished. As Gunvor Simonsen has illustrated,
these are a valuable source to understand the inner workings of the
society and holds information of the typical offences committed by
slaves, thereby illustrating their attitude to their masters and
enslavement. This group of sources is vast, and thus I will not be able
to examine them thoroughly due to time constraints, but will make use
of certain years to form the basis for conclusions about the Royal
Slaves and the resistance they displayed through crime and
punishment.
Proviantforvalterens arkiv, the provisions manager’s archive, provides a
useful base for examining the type and amount of provisions which
the Royal Slaves were provided by the state. Unfortunately, they are

29
fragmented, and do not hold information for the entire period relevant
to this paper, nor of the entire geographical area examined, but they
provide at least some idea of how the provisioning system worked as
well as the amount of flour and cash the Royal Slaves were given. This
in turn helps to illustrate how great a need there was for successfully
cultivating their provision grounds in order not to starve. This
information is supplemented by information from hovedbøgerne of any
money the Royal Slaves or the various forvaltere were provided with for
the Royal Slaves.
Finally, an essential source of information is maps from the collections
of the Royal Library and Rigsarkivet. From the Royal Library’s
collection there is a map depicting the grounds set aside for Royal
Slaves in Charlotte Amalie, a drawing illustrating the typical crops of
the provision grounds, slave gardens and sketches of Christiansfort in
Charlotte Amalie which depicts the Royal Bakery placed in the
basement of the fortress. These all give evidence to where the Royal
Slaves lived and worked. Rigsarkivet has a very large collection of maps
and drawings relating to the Danish West Indies, but as the collection
is not in good condition, all maps and drawings are only available as
negatives, only very few are reproduced in this paper.
There are several archives which I have not examined that probably
could have provided useful information. Amongst them are the
placatbøger, the printed public notices, often in relation to changes in
regulations, which could a great deal of information about the
conditions which the Royal Slaves lived under and what directives the
administration on the islands had and made themselves concerning the
lives of the Royal Slaves. This group of archives as well as several
others potentially relevant have not been examined due to time
constraints.

10 Comparative elements
It is possible to compare Royal Slaves at several levels. Firstly is the
comparison between the Royal Slaves and the plantation slaves in the
Danish West Indies, where issues such as food, housing, clothing,
manumission, crime and punishment can be used for comparison.
This will help to illustrate any differences between the conditions the
different groups of slaves lived under, and if there was any advantage
to being a Royal Slave.
The same parameters are relevant in a comparison between the
conditions and opportunities for the Royal Slaves of the Danish West
Indies and the Royal Slaves at El Cobre in Cuba and the Winkel slaves

30
of Berbice in British Guyana. 100 Both Diaz and Thompson describe
basic conditions for the Royal Slaves of their focus, and thus describe
their living conditions, i.e. housing, food, clothing, medical care as well
as their opportunities for a better life, or better still, freedom from
slavery.
These comparisons will enable me to answer the second and sixth
research question, i.e. the living conditions the Royal Slaves, the
functions of the Royal Slaves and how their living conditions
compared to that of the Cobreros of Cuba and Winkel Slaves of Berbice.
They will be scrutinised in the analyses throughout this paper.

11 Functions and value of the Royal Slaves

This chapter will seek to answer the first and second research question
and will do so by analysing the trends in numbers of Royal Slaves
between 1792 and 1848 as well as the various functions performed by
the Royal Slaves during this period.
Royal Slaves worked in various functions on all three islands, of which
some were the same on all three islands, such as the hospital. For an
easily approachable overview, the Royal Slaves has been grouped
according to function and which island they were on in the analyses.
Throughout the time frame set in this paper, the function which the
Royal Slaves performed continued to expand. In the early period, the
mid 1790s, the slaves worked at the obvious places where the state
required a workforce: the hospital, pakhuset, the warehouses in the
harbours, vejerboden, the weigh house, where all goods shipped into and
out of the islands were measured to established the taxes due, which
would have been in the close vicinity of pakhusene, and proviantgården,
the provisions depot, which also had Royal Slaves attached.
The Royal Slaves were deployed in several different places in the
period between 1792 and 1848 as we shall see below. First, however, a
general overview of the changes in numbers of Royal Slaves is
provided in chapter 11.1 below.

100Díaz, The Virgin, the King, and the Royal Slaves of El Cobre: Negotiating Freedom in
Colonial Cuba, 1670-1780 and Thompson, Unprofitable Servants: Crown Slaves in
Berbice, Guyana, 1803-1831

31
11.1 Trends and developments 1792 – 1848
Statistics for St. Thomas and St. Jan display few significant changes in
numbers of Royal Slaves from 1792 – 1802.

Although numbers for 1800-1802 are unspecified, the total value

indicates that there were no real changes in numbers of Royal Slaves
from 49 in 1792 to 50 in 1803. Likewise, it does not appear that the
first British occupation from 1801 to 1802 signified any changes to the
numbers of Royal Slaves. The hovedbøger of 1806 and 1807 do not list
numbers, but the value of approx. 12.500 Rigsdaler 101 (Rd) had not
changed much from the previous years, thus indicating an
approximate number of 50 Royal Slaves. This remains the same for
1815, but in 1816, there seem to be a large drop in numbers of Royal
Slaves to almost half their previous number. From 25 Royal Slaves in
1816, the numbers continue to decrease until a total of 6 in 1847. This
stationary number of Royal Slaves on St. Thomas and St. Jan is similar
to the general trend in numbers of privately-owned slaves on St.
Thomas during this period. 102 The trend in numbers of Royal Slaves
from 1816 is not surprising as the state probably became increasingly
aware that the institution of slavery was drawing to an end, and was
able to sell them after the end of the second British occupation. The

101 Rigsdaler was the Danish currency. The currency in the Danish West Indies was
the daler vestindisk courrant, with the exchange rate of 128 Danish Rigsdaler rigsmønt to
100 vestindisk daler courant. More on this in chapter 11.10
102 Hall, Slave Society in the Danish West Indies: St. Thomas, St. John, and St. Croix, p. 5

and 71

32
state probably tried to limit its future losses by selling off slaves and
not replacing those who died.
On St. Croix, numbers of Royal Slaves follow the general
development of slave numbers on St. Croix during this period. 103
There were always far more Royal Slaves on St. Croix than on St.
Thomas and St. Jan, which is clearly illustrated by there already being
80 Royal Slaves on St. Croix in 1792 as opposed to 49 on St. Thomas
and St. Jan.

Table based on data from hovedbøgerne. See Appendix A.

In 1802, the total number of urban Royal Slaves on St. Croix reached
144, illustrating a need to increase the available labour upon the effect
of abolition of the slave trade. Numbers stay well into the 120s until
1807, but clearly drop by 1815. Although the hovedbog does not hold
numbers for 1815 and 1816, a total value of the Royal Slaves of 900
Rd in 1815 and 4.725 Rd in 1816 compared to a total value of 44.735
Rd in 1807 suggests that numbers had drastically declined by 1815.
Throughout the 1830s, the numbers are largely unchanged from 48 in
1832 and 44 in 1835. It does not appear that the numbers of Royal
Slaves were particularly affected initially by the British abolition of
slavery around 1833. However, another decline in numbers is evident
by 1847, when only 26 Royal Slaves remain on St. Croix, a clear
reflection of the state’s desire to sell off their slaves or not replace
them so as to ensure minimal losses upon eventual emancipation.

103 Ibid., p. 5

33
As well as the numbers of Royal Slaves, the functions performed by
the Royal Slaves developed and changed over time. Some were in
place for the duration of the period, such as the Royal Slaves of the
hospitals and vejerboden and pakhuset on St. Croix, and on Christiansfort
in Charlotte Amalie and probably also the bakery on St. Thomas (and
possibly St. Jan). The number of functions that Royal Slaves work in
increased during this period, although some are very short-lived, such
as that of the apothecary, the secretariat, the custom’s boat and the
three military barracks: infantry, cavalry and artillery barracks.
Investigations of the various functions performed by Royal Slaves are
available in the chapters 11.2 to 11.9. The majority of them are
functions in which a slave would have to be owned by the King in
order to perform that function in that particular place, as most of
them were a type of public service jobs.

11.2 Royal Slaves at vejerboden and pakhuset

The Royal Slaves of vejerboden and pakhuset constitute by far the largest
quantity of Royal Slaves. Throughout the relevant period a total of 428
Royal Slaves are listed on St. Croix and only a total of seven on St.
Thomas. They are all male adult slaves, with the occasional boy or
two, thus indicating that hard physical labour took place here and that
the work was deemed unsuitable for women.

34
 Both tables are constructed based on data from hovedbøgerne. See Appendix A and B.

The majority of these slaves were on St. Croix, as Charlotte Amalie

operated as a free harbour and thus did not require any customs and
excise duties to be noted. The ratio of pakhus and vejerbod slaves on St.
Croix and St. Thomas also concurs with the fact that much of the
sugar by far was produced on St. Croix, and would therefore have
been skipped from St. Croix as well.
When comparing the men who were deployed there in 1801 to those
in 1807, it is apparent that there were a number of changes to the
Royal Slaves appointed to work at vejerboden and pakhuset. As an

35
example, only very few of these who were there in 1801 who were still
there in 1807: Abel, Goliat, Amashis, Jarl, Henrich and Ferdinand 104, a
total of six Royal Slaves out of a total of 42. 105 The fairly rapid
turnover in the Royal Slaves appointed to work there serves as an
indicator of the laborious and physical work they performed.
As we will see from the comparison of the slaves’ values in chapter
11.10, the slaves here are the most valuable of all the Royal Slaves, and
are generally valued higher than plantation slaves throughout the
period. Furthermore, Olsen also mentions that the slave Januarius,
who was often drunk and who the authorities wanted to sell off, was
not in fact sold when he almost stopped drinking because he was one
of “the strongest negroes of the weigh house when sober.” 106 This
may indicate that although skills were highly valued, the work the
Royal Slaves performed could also be heavy and require significant
physical strength and that this was a valued trait in the Royal Slaves of
vejerboden and pakhuset.
Olsen does not mention other duties of the Royal Slaves in vejerboden
than those of the loading and unloading of ships, weighing of the great
sugar caskets as well as burn marking of the sugar caskets, thus
providing an idea of the typical duties they performed there. 107
It is, however, possible that some of these slaves were literate and
performed the job of scribes in the weigh house for example, although
unfortunately there is no evidence of this in the primary source
material. Certainly, if the Royal Slaves did note the taxes due, they
would have needed to have a basic understanding of the various
amounts of tax due on the goods pending their status, necessary goods
at 5%, luxury goods at 25% and so on, which could be considered a
major skill in a slave. 108

These Royal Slaves were possibly those with the most physically
demanding job of all the Royal Slaves. The jobs they performed were
vital to any economic success the islands experienced, as it was
necessary to import and export goods.

104 It may be that the numbers quoted here are not entirely accurate. The difficulty is
in the names: the spelling changes, and that the Royal Slaves can have changed
their names. The estimate presented here are those which I deem most likely to be
the same persons according to their name, i.e. the spelling is fairly similar, and
often the name is not one of the most common, such as Peter or Christian.
Another useful indicator could have been their values, but it appears to have risen
significantly over this period and thus I will not rely on them as indicators
105 See Appendix A for more details, in separate booklet
106 Olsen, Toldvæsenet I Dansk Vestindien 1672-1917, p. 114 & RA:

Generaltoldkammeret, Vestindiske forestillinger og resolutioner 16/1798, now in the

box; Generaltoldkammeret, Kopier af forestillinger med derpå tegnede kgl. Resolutioner ang.
Vestindiske og guineiske sager, 1760-1771. Series 365, Box no. 8
107 Ibid., p. 112
108 Ibid., p. 108-109

36
With the particular function these Royal Slaves performed and their
large numbers, it is fair to say that these were the most important
Royal Slaves.

11.3 Royal Slaves at proviantgården

Proviantgården, the provisions depot, also made use of Royal Slaves.
The sources do not describe any Royal Slaves attributed to a
proviantgård on St. Thomas or St. Jan, thus this function was only in
place on St. Croix.
The Royal Slaves of proviantgården are made up of men, women and
boys and girls. Throughout the period there are more men assigned to
this function than women, although also far more girls than boys. This
indicates that the work taking place here was less demanding than that
of the vejerbod and pakhus. They are second to the vejerbod and pakhus in
the amount of slaves assigned to this function throughout the period,
thus indicating yet another important function. The Royal Slaves here
vary from those of vejerboden and pakhuset in that there are examples of
some Royal Slaves who are of considerably higher value than others;
e.g. Friedrich in proviantgården in Christiansted in 1801, and Bosen in
Frederiksted in 1806 and 1807 who were valued at 700 Rd and 650 Rd
respectively. 109 The name Bosen might even suggest that he was boss,
signifying that he managed the other Royal Slaves in proviantgården. It
may be that Friedrich and Bosen performed tasks similar to those
performed by John in the bakery (see chapter 11.4), and that they were
trusted to run the place on their own, and thus were entrusted with
proviantgårdens bookkeeping.

109 See Appendix A

37
 Table based on data data from hovedbøgerne. See Appendix A.

Where the Royal Slaves Sahra, Christian, Charlotte, Woÿant, Marie

Magdalena, Hans Wilhelm, Anna Margaretha, Anna Deioitta, Wilhelm,
Friedrich and Carolina disappear off to after they had worked in
Christiansteds proviantgård is not entirely easy to find out, but it is quite
possible that Woÿant, Hans Wilhelm and Carolina were placed in the
bakery from 1803 onwards. 110
Could this be due to some changes in the structure in the usage of
Royal Slaves after the first British occupation? It is quite possible that
this is the case, as it appears that some changes did occur in relation to
the number of Royal Slaves and their uses in connection with the two
British occupations, as the functions they are placed in as well as their
numbers increase during those years. It is also equally likely that after
the ten-year period after the abolition of the slave trade was up, fewer
Royal Slaves were purchased than previously as the general numbers
of Royal Slaves on St. Croix indicate. 111
Proviantgården was where the food provisions, both imported and
exported foodstuffs, were stored. The Royal Slaves at proviantgården
probably performed similar tasks to those at pakhuset and vejerboden, i.e.
the loading and unloading of goods, but with a slightly different
purpose, such as repackaging goods from bigger to smaller packaging

110 See Appendix A

111 See table in chapter 11.1

38
to be distributed. Proviantgården was where the vital imported foods
were stored, and the Royal Slaves here were probably also responsible
for ensuring that no one was given a larger quantity than they were
due. They may have also performed important duties such as keeping
watch during the nights to make sure that nothing was stolen. Food
was a very valuable resource in the Danish West Indies, so here is yet
another example of Royal Slaves working in a function vital to the
islands’ society.

The Royal Slaves of proviantgården may have been heavily dependent on

the leadership of certain Royal Slaves such as Friedrich and Bosen.
When they disappeared, the authorities may have deemed it too
difficult to continue with using Royal Slaves at proviantgården. These
Royal Slaves form another important group of Royal Slaves whose
function was vital to the slave society, and their numbers between
1792 and 1832 suggest that in this period this function was important
during at least during this period of time.

11.4 Royal Slaves at the bakery

The bakeries had fewer Royal Slaves than both proviantgården and
vejerboden and pakhuset between 1792 and 1848. The Royal Slaves
deployed to the bakeries were men in the majority, although a few
women and children were also assigned to the bakeries.

The staple soldier’s diet would have been bread, in the West Indies as
it was in Denmark previously, and probably also was at this time. 112
It is thus plausible that the Royal Slaves in the bakeries would have
baked bread for the soldiers, but they probably also produced the
bread they ate themselves. This was certainly the case in a similar
fortification in Denmark, that of Kastellet 113 in Copenhagen in 1817. 114
It may be that the bread produced here was also sent onto or sold to
the hospitals, as was also the case of the bread produced in Kastellet
between 1799 and 1846. 115 Or, the bread could have been given to the

112 Housted, Erik, Til Rigernes Forsvar, Gavn Og Bedste: Fredericia Som Garnisonsby I 300
År, 1679-25.November-1979. Fredericia: Fredericia Garnisons 300 års
jubilæumsfond, 1979, p. 54. In Fredericia, in 1679, when a military unit of 12
companies plus about 100 other men arrived, the garrison bakery had to bake
1450 bread per day, which was equivalent to the number of soldiers
113 Kastellet forms part of the Custom’s section of the harbour of Copenhagen
114 Krohn, Victor, "Bageriet Og Møllen I Kastellet." Historiske meddelelser om København

2, no. III (1927-28), p. 561 & 572. The living conditions of the convicts working
in the bakery appear to have been very similar to the living conditions which the
Royal Slaves worked and lived under in the West Indies in terms of the work they
performed, the environment they worked in, and the system in place to guard
them and care for them
115 Ibid., p. 568 & 580

39
administrators on the islands as part payment for their work. This
suggests that the system in the Danish West Indies was similar to that
of the home country.

Table based on data from hovedbøgerne. See Appendix A and B.

The large increase in numbers of Royal Slaves at the bakery in 1802,

1806 and 1807 on St. Croix and similar years on St. Thomas can be
explained by the British invasions which probably meant that further

40
demands were placed on the Danish administration to provide bread
for British troops on the islands, demands which could be met by
deploying Royal Slaves in the bakeries. This is an example of how the
Royal Slaves would be deployed according to need and could be
moved around to perform various duties at different times. If this was
the case, it also implies that the Royal Slaves were not necessarily all
skilled labourers.

Considering the value of the slaves deployed in the bakeries, there is

little doubt that the majority of the Royal Slaves here were performing
some form of skilled labour, which could have included putting the
dough together, keeping stock of flour and other required ingredients,
and operate and perform minor repairs on the oven. The exceptions
would have been the small children, Catharina 116 and James Richard117
(who lives a very brief life of less than two years) and the “weak and
sickly” Carolina as well as Alexander and Coffe or Severin who are of
no value. 118 One who was most definitely a highly skilled Royal Slave
would have been John who was valued at 700 Rd and entered the
Christiansted bakery in 1806.
It could also be surmised that John was a trusted Royal Slave who was
able to run the bakery on his own without supervision from the
master baker, and was thus a very valuable and trustworthy slave.
No matter the situation, it is evident that the bakery provided the
islands with a vital product, as after Emancipation in 1848, there are
still state expenses for the “renting of negroes to the garrison bakery”
on both islands. 119

As to the locations of the bakeries, a drawing of Christiansfort, the

fortress in Charlotte Amalie, shows that the Royal Bakery was placed
in the cellar of the building in 1794.

116 Born in 1798, on the list of (Frederiksted) bakery in 1802

117 Born 1806, probably by Anna Margaretha, who was a Royal Slaves in the bakery
in Christiansted on St. Croix. Listed in the 1806 hovedbog, but is not to be found on
the 1807 hovedbog, so he has probably died in the meantime.
118 The two men from the 1802 lists of Royal Slaves in the Frederiksted bakery
119 See Appendix A and Appendix B

41
The Royal Bakery is depicted right in the centre of this drawing, the oblong building consisting of
two rooms. Drawing by P. L. Oxholm, 1794. 120

This is most likely where the Royal Slaves deployed in the bakery
performed their daily duties on St. Thomas. This would have been a
hot, dark and uncomfortable room in which the Royal Slaves
performed their work: probably with a low ceiling, and unbearably hot
temperatures, as although basements can be cool, the presence of an
oven would ensure that the temperature was never pleasant.
On sketches of the layout of Christiansfort in Christiansted from 1836
no bakeries are mentioned 121, but in Frederiksted, it was suggested that
the bakery as part of a new provianthus, provision’s house, should be
placed inside the protective walls of the fortress in 1836. 122
Proviantgården, which included the bakery 123, was certainly placed in the
fortress grounds on an undated sketch, although not inside the actual
fort as in Charlotte Amalie. 124 In any case, the Royal Slaves employed
in the bakery in Frederiksted and Charlotte Amalie both worked in
particular close proximity to another group of Royal Slaves, those
working in the fortresses, and would also have had their daily duties
120 The Royal Library: Grundriss og profiler af Kielderne og Horizontal Batterierne på
Christians Fort på Øen St. Thomas No 3./PlanXVIII – 1794. Drawing by P. L.
Oxholm
121 RA: Rentekammerets Kort- og tegningssamling: 337, 109: Christiansfort, grundplan.

Giellerup og Friis, 1836. Negative no. 37 & 337, 110: Christiansfort, grundplan.
Fugleperspektiv og facade. 1836. Negative no. 36
122 RA: Rentekammerets Kort- og tegningssamling 337, 323: Projekt til batteri og

provianthus v. Frederiksted. Not dated. Negative no 44

123 In Frederiksted, this is sometimes also referred to as “Magazinet”, certainly

Magazinet and the bakery are part of the same place, as with the entitlement
Proviantgården
124 RA: Rentekammerets kort- og tegningssamling: 337, 322: Frederiksfort m. proviant-

og materialhus. Not dated, but probably from after 1800. Negative no. 164

42
close to the prison cells where other slaves who had committed
multiple crimes, or had attempted maroonage several times, were
placed.

The bakery also made use of skilled Royal Slaves, and here the Royal
Slaves once more performed a function vital to the slave society.
Again there are indications of one or two slaves who may have
managed the work that took place, signifying that skills were valuable
and maybe even that some Royal Slaves were perceived as being more
trustworthy than others by the authorities.

11.5 Royal Slaves at the fortresses

It appears from the statistical data that the state also deployed some of
its Royal Slaves to work on the fortresses on St. Thomas and St. Croix,
and very few if any at all on St. John: the largest number reached 13
on St. Croix in 1806 and 1807, whereas only a maximum of 6 were on
St. Thomas and St. John in 1803.

Data from…

Table based on data from St. Croix hovedbog. See Appendix A.

43
In the 1790s, Egbert, Factum and Ludewig were at Frederiksfort in
Frederiksted, and Egbert and Factum were joined by Samba in 1801
and Coffe and David in 1802, who were both bought for the odd sum
of 433 Rd and 32 Sk. The numbers of Royal Slaves at Frederiksfort
continue to expand when in 1806 they were joined by Bouky and
Oowe. An almost identical story unfolded in the 1790s at
Christiansværn, the fortress in Christiansted, where Anthony, Gorm
and Ludvig were placed in 1793, but where Anthony has disappeared
from the hovedbog of 1794. 125 There appears to have been a complete
change in who was assigned to this function, when Mads, Adam,
Friedrich, Otto and Ovid were assigned to Christiansværn in 1801.
Here, some are again replaced by new Royal Slaves: Wilhelm, C, Jaen
and Natty in 1803. 126 In 1806, a new Royal Slave at Christiansværn was
Simon who is listed as a boy, but in 1807 listed as being at the age of
26, and by that point, an adult. Additionally, in 1807, we are presented
with a descriptive name for Frederich, who is now referred to as
Frederich Kaymand. The word kaymand suggests that Frederich
worked at the fort’s lowest side which was actually sitting in the sea
where boats could dock, or perhaps he was also assigned to clean the
drains from the soldier’s toilet which probably ended here. 127
An interesting case comes to light as the hovedbog from 1803 describes
how Natty, a Royal Slave who had run away and since been captured
and been put to work in the fort on 9th January (no specification of
which fort, unfortunately). This could signify that some of the Royal
Slaves who worked in the forts had been runaways, who had been
placed there to make it more difficult for them to run away again.
Natty is a new addition to the Christiansværn list of 1803, so certainly
in his case this is the reason why he ended up working in the fort. This
would not be unlike the treatment convicts received in Kastellet
around the same time. 128

125 See Appendix A

126 See Appendix A
127 Unfortunately the word does not exist in Ordbog over det Danske Sprog. However,

Kaj means ”quay”, and mand means ”man”

128 Krohn, "Bageriet Og Møllen I Kastellet." p. 562

44
 Table based on data from hovedbøgerne. See Appendix B.
From 1833 onwards, there are no listings of Royal Slaves belonging to
the forts on any island. The slaves employed in the forts are on
average valued at 311 Rd on St. Croix and 325 Rd on St. Thomas.
That is slightly less than those working at pakhuset and vejerboden, but
closer to the average value of the bakery slaves. Very few women are
employed at the forts, Maria and Christiane on St. Croix in 1832 are
the only women listed on both islands in all the relevant years. 129 This,
as with the pakhus and vejerbod slaves provides some indication of the
work they did in the forts, or perhaps it is simply an indication that it
was not advisable to keep female slaves in such a male-dominated
environment. Either way, the Royal Slaves in the forts could have
performed a variety of tasks such as cleaning and general maintenance
of the fort itself. It is most likely that the tasks they performed were
not military tasks per se, i.e. that they did not participate in any acts of
war, or were assigned to any significant posts such as the look-out
post, or took part in the daily exercises. 130 It is more likely that they
helped soldiers with their daily tasks such as cleaning, laundry, helped
in the kitchens or even to perform tedious tasks such as hauling heavy
equipment when necessary. 131 As the fear of a slave revolt was always

129 See Appendix A

130 Some of the daily duties performed by soldiers stationed in Copenhagen in the
war of 1848-1850 is described in Helms, Johannes, Soldaterliv I Krig Og Fred:
Strandbergs Forlag, 1998 (1883) chapter entitled “Dagligt Liv”, daily life: keeping
watch in the military buildings, both to keep an eye out that everything was as it
should be and to watch out for fires
131 The convicts of Kastellet could also have performed the task of separating old

sailing rope into smaller bits of fibre, which was then used to careen ships due to

45
evident amongst the planters and probably also amongst the European
colonial administration, it would probably have been deemed unwise
to provide the fort slaves with any real military training since this
could be useful to an uprising. Gomez 132 mentions that the fort on St.
Jan (which was probably guarded) had played a vital role in the 1733
uprising, and was worried that the forts on the islands would always
play a vital role in any slave riots. 133 No matter what work the slaves
performed at the forts, they must have had daily and close contact
with the soldiers stationed there and would also have been in close
proximity to any captured runaway slaves who were often placed in
the dungeons, or in det sorte hul, “the black hole” which was an
isolation cell. 134 Once again, this places the Royal slaves in daily
contact with a great deal of people, both soldiers and other slaves. The
Royal Slaves of the fortresses perhaps represent a more rebellious
group of Royal Slaves who were not as vital to society as those of
vejerboden and pakhuset. This may indicate that they were placed to work
in the fortresses to avoid them making trouble elsewhere, and perhaps
thus taking part of the European Caribbean system of control.

11.6 Royal Slaves at the military barracks

The Royal Slaves are listed as belonging to three barracks, the infantry,
cavalry and artillery barracks, and this only on St. Croix. They were all
purchased in 1802: John and Peter for the infantry barracks, Gabriel
for the cavalry barracks, and unexpectedly, two women, Elizabeth and
Maria for the artillery barracks. The average value of the Royal Slaves
at the military barracks are close to the average value of the Royal
Slaves at vejerboden and pakhuset (average value of 391 Rd for the Royal
Slaves in the infantry barracks and 450 Rd for the Royal Slaves in the
cavalry barracks), except for that of the Royal Slaves in the artillery
barracks, which are closer to that of the Royal Slaves at the forts (310
Rd artillery barracks and 306 Rd for the Royal Slaves on the forts on
St. Croix).

its close proximity to the busy harbour of Copenhagen. It is not unlikely that the
slaves on the forts in the Danish West Indies performed similar tasks, particularly
since the forts were strategically placed in relation to the harbours where ships
were careened, both in Christiansted and Charlotte Amalie. For more information
about careening in Charlotte Amalie please see Martens, Vibe Maria & Latif,
Andreas Mir Hassel Island 1688-1801 - an Unusual Plantation. National Park Service,
US Virgin Islands, 2009
132 Gomez was part of the military personnel in the Danish West Indies in the 1830s
133 Gomez, F. J. C. von, Om Militairvæsenet Paa De Dansk-Vestindiske Øer. Kjøbenhavn

1836, p. 16
134 Hall, Slave Society in the Danish West Indies: St. Thomas, St. John, and St. Croix, p. 107

46
Table based on data from St. Croix hovedbog. See Appendix A.

These small numbers of Royal Slaves assigned to the barracks

probably reflects that they performed daily chores detested by the
soldiers and took no part in the actual military exercises which
probably took place close by.
The number of Royal Slaves increased in 1806 and 1807 from two to
five male slaves at the infantry barracks, Obit, John/Johann, Adam,
Wilhelm and C/Morie. 135 This perhaps reflects the imminent threat of
invasion, which finally occurred in December 1807. There would have
been an increased focus on strengthening the Danish military on the
islands where possible along with an increased need for help with the
daily duties.

The Royal Slaves probably performed daily tasks such as cleaning of

the buildings and the soldier’s equipment as well as laundering, which
would mirror the tasks performed by soldiers at time of war 136 and
soldier’s wives at times of war in Denmark. 137 It is also likely that they
were used as watchmen, to keep an eye on the candles to avoid fires at
night. Furthermore, it possible that Gabriel, who was deployed in the
cavalry barracks also would have worked in the stables, which, albeit in

135 See Appendix A 1806 and 1807

136 Helms, Soldaterliv I Krig Og Fred, p. 138-139
137 Parbøl, E. L., Sølvgades Kaserne 1765-1965. København: Jernbanemuseet, 1969, p.

23-25

47
the 1830s held no more than three horses, making it a possible task
for one person. 138

Table based on data from St. Croix hovedbog. See Appendix A.

It is interesting that there are only women, Elizabeth and Maria, and
later a boy, Thomas, in the artillery barracks. This could be an
illustration of how the paranoia of an imminent slave revolt was
handled, as it probably felt safer to let women and boys near to
weapons rather than adult males and instructions on how to use them.
The thought of the women being prostitutes to the soldiers also
occurred, but since this is the only location where women are placed, I
deemed this thesis somewhat unlikely, because why should the artillery
men be at the receiving end of such “special treatment” from the state
and not the other military sections? Naturally it could have been the
decision of an individual commander to provide prostitutes to his
men, but I believe it was unlikely that they would be allowed to do so
by the superiors, partly also because the Frederik V’s Reglement of 1755
condemned such “fornication and moral laxity.” 139 Prostitution may
have been common in the urban sphere, but appear unlikely to have
been a decidedly function of these two female Royal Slaves. 140

138 RA: Generaltoldkammer- og Kommercekollegiet Indisk (ost- og vestindisk)

Kontor. Kgl Resolutioner vedr. Vestindien og Guinea 1819 - 1945. 1830 – 1836. Series
371. Box no. 621. No. 520, 1836
139 Hall, Slave Society in the Danish West Indies: St. Thomas, St. John, and St. Croix, p. 60
140 Ibid., p. 173

48
Table based on data from St. Croix hovedbog. See Appendix A.

Royal Slaves were not deployed in the military barracks until 1802.
This could be due to the end of the first occupation of the islands by
England, where in 1801 it had been evident that the standard of the
Danish military on the islands was appallingly low. 141 In the table
above, is it shown how there is no breakdown of where the Royal
Slaves were deployed in 1815 and 1816, but it is plausible that there
were Royal Slaves deployed at the military barracks in these years as
well for the same reason of the standard of the Danish military.
The timing of when the state deployed the Royal Slaves in the military
barracks illustrates an “as and when needed” approach of the state to
its use of its Royal Slaves. This in turn shows that perhaps there was
not always much far-sighted thinking behind the use of the Royal
Slaves.
Furthermore, if maps of the fortifications on the islands are to be
believed, the barracks were commonly situated within the walls of the
forts as seen on the map below:

141 Brøndsted, Vore Gamle Tropekolonier. Bind 2 : Dansk Vestindien 1755-1848, p. 226

49
 142
Frederiksfort m. proviant- og materialhus. Not dated. From Rigsarkivet.

This means, as with the Royal Slaves in the bakery, that the Royal
Slaves of the military barracks would have lived their daily lives in
close proximity to the soldiers of the barracks, as well as the soldiers’
superiors, and to any slaves imprisoned in the forts.
As with the Royal Slaves on the forts, the Royal Slaves of the military
barracks did not perform duties vital to society. However, their
assignment to these functions in the period between 1802 and 1807
suggest that Denmark was aiming to improve the standard of their
military organisation in the Danish West Indies, thus to some extent
mirroring the behaviour of Spain and Britain when using slaves to aid
this process.

11.7 Royal Slaves at the hospitals

For all three islands, the use of Royal Slaves in hospitals was a
common feature between the 1790s and 1848. On St. Croix, the
average number of slaves in the hospitals in Christiansted and
Frederiksted remained around 25 until the 1830s where it reached an
average of 14. The largest number of slaves at the hospitals is in 1802,
when there are 37 altogether.

142RA: Kort- og tegningssamlingen, Rentekammeret 337, 322: Frederiksfort m.

proviant- og materialhus. Not dated. Negative no. 164

50
Table based on data from hovedbogen.
See Appendix A

Besides the regular hospitals, in 1803 on St. Croix one Royal Slave,
Christopher, is also listed as belonging to the artillery hospital, where
he probably performed similar duties to the other Royal Slaves in
other hospitals. 143 Similarly, there were still Royal Slaves placed in
unspecified military hospitals at the time of Emancipation in 1848:
Joseph and Jacob in Christiansted and Philippa, Emma and John in
Frederiksted. 144
The value of the Royal Slaves in the hospitals also appears to follow
the pattern in the price developments, which increased significantly in
the 10 years following the abolition of the slave trade in 1792. Thus,
on St. Croix in 1803, 21 slaves were valued at 7.540 Rd, whereas 22
slaves were valued at 4.264 Rd in 1792. The Royal Slaves at the
hospitals were a mix of men and women, boys and girls.

Of particular interest is Jacob, who is listed as a barber on St. Thomas

in the 1790s, which could indicate that he acted as a doctor or surgeon
in the hospital there. 145 His value of 500 Rd is also highly unusual for
other Royal Slaves in the hospitals at this time, which is another
indicator that Jacob was a skilled slave. St. Jan also had a barber slave,
Jacque, in the early 1790s. Although Jacque was worth considerably
less than Jacob at 240 Rd, it is still interesting that there were medically
trained, skilled Royal Slaves at least in the early period of this study,

143 See Appendix A Transcription of the hovedbøger of St. Croix

144 See appendix A Transcription of the hovedbøger of St. Croix
145 Meaning of the word barber from Ordbog over det Danske Sprog:

http://ordnet.dk/ods/opslag?opslag=barber. Accessed 11 March 2010

51
which serves as an indication of what duties the Royal Slaves also
performed in the hospitals. There are no barber slaves listed on St.
Croix.

Table based on data from hovedbøgerne. See Appendix B.

Another Royal Slave who could have been skilled is Marge, who is
listed at the significant value of 625 Rd in 1803 and 1807 in
Frederiksted, which was high for a female hospital slave. 146 It could be
that Marge had some medical training or knowledge of herbal
medicine which thus made her a very valuable Royal Slave, or even
more likely, that she was a skilled midwife, which was commonly
practised by women at this time.
Thode Jensen argues that knowledge of herbal medicine was common
amongst plantation slaves in the first half of the 19th century, and that
their treatments were often successful. 147 Therefore it is likely that the
state had purchased Marge in 1803 for her skills. As to why she did
not remain a Royal Slave in the hospital for any longer can only be
speculated. Whether the state was in need of cash and had to sell her
shortly after purchasing her, or she was sold for another reason since
she is not to be found mentioned elsewhere in hovedbøgerne is not
known. It could also be for the simple reason that the state deemed it
unnecessary to have such a skilled slave in the hospital, since the
service of a midwife could be found at a fairly low cost of around 6 Rd
when required. 148

146 See Appendix A: Transcription of the hovedbøger of St. Croix

147 Thode Jensen, For Slavernes Sundhed: Sygdom, Sundhed Og Koloniadministrationens
Sundhedspolitik Blandt Plantageavlerne På St. Croix, Dansk Vestindien, 1803-1848, p. 79
148 More about this in chapter 14.5

52
The children in the hospitals probably served alongside their mothers
in the hospitals. When comparing the lists of 1794 and 1801, the same
children appear on the list: Beata, Ferona, Christian, Anna Lena,
Friderica and Johan Friedrich, and in 1801 two more appear: Louisa
and Simon. Louisa and Simon are both valued at 50 Rd which serves
as a good indication that there were small children who grew old
enough to perform important tasks and increased their value. In 1801,
Beata and Ferona are no longer listed as children although their values
have not changed. This suggests that the Royal Slaves in the hospitals
often had a long servitude in hospitals, in contrast to that of the Royal
Slaves performing more physically demanding jobs such as those in
vejerboden and pakhuset.
On St. Croix they appear to have made much use of children in the
hospitals as they would have been just as good as adults in performing
various duties, such as preparing and administering the patient’s daily
medicine, general care and the changing of bandages which were the
daily duties of the slaves. 149 Besides duties in the actual hospital, slaves
also performed duties such as cleaning and cooking; these often being
allocated to elderly female slaves. 150
The Royal Slaves serving in the hospitals were some of the least
valuable of the Royal Slaves. This is understandable, since none of
these slaves needed to be as fit and physically strong as those who
performed hard physical labour, such as those working at pakhuset or
vejerboden. Some hospital slaves, however, were skilled and they all
performed vital duties in the hospitals.

11.8 Royal Slaves in other functions

The Royal Slaves also performed other functions which, unlike the
functions described above, were only in place for shorter periods.
Among those ascribed to a particular function in a short period of
time is Jack, who is listed as deployed in secretariatet, the secretariat, on
St. Croix in 1801, 1803, 1807 and 1807 (the hovedbog of 1802 does not
specify where the Royal Slaves were deployed). 151

Table based on data from St. Croix

hovedbog. See Appendix A.

149 Thode Jensen, "Sundhed, Citroner Og Slaver. Et Detailstudie Af Hospitalet I

Frederikssted På St. Croix I Dansk Vestindien, 1780." p. 7
150 Ibid., p. 7-8
151 See Appendix A

53
Jack is initially a fairly valuable Royal Slave at 500 Rd, but in 1807 he is
described as sygelig, sickly, which is probably the reason why his value
is only stated to be 250 Rd in 1806 and 1807. Jack probably helped the
officials with their work of making fair copies of official
correspondence as well as other documents. Whether Jack himself
acted as a secretary is difficult to say, but I believe that when
considering the short period of time that any Royal Slaves was in this
position and that he was not replaced in later years of 1815 and 1816,
which suggests that Jack did have something special to offer, which
means he was probably able to both read and write and thus an
effective servant in the secretariat.

Table based on data from St.

Croix hovedbog. See Appendix A.

Another function also taken care of by a Royal Slave was that of a

helper in apothequet, the pharmacy. As with Jack in the secretariat, the
function of the pharmacy slave is only listed for a very short period of
time, in 1806 and 1807 and is assigned to male slaves Ferdinant in
1806 and Affort in 1807.
Although the position could have been established between 1803 and
1806 and 1807 till 1815, where the hovedbøger have not been examined,
it is nevertheless a short-lived arrangement. As to what Ferdinant did
there in 1806, and Affort in 1807, they probably assisted the master
pharmacist but they probably did not take any vital part in the actual
dispensing of medication. Rather, it is more likely that they helped
clean and performed other general daily duties. Both Ferdinant and
Affort are valued at 150 Rd, and were thus not amongst the most
valuable of the Royal Slaves, which leads me to believe that they were
not particularly strong physically, or possessed literary or other specific
skills. 152 This is in concurrence with them performing basic duties in
the pharmacy.
It could be, however, that the positions for Royal Slaves to enter the
pharmacy had been created in order to train these particular Royal
Slaves to be a pharmacist. If this is the case, then the attempt was not
successful based on the short-lived nature of this position.

Another function was that performed by the Royal Slaves on the

toldbåd, the customs and excise boat. The first occurrence of Royal

152It could be, in theory, that these two Royal Slaves were in fact one and the same
slave who merely changed his name between 1806 and 1807 as seen previously
with the Royal Slaves of proviantgården

54
Slaves is when two male slaves were listed as belonging to the toldbåd
in 1803 on St. Croix and disappears in 1815, 153 whereas there are none
listed for St. Thomas or St. John throughout the period.

Table based on data from St. Croix hovedbog. See Appendix A.

Olsen writes that the idea of the customs house obtaining a boat and a
crew with Royal Slaves came into being in 1799, after the
reorganisation of the customs authorities in 1798, in an attempt to
enable them to pursue suspected illegal trade. 154 In 1803, Soheman a
male slave and David, a boy, are listed as belonging to the
Christiansted toldbåd, and these two are there in 1806 and 1807 as well,
although David is now listed as a man. In 1807, they were joined by
Acky and Bozam appointed to the Frederiksted toldbåd. In 1803, the
average value of the slaves are 475 Rd, which had risen to an
astonishing 610 Rd in 1806, thus making them worth almost double
that of the average Royal Slave in 1806, as well as a great deal more
than the average of 241 Rd 50 Sk which the slaves were valued at in
the skifter, probates, of the 1790s as illustrated in chapter 11.10.
Again, it is more likely that the Royal Slaves here were merely used as
oarsmen, rather than as actual customs officers with juridical powers,
thus mirroring the typical use of Spanish Royal Slaves who, although
are often thought to have been acting primarily as soldiers, most often
than not performed non-military duties such as for example that of
rowers on boat patrols. 155 Yet, they would still have been performing
the tasks of trying to intercept smugglers, thus potentially ensuring the
state its due revenue. It also signifies that Royal Slaves’ functions set
them in contact with various people from all over the Caribbean,
unlike the plantation slaves who hardly ever had the option of sailing
and thus making contact with other sailors who came to and from the
Danish West Indies.
It is unlikely that the Royal Slaves in the customs boats were ever
allowed to sail out to intercept ships and boats on their own, as this
would have enabled maroonage by Royal Slaves far too easily. 156 And
so, if any illegal trade or arrangements took place, it would have been

153 See Appendix A

154 Olsen, Toldvæsenet I Dansk Vestindien 1672-1917, p. 114
155 Morgan, Philip D. & O'Shaugnessy, Andrew Jackson "Arming Slaves in the

American Revolution." In Arming Slaves from Classical Times to the Modern Age, edited
by Christopher Leslie & Morgan Brown, Philip D. New Haven: Yale University
Press, 2006, p. 122-123
156 Hall, Slave Society in the Danish West Indies: St. Thomas, St. John, and St. Croix, p. 124-

125

55
with the knowledge and probable acceptance and participation of the
customs officers in the boats.
However, since this function had disappeared by 1815, it suggests that
the arrangement was not particularly successful. This could suggest
that the Royal Slaves on the boats did not care too greatly about doing
their job well, it could be that they started doing some illegal business
as well, and prospered somewhat from it, and eventually were
removed from this function to ensure any discontinuation of any
illegal trade benefitting the Royal Slaves.

Another short-lived function is that of acting as watchmen at Sydside

Vagthus, the watch house on the south side where the Royal Slaves
Christian and Zacharias/Bronman who was sickly, worked in 1806
and 1807.

Table based on data from St. Croix hovedbog. See Appendix A.

Christian is valued at 450 Rd in the two years, whereas

Zacharias/Bronman is listed as being of no value, and disappears from
the 1807 list. The fact that a guard house was established on the south
side is an example of how the authorities wished to ensure that no
smuggling was taking place, and as Christiansted and Frederiksted are
in the different ends of St. Croix, the south side of the island would
have been an easy place for smuggling to take place.
Zacharias/Bronman and Christian were probably performing the
simple duty of keeping watch for anything suspicious, and as with
those of toldbåden, found to be not particularly successful and
dismissed from this position after 1807 but before 1815, when the
function is no longer listed in hovedbogen.
Another Royal Slave by the name of Ismael was assigned to
Controleurerne, the controllers 157, on St. Croix in 1803 only. 158 Ismael
probably belonged to the various Royal Slaves who worked as part of
the customs authorities.

157 This is a very literal translation of the word. A better translation would probably
be customs officer
158
See Appendix A. In 1835, there are also five male Royal Slaves listed as belonging
to Toldopsynet i Frederiksteds vejerbod, but since they form part of the statistics
concerning vejerboden, I will not discuss them here.

56
 Table based on data from St. Croix
hovedbog. See Appendix A.
His deployment here was probably the shortest lived of the various
functions also performed by the Royal Slaves, as it does not reoccur in
1806. Ismael was valued at 500 Rd, and probably performed simple
tasks to aid the customs officers with their work of ensuring that the
original weights and taxes were noted on the correct papers.

Table based on data from St. Croix hovedbog. See Appendix A.

It is likely that the work Ismael performed matched that of Albert and
Chemaux in 1832 and later only Chemaux in 1833, 1834 and 1835. 159
Albert and Chemaux were assigned to Toldopsynet, customs inspection,
whose function could easily have mirrored those of the controllers.
Again, the Royal Slaves assigned here were fairly valuable, as with the
exception of Albert who was valued at 50 Rd, Chemaux were valued at
500 Rd, which reflects the fact that they most likely were assistants to
the customs officials and helped to ensure all weights and taxes due
were noted.
It is apparent that the state attempted to expand the types of functions
in which the Royal Slaves worked between 1792 and 1848, but that
none of these were particularly successful. These attempts to embed
skills in the population of Royal Slaves possibly indicate an increasing
awareness of the possibilities of owning slaves, but it appears that
neither the state nor its administrators were able to ensure the
functionality of these new initiatives.

11.9 Non-existing functions

I had expected to encounter Royal Slaves in other functions besides
those mentioned above. One I was certain of finding was that of
Royal Slaves being used in construction work, such as building and
maintaining roads and public buildings such as forts, hospitals and
office buildings. Since studies describe slaves used in construction
work, such as those by Jennings, I am surprised that none of the Royal
Slaves appear to have worked in this function between 1792 and

159 See Appendix A

57
1848. 160 Suggestions that it was not the urban Royal Slaves themselves
who built the buildings, is available from the Kgl. Resolutioner, which
describe how the houses for the Royal Slaves were build and by
whom. 161 Each source uses the word “tender”, which suggests that it
was customary for the state to outsource this type of work. One would
perhaps have expected that the state would have had Royal Slaves who
were builders to perform such work, at least the physically demanding
parts of it, but the hovedbøger suggests otherwise since they list no
“construction” slaves. When the Meley map 162 from 1807 which
measured Christiansted was produced, the hovedbøger lists expenses of
“rent of negroes to perform measurements of Christiansted” which
was paid out to Meley of Charlotte Amalie in 1803. 163 This signifies
that the state, at least in one instance, did not use the urban Royal
Slaves in this function, but was rather done by construction slaves the
state themselves had rented or by the skilled slaves on the royal
plantations. Previously, great building works such as that of the forts,
may have been performed by the urban Royal Slaves (who were then
owned by the VGK, the trading company and thus not Royal Slaves
yet), as this group consisted of far more skilled labourers around 1755
than in the period between 1792 to 1848: 9 masons, 7 carpenters, 4
blacksmiths as well as 12 men performing various functions on the
building works. 164
It could be that it was cheaper in the long run to have maintenance
and construction performed by hired labour, thus explaining the lack
of construction slaves in the group of Royal Slaves between 1792 and
1848. When considering the costs the state must have incurred by
having slaves in public functions, it could be that a simple calculation
showed that there would be less expenses connected to renting other
slaves to perform these jobs, particularly if there were fewer
maintenance and building works taking place in the Danish West
Indies during this period. The Danish West Indies, although
implicated in the European Wars of the time, were perhaps very well

160 Jennings, "State Enslavement in Colonial Havana, 1763-1790." and ________.

"State Slavery in the Atlantic Economy: The Case of Cuba in the Late Eighteenth
Century."
161 RA: Generaltoldkammer- og kommercekollegiet Indisk (ost- og vestindisk

kontor). Series 371. Kgl. Resolutioner vedr. Vestindien og Guinea, 1819 – 1845. 1819 –
1824. Box no. 620. No 60 “Negrene på St. Thomas, boliger til disse”, 18 august
1819 and No. 206 “Negerboliger på St. Thomas, Videre udgifter v. disses
opførelse”
162 Dahl, Thorkel & de Fine Licht, Kjeld, Opmålinger 1961 Af Bygninger På St. Thomas

& St. Croix Kunstakademiets Vestindienstudier: Kunstakademiets Arkitektskoles

Forlag, 2004, p. 14-15. Original from Rigsarkivet. An error in Dahl & de Fine Licht
lists the Meley map as being from 1807, but it is in fact from 1779 according to
the records of Rigsarkivet. Depicted in chapter 14.4
163 See Appendix A
164 Tyson, George F. "Getting It Straight: The Contributions of Africans to the

Establishment of Christiansted - 1735 - 1755." Crucian Trader, 2010, p. 4

58
aware that no matter how large and modern their forts were, they did
not have the resources, both financial and manpower wise, to resist
any real attempts of invasion by a foreign power, which in turn is
illustrated by the ease with which the British occupied the islands
twice.
It is noteworthy that the microfilms from the US National Archives
contain as a part of an allowance overview, probably from St. Croix, a
number of Royal Slaves who are listed as having various skills. 165 They
are bricklayers, carpenters as well as other, non-specified skilled
labourers. This last group of undefined skilled labourers could be what
is later referred to as håndlangere 166, general helpers to the other skilled
labourers, or more specifically, bricklayer’s assistants. The microfilm
lists 6 bricklayers plus an additional 3 apprentices who are not
specified by name, 9 carpenters and 7 håndlangere. Unsurprisingly, they
are all male. The microfilm also has a list of Royal Slaves working in
the military barracks, proviantgården, vejerboden, toldopsynet and the
hospitals, which are used to cross reference the names of the skilled
Royal Slaves. A total of four could belong to the group of urban Royal
Slaves come within preview of this paper: John (who is also the
foreman of the bricklayers and in charge of the apprentices), Simon,
also a bricklayer; James, a carpenter and Thony, whose skill is not
specified. As names such as James and John are very common
amongst slaves, there is no guarantee that these were from the bulk of
urban Royal Slaves, but Simon and Thony are more likely (particularly
Thony) since their names were not common. The remainder of the
skilled Royal Slaves must have belonged to the Royal plantations.
Interestingly, John, James and Thony all belong to vejerboden, Simon
(later called Chameux) in toldopsynet. This indicates that at least some of
the Royal Slaves in vejerboden were skilled, but also that they were able
to leave their work in vejerboden and use their specific skills elsewhere,
but more likely they were rented out by the state to do this work and
the majority of the rent would go directly to the state. The microfilm
also lists the skilled Royal Slaves as doing work on guvernementshuset,
government house and at Colbiørnsen’s. 167 It could be that outside the
peak harvest season, these Royal Slaves were allowed to work outside
the vejerbod and could thus have had access to earning some extra cash
unlike their unskilled counterparts. However, because there is very
little data to base these conclusions on, it will not be considered

165 RA: Danica 1000. Film no. 374. The original source where the mircrofilm is shot
from is not evident in the film itself, at least not for this material
166 ODS på nettet: www.ordnet.dk
167 Although there is no note on who this Colbiørnsen might be (or what his or her

first name is), it seems likely that it must have been someone from the
Colbiørnsen family, which probably included the judge Edvard Colbiørnsen who
was employed in the magistrate’s court around in the 1770s and 1780s. Hall, Slave
Society in the Danish West Indies: St. Thomas, St. John, and St. Croix, p. 43, 82 and 160

59
further, but simply kept in mind that some Royal Slaves, including the
urban Royal Slaves could have had skills which they were able to use
to earn extra money. It appears that in the period between 1792 and
1848 only a very small minority of the urban Royal Slaves possessed
the skills to function as construction workers or builders.

Another function performed by Royal Slaves which I expected to find

was that of Royal Slaves as soldiers. Slaves (albeit not only Royal
Slaves) had been used as soldiers in the Spanish, British, Dutch,
French and Portuguese armies in and around the Caribbean, and
scholars such as Buckley, Klein, Kuethe, Landers and Voelz have
conducted studies on this area. 168
Perhaps the fact that there are no Royal Slaves ascribed to actual
military service could be another indication that the Danish state did
not think this a priority, as it would have to have been significant high
numbers of Royal Slaves who would have to have been assigned to
military service in order to have any potential impact in events of
invasion or war. Thus the reason why no Royal Slaves were assigned
to military duty was probably an admittance of the fact that it was
pointless and would be far too expensive when compared to the end
result. Another possible, or additional, reason was probably that of
fear on part of the state and the administration on the islands to place
any slaves in the vicinity of weapons and teach them how to use them.
With the slave revolt of St. John in 1733 and the more recent revolts
on Guadeloupe in 1789, Martinique in 1789 to 1792 and the various
different revolts occurring all over the Caribbean in the first half of
the 19th century in mind, it is understandable if the Danish authorities
feared using Royal Slaves as soldiers.

In short, the Royal Slaves performed a number of functions of which

some were vital duties. Most likely, they had varying degrees of
responsibilities and skills. The functions they performed were unique,
and were not performed by other slaves than those belonging to the
King. Some typical functions of other slaves working for the King
across the Caribbean are not shared by the Danish Royal Slaves.

168Buckley, Slaves in Red Coats the British West India Regiments, 1795-1815; Buckley,
Norman Roger, The British Army in the West Indies: Society and Military in the
Revolutionary Age, 1998; Klein, Slavery in the Americas: A Comparative Study of Virginia
and Cuba; Kuethe, Cuba, 1753-1815 Crown, Military, and Society; Landers,
"Transforming Bondsmen into Vassals: Arming Slaves in Colonial Spanish
America." and Voelz, Slave and Soldier. The Military Impact of Blacks in the Colonial
Americas

60
11.10 The value of the Royal Slaves
The value of a slave speaks volumes. A very valuable slave worth more
than 700 Rd is fairly rare. A slave of this value would have been a
person who was physically strong, as physical strength was probably
one of two assets by which a slave’s value was determined. The second
asset, and the most important one in determining a slave’s value was
that of skills, as there is no doubt that skilled labourers such as
carpenters, bricklayers and other skills were valuable in the West
Indies as few people possessed such skills required by society. 169 As we
have seen in the chapters above, there almost certainly were Royal
Slaves who were skilled which is often evident partly from their name,
but most often also from their value.
Most Royal Slaves during the period of interest to this paper are worth
around 350 Rd. There are those who are worth considerably less, this
either being due to their youth or old age, illnesses or loss of limbs, all
of which indicate lack of physical strength. Therefore the value always
serves as an indicator of the slave’s skills and physical well-being.
The average value of a Royal Slave varied greatly in relation to where
they were deployed. The hospital slaves were the least valuable,
whereas the slaves in the bakery and pakhuset and vejerboden were worth
considerably more.
In order to establish if there were any major differences in the value of
the Royal Slaves and privately-owned plantation slaves, calculations of
the average value of slaves as described in various skifter, probates,
throughout the period have been made for comparison.
In the early 1790s, 47 privately-owned slaves are valued at 11.350 Rd
in total, making the average value 241 Rd 50 Sk. This is slightly more
than the average value of a hospital slave on St. Croix in 1794 (which
was approx. 226 Rd), but less than the average value of the Royal
Slaves in pakhuset and vejerboden on St. Croix, also in 1794 (which is
approx. 272 Rd).
Between 1800 and 1803, 13 privately-owned slaves have an average
value of 355 Rd 170, which is 120 Rd more on average than the Royal
Slaves on St. Thomas, and 40 Rd more than those on St. Croix. 171
However, the average value of the 13 privately-owned slaves is very
close to the average value of the Royal Slaves of the bakery (376 Rd),
but far from that of the vejerbod and pakhus slaves whose average value
in 1802 and 1803 was close to 500 Rd. At the same time, the Royal

169 Another factor crucial to the determination of a slaves’ value was age. Only in a
very few places are the ages of the Royal Slaves listed, and I will therefore refrain
from drawing conclusions on this without any further material available
170 RA: Christiansted Byfoged, Kopiskiftebreve, kronologisk ordnede. 1800-1855. Series

684. Box no. 38.49.1, 1800-1855 1-100. Skifter no 1, Peter Andersen; no. 4 Hans
Hansen; no 8 Lieutenant Christian von Benzon; no. 9 George Meyer (bankrupt
estate); no 11 John Garrits (bankrupt estate); no 27 Edmund Hogan
171 See Appendix C

61
Slaves in the hospital were on average worth less than the privately-
owned slaves in 1802, when they were worth 266 Rd on average.
Around 1815 and 1816, the average value of privately-owned slaves
had not changed much. 40 slaves have an average value of 358 Rd. 172
Because hovedbøgerne have not specified the Royal Slaves’ individual
value, number or assignment, it is not possible to compare values here,
but the general trend probably holds true for the years around 1815
and 1816: that the Royal Slaves mostly resemble the average value of
the privately-owned slaves, except for the Royal Slaves of vejerboden
and pakhuset who are typically worth around 100 Rd more.
In the 1830s, a total of 26 slaves average 138 Rd in value. 173 This is
almost half of what the hospital slaves on St Croix are worth on
average in 1833 (312 Rd), but closer to the average value of the
hospital slaves on St. Thomas the same year (192 Rd). Because there
are many children listed in the skifter, of which most, if not all, would
have been unable to work as they were too young, the average value
would have been higher if they did not form part of the statistic for
the 1830s: 189 Rd on average if the children are not included. 174 These
figures appear more balanced, and seem to correspond better to the
average figures for the other years investigated.
From 1846, a list details 13 slaves with the total value of $1470. 175 This
converted into Rd at the approximate exchange rate of the time,
makes it an average value of the slaves at 452 Rd. 176 This value follows
the pattern of the previous years, where the hospital slaves on St.
Croix are 325 Rd, and the slaves at pakhuset and vejerboden of St. Croix
are worth 470 Rd on average, thus illustrating that hospital slaves were
of less value than privately-owned slaves whereas the pakhus and
vejerbod slaves were more valuable.

172 RA: Christiansted Byfoged, Kopiskiftebreve, kronologisk ordnede. 1800-1855. Series

684. Box no. 38.49.7. 1800-1855, 341-370. No. 351 Fru Helene Moline Borch; no.
352 Madame Margareth Striclirons; no. 354 Madame Urcilla Daniels
173 RA: Christiansted Byfoged, Kopiskiftebreve, kronologisk ordnede 1800-1855. Series

684. 1800-1855 no 579-620. Box no. 38.49.12. Skifter no. 579, William Young,
1829; no. 581 Nicolas Wells, 1833; no. 596 Christopher Hansen, 1834; No. 579,
Ludevig J. Reumert, 1835
174 In these records, the children are listed with their respective mothers, and thus it

is impossible to know if the value listed mainly is for the mother, or for her and
her children. However, most often children of considerable value are listed
independently, which is why I believe that these children represented little value, if
any, this probably due to them being too young to work
175 RA: St. Thomas Byfoged 1736-1891. Registrerings- og vurderingsprotokoller, 1840-1848.

Series 697. Box no. 13.26.8 Ref.: p. 268, December 1846. By the 1840s the
accounts are commonly noted in dollars rather than Rigsdaler
176 “Pages on Economic Danish History”: www.helmer-c.dk/Econhist/default.htm

Accessed 11/2 2010. This website lists the exchange rate at 1850 to be 4 Rd for
every 1 $, making the total value of the 13 slaves 5880 Rd, which divided with 13
gives an average of 452 Rd per slave

62
The overall value of Royal Slaves shows that the Royal Slaves on St.
Croix were always far more valuable than the Royal Slaves on St.
Thomas and St. Jan. 177 This, as the functions performed by the Royal
Slaves on the islands where far more are assigned to St. Croix and
perform far more significant and variable types of functions than on
St. Thomas and St. Jan serves as another indicator that the system of
using Royal Slaves was more successful in St. Croix. This is most likely
also because between 1792 and 1848, the amount of slaves expanded
on St. Croix and thus the system of slavery was more important there
than on the other two Danish islands. This confirms that the majority
of the functions performed by the Royal Slaves were vital to the
maintenance of the slave society, particularly on St. Croix.

From entire chapter 11 it is evident that the Royal Slaves in most cases
performed functions vital to the slave society. They may have worked
less than plantation slaves did, as other urban slaves. 178 Their value
signify that very few of them were less valuable than the average
plantation slave, which serves as an indication that the skills and
strength of the typical Royal Slave matched that of the general slave
population, and that the Royal Slaves were not different in this aspect.
The development in the number of Royal Slaves seems to follow the
general pattern, at least on St. Croix, which held the majority of the
Royal Slaves between 1792 and 1848.
It is certain that the functions performed by the Royal Slaves as
described above would not have been done by slaves who were not
owned by the King, thus signifying a distinguishable characteristic of
the group.

12 Legal rights
This chapter will consider what legal rights, if any, which all slaves had
concerning food, provision grounds, housing, clothing, medical care
and self-manumission. This will be used to illustrate what provisions
the state was required to provide its Royal Slaves. No regulations were
ever made specifically for the Royal Slaves, and several of the
proposed legislation was never published in the Danish West Indies,
giving cause for the plantation owners to not follow the guidelines.
However, while it may have been easy for plantation owners to ignore
legislation not published, then perhaps it is fair to suggest that it was
not so easy for the state or its administrators to ignore these
regulations, and this may have transferred itself into the amount and

177See Appendix C
178Hall, Slave Society in the Danish West Indies: St. Thomas, St. John, and St. Croix, p. 93-
95

63
types of provisions provided to the Royal Slaves when compared to
plantation slaves.
However, most legislation regulation the slaves’ living conditions in
the Danish West Indies dealt with keeping the slaves from revolting
and the loss of valuables, the slaves themselves. 179 As Thode Jensen
writes, there was no real official legislation passed in the 18th century
after the so-called Gardelin Code of 1733, concerned with punishments
of slaves, for example of runaway slaves and those who were
disobedient. 180 Although upon the state’s purchase of the islands, a
number of rights for the slaves were drawn up, the legislation was
never published and thus not enforced. 181 In subsequent years, several
individuals, such as Lindemann 182, attempted to reform the legislation
on slave rights, but he failed as did later commissions established for
this purpose. 183 This trend continued even until after the second
British occupation, and was only reconsidered after the British
abolition of slavery in 1833, although still without results.
Although it will be difficult to establish legislature concerning the
rights of slaves, I will gather what indications there are of what they
were provided with, and how this reflected common practices, in cases
where no legislation concerning the particular right existed. It is also
worth noting that whenever legislation was in place, it specifically
requested that those unable to work should always be provided for. 184
Thus, slaves unable to work were also provided for, probably on a
more or less equal level to slaves who were able to work.

12.1 Food provisions

With regards to food allowance and the legislation concerning this,
Thode Jensen argues that since the first law concerned with food
allowances for slaves from 1755, the so-called Frederik V’s Reglement
was not published until 1843 (as it was shelved by the Governor
General due to the sensitive relationship between the state and the
plantation owners), practices could necessarily have varied greatly
from the judicial prescriptions of the 1755 legislation. 185 Whatever the

179 Ibid., p. 58-59. For further information see Olsen, Poul Erik, "Danske Lov På De
Vestindiske Øer." In Danske Og Norske Lov I 300 År, edited by Ditlev Tamm.
Kbh.: Jurist- og Økonomforbundets Forlag, 1983
180 Thode Jensen, For Slavernes Sundhed: Sygdom, Sundhed Og Koloniadministrationens

Sundhedspolitik Blandt Plantageavlerne På St. Croix, Dansk Vestindien, 1803-1848, p. 158

181 Ibid., p. 158-159
182 Wilhelm Anton Lindemann, Governor General 1798- 1801 (or 1794 – 1796).

Brøndsted does not speak highly of Lindemann: Brøndsted, Vore Gamle

Tropekolonier. Bind 2 : Dansk Vestindien 1755-1848
183 Thode Jensen, For Slavernes Sundhed: Sygdom, Sundhed Og Koloniadministrationens

Sundhedspolitik Blandt Plantageavlerne På St. Croix, Dansk Vestindien, 1803-1848, p. 159

184 Ibid., p. 159
185 Ibid., p. 179-180

64
case, the 1755 regulation prescribed that any slave above the age of ten
should be provided with approx. 1,3 kg cassava or cornflour, or three
cassava tubers each weighing at least 2,5 pounds 186, or another food of
similar quality as well as 2 pounds of salted pork or 3 pounds of fish
per week. 187 Furthermore, it prescribed that it was the explicit
responsibility of the slave owner to provide a daily sum for subsistence
to old and/or sick slaves. 188 Slaves below the age of ten should be
provided with half of the rations of adults. The regulation prescribed
that the foods could not be replaced by kill devil, the local non-
matured rum, or an extra weekly day off, although this changed by the
1840s. 189 The regulations also stated that any produce or items in the
slave’s custody was the property of the slave owner, and that the
slaves were not allowed to sell anything on the weekend markets
without the permission of their master. 190
By the early 1800s, Thode Jensen argues that the amount of provisions
given to plantation slaves would have been around 5 pounds of
cornflour per week during the harvest, which was in fact too little, and
that the slaves were thus forced to grow their own produce in order to
avoid starvation. 191 There is no mention in the sources of the amount
of meat or fish. Although the provisions provided were in fact more
than stated in the regulation of 1755, the slaves would still be forced
to cultivate for themselves, as was the intention of the regulation.
After the second British occupation, Thode Jensen believes that the
standard amount of rations were increased to an amount of approx.
3,75 kg of cornflour, and probably continued to stay at this level until
1848. 192 As before, there is no mention of the amount of meat or fish
prescribed.
Thode Jensen notes that the provisions given to slaves on the royal
plantation North Star surpass the provisions set out as minimum in
the official regulations, and yet, the provisions were not sufficient as
nutrition. 193 Although not sufficient as nutrition, the provisions
provided to this group of royal plantation slaves, did surpass the
minimum requirements, which may support the hypothesis that as a

186 1 pound = approx. 0,5 kg. “Den Lille Lommebog På Internettet:

www.glemsom.dk/talmaal/danskemaal.htm Accessed 4/3 2010
187 Thode Jensen, For Slavernes Sundhed: Sygdom, Sundhed Og Koloniadministrationens

Sundhedspolitik Blandt Plantageavlerne På St. Croix, Dansk Vestindien, 1803-1848, p.

179. Thode Jensen also describes measurement calculations, which I will not go
into detail about here
188 Hall, Slave Society in the Danish West Indies: St. Thomas, St. John, and St. Croix, p. 60
189 Olwig, Cultural Adaptation and Resistance on St. John. Three Centuries of Afro-Caribbean

Life, p. 54
190 Thode Jensen, For Slavernes Sundhed: Sygdom, Sundhed Og Koloniadministrationens

Sundhedspolitik Blandt Plantageavlerne På St. Croix, Dansk Vestindien, 1803-1848, p. 180

191 Ibid., p. 181
192 Ibid., p. 183-185
193 Ibid., p. 200

65
Royal Slave (both urban and agricultural) you were always certain to
receive at least the minimum allowance described in the regulations.
Thus, if the Royal Slaves received provisions much like the slaves on
the plantations, they would have relied heavily on production of food
from provision grounds to ensure a somewhat varied diet which
included other foods than bread, but they would still have been
subject to starvation when a harvest failed, and would in any case still
have been reliant on their master to provide them with some flour or
bread.

12.2 Provision grounds

The so-called Lindemann draft of 1783 was the first proposed
legislation to prescribe the minimum rights of the enslaved, although it
remained a draft and was never enacted. 194 It is also the first proposal
that includes the right to provision grounds and at least one weekly
day off to cultivate them on behalf of the enslaved. 195 Although the
Lindemann draft was never enacted, it still serves as an indication of the
state’s positive attitude towards providing its slaves with access to
provision grounds at this point in time. It may also, however, serve as
an indicator of the islands administration’s negative attitude to
securing rights to the enslaved population, which would not be shared
with Lindemann who was Etatsraad, a Government official who was in
Denmark when writing the draft. 196
With regards to time off from labouring, the slave did not officially get
Saturdays off throughout the year until 1843, although practices of
both Saturday and Sunday off to cultivate provision grounds had
probably been the norm for quite some time by then. 197 Hall also
writes that slaves in the Danish West Indies were well-established
proto-peasants by 1848. 198

12.3 Housing rights

Officially, there was no general legislation concerning the housing
provided for the slaves until as late as 1840. However, there was
legislation in the so-called forpagtningsreglement from 1834, which
concerned the regulation of the Royal plantations and thus possible

194 Hall, Slave Society in the Danish West Indies: St. Thomas, St. John, and St. Croix, p. 65-
67
195 Ibid., p. 67
196 At this point Lindemann was Etatsraad and wrote the draft in Denmark
197 Thode Jensen, For Slavernes Sundhed: Sygdom, Sundhed Og Koloniadministrationens

Sundhedspolitik Blandt Plantageavlerne På St. Croix, Dansk Vestindien, 1803-1848, p. 162

198 Hall, Slave Society in the Danish West Indies: St. Thomas, St. John, and St. Croix, p. 210

66
also the urban Royal Slaves. 199 The regulations concerned the size and
distance between the slave houses. 200 It cannot, however, be
determined from the primary source material if the housing provided
for the urban slaves followed the legislation. Hall writes that although
no data exists concerning the standard of housing for urban slaves, he
believes that the housing of the urban slaves would generally have
been of a better standard than that of the plantation slaves, and the
urban slaves would at least have had rain-proof and draught-free
accommodation. 201 Brady noted that he did not think the urban slaves
better lodged than the slaves on the plantations, and that the urban
slaves did not have provision grounds. 202 Some of the urban Royal
Slaves could have lived in private accommodation, but as we shall see
in chapter 14.3 and 14.4, they were also provided with their own
housing and provision grounds which suggests that with regards to
housing and provision grounds, their conditions were unlike the
typical urban slave and more akin to a plantation slave, allowing
production and an economic life of their own.

12.4 Clothing
No specific legislation concerning the clothing appears to have been in
place. Nevertheless, Brady claims in the 1820s that “the legal annual
allowance” per slave was seven yards (approx. 6,5 m) of osnaburg 203, a
coarsely woven cloth, most often made from flax, as well as 3,5 yards
(3,2 m) of bamboo, a woollen cloth often used for a cloak or coat. 204
Women were given the same allowance plus an extra yard of osnaburg,
and children received a quantity proportion to their size. Additionally,
each man and woman received a blanket every two years.
Although there is no official legislation concerning clothing provisions
for slaves, Brady provides an indication of how the provisions could
have appeared in the 1820s, and thus an indication of local customs.
Whether this was similar to the provisions provided to the Royal
Slaves is uncertain, but at least it can serve as an indicator. It is certain,

199 Thode Jensen, For Slavernes Sundhed: Sygdom, Sundhed Og Koloniadministrationens

Sundhedspolitik Blandt Plantageavlerne På St. Croix, Dansk Vestindien, 1803-1848, p. 170
200 Ibid., p. 170
201 Hall, Slave Society in the Danish West Indies: St. Thomas, St. John, and St. Croix, p. 93
202 Highfield, Observations Upon the State of Negro Slavery in the Island of Santa Cruz 1829,

p. 25
203 Osnaburg derived its name from the town of Osnabrück in Germany, where it

was originally produced, although from the mid 18th century onwards, the main
production took place in Scotland and Ireland. Collins, Brenda & Ollerenshaw,
Philip (eds.) The European Linen Industry in Historical Perspective: Oxford University
Press, 2003, p. 176
204 Highfield, Observations Upon the State of Negro Slavery in the Island of Santa Cruz 1829,

p. 16

67
however, that the Royal Slaves were provided with osnaburg, hats and
scarves as we shall see in chapter 14.6.

12.5 Healthcare
As with clothing, it appears that there was no legislation in place
describing the slave’s right to healthcare. However, here it is obvious
that in most cases, it would have been in the interest of the slave
owners and thus also the state, to keep slaves alive where possible, as
otherwise they would lose a valuable asset. Brady writes that usually,
those with “trivial indispositions” were sent to the hospitals for
treatment, whereas those who were “dangerously ill” were allowed to
stay in their own house. 205 Thus no actual legislation was in place take
care of the slaves, but in practice they were given treatment where
possible. This was probably no less true for the Royal Slaves who, as
we shall see later, were provided with medical care both when
seriously and less seriously ill.

12.6 Self-manumission?
Once more, no legislation was in place concerning the possibilities and
requirements of slaves to buy themselves free from slavery. There are
no descriptions of slaves who are able to manumit themselves through
a payment to their owner and/or the state, and so it is entirely possible
that there was no official system in place, and all manumissions would
have happened at the owner’s bequest.
Hall believes that the few cases of manumission initiated by the state
were all given to slaves, who it considered “contributors to social
control”, i.e. faithful and exemplary slaves, such as Mingo Tameryn
who had aided the authorities during the 1733 uprising, and Christian
Black, a barber slave on a Royal plantation who was given his freedom
after a long life of faithful servitude. 206 He also explains that in Frederik
V’s Reglement of 1755 there are no provisions available comparable to
the tradition of coartaciòn, where slaves could buy themselves free by
earning money and gradually saving and making payments to their
owner. 207
There are very few examples of Royal Slaves who are manumitted
between 1792 and 1848, and when they are, it occurs shortly before

205 Ibid., p. 24
206 Hall, Slave Society in the Danish West Indies: St. Thomas, St. John, and St. Croix, p. 140
207 Ibid., p. 61. Coartacíon is a phenomemnon believed to be unique to Cuba: a

system where each individual slave could put aside some of money they had
earned themselves into savings administered by the colonial administration, with
which they could eventually buy their own freedom. A similar scheme was
proposed in the Danish West Indies by Peter von Scholten in 1834, but was never
passed due to resistance from the colonial European Caribbean population

68
Emancipation and naturally upon Emancipation itself, suggesting that
it was everything but customary for the Royal Slaves to gain their
freedom, either by self-manumission or by request of the King.

Although hardly any judicial rights were in place for the slave
population and thus the Royal Slaves, there were often established
traditions which prescribed the practices of the types and amounts of
provisions given to slaves. In chapter 14, the provisions provided to
the Royal Slaves will be investigated and compared to the rights and
traditions described in this chapter.

13 Crime and punishment

Legislation providing rights for slave owners to punish their slaves was
far more common in the Danish West Indies than any regulations
concerning the slave’s rights vis à vis the master. Much of the
legislation that was actually published is chiefly concerned with the
rights of the slave owners to punish their slaves who have committed
certain offences. Although over time the punishments decreased in
harshness, they clearly illustrate the inner workings of the slave society
of the Danish West Indies.
The crimes and punishments of the enslaved are often used in
scholarly work to illustrate forms of resistance by the enslaved, and
the Royal Slaves appear to have been no different to other slaves in
this respect, in that their offences are similar and as frequent as that of
slaves who were not State property.

13.1 Crime and punishment of Royal Slaves

The most common offences committed by slaves in general were
maroonage, curfew/pass violations, fights, theft and drunk and
disorderly behaviour in Christiansted and Frederiksted between 1802
and 1807. 208 Offences committed by the Royal Slaves are similar to
those typically committed by slaves in general. Hall describes the case
of Mads 209, who belonged to Christiansted fort, who in 1805 was
caught after making his third attempt to escape. 210 In 1806, Mads was
taken into custody after having stolen sugar from a hogshead at the

208 Ibid., p. 103

209 There is a Royal Slave by the name of Mads listed as belonging to the fortress of
Christiansværn in the 1803 St. Croix hovedbog. See appendix A
210 Hall, Slave Society in the Danish West Indies: St. Thomas, St. John, and St. Croix, p. 105

69
wharf in 1806 with the help of two other Royal Slaves, Carolina 211 and
Peter. 212 In 1807, Mads ran away for the seventh time.
The records reveal other crimes such as those committed by Mads. In
July 1820, the Royal Slave Joshua was arrested and interrogated by the
Police Chief in Christiansted as he had tried to escape. 213 He had been
aided by four hospital slaves. Joshua was punished and received 125
lashes and his four aides received 40 or 50 lashes in order to “warn”
other slaves against running away. These two stories illustrate that
Royal Slaves had several opportunities to interact with other Royal
Slaves.
It is noteworthy that Joshua was helped by Royal Slaves at the
hospital. Unfortunately the case does not specify where Joshua was
placed, but since the others are mentioned as being hospital slaves, it
attests to a sense of belonging among the Royal Slaves through the
option of getting aid from within their own private sphere formed
around their shared housing and provision grounds (see chapters 14.3
and 14.4).
Another case is that of another or the same Joshua, a Royal Slave in
Christiansted who in July 1830 also attempted to escape. Joshua had
showed violent behaviour towards an “ I. Møller”, and had ran away
only to be hidden and helped by the hospital slaves George, John
Williams, Augustus and John Hall. However, because it was
uncommon for any slaves to have surnames, as this most often meant
that they were no longer slaves, it is possible that John Williams and
John Hall were not Royal Slaves working in the hospitals, but
freedmen who were in hospital to receive medical treatment.
Curiously, however, John Williams is also punished, in this case by 50
lashes, which indicates that he was still enslaved despite having a
surname. In this record, the police chief Friderichsen asks for help in
determining the punishment Joshua and those who helped him should
receive, and notes that this could serve as a warning for other slaves.
Later in July, Joshua is punished with 125 lashed at Justits Støtten, the
public flogging post, and his accomplices were ordered to watch whilst
he was punished. It could be that this is the same Joshua of 1820, but
even if it was, the case illustrates that there was a significant network
amongst the grouping of Royal Slaves which they were able to use in
their displays of resistance to their enslavement.

211 In the St. Croix hovedbog of 1803, Carolina is listed as belonging to the bakery and
that she was “svag og sygelig”, weak and sickly. See appendix A
212 In the St. Croix hovedbog of 1803, there are two Peters listed. One belongs to the

hospital, and the other to vejrboden. If it was the one or the other I cannot tell, but
it an example of how there must have been contact between Royal Slaves even if
they did not work the same place
213
RA: Generalguvernementet, Referatprotokol B (journal), 1820 – 1848. Series 677.
1830-1831, box no. 2.27.5 No. 210, July 1820

70
Other examples of crimes and punishments of the Royal Slaves can be
found in Christiansted politijournaler. As an example, the year 1815 has
seven entries concerning four different Royal Slaves who have been
arrested. 214 First, there was Christian Friderich, a mulat arrested on 18th
August upon the orders of Doctor Schelegel (who was probably
hospitalsforvalter in Christiansted) due to drunkenness. 215 Christian
Friderich was “employed as a caretaker” in the same hospital. The
records show that he was detained for a period of two days, but do
not describe which, if any, punishment he received for this offense.
On the 8th of October, the Royal Slave John Friedrich was arrested by
the police, because he had “gone away from the hospital where he is
employed as caretaker.” 216 The following day, John Friedrich received
25 lashes at Justits Støtten as penalty for his attempted maroonage, once
more on Doctor Schlegel’s orders. The third record of a Royal Slave
who was arrested, is that of Margareth who was arrested at the request
of “Capitain and proviantforvalter Hendrichs” on 9th October. 217
Margareth received 50 lashes at Justits Støtten for “unruly” or “naughty”
behaviour towards Hendrichs the following day. The last record of an
arrest of a Royal Slave in 1815 concerned Fangham, who was arrested
on 19th October by the police for trying to sell off a wheelbarrow
without having the correct pass to sell goods on the streets. 218 After an
investigation, on 30th October Fangham received 25 lashes at Justits
Støtten.
These entries for offences committed by Royal Slaves give a fair
indication of the typical violations. When considering Hall’s accounts
of typical offences committed by urban slaves, the Royal Slaves seem
to concur to that statistic. Violations such as drunkenness, unruly
behaviour, maroonage and pass violations were common, and those
are the violations committed by Royal Slaves in 1815.

The accounts detailed above by no means cover the entire period or

all types of offences committed by and punishments imposed on the
Royal Slaves. There is a wealth of information available from
politijournalerne which enables the scholar to uncover significant
information about discontent and the resistance which the Royal
Slaves displayed by breaking the law. The issues and cases presented
above, will serve as indicators of the Royal Slaves’ tendency to break

214 The year of 1815 has been randomly selected amongst the years relevant to this
paper
215 RA: Christiansted Byfoged, Politijournaler 1798 – 1846, 1815 – 1818. Series 684,

box no. 38.31.5

216 RA: Christiansted Byfoged, Politijournaler 1798 – 1846, 1815 – 1818, box no.

38.31.5
217 RA: Christiansted Byfoged, Politijournaler 1798 – 1846, 1815 – 1818, box no.

38.31.5
218 RA: Christiansted Byfoged, Politijournaler 1798 – 1846, 1815 – 1818, box no.

38.31.5

71
the law. They do reveal that the violations the Royal Slaves committed
were by no means different to those committed by other urban or
agricultural slaves, as well as show a tendency for the Royal Slaves to
work together and aid one another to attempt maroonage, thus
displaying their resistance to enslavement and indicating a sense of
belonging to the grouping of Royal Slaves.

14 The state’s provisions for its slaves

This chapter accounts for the provisions the state provided for the
Royal Slaves in terms of food, subsistence allowance, provision
grounds, housing, healthcare, clothing as well as funerals and
baptisms.
This chapter will explore the question of whether the provisions made
for the Royal Slaves were similar to that of the plantation slaves in the
Danish West Indies, and if they followed the legal requirements or the
established traditions. It will be argued that the provision grounds
would have been particularly important to the Royal Slaves on St.
Croix who received fewer rations than those on St. Jan. The Royal
Slaves lived in small villages with provision grounds in close proximity
to the hospitals on St. Thomas and St. Croix, which arguably created a
community identity which formed part of the definition of being a
Royal Slave when related to Mintz and Olwig’s theories. This chapter
will also illustrate a change in the services provided to the Royal Slaves
in the shape of funerals, for example, which appear to be a late
addition to the state’s provisions for its slaves. Furthermore, it will
account for the practices of European Caribbeans acting as
supervisors to the Royal Slaves throughout the period.

14.1 Food provisions

Although provision grounds were able to produce a multitude of vital
food in the Caribbean slave societies, there was always a need to
import certain foodstuffs such as grain which was not produced in the
Caribbean. 219 The 1755 regulation prescribed around 1,3 kg cornflour,
majsmel 220 for each slave per week, cornflour which would have been
necessary to purchase outside the Caribbean and distribute to the

219Hall, Slave Society in the Danish West Indies: St. Thomas, St. John, and St. Croix, p. 79
220Majsmel is still used today in the southern states of the US, and can be used to
make both bread and porridge. To make bread, however, the best results are
achieved by adding some wheat to the mix. From: Den Store Danske:
http://www.denstoredanske.dk/Mad_og_drikke/Gastronomi/Gryn,_br%C3%B8
d,_ris_mv./majsmel. Accessed on 20th June 2010

72
Royal Slaves. 221 The requirement of the Danish state would have been
the same, which is also evident from the so-called Proviantforvalterens
arkiv, the provision agent’s archive. Although this only contains
material for St. Jan from the 1790s to 1807, it can still serve as an
indicator for what the practices were on St. Thomas and St. Croix as
well, particularly because it seems that food provisions and kostpenge, a
cash subsistence allowance was provided systematically to the Royal
Slaves. Furthermore, the microfilms from the National Archives in
Washington DC provide similar details, but only for the year of 1822
on St. Croix.
In the table below, there are significant differences in both the
provisions of flour and cash provided directly to the Royal Slaves on
St. Croix and St. Jan. These were most likely dispensed by the forvalter
also in charge of the kostpenge mentioned in chapter 14.2.
It is evident that the Royal Slaves on St. Jan in the 1790s and early
1800s were given far more provisions than those on St. Croix in the
1822. This could be because there were no provision grounds for the
Royal Slaves on St. Jan. It could also reflect a change in practice: that
from the 1820s, and probably earlier as well, the authorities deemed it
cheaper and more efficient to allow the Royal Slaves to be in charge of
the provision grounds and thus be fairly self-sufficient in providing
their own food.

221Thode Jensen, For Slavernes Sundhed: Sygdom, Sundhed Og Koloniadministrationens

Sundhedspolitik Blandt Plantageavlerne På St. Croix, Dansk Vestindien, 1803-1848, p.
179-180

73
Tables made from data from proviantforvalterens arkiv and Danica 1000 microfilm. Estimates of
222
numbers of Royal Slaves on St. Jan based on total value, see Appendix C.

If estimates of the number of Royal Slaves on St. Jan from 1794 until
1807 are close to the actual numbers, then the sources reveal that
Royal Slaves on St. Jan and St. Croix received a similar monthly flour
allowance, both with large differences in the various monthly
allowances, as for example from 1, 241 lispund on average per month
in 1796 to 0,591 lispund on average per month in 1798 on St. Jan and
from 1,380 lispund in February 1822 to 0,581 in March 1822 on St.
Croix. 223 These considerable variations in amounts could be caused by
changing availability, and signify that the Royal Slaves would have
been reliant on a more dependable source of food, such as provision
grounds. Thus the Royal Slaves on St. Croix (and most likely St.
Thomas), and to some extent those on St. Jan would have been
extremely dependent on their provision grounds in order not to starve,
if the pattern revealed from 1794 to 1807 and of the 1820s was similar
to the way provisions were allocated throughout the period. This
means that Thode Jensen’s estimate of 5 pounds (approx. 1/3 of a
lispund, 2,5 kg) of cornflour per week per slave left the Royal Slaves
short in comparison to plantation slaves: the Royal Slaves received
around 1 lispund (16 pounds or around 7,5 kg) per month, which is
then ¼ less than the flour provided to plantation slaves. 224 This equals
around 20 buns of Creole Bread, a recipe from Belize still used

222 Data regarding St. Jan from: RA: Reviderede Regnskaber, Vestindiske
Regnskaber: Material, amm.- og inventarregnsk. 1776-1807. Box no 118.1, 1767-1807
and data regarding St. Croix from: RA: Danica 1000, microfilm no. 374
223 Lispund is an old Danish measurement, equivalent of approx. 2,5 kg
224 Thode Jensen, For Slavernes Sundhed: Sygdom, Sundhed Og Koloniadministrationens

Sundhedspolitik Blandt Plantageavlerne På St. Croix, Dansk Vestindien, 1803-1848, p. 181

74
today. 225 Naturally, the cash allowance received, particularly in such
amounts as that given to Royal Slaves on St. Jan, would have provided
some compensation for this. However, I believe it safe to say that
none of the Royal Slaves were ever particularly well provided for in
foodstuff or cash from the state in order for them to cover their
needs.

14.2 Subsistence allowance

Hovedbøgerne specify that a cash allowance, or subsistence allowance,
termed kostpenge, was paid out to various forvaltere, most often the
hospitalsforvalter throughout the period. 226 These posts are often
specified as being for the Royal Slaves in Christiansted or
Frederiksted, and most often paid out to various European
Caribbeans, both male and female, such as Wittrog who is described
as hospitalsforvalter on St. Croix in 1848, and Madame Thoager who was
hospitalsforvalterinde on St. Thomas in 1816.
Because proviantforvalterens arkiv also states that the slaves received cash
from the state to provide for themselves, I believe that the term
kostpenge covers two types of payments: the first is where cash is given
directly to the Royal Slaves from the forvaltere, the second is the cash
received by various forvaltere who bought provisions such as grains and
cornflour to give to the Royal Slaves.
From the table of provisions seen in chapter 14.1, it is evident that
Royal Slaves on St. Jan between 1794 and 1807 were given a far higher
amount of cash from the state than those on St. Croix in the 1820s.
Although the data is incomplete for the period, it still indicates
significant differences between the amount of cash provided to Royal
Slaves on St. Croix and St. Jan, which were probably due to either less
productive provision grounds on St. Jan, or there being no provision
grounds available to the Royal Slaves at all. The provisions table
indicates that the provision ground system on St. Croix must have
worked well and have been productive, perhaps confirming that the
soil was more fertile on St. Croix. 227 Regarding St. Thomas, I believe
the provision grounds to have been slightly less productive than those
on St. Croix, because the soil here would not have been particularly
fertile, mirroring the state’s decision to make St. Croix the main sugar-
producing island of the three. 228

225 It takes 480 g to make five or six buns. Wilk, Richard, Home Cooking in the Global
Village. Caribbean Food from Buccaneers to Ecotourists.: Berg, 2006, p. 26
226 See Appendix A
227 Dookhan, Isaac A History of the Virgin Islands of the United States: Caribbean

University Press, 1974, p. 5

228 Brøndsted, Vore Gamle Tropekolonier. Bind 2 : Dansk Vestindien 1755-1848, p. 64.

See chapter 14.4 regarding the location of the provision grounds in Charlotte
Amalie

75
With regards to the second type of payment from kostpenge, hovedbøgerne
detail a consistent system of payouts to the forvaltere. In the 1790s on
St. Croix, there are a total of six posts listing payments of kostpenge.
They vary slightly in value, and are paid out to the forvaltere in March
(160 Rd), May (157 Rd 52 Sk), June (160 Rd), July (220 Rd),
September (180 Rd) and November (172 Rd 72 Sk) of 1793. 229 This I
believe to be early evidence of a systematic payment of subsistence
allowance from the state to its administrators in order to feed the
Royal Slaves, as the accounts of kostpenge always form part of negernes
omkostninger, “the expenses concerning the negroes”.
In the early 1800s, however, the system of administering the
subsistence allowance on St. Croix seems to become increasingly
systematised as 400 Rd were paid out to various forvaltere in January,
March, April, June, July, September October and December 1806, i.e.
at fairly regular intervals. Although the post describing the expense of
the 400 Rd is not always described as kostpenge or diætgage, I believe
these payouts also concerned food for the Royal Slaves, since they are
paid out at such regular intervals to the forvaltere.
Similarly, for St. Thomas and St. Jan, the system appears to have
worked very strictly and been organised already from the 1790s
onwards. In 1793, there are three posts of 300 Rd each in March, July
and November, and an almost replica of this in 1794.
Interestingly, in the 1815 and 1816 hovedbog for St. Thomas and St. Jan,
there is one post covering a longer period from 19 September 1815
until the end of July 1816, in which forvalter Olivarius is paid a total of
857 Rd 44 Sk. This proves that not much had changed since the
1790s, where the annual budget for the provisions for the Royal Slaves
was set at 900 Rd.
The few changes in the amount of money spent on provisions for the
Royal Slaves in a period of around 20 years probably reflects inflation
rates and the falling number of Royal Slaves from 48 in 1794 to 25 in
1816. 230

It would be interesting to see how much grain or cornflour the

kostpenge given to the forvaltere could buy, since this would indicate any
differences in what was provided to the Royal Slaves and any potential
discrepancies in the amount of provision over time. It appears that the
role of forvalter changes over time, which is understandable as
administrators also climbed upwards in the administrative hierarchy,
but it could also indicate that perhaps this work was not particularly
sought after by the administrators. Ascertaining if the kostpenge
allowance given to forvalterne could mean that a little grain could be put
aside for their own consumption would be a contributing indicator of

229 See Appendix A

230 See Appendix C

76
how working with the Royal Slaves was perceived among the
administrators: did it mean that they were able to earn a little money
on the side in the shape of foodstuff, or were there no additional
benefits?
In an attempt to uncover prices on grain various newspapers and their
information on goods for sale have been scrutinised. However, this
yielded no results. 231 Hans West, however, does present some prices of
everyday foods, but also wrote that “it is not an easy matter to
determine the regular prices of foodstuffs” before he gives
estimates. 232 He writes that the “least amount anyone can give his
domestic Negro in board is 10 Sk a day, of which 6 Sk is for French
bread and 2 Sk is for sugar.” 233 Unfortunately, West does not provide
prices of grain or cornflour, and thus it will remain impossible to
compare the buying power of the kostpenge given to the forvaltere, in
order to establish if the amount that could be purchased for the cash
equalled the amount provided to the Royal Slaves. However, his
specification of 10 Sk a day as being the least amount a domestic slave
can be provided with is useful. Although it may be somewhat
unreasonable to compare the cash allowance of a domestic who most
likely did not have access to provision grounds to those of the Royal
Slaves, where the majority had access to provision grounds, it is the
only available account usable for comparison. Nonetheless, 10 Sk a
day equals just above 3 Rd monthly, which is 1 Rd or a third more
than the majority of the cash allowances provided to the Royal Slaves
on St. Croix in 1822. 234 It is, however, far less than the average of
almost 15 Rd cash allowance provided to the Royal Slaves on St. Jan
in 1796, 1798, 1799, 1800, 1804, 1806 and 1807. 235 This serves as an
indication that at the time around 1800, the Royal Slaves on St. Jan did
not have access to provision grounds, but the Royal Slaves on St.
Croix in 1822 did. It may also be that some of the cash allowance was
given from the male Royal Slaves working in pakhuset and vejerboden to
their wives and children working on the plantations as per Schmith’s
suggestion. 236
The years in which West visited the Danish West Indies match that of
the proviantforvalter’s arkiv for St. Jan, thus making it particularly feasible
for comparison. Thus, in terms of what the cash allowance received
could purchase, West also provides information. A barrel of salted
beef of between 10 to 12 lispund cost from 16 to 24 Rd per barrel, an

231 The Royal Danish American Gazette, 1770-1802; The St. Croix Gazette, 1801
and The Royal Saint Croix Gazette, August 14th 1813 – March 29th 1815
232 West, Hans West's Accounts of St. Croix in the West Indies, p. 119
233 Ibid., p. 118
234 See Provision allowance table in chapter 14.1
235 Ibid.
236 Schmidt, Various Remarks Collected on and About the Island of St. Croix in America, p.

25

77
average of 20 Rd per barrel. If a barrel contained 11 lispund, that would
be the equivalent of 27,5 kg salted beef. Each slave was entitled to 2
pounds, approx. 1 kg of salted beef (or 3 pounds fish) per week by the
Frederik V’s Reglement of 1755. 237 For the Royal Slaves on St. Jan from
the late 1790s to early 1800s, they would have been able to purchase a
good amount of salted beef: In 1796, one Royal Slave would have
been able to purchase 1 barrel of salted beef at the cost of 20 Rd in
one month, which would provide him or her with far more salted beef
than they were to be provided with as per the 1755 Reglement.
Naturally, it is highly unlikely that one Royal Slave bought an entire
barrel for just one person, and it is more plausible that they would
purchase one barrel and share amongst them. It must also be
remembered that if the Royal Slaves on St. Jan did not have provision
grounds, which seems likely, then the cash allowance would have to
pay for all their food, and thus the amount available to purchase beef
would be significantly lower.
If comparing the price of a barrel of salted beef around 1800 to the
cash allowance provided to the Royal Slaves on St. Croix in 1822, it
would have taken a Royal Slave approx. 10 months to save 20 Rd to
buy a barrel. This suggests, once more, that the Royal Slaves on St.
Croix were dependent on their provision grounds, but that they also
were able to purchase other foodstuff that the provision grounds were
unable to provide. To obtain a sense of the purchasing power of 2 Rd
a month, calculations prove that if a barrel consisted of 27,5 kg and
cost 20 Rd, then the price of a kg was approx. 1 Rd 37 Sk, enabling
each Royal Slave on St. Croix in 1822 to purchase just around 1,5 kg
of salted beef a month, far less than the 1 kg weekly provision
described in the 1755 Reglement. This could indicate that the provision
grounds on St. Croix were also used as pasture, but it may also suggest
that the Royal Slaves on St. Croix rarely were able to eat beef.

It is interesting that the state actually provided ready cash to its slaves,
but this was perhaps not the optimal solution for the Royal Slaves,
since food was always scarce and could vary greatly in price and
accessibility pending the time of year, weather and the success of the
harvest. Thus I believe that the system of a subsistence allowance was
not always favourable to the Royal Slaves, because of the scarcity of
food or it being too expensive. 238 It does, however, signify a marked
difference to the plantation slaves, who as far as I can ascertain, were
never provided with cash directly from their owners to purchase
food. 239

237 Thode Jensen, For Slavernes Sundhed: Sygdom, Sundhed Og Koloniadministrationens

Sundhedspolitik Blandt Plantageavlerne På St. Croix, Dansk Vestindien, 1803-1848, p. 179
238 Hall, Slave Society in the Danish West Indies: St. Thomas, St. John, and St. Croix, p. 137
239 Ibid., chapter 4, pp. 70-86

78
The system of forvaltere purchasing foodstuff such as grain or cornflour
is similar to the system in place on the plantations, and thus does not
present any significant differences in the way the Royal Slaves were
treated by their master when compared to plantation slaves in the
Danish West Indies.

14.3 Provision grounds

As early as 1771, and before the commencement of this paper’s
timeframe, it was proposed that provision grounds should be provided
to the Royal Slaves. They were to be placed on the hospital grounds in
order for the Royal Slaves to grow their own produce and therefore
receive less food than they previously received from the state. The
suggestion was approved in July 1772. 240 Although it does not clearly
state the location of these provision grounds, it must have been in St.
Thomas, in Charlotte Amalie, that they were laid out, as
correspondence mentions that the administrators are considering if a
similar arrangement could be put in place on St. Croix. 241 The
provision grounds were unlikely to have been placed on particularly
fertile grounds, as these would already be occupied by sugar
production. 242 The soil on St. Croix was generally more fertile than on
St. Thomas, so it is entirely possible that the provision grounds on St.
Thomas had a larger proportion used as pasture than for fields for
crops. 243 For St. Jan, it seem likely that the Royal Slaves did not have
access to provision grounds around the turn of the 19th century, but
they were likely to have obtained access to provision grounds later
since almost all slaves on St. Jan did so around the time of
Emancipation. 244 Concerning the Royal Slaves on St. Thomas, the
records clearly describe that they had provision grounds, and the
Meley map of 1779 confirms it, by entitling the place where the Royal
Slaves lived in Charlotte Amalie as “The grounds and residence of the
Royal Negroes”.

240 RA: Rentekammeret, Vestindiske journal, 1771 – 1773. 1771 – 1773, box no. 2323.3
– 2323.5. No. 714
241 RA: Rentekammeret, Vestindiske journal, 1771 – 1773. 1771 – 1773, box no. 2323.3

– 2323.5. No. 262

242 Pulsipher, "They Have Saturdays and Sundays to Feed Themselves. Slave

Gardens in the Caribbean." p. 32

243 Dookhan, A History of the Virgin Islands of the United States, p. 5
244 Olwig, Cultural Adaptation and Resistance on St. John. Three Centuries of Afro-Caribbean

Life, p. 54

79
Meley map of Charlotte Amalie from 1779. The grounds for the Royal Slaves are depicted on the
eastern boundary of the town, on the right hand side of the map. 245

Hall writes that urban slaves would have much more leisure time than
the agricultural slaves, thus suggesting that the urban Royal Slaves
would have more leisure time and time to cultivate their provision
grounds. 246 Furthermore, he writes that by 1848 slaves were firmly
established proto-peasants, thus indicating that the system of provision
grounds worked well in the Danish West Indies. 247 Slaves with
provision grounds who had a surplus of goods were also allowed to
sell these on the Sunday market. 248

Provision grounds had been in use in the Caribbean since early

colonisation, where typical crops were Guinea corn, plantains and later
yams, pigeon peas and sweet potatoes among others. 249
Pulsipher describes the typical crops of provision grounds in flat
fields, which were those most often connected to a plantation, as
cassava, sweet potato, bananas and plantains, whereas the typical crops

245Dahl, Opmålinger 1961 Af Bygninger På St. Thomas & St. Croix, p. 14-15. Original
from Rigsarkivet.

246 Hall, Slave Society in the Danish West Indies: St. Thomas, St. John, and St. Croix, p. 110
247 Ibid.
248 Which after 1843 took place on Saturdays. Ibid., p. 114
249 Eltis, David, "The Slave Economies of the Caribbean: Structure, Performance,

Evolution and Significance " In General History of the Caribbean: The Slave Societies of
the Caribbean, edited by Franklin W. Knight, III: UNESCO Publishing, 1997, p.
111

80
for provision grounds based higher above sea level on sunny lower
slopes of the mountains would have been yams/ocra, dasheen [a root
vegetable of which both the corn and leafs are edible] 250, pigeon peas,
guinea corn, banana, citrus, ginger, maize, peppers, pumpkins, sweet
potato, cassava, beans and pineapple. 251 Both types of provision
grounds could naturally also have included the raising of livestock,
most commonly guineafowl, ducks, pigeons and chickens. 252
Jamaica and Barbados produced the majority of the food provisions
for their enslaved population on the islands at the end of the 17th
century, but the trend to use provision grounds controlled by the
enslaved themselves became increasingly common after the 1770s. 253
Whether the cultivation of land for growing food was in fact simply
allowed, encouraged or forced upon the slaves by their masters would
have varied from place to place and over time. 254

Tasks performed by the Royal Slaves who had provision grounds

would have required skills: Skills for budgeting their time, judging soil
quality, selecting seeds, cultivating and harvesting and preparing food
for sale. 255 They would also have included knowledge of tool making
and their usage as well as skills to secure the ground from landslides
when set on slopes. 256 Another skill that would have been required to
successfully partake in the slaves’ economy and be a successful proto-
peasant would have been to be skilled in fishing and hunting. 257
Morgan and Berlin argue that the slaves’ economy, in which the
practice of provisions grounds took place, is another example of the
continuous struggle between master and slave, where both are
presented with opportunities to push forward their own interests,
possibly at the expense of the other. 258 They also argue that the slaves’
willingness to work independently derived foremost from the “desire
for a richer subsistence” 259, but also that “allowing slaves time for
independent economic enterprise ... also armed slave owners with
another means of disciplining their slaves.” 260

250 http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Taro Accessed 13 March 2010

251 Pulsipher, "They Have Saturdays and Sundays to Feed Themselves. Slave
Gardens in the Caribbean." p. 28-29
252 Berlin, Ira & Morgan, Philip D., The Slaves' Economy: Independent Production by Slaves

in the Americas Slavery and Abolition, 12, 1. London: Frank Cass, 1991, p. 10
253 Eltis, "The Slave Economies of the Caribbean: Structure, Performance, Evolution

and Significance " , p. 115 and 238

254 Berlin, The Slaves' Economy: Independent Production by Slaves in the Americas, p. 15 and

19
255 Mintz, "From Plantations to Peasantries in the Caribbean." p. 135
256 Pulsipher, "They Have Saturdays and Sundays to Feed Themselves. Slave

Gardens in the Caribbean." p. 31

257 Berlin, The Slaves' Economy: Independent Production by Slaves in the Americas, p. 44
258 Ibid., p. 4
259 Ibid., p. 9
260 Ibid., p. 19

81
As we know from chapter 14.1 describing the provision allowance of
cornflour, the Royal Slaves on St. Croix of 1822 would have been
heavily dependent on the produce from their provision grounds. This
makes it very likely that they did in fact have provision grounds as was
discussed by the Danish administration in the 1770s.
Maps depict the houses and provision grounds of the Royal Slaves in
the same locations thus indicating that the Royal Slaves lived in a
village community by themselves and were successful proto-peasants.
This, in accordance with Mintz’s theory suggests that the Royal Slaves
developed an identity of their own as Royal Slaves and that through
their role as successful proto-peasants developed a unique group identity
that marked them as a significant group in their own view.

14.4 Housing and supervision

The vast majority of the urban Royal Slaves appear to have lived
together in small village communities on the outskirts of the towns of
Charlotte Amalie and Christiansted, not unlike some Cuban Royal
Slaves who were allowed to marry and live with their wives and
husbands and children in quarters close to their place of work. 261
Maps are a vital source of information of the locations of the houses
and provision grounds of the Danish Royal Slaves. The so-called
Meley map of Charlotte Amalie from 1779 depicts “The land and
residence of the Royal Negroes” on the far-eastern border of the town
and adjacent to the hospital’s plantation (see map in chapter 14.3). 262
Although the map is from before 1792, it accounts that the living
arrangements depicted here had long been in place by 1792.
Similar is the location of the Royal Slaves’ housing and provision
grounds in Christiansted. The Oxholm 263 1779 map of Christiansted
details that “the King’s Packhuus negroes live” on the hospital’s land.

261 Jennings, "State Enslavement in Colonial Havana, 1763-1790." , p. 160

262 Dahl, Opmålinger 1961 Af Bygninger På St. Thomas & St. Croix, p. 14-15. Original
from Rigsarkivet. Please note that an error in Dahl & de Fine Licht lists the Meley
map as being from 1807, but it is in fact from 1779 according to the records of
Rigsarkivet
263 Peter Lotharius Oxholm (1753-1827). He was amongst other things appointed as

landmåler, surveyor, during his time in the Danish West Indies during which he
produced several geographical maps and sketches of the islands and its buildings.

82
Oxholm map of Christiansted from 1779. The grounds where the Royal Slaves live is in the top
264
left hand corner. “Hospitalets Land hvorpaa Kongens Packhuus Negere boe.”

Oxholm’s map of Frederiksted from 1778 does not depict any

grounds which the Royal Slaves lived on, but the hospital was also
placed on the outskirts of town, and only a small fraction of the
neighbouring land is depicted on the map, thus making it impossible
to ascertain if the Royal Slaves also lived close to the hospital in
Frederiksted as in Christiansted and Charlotte Amalie. 265 However, it
would seem likely that the system in place in the other two towns
would have been replicated in Frederiksted. It appears that at least the
group of hospital slaves of Frederiksted lived on the hospital grounds.
In a 1780 commission’s report concerning the state of the hospital in
Frederiksted, some Royal Slaves are said to live on the hospital
grounds and “sleep in an unused room”, but the commission noticed a
lack of living quarters for the slaves, suggesting that the room had
inadequate space for even just a few Royal Slaves. 266
Where the Royal Slaves lived on St. Jan is difficult to say, as its main
town, Cruz Bay, does not appear to have had a hospital. Olwig writes

264 Dahl, Opmålinger 1961 Af Bygninger På St. Thomas & St. Croix p. 87. Map from
Rigsarkivet
265 RA: Kort- og tegningssamlingen, Rentekammeret 337, 317B: Frederiksted m.

Frederiksfort, 1778. Negative no. 42

266 Thode Jensen, "Sundhed, Citroner Og Slaver. Et Detailstudie Af Hospitalet I

Frederikssted På St. Croix I Dansk Vestindien, 1780." p. 7 & RA: Den

Vestindiske Regering, Guvernementet på St. Croix. Gruppeordnede sager 9. Sociale og
kulturelle forhold: Sager for kommissionen af 31/5 1780 til undersøgelse af hospitalerne i
Christiansted og Frederiksted. 1780 – 1791, box no. 3.81.593, p. 8

83
that in 1796, the house of an old Royal Slave, Matheus 267, was used as
a storage place for various products due to be sold. 268 This could serve
as an indication that the Royal Slaves on St. Jan also had their own
little community village with houses, but has no indication of where
on the island they lived.

On St. Thomas, there are accounts explaining how the treasurer of the
islands should pay out funds to the building of a house for the Royal
Slaves in 1819 269, and again in 1820 when the houses built for the
Royal Slaves needed to be repaired after a hurricane. 270
In 1821, there are accounts of the building of a “negro house by the
hospital in Frederiksted” 271, but also a notice of approval to grant an
“extra 2 skilling a month for rent for the Royal Slaves who need a
place to live.” 272 This suggests that as on St. Thomas, costs relating to
housing for the Royal Slaves on St. Croix were paid by the state.
Unfortunately, this provides little information on the standard of
housing the Royal Slaves lived in.
It was argued by the authorities that the Royal Slaves could not
“manage without housing” 273 in the 1770s. Whether this signifies that
the Royal Slaves had not had any housing to themselves previously, or
if they were merely building additional housing for the Royal Slaves is
not known. To this end, the Royal Slaves received 10 Rd 274 towards
building a “good” house, which was about “1/3rd of the house’s
value.” 275 Oddly, this amount of 10 Rd seems to correspond badly
with the accounts of an amount of 2.850 Rd that was paid out in 1820

267 Matheus is also to be found in hovedbøgerne, see Appendix B

268 Olwig, Cultural Adaptation and Resistance on St. John. Three Centuries of Afro-Caribbean
Life, p. 45
269 RA: Generaltoldkammer- og kommercekollegiet Indisk (ost- og vestindisk

kontor). Series 371. Kgl. Resolutioner vedr. Vestindien og Guinea, 1819 – 1845. 1819 –
1824. Box no. 620. No 60 “Negrene på St. Thomas, boliger til disse”, 18 august
1819
270 RA: Generaltoldkammer- og kommercekollegiet Indisk (ost- og vestindisk

kontor). Series 371. Kgl. Resolutioner vedr. Vestindien og Guinea, 1819 – 1845. 1819 –
1824. Box no. 620. No 206, ”Negerboliger på St. Thomas – Videre udgifter v.
disses opførsel”, 29 October 1820
271 RA: Generaltoldkammer- og kommercekollegiet Indisk (ost- og vestindisk

kontor). Series 371. Kgl. Resolutioner vedr. Vestindien og Guinea, 1819 – 1845. 1819 –
1824. Box no. 620. No 390 ”Negerhus, opfører v. Frederiksted hospital” 14 august
1821
272 RA: Generaltoldkammer- og kommercekollegiet Indisk (ost- og vestindisk

kontor). Series 371. Kgl. Resolutioner vedr. Vestindien og Guinea, 1819 – 1845. 1819 –
1824. Box no. 620. No. 166 ”Ang. husleie” 23 August 1820
273 RA: Rentekammeret, Vestindiske journal, 1771 – 1773. 1771 – 1773, box no. 2323.3

– 2323.5. No. 509

274 As far as may be ascertained, all values and prices listed in the archival material

are in Daler Vestindisk Courant, i.e. the currency of the Danish West Indies
275 RA: Generaltoldkammer- og kommercekollegiet Indisk (ost- og vestindisk

kontor). Kgl. Resolutioner vedr. Vestindien og Guinea, 1819 – 1845. Series 371. 1819 –
1824. Box no. 620. No 390 ”Negerhus, opfører v. Frederiksted hospital” 14 august
1821

84
to repair damage on the Royal Slaves’ houses after a hurricane. 276 It
could be explained by a whole new different set of housing being built
for the Royal Slaves between the 1770s and the 1820s, which I do
believe to be a plausible explanation, since it is a lengthy period, and
the previous housing could have deteriorated during this time.

As to the condition and quality of the housing where urban slaves

lived, Higman believes that those urban slaves living on their own on
the outskirts of town lived in poorer conditions than the urban
domestics, and compares the quality of the separated housing of the
urban slaves to the housing for plantation slaves. 277 Hall notes that
there is no data available concerning the quality of housing for urban
slaves in the Danish West Indies, but suggests that they would at least
have been rain-proof and draught-free, and thus a little better than the
typical housing provided to plantation slaves. 278
This indicates that the quality of the housing provided to the Royal
Slaves on St. Thomas was fairly similar to that of the plantation slaves,
but probably not of lesser quality either. On St. Croix, there is
evidence of both separate housing for the Royal Slaves being paid for
by the state, but also of the state paying the Royal Slaves’ rent for
private accommodation, thus illustrating the need of the proto-peasants
who were still relying on their master to provide basic services such as
housing and healthcare. 279

The Danish state provided housing for its slaves, although the quality
of this is uncertain. The Royal Slaves lived in small village type
communities, most often in close proximity to the hospitals of the
towns, and always on the outskirts of town.
The fact that the majority of the Royal Slaves lived close to the
hospitals as we know from chapter 14.4 could be a further indication
that the food and cash provided for the Royal Slaves most often was
distributed by the hospitalsforvalter, in which case it would have been
practical to have the Royal Slaves living close to the hospital. This
could suggest that a supervisory role of the Royal Slaves would often
have been held by the hospitalsforvalter. It is impossible to say how
hospitalsforvalteren would have administered this role, and how close a
control he or she would have exercised over the Royal Slaves.
However, since the Royal Slaves most likely had more free time than
plantation slaves, and lived in separate housing with provision grounds
in close proximity, a guess could be ventured that the control was less

276 RA: Generaltoldkammer – og kommercekollegiet Indisk (ost- og vestindisk)

kontor. Series 371. Kgl. Resolutioner vedr. Vestindien og Guinea, 1819 – 1845. 1819 –
1824, box no. 320. No 206
277 Higman, Slave Populations of the British Caribbean, 1807-1834, p. 256
278 Hall, Slave Society in the Danish West Indies: St. Thomas, St. John, and St. Croix, p. 93
279 Mintz, "From Plantations to Peasantries in the Caribbean." p. 139

85
so than that of the plantation slaves, because the hospitalsforvalter had
several duties besides being the supervisor of the Royal Slaves, unlike
the bailiff on a plantation whose main function was to look after and
control the work and other activities of the plantation slaves, including
maroonage. Furthermore, the arrangement of a very separate
community with only few European Caribbeans in its proximity calls
for a sense of independence, in correspondence with Mintz and
Olwig’s theories of the proto-peasants and their resistance to slavery.

14.5 Healthcare
Ensuring the survival of the enslaved population must have been
paramount to the slave owners, in particular after the abolition of the
slave trade. Thus, it was the norm to provide some form of healthcare
to sick slaves, although the standard of the care could have varied
greatly. The state appears to have provided some of the best care for
its slaves, when compared to that of the plantation slave owners who
did not always believe in providing good healthcare for the enslaved.
Healthcare was not only provided for those who were temporarily
indisposed, but also those with long-term illnesses who were unable to
work.

The relevant years quoted from hovedbøgerne for St. Thomas and St.
John list expenses in connection with either tilsyn or pleje, healthcare of
the Royal Slaves. An example of healthcare being provided is from
October 1793, where a post of “Negers pleie for negeren Andreas på
St. Jan”, “care of a negro for the negro Andreas on St. Jan”, is listed at
the cost of 3 Rd 32 Sk. 280 There is even one case, in 1794 on St.
Thomas or St. Jan, where the state pays 34 Rd for inoculating an
unknown number of Royal Slaves. 281
In the 1790s, tilsyn and pleje also seem to refer to dietary allowance,
which is where a European Caribbean is paid money out from the
state to supply the Royal Slaves with food, as discussed in chapter
14.2.
Furthermore, it seems that there are also instances where the state
pays a sometimes varying amount to another person who then looks
after the Royal Slaves, in Danish tilsyn, attending to the sick. In 1794,
for example, tilsyn expenses are paid out every six months, at the end
of June and the end of December, the one in December to Chirurgus
Otto, surgeon Otto, both at 42 Rd. 282
This system of the state paying a European Caribbean, often a woman
or a surgeon, seems to have been in place throughout the relevant

280 See Appendix B

281 See Appendix B
282 See Appendix B

86
period. After Emancipation, the system still existed, where the money
paid out to the state goes to military personnel as oppasserpenge,
caretaker’s salary, to the now hired labour in, for example, the forts
and the hospitals, as well as to cover the food costs of those who were
Royal Slaves before Emancipation but were now unable to work.
Furthermore, there appears to have been a system in place for paying
women to help deliver children to Royal Slaves. Some of them are
described as actual midwives, some of them merely by name.
On each occasion, it cost 6 Rd 24 Sk. For example, in 1793, 6 Rd 24
Sk was paid out twice to Madame Clerk, in April and May, and there is
at least one birth of a new Royal Slave, a boy named Simon during this
period. Similarly, in 1794, Madame Clark once more received 6 Rd 24
Sk in December, the year in which Louisa was born. In 1807, there are
three posts of 6 Rd 24 Sk, two to Madame Clark, who is also listed as
jordemoder, midwife, and one to Rebecca Dunchin. Although only one
Royal Slave appears to have been born this year, James Richard, it
could be that besides helping James Richard’s mother deliver him, that
Rebecca Dunchin and Madame Clark helped out at the hospital at
other deliveries where the baby died at birth or shortly thereafter,
which would explain why there are no more newborns mentioned in
hovedbogen. 283 In 1803 and 1807, Marge, the Royal Slave supposedly also
acting as a midwife, would probably have performed similar duties at
Frederiksted’s hospital.
In 1816, there are two posts of 6 Rd 24 Sk paid out to a John. Schmidt
(could either be Johanne, female name or Johannes, a male name) and
jordemoder J. A. Jeger in March and October respectively. This year
there are no births recorded in hovedbogen, but there are also no lists
with names and descriptions of the Royal Slaves as there are in most
of the other years. In 1834, the Royal Slave Sophie gave birth to a boy
called Jacob Constabell 284, and was aided by an unnamed midwife at
the cost of 5 Rd, possibly indicating that only the major part of the
midwife’s service was paid by the state, and that some of it may have
been paid by someone else, possibly even the child’s father. 285 The
following year, 6 Rd 24 Sk is paid out to another unnamed midwife for
delivering Eliza’s baby Frederik. Clearly this was another type of
healthcare deemed important by the state and was thus provided for
the female Royal Slaves.

283 Although more often than not, this would still have been listed in hovedbøgerne,
since all transactions, losses and gains are reported here. However, as already
mentioned, the records in the years surrounding the British occupations are
lacking in precision and detail compared to the other years, and this could be the
reason why they are not recorded
284 The second name or surname of Jacob, Constabell, could indicate who his father

was: perhaps a town constable. It is highly unusual that the children of Royal
Slaves have a surname, and this may suggest that the father was willing to accept
that he was the father of Sophie’s son
285 See Appendix A

87
As all other slaves, Royal Slaves too would have become ill, or too old
to work in their previous function. An example is Benina, who is listed
as being 88 years old in 1801 (whose age of 88 may very well be rather
exaggerated). 286 She is listed in hovedbøgerne as being of no value from
1792 up until 1807. Thus, Benina belonged to the state for more than
15 years, and, although of no value, was attached to the hospital in
Christiansted, and probably received equal amounts of food and
clothing as the other Royal Slaves in the hospital.

Thus, Royal Slaves were provided with healthcare to such an extent

that any illnesses or other ailments would have been treated, both
minor health issues as well as more serious or permanent illnesses.
Healthcare was provided to both those able and unable to work in
accordance with regulations and traditions, and thus the Royal Slaves
in this respect received at least a similar level of service as plantation
slaves, although occurrences of inoculations suggests that the state was
more eager than some plantation owners to protect their slaves from
disease.

14.6 Osnaburg – cloth and clothes

As described above in chapter 12.4, osnaburg cloth was the textile most
often used to clothe slaves. The Royal Slaves are no exception. For St.
Croix, St. Thomas and St. Jan, hovedbøgerne list expenses for purchases
of osnaburg as well as other types of cloth, hats and scarves. 287
For St. Thomas and St. John, some records are specific and list
measurements for the osnaburg purchased for the Royal Slaves. In
March 1816, when there were 25 Royal Slaves altogether on the two
islands 288, a total of 152 yards osnaburg, 86 yard lambo (bamboo, as it is
referred to by Brady), 13 hats, 14 scarves as well as 4 alen white and 2
alen blue thread was purchased. 289 It is difficult to establish exactly
how much osnaburg each adult would have been provided, since out of
the 25 slaves, 6 are children and therefore it is not possible to establish
the amount they should have been given as a reference. However, it is
still useful to calculate an average of osnaburg given to each slave: a
little more than 6 yards per slave, when dividing 152 yards by 25
slaves. This is fairly close to the annual average described by Brady,
although it leaves little leeway for the additional yard that was
supposed to be provided to women. 290 The 86 yards of bamboo gives a

286 See Appendix A

287 Several ways of spelling the word is found in the sources – as with most other
words. The most common spelling is osnaburg, thus used throughout the paper
288 See Appendix C
289 Highfield, Observations Upon the State of Negro Slavery in the Island of Santa Cruz 1829,

p. 16
290 Ibid., p. 16

88
similarly corresponding average: 3,44 yards per slave, which is almost
exactly the same as the 3,5 yards mentioned by Brady. With regard to
there only being listed 13 hats and 14 scarves, I believe this is due to
the number of children (6 in 1816) and those unable to work (2 in
1816) being perhaps not provided with any of these items. 291 Or, it
could simply be that only those who worked a majority of their time
outdoors were provided with hats and scarves to shield them from the
sun.
There are clear indications that the average cloth and clothing
provisions described by Brady held true for the Royal Slaves of St.
Thomas and St. Jan, at least for certain years.
On St. Croix expenses for osnaburg is first mentioned in 1792, but
without specifying the amount. In the 1830s, there are numerous
accounts of purchases of osnaburg as well as other types of cloth, hats
and scarves. The first account of 1832 is of a purchase of 24 scarves,
556 alen 292 osnaburg and 11 hats for the Royal Slaves, the second is from
1833, when 400 alen osnaburg, 36 scarves is purchased for Frederiksted,
and 25 alen lærred, canvas, 500 alen osnaburg, 17 hats and 24 scarves later
the same year. 293 In 1832 there were a total of 48 Royal Slaves of
whom 6 were children. This equals around 11,5 alen osnaburg per slave
including the children who would have received less than the adults.
In 1833, there were 46 Royal Slaves of whom 7 were children, making
it an average provision of 8,6 alen osnaburg per slave for that year.
The provision of osnaburg of 1832 and 1833 is far more than the
average described by Brady, perhaps indicating that the Royal Slaves
on St. Croix received better treatment than plantation slaves in this
aspect as well as a larger allowance than the Royal Slaves on St.
Thomas and St. Jan. 294 It could also be that the provision of osnaburg
represented the entire provision of cloth to the Royal Slaves, as there
are no accounts of any bamboo or other woollen textiles provided to
them during 1832 or 1833. The number of hats and scarves does not
match the number of Royal Slaves in the given years, but probably
reflect that not all were given a new hat and new scarf each year.
Similar types of textiles given to the Royal Slaves described in other
years are: in 1806 on St. Croix, where an unspecified amount of hør
lærreder, linen canvas was bought from the ship Carolina, and again in
1847 when 4 flannel, a type of woollen canvas, was purchased for the
Royal Slave Jacob. 295 However, accounts of textiles and other
garments do not appear to have been regular purchases on St. Croix.

291 See Appendix B

292 1 alen = approx. 0.62 cm. From
http://www.formel.dk/enheder/gamle_danske_maal.htm Accessed 28 April 2010
293 See Appendix A
294 Highfield, Observations Upon the State of Negro Slavery in the Island of Santa Cruz 1829,

p. 16
295 ODS på nettet suggest that flannel was commonly spelled “flonel”

89
This could be due to the difficulties in shipping the goods from
Europe, but also simply because the system itself was not regulated
and thus any provisions were given as needs arose. Nevertheless, the
Royal Slaves received clothing provisions, and received amounts of
cloth which averaged or more than averaged the general provisions
given to all slaves in the Danish West Indies. 296 This indicates that in
terms of clothing, the Royal Slaves were equally provisioned to the
plantation slaves, or sometimes somewhat better, as Smith also
writes. 297

14.7 Funerals
On the eve of Emancipation, it appears that several new services were
provided to the Royal Slaves by the state. One of them is paying for
funerals, which becomes evident by the late 1840s, when the state pays
for funerary arrangements for Royal Slaves, i.e. to have the graves dug,
for the coffin, and for mourning garments. For example, in July 1848 a
sum of 1 Rd 24 Sk was paid out to Wittrog for a grave for the Royal
Slave Philippas’s newborn baby who had died on August 2nd. 298 On
August 10th 1848, a sum of 3 Rd 12 Sk was paid to M. E. Abbott for a
coffin for Philippa’s baby. 299 When the Royal Slave John passed away
around March, F. de Silva received 5 Rd 48 Sk “for a grave.” 300
Frederik and Henrich, who had both been deployed in vejerboden, died
on the 5th and 27th of January 1848 respectively, where the state paid
for sorgeklæder, mourning garments, either for the two dead men or for
two other Royal Slaves deployed in vejerboden. Graves and coffins for
Frederik and Henrich were also paid for by the state.
Across the Caribbean, it has been considered a customary right by the
enslaved to have funerals, and the slaves would often have claimed the
right to bury their own dead, particularly in Protestant territories. 301
This may have been true for the Royal Slaves as well, although by the
1840s the practices appear to have changed. The expenses described
above may signify a shift in approach to the responsibilities of the
state when providing for its slaves, as well as a willingness on behalf of
the Royal Slaves to allow the state to take care of their funerals. It can
be considered an expression of the increased humane approach to
slaves, if not from all, then certainly from many slave owners at this

296 See Appendix A

297 Schmidt, Various Remarks Collected on and About the Island of St. Croix in America, p.
25
298 See Appendix A
299 See Appendix A
300 See Appendix A
301 Turner, Mary, "Religious Beliefs." In General History of the Caribbean. The Slave

Societies of the Caribbean., edited by Franklin W. Knight, Vol. III. Paris: United
Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization, 1997, p. 297

90
time. It can also, however, be viewed as an attempt to satisfy the
increasing demands of the enslaved population, and the fact that
Emancipation had occurred in the British Caribbean in the previous
decade, which meant that the Danish state and the colonial
administration would have needed to change its practices in order to
lessen the likelihood of slave revolts, but perhaps also to change their
image as a purely exploitive enslaving nation. It is however also likely,
that these changes in provision practices simply occurred in the spirit
of the times with its pressure to end slavery. In any case, this is an
indication that the fewer Royal Slaves there were, and the later we are
in time (which happens to concur with one another), the state
provided additional services to the Royal Slaves. It could be that some
funerals of Royal Slaves had been paid for by the state before the
1840s, but there is no real evidence of this in hovedbøgerne, as no such
expenditure is described. 302 It can then be argued whether it mattered
a great deal to have one’s funeral arrangements made by the state as a
Royal Slave, but it is likely that this is an indication of the states’
perceived increased care for its slaves, perhaps even an indication of a
change of view of the slaves from being property to human beings.
Whether this arrangement mirrored that of the plantation slaves if
difficult to establish, as this would have depended partly on their
religion, as only Christians were allowed daytime burials according to
the church’s rites, but according to Hall it is uncertain if slave owners
paid the expenses in relation to the Christian burial of one of their
slaves. 303 The Gardelin Code of 1733 forbade all funerary rites which
included “negro instruments”, thus indicating that traditional non-
Christian slave funerals were considered unimportant. 304 However, the
unpublished Frederik V’s Reglement of 1755 specifically declared that all
baptised slaves were entitled to a Christian burial without condition,
which presumably meant that the slave owner was required to pay the
expenses for the funeral. It seems plausible that over time, it became
increasingly common for slave owners to provide their Christian
slaves with funerals, and the state was no exception in this regard, no
matter what their incentive or requirement was to pay for these
services.

14.8 Baptisms
As over time the state provided for the funerals of its slaves, it was
reasonable to expect that the state would also have provided for
baptisms towards the end of the period in question. However, there

302 See Appendices A and B

303 Hall does not mention anything about who bore the cost of funerals: Hall, Slave
Society in the Danish West Indies: St. Thomas, St. John, and St. Croix, p. 83
304 Ibid., p. 57

91
are no such indications in hovedbøgerne. This could be, however, due to
very few children being born to Royal Slaves, who by the 1840s in the
main consisted of sick and disabled people. If, however, the state had
provided for baptisms for the children of Royal Slaves, I would have
expected it to be listed for Philippa’s child on St. Croix, probably born
in 1847, but who died in August 1847, perhaps too soon after the
birth to be baptised. There are several other plausible explanations as
to why no expenses in relation to a baptism would be listed. It could
be because the child was no longer newborn when it died, and actually
having been baptised prior to 1847 and thus not listed in hovedbogen. 305
This could also be due to the state not having deemed a baptism
timely for Philippa’s child, as this was for the slave owner to decide
when children of slaves should be baptised according to Frederik V’s
Reglement of 1755. 306 The priest could have been reluctant to baptise
Philippa’s child if she herself was not a Christian. 307 In both Catholic
communities across the Caribbean, baptisms was considered valuable
as the ritual provided means of protection, in particular from
witchcraft, and in some places slaves would demand to be baptised
repeatedly. 308
Because it is impossible to gauge why there are no notifications of
expenses in connection with baptisms in the 1840s hovedbøger, it is
impossible to conclude whether or not the Royal Slaves did receive
different treatment in this aspect than plantation slaves.

To conclude shortly on chapter 14, the provisions given to the Royal

Slaves by and large mirrored that of the privately-owned slaves, with
the exception of the extra cloth provided and the fact that the Royal
Slaves were given actual cash which would have enabled them to act
independently as proto-peasants within the marketplace and create an
identity independent of their enslavement. Most important was their
access to provision grounds and separate housing to forming a group
identity through living in a village community. The Royal Slaves seem
to have always been provided for, whereas not all plantation slaves
would have been, because legislation describing the entitlements of
slave provisions were never published and would not necessarily have
been followed by plantation owners. The findings in this chapter
indicate that the state did provide its slaves with the provisions set out
in unpublished legislation and in accordance with traditions and
occasionally more than prescribed.

305 See Appendix A

306 Hall, Slave Society in the Danish West Indies: St. Thomas, St. John, and St. Croix, p. 60
307 Ibid., p. 67
308 Turner, "Religious Beliefs." , p. 307

92
15 Living conditions of other non-Danish Royal
Slaves
Chapters 12, 13 and 14 of this paper outline several easily definable
parameters for comparisons between the conditions of the Royal
Slaves of the Danish West Indies, the Cobreros of Cuba and the Winkel
slaves of Berbice British Guyana in terms of basic necessities such as
food and provisions, housing, clothing and healthcare. These
comparisons will enable an assessment of the conditions which the
group of slaves lived under, which can then be compared to that of
the Danish Royal Slaves.

15.1 Winkel slaves

First, I will compare the living conditions and provision given to the
Royal Slaves in the Danish West Indies to those of Britain’s Winkel
department in Berbice, Guyana. The Winkel slaves’ provisions could
typically have been two good bunches of plaintains or 7-9 pounds of
rice, cornflour or wheat flour for each adult per week, and half that for
the younger slaves. 309 It was also common practice to provide the
slaves with 2 pounds of salted fish per week, although this practice
was at the slave owner’s discretion. An 1833 law improved the
quantity of provisions for the slaves of Berbice to 3 pounds of salted
cod, 4 pounds of herring or shad, 2 pounds of salted beef or pork, 4
pounds of fresh beef or pork and a half pint of salt. 310 It is evident that
the Winkel slaves were better provided for than the Danish Royal
Slaves if they actually received the provisions described above,
certainly in terms of the one provision which both units of slaves did
receive, the flour, where the Winkel slaves received about double that
of the Danish Royal Slaves. The explanation for this can be found in
the fact that the Winkel slaves did not have provision grounds. After a
disastrous storm and harvest in 1819, an attempt was made to
establish them, but as these were placed on poor soil the outcome was
negligible in the dilemma of providing the Winkel slaves with food. 311
It appears that very few attempts had been made to have the Winkel
slaves cultivate land to grow crops of their own. 312 This means that
comparing amounts of provisions is in fact untenable, because the
circumstances in which they were provided for was completely
different. Another additional factor is that the Winkel slaved received
no subsistence allowance unlike the Danish Royal Slaves, which means

309 Thompson, Unprofitable Servants: Crown Slaves in Berbice, Guyana, 1803-1831, p. 157
310 Ibid., p. 157-158
311 Ibid., p. 156
312 Ibid., p. 162

93
that the provisions received by Winkel slaves would have to have been
sufficient for their nutritional needs, as they had no other source of
food than the foodstuff provided by the state. Thus a direct
comparison is unfeasible. It does, however, signify that the Winkel
slaves never were proto-peasants as the Danish Royal Slaves and they
would therefore not have had the same opportunity to create an
independent identity and display resistance to slavery as the Danish
Royal Slaves in accordance with Mintz’s theory.
In terms of housing, the Winkel slaves probably lived in similar
conditions to that of the Royal Slaves of the Danish West Indies in
terms of the positioning of their houses in the town. They were on the
outskirts, amidst overgrown plots of land. Rows of houses for
occupation formed the basis of the Winkel village. 313 It was placed on
different pieces of land in close vicinity to one another. The buildings
were in such bad state that several times in the early 1800s the
administration was forced to improve them, but to no avail. The
Winkel slaves also complained numerous times of their bad housing
conditions. In this respect the Winkel slaves lived under very similar
conditions to that of the Danish Royal Slaves, in that their housing
was placed on the outskirts of towns and probably not as good quality
as the housing of the general urban slave population. 314
Clothing was apparently always an issue of complaint for the Winkel
slaves, who complained several times that they did not receive
sufficient clothing, including complaints that they had not received any
clothing at all for a period of about two years. 315 The Winkel
department’s account books do show that they bought a number of
different types of fabrics, including osnaburg. It is described that the
Winkel slaves not only received the fabric, but received dresses, shirts,
petticoats, shifts, handkerchiefs and sometimes a hat all made from
cheap types of textile such as the so-called check and gingham. 316
Testimonies from that time recount that women received 14 yards of
cloth annually, more than double that received by the Danish Royal
Slaves, although the 14 yards of cloth was only provided to female
slaves who were “effective.” However, Thompson argues that the
provision of clothing to the Winkel slaves could have been extremely
unregulated and that cloth could have been provided at random. This
means that although the Winkel slaves every once in a while received
far larger quantities of cloth than the Danish Royal Slaves, then it

313 Ibid., p. 142 - 145

314 Higman, Slave Populations of the British Caribbean, 1807-1834, p. 256
315 Thompson, Unprofitable Servants: Crown Slaves in Berbice, Guyana, 1803-1831, p. 168
316 Ibid., p. 165. The names of the fabrics simply refer to the way the fabrics looked:

check is chequered, gingham was striped, but from the mid 18th Century gingham
was often produced in a chequered pattern rather than the traditional stripes. They
were both inexpensive types of fabric. Kadolph, Sara J., Textiles. 10th ed.:
Pearson/Prentice-Hall, 2007, p. 472

94
could be that the Danish Royal Slaves were more certain to receive
their clothing on a regular basis, and thus in total would receive similar
amounts of cloth to that of the Winkel slaves.
Healthcare was granted to the Winkel slaves, and at least one
administrator attempted to install a system where Winkel slaves could
be looked after by other Winkel slaves, but this was deemed to costly
and stopped. 317 Winkel slaves themselves often acted as hospital staff
to care for other Winkel slaves, including one Lambert who was
referred to as the “negro doctor”. However, as with clothing
provisions, the Winkel slaves often complained of insufficient medical
care, such as that the medicines prescribed and food provided to them
whilst ill were too little. 318 It does appear that Winkel slaves, like the
Danish Royal Slaves, received medical attention from a doctor, but
that their recovery often was skewered by the fact that the
prescriptions given by the doctor was not provided to the slaves. It is
difficult to gauge how similar this system was to that of the Danish
West Indies, but I suspect that there would have been similar incidents
where Royal Slaves in the Danish West Indies did not receive the
medicines and other care prescribed to them because the medicine was
too expensive. However, Thompson writes that there is evidence that
better treatment was provided to those still able to work in contrast to
those who were unable to work, for whatever reason. There are clear
indications that all Danish Royal Slaves unable to work were provided
for equally to those who were able to work, which is the main possible
difference in the medical care provided to the Danish Royal Slaves and
the slaves of the Winkel department. 319

15.2 Cobreros
Diaz has taken on the considerable task of attempting to find out what
it felt like to be a Royal Slave, a Cobrero, thus named after the copper
mines where they had once served and where they lived in the
community of Santiago de Cuba. 320 A Cobrero was a special type of
slave who earlier had been mining slaves belonging to a private
company until the mine was confiscated by the state in 1670. 321 Later
in 1780, these slaves became free men and women by permission of

317 Thompson, Unprofitable Servants: Crown Slaves in Berbice, Guyana, 1803-1831, p. 180
318 Ibid., p. 184-185
319 See chapter 14.5
320 Díaz, The Virgin, the King, and the Royal Slaves of El Cobre: Negotiating Freedom in

Colonial Cuba, 1670-1780

321 Although the timeframe in which the Cobreros were Royal Slaves lies outside the

timeframe of this paper, the work will still be used as there are few studies of
Royal Slaves in the Caribbean that are viable to comparison. Furthermore, Diaz
offers insight into very interesting areas of the lives of this group of Royal Slaves
in terms of their own perception of them as Royal Slaves and what this entailed

95
the King of Spain, which is one of the reasons Diaz considers them
unique.

The former mining slaves of El Cobre in all aspects lived under far
better conditions than the Winkel slaves. Now, Diaz’s focus is not to
simply explain the conditions they lived under as Thompson does, but
rather to use this information to conclude about the inner workings of
the Cobrero society and the individual’s thoughts about their lives.
While she presents information which can be used here as
comparative parameters: food and provisions, housing, clothing and
self-manumission, she omits medical care.
In terms of food and provisions, the system the Cobreros lived under
shares several similarities with both the Winkel and the Danish Royal
Slaves. They too lived in a separate village, but they had an extreme
degree of autonomy because there were no colonial officials close by.
El Cobre was decidedly a village with a parish church, a small hospital
with its own chapel, slaughterhouse, several storage houses as well as
smelting, carpentry and blacksmith workshops. 322 80 thatched huts
were erected by the Royal Slaves themselves to live in and housed
around 300 people.
Alongside their houses were large provision grounds, on which they
were entirely dependent for producing their foods. However, the
Cobreros had an additional income which none of the other Royal
Slaves would have had access to: they were able to sell off scraps of
copper from the mines, and thus were considered wealthy for slaves,
more akin to the freedmen population (to which some of the
population of El Cobre also belonged). The Cobreros were thus free to
organise any production in the mines and provision grounds in their
own time, helped by the fact that they were able to negotiate very
liberal hours of work from the state. Records state that the Cobreros’
actual time spent working for the state was two months out of a year
at most, which meant that the Cobreros were free to operate within the
market sphere. 323 So although they were not provided with any
clothing or medical care by the state, Diaz believes that they were
more than capable taking care of themselves and would have lived
comfortably compared to other slaves. Direct provisions were paid in
cash, most commonly 1 real, equivalent of a daily ration of salted meat
or a cassava cake, the very basic subsistence rate. 324 This system is
more akin to that of the Danish Royal Slaves, where they were
dependent on the produce from their provision grounds but were also
provided with cash to purchase the food themselves.

322 Díaz, The Virgin, the King, and the Royal Slaves of El Cobre: Negotiating Freedom in
Colonial Cuba, 1670-1780, p. 30
323 Ibid., p. 242 and 222-223
324 Ibid., p. 242

96
The Cobreros’ special status as Royal Slaves in terms of legal codes was
dissimilar to the conditions which the Danish Royal Slaves lived
under. Legal codes provided them with rights to initiate suits and to
appeal in defence of their master’s property, thus providing them with
a right to be heard in the courts, which the Danish Royal Slaves (or
any other slaves in the Danish West Indies) did not posses, as in the
Danish West Indies a testimony could be given by a slave, but could
not be used to “determine the truth.” 325 This right was used
extensively and played a vital role in their emancipation in 1780.
Cobreros also had the right to coartación.
Overall, it is easy to see that the conditions which the Royal Slaves of
El Cobre lived under were by far superior to that of the Danish Royal
Slaves. The Cobreros were far more autonomous, and had access and
guaranteed possibilities to earn money within the market place, from
which they were able to provide for themselves, both for basic needs
but also in terms of luxuries, such as additional adornments on their
clothes. I believe that they also were able to provide themselves with
medical care when needed from the money made in the marketplace.

To conclude the comparisons between the conditions under which the

Danish Royal Slaves, the Cobreros and Winkel slaves lived, it is clear
that the Danish Royal Slaves were more akin to the Winkel slaves than
the Cobreros. The Cobreros were unique in their opportunities and access
to a better life, which eventually also lead to their freedom before
emancipation for the entire enslaved population. Nevertheless, the
Danish Royal Slaves share one essential similarity with the Cobreros
because they all were dependent on provision grounds and the access
to the marketplace which the produce from the provision grounds
opened to them. In terms of actual provisions concerning the basic
necessities, the conditions of the Winkel slaves appear to have been
similar to that of the Danish Royal Slaves. In short, the conditions
which the Royal Slaves lived under were somewhere in between that
of the Cobreros and Winkel slaves, but probably closer to that of the
Winkel slaves.

16 Research perspectives
First and foremost, a way to shed further light on the lives of the
Royal Slaves would be to extend the parameters of research presented
in this paper to cover all years within the selected period, as well as use
the same data from the state’s takeover of the islands in 1755 until
1792, as this would provide an even better basis for concluding under
which conditions the Royal Slaves lived.

325 Hall, Slave Society in the Danish West Indies: St. Thomas, St. John, and St. Croix, p. 62

97
Another aspect which has been left uninvestigated is that of what
happened to the Royal Slaves after 1848. This would be difficult to do,
since at least in 1848, the Royal Slaves were still only listed by first
name, and anyone without at least a surname is practically impossible
to track. Still, I think it would be useful to find out what happened to
them and how their lives were after Emancipation and if freedom
from slavery did in fact mean better living conditions.

There are several aspects of the lives of the Royal Slaves which could
be investigated to uncover more about their identity during
enslavement. First, an examination of the shifts in naming practices
and religious affiliation could provide information about attitudes to
ethnicity, origin and resistance to enslavement. A way to investigate
this is to find the Royal Slaves in the relevant church registries, which
has not been possible for this paper. Church registers potentially hold
a wealth of information, as the method of historical demography
suggests: familial, household and kin relations can be uncovered,
enabling even further illustration of identities, sense of belonging and
resistance to enslavement. Alongside these areas of study are the areas
of gender and ethnicity, which would also be of interest.
A more tangible but equally usable study of the physical resistance of
the Royal Slaves would be to examine the politijournaler in their entirety
for the relevant period in order to obtain a more general overview of
how the Royal Slaves acted within society.
A further attempt to uncover additional archival material which shed
light on the productivity of the provision grounds would be extremely
useful in order to be able to ascertain the success of the Royal Slaves
as proto-peasants, and thus further strengthen arguments of their
resistance to their enslavement.

Alongside studies of the identities of the Royal Slaves is that of the

relationship between the administration and the enslaved and how this
affected the lives and identities of the Royal Slaves. As far as can be
ascertained, the complicated nature of this relationship between the
two administrations on the islands and in Denmark is something not
even the secondary literature has attempted to uncover. Nonetheless,
when considering how important the relationship, or power struggle,
which took place in Cuba concerning the Cobreros, which according to
Diaz, eventually led to them gaining their freedom before other slaves,
then an analysis of the relationship between the administration on the
islands and in Denmark seems particularly relevant. That, however, is
a study in its own right, and has therefore not been touched upon in
the present dissertation.

98
The state’s need to rent privately-owned slaves, the so-called negerleje, is
another interesting aspect relating to the Royal Slaves. A study of this
would illustrate where numbers and skills available from the Royal
Slaves were not sufficient or cost effective, and thus would provide
greater insight into the thoughts and actions of the administration in
charge of the Royal Slaves.

17 Conclusion
The trends in numbers of the urban Royal Slaves appear to be similar
to the general development in numbers of the slave population of the
Danish West Indies between 1792 and 1848. In this aspect, there
appear to have been no significant differences between the Royal
Slaves and the privately-owned slaves.
The functions performed by the Royal Slaves were, however, different
to the typical privately-owned slaves. The characteristic of many Royal
Slaves would have been that they were physically strong, skilled, or
both. The daily tasks performed by the Royal Slaves in many cases
may have been unique and were not tasks that other slaves in the
Danish West Indies would have undertaken unless they became the
property of the King. The Royal Slaves often worked in functions vital
to the maintenance of the slave society through their work in vejerboden
and pakhuset, for example. Some functions performed by Royal Slaves
were less vital to the slave society, but they all, nonetheless, are
different functions to the typical privately-owned slave in the Danish
West Indies during this period. Typical functions undertaken by other
slaves working for other states across the Caribbean such as soldiering
or construction work do not appear to have been performed by
Danish Royal Slaves between 1792 and 1848.
Overall, the Royal Slaves on St. Croix were worth more than those on
St. Thomas and St. Jan, indicating that the majority of them, those on
St. Croix, were more important and more widely used. From the value
of particular Royal Slaves it is evident that a small majority were skilled
and may have been entrusted with managing the other Royal Slaves,
in, for example, the bakery, vejerboden and pakhuset. Some however,
performed less demanding functions, such as the Royal Slaves in the
hospitals where fewer skills and less physical strength were demanded
to carry out the required work. The value of the Royal Slaves indicates
that they were valuable and skilled labourers who played a significant
role in slave society.

Concerning legal rights, the Royal Slaves appear to have not been
significantly better provided for than the general slave population.

99
Several important legislations providing all slaves with right in terms
of provisions of food, housing, clothes and healthcare were shelved or
never enacted. Only towards the end of the period in question are
some legislation published and enacted. The findings of this paper,
however, indicate that the state did provide its slaves with at least the
provision allowances prescribed in the unpublished legislation and
traditions, and in some instances, such as that of clothing, occasionally
more than prescribed. Because it is by no means certain that all
privately-owned slaves received similar amounts and types of
provisions, this may suggest that although the Royal Slaves may not
have been the best clothed, best housed, or best provided for in
general, they were most certainly not the worst clothed, worst housed
or worst provided for of all slaves in the Danish West Indies either.

The typical crimes committed and punishments received by the Royal

Slaves do not suggest any differences compared to those of privately-
owned slaves. However, they do indicate that Royal Slaves helped
other Royal Slaves for example with attempting maroonage, which
indicate a sense of belonging to the grouping of Royal Slaves. This
may be used as further indication that the Royal Slaves formed an
independent identity through displays of resistance to their
enslavement demonstrated by the crimes they committed.

The Royal Slaves lived in close proximity to the town hospitals in

Charlotte Amalie, Christiansted and probably also Frederiksted, always
on the outskirts of the towns. The majority of them, those on St.
Croix and St. Thomas had provision grounds available to them
throughout the period investigated in this paper. This indicates, in
accordance with the theories of Mintz and Olwig, that the Royal
Slaves lived together in village communities and were successful proto-
peasants. This in turn suggests that the Royal Slaves through their
provision grounds had another option of displaying their resistance to
enslavement, and that they developed a unique group identity as Royal
Slaves that marked them out as a significant group in their own view.
The conditions which the Danish Royal Slaves lived under are in many
areas comparable to those of the British Guyana Winkel slaves, and in
most cases very different from the unique conditions under which the
Cuban Cobreros lived. The Cobreros share one condition with the Danish
Royal Slaves which is the access to provision grounds, which enabled
both groups of Royal Slaves to act independently as proto-peasants and
develop a unique identity. However, in terms of conditions of
provisions given to the Royal Slaves, those of the Danish Royal Slaves
were more similar to the conditions under which the Winkel slaves
lived. This indicates that the Danish Royal Slaves were neither the

100
worst off compared to other groups of Royal Slaves in the Caribbean,
nor as privileged as the group of Cobreros, for example.
To conclude, the Danish Royal Slaves do not appear to have led
significantly better lives than the general slave population; however,
they were by no means those who were treated the worst. They appear
to have developed a distinct identity as Royal Slaves through the
access to and use of provision grounds, which would have aided their
displays of resistance to their enslavement. In short, being the King’s
slaves did not naturally signify a special status or particular privileges,
but being a Royal Slave did guarantee a sure supply of provisions such
as housing, food, a cash allowance, clothing, and healthcare.

101
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108
”Gamle danske mål”:
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109
Contents: Appendices
Appendix A: Transcription hovedbøger St. Croix 1792-1848 ........................................................................................... 3

St. Croix 1792................................................................................................................................................................... 3

St. Croix 1793................................................................................................................................................................... 9

St. Croix 1794................................................................................................................................................................. 16

St. Croix 1801................................................................................................................................................................. 29

St. Croix 1803................................................................................................................................................................. 43

St. Croix 1806................................................................................................................................................................. 51

St. Croix 1808................................................................................................................................................................. 66

St. Croix 1815................................................................................................................................................................. 67

St. Croix 1816................................................................................................................................................................. 70

St. Croix 1832................................................................................................................................................................. 74

St. Croix 1833................................................................................................................................................................. 88

St. Croix 1834............................................................................................................................................................... 105

St. Croix 1835............................................................................................................................................................... 121

St. Croix 1847............................................................................................................................................................... 135

St. Croix 1848............................................................................................................................................................... 145

Appendix B: Transcription hovedbøger St. Thomas & St. Jan ..................................................................................... 158

St. Thomas & St. Jan 1792 ......................................................................................................................................... 158

St. Thomas & St. Jan 1793 ......................................................................................................................................... 161

St. Thomas & St. Jan 1800/1801 .............................................................................................................................. 171

St. Thomas & St. Jan 1802 ......................................................................................................................................... 171

St. Thomas & St. Jan 1803 ......................................................................................................................................... 171

St. Thomas & St. Jan 1806 ......................................................................................................................................... 172

St. Thomas 1807 .......................................................................................................................................................... 172

St. Thomas & St. Jan 1832 ......................................................................................................................................... 177

St. Thomas & St. Jan 1834 ......................................................................................................................................... 184

St. Thomas 1847 .......................................................................................................................................................... 197

1
 St. Thomas 1849 .......................................................................................................................................................... 200

Appendix C: Statistical overview of numbers of Royal Slaves 1892 – 1849 .......................................................... 204

St. Thomas and St. Jan ............................................................................................................................................... 204

St. Croix ........................................................................................................................................................................ 205

2
Appendix A: Transcription hovedbøger St. Croix 1792-1848
From: Reviderede Regnskaber, Vestindiske Regnskaber. Hovedbøger: St. Croix, 1755-1917:
1792, box no. 5.20; 1793, box no. 5.21; 1794, box no. 5.22; 1800, box no. 5.28; 1801, box no. 5.29;
1802, box no. 5.30; 1803, box no. 5.31; 1806, box no. 5.34; 1807, box no. 5.35-5.36; 1808, box no. 5.37;
1815, box no. 5.43-5.44; 1816, box no. 5.45; 1847, box no. 5.76; 1848, box no. 5.77; 1849, box no. 5.78.

St. Croix 1792

Box 5.20
Negerne (12) og Negernes omkostninger (127)

Folie 12, venstre side

Negerne debet
1792 mænd kvinder drenge piger Rd
Januar 1 Til balance fra
ao 1791 49 12 4 6 16550
December .. .. til cassa for
indkiøbte
8 negere 8 2800
.. de kongelige
indtægters
og udgifters
Conto for i dette
år fødte, navnlig:
Maria Magdalena 1 50
19.400

Højre side
1792 Credit mænd kvinder drenge piger Rd
December Pr de kongelige negeres
Omkostningers konto, for i
År døde
A. ved … i Christiansted
Wernon 1 350
B. ved hospitalet ibid
Johannes Ferdinand

1 60 C.
Ved Frederiksforts

3
 Packhus
Phillipus ingen værdi 1 0
D. Ved hospitalet ibid
Louise 1 20
.. ditto for negere ved
dette års … er taxeret ..
ved forrige år 250
2 1 1 680
December 31 Balance som er … hans
Majestæts Negere ved
dette års udgang er taxeret
at være værd, navnlig
1 Anthony 1 270
2 Gorm 1 300
3 Mads 1 250
Transport 3 820

Folie 14, venstre side

Negerne debet
1792
December 31 57 mænd, 12 kvinder, 4 drenge og 7 piger 19400 Rd

Højre side
1792 Credit
December 31 Mænd Kvinder Drenge Piger Rd
Ved packhuset i Christiansted
1 Krakow 1 300
2 Salamon 1 400
3 Markolphus 1 300
4 Carl 1 40
5 Cÿrus 1 250
6 Alexander 1 250
7 Johan 1 320
8 Esbern 1 260
9 Kion 1 270
10 Simon 1 280
11 Fritz 1 280
12 Knud 1 230
13 Thoms 1 300
14 Jarl 1 310

4
15 Cordt 1 270
16 Abel 1 300
17 Albert 1 300
18 Casper 1 300
19 Christian 1 300
20 Goliath 1 350
21 Owe 1 350
22 Ellef 1 350
23 Edwardt 1 350
24 Aford 1 350
25 Amalhis 1 350
Transport 28 folie 14 8180

Folie 14, venstre side

1792 Credit
December 31 mænd kvinder drenge piger Rd

C ved proviantgården i Christiansted

1 Sarah 1 30
2 Calpha 1 360
3 Charlotte 1 300
4 Woÿant 1 350
5 Maria Magdalena 1 50
D ved hospitalet ibid
1 Cambridge 1 190
2 Argus 1 280
3 Johannes 1 320
4 Benina ingen værdi 1
5 Martha 1 300
6 Margaretha 1 100
7 Beata 1 350
8 Ferona 1 300
9 Minerva 1 320
10 Lucia 1 400
11 Christian 1 230
12 Anna Lena 1 160
13 Friderica 1 100
14 Johan Friedrich 1 50
15 William 1 150

5
D ved Frederiksfort
1 Egbert 1 300
2 Factum 1 300
3 Ludewig 1 300

E Ved Packhuset i Friderichstæd

1 Roland ingen værdi 1

Transport 37 7 3 15 13.420

Folie 15, højre side (fortsat fra folie 14)

(ved packhuset i Frederiksted)

2 Buurmann 1 150
3 Samson 1 100
4 Hector ingen værdi 1
5 January 1 300
6 Dey 1 300
7 Jacob 1 250
8 Felix 1 300
9 Chemoux 1 300
10 Geashax 1 300
11 Zadigh 1 300
12 Quintus 1 320
13 Mads 1 320
G ved Proviantgården ibid
1 Severin 1 200
2 Jacob 1 50
3 Sabrin 1 300
4 Alexander 1 300
5 Catharina 1 100

H ved hospitalet ibid

1 Freyer 1 300
2 Paddy 1 200
3 Sarah 1 60
4 Margaretha 1 100
5 Mehella 1 400
6 Sarah Margaretha 1 150
7 Maria 1 200

6
 55 11 3 7 187.200
Dertil de fol. 12 anførte 2 1 1 .. 680
57 12 4 7 19.400

Folie 110, venstre side

Egentlig ikke noget af interesse her…

Højre side, nederst

Negerne
Den 15th til Johannes Prætorius for 8 stk (?) negere kiøbt for kongl. regning 2800

Folie 120
Materiel regnskabet, debet
Efter sidste post står der skrevet følgende:
Til Capital Conto for med kiøbt, den unge Maria ført af Captain P. H. Schultz efter factura af 14de April 1792 … materialer
og … til den kongl. Barker/barber samt 2de mærk Jern til beløb d Conto 260.78 som er…
326.1
Ditto for med kiøbt Gertrud Maria ført af Captain Klein efter Factura af 9de Novb 1791 ud… Osnabruck til beløb … 31
Rd 64 sc(?) som … conto 39.56

Folie 127, venstre side

Negernes omkostninger
1792 Debet folie Rd
Januar Til cassa 69 335.58
February .. ditto 72 120
Martz .. ditto 74 239.81
April .. ditto 79 373.87
Maÿ .. ditto 82 120
Julÿ .. ditto 90 286.24
Augustÿ .. ditto 94 189.74
October .. ditto 104 281.44
Novemb .. ditto 107 96.50
December .. ditto 136 330.89
Negerne 12 680

Højre side
1792
December 31 Pr de Kongelige Indtægter og Udgifters Conto 141 3054.27

7
8
St. Croix 1793
Box 5.21
Negerne (13) og negernes omkostninger (141)

Folie 13, venstre side

Negerne Debet
1793 Mænd Quinder dreng pige Rd, Sk.
January 1 Til balance fra
anno 1792 55 11 3 7 18.720
Julÿ Cassa for
indkiøbte 4 2 2 1400
negere
Decemb Negernes
omkostninger
for i dette år
fødte, navnlig
Simon 1 50
.. ditto som
negerne dette
År er anført (?)
.. non … værdi,
samt de solgte
negere indbragte (?)
til …, med taxation
forrige år 405
Transport 57 13 4 7 20.575

Højre side
Credit
1793
Septembr 1 Pr Mr
Farringthon
for 2nd på
auction kiøbte
hospitals negere
i Frederiksted 1 875 (folie 122)
.. .. fuldmægtig
Ramlöse for
1 ditto neger

9
 Paddy 1 105 (folie 121)
December .. Negernes
Omkostnings-
Conto, for i år
Døde, navnlig:
Mads ved
Christiansværn 1 250
Ciordt 1 270
Edvard 1 350
Minerva 1 320
Quintus 1 320
5 2 1 2490

Endvidere i dette år døde

Roland uden værdi 1 mand -
Hector ditto 1 mand -

31 Balance som er hans

Majestæts Negere ved
Dette års indgang er
Taxeret at være værd
Navnlig:
A Ved Christiansværn
1 Anthony 1 270
2 Gorm 1 300
3 Ludvig 1 300
Transport 3 870
Folie 14, venstre side
Transport…

Højre side
Credit
1793
December 31 Pr 3 870
B. ved Packhuset og Weyerboden i Christiansted
1 Krakow 1 300
2 Salomon 1 400
3 Markolfus 1 300
4 Carl 1 140
5 Cÿrus 1 250

10
 6 Alexander 1 250
7 Johan 1 320
8 Esbern 1 260
9 Kiow 1 270
10 Simon 1 280
11 Fritz 1 280
12 Knud 1 230
13 Mons 1 300
14 Jarl 1 310
15 Abele 1 300
16 Albert 1 300
17 Casper 1 300
18 Christian 1 300
19 Goliath 1 350
20 Owe 1 350
21 Elles 1 250
22 Amalfis 1 350
c. ved Proviantgaarden
1 Sarah 1 30
2 calsoha 1 360
3 Charlotta 1 300
4 Woÿant 1 350
5 Maria Magdalena 1 100
Transport 27 2 . 1 8500

Folie 15, venstre side

Transport…

Højre side
Credit
December 31 pr transport 27 2 1 8500
D ved hospitalet i Christiansted
1 Cambridge 1 190
2 Argus 1 280
3 Johannes 1 320
4 Benina ingen værdi 1 -
5 Martha 1 300
6 Margaretha 1 100
7 Beatha 1 350
8 Faronÿ 1 300

11
 9 Lucia 1 400
10 Christian 1 230
11 Anna Lena 1 160
12 Friderica 1 150
13 Johan Friedrich 1 75
14 Simon 1 50
15 William 1 200
E ved Friderichsforth
1 Egbert 1 300
2 Factum 1 300
F ved Packhuset og Weyerboden i Friderichsted
1 Buurman 1 150
2 Samson 1 100
3 January 1 300
4 Chemoix 1 300
5 Deÿ 1 300
Transport 37 8 14 3 13.355

Folie 16, venstre side

Transport…

Højre side
6 Jacob 1 250
7 Felix 1 300
8 Glasfax 1 300
9 Zadigh 1 150
10 Mads 1 320
G ved proviantgården i Friderichsted
1 Jacob 1 50
2 Sabrin 1 300
3 Alexander 1 300
4 Petrus 1 350
5 Claus 1 350
6 Severin 1 200
7 Catharina 1 50
H ved hospitalet ibid
1 Freyer 1 300
2 Afford 1 350
3 Sarah 1 60
4 Margaretha 1 100

12
 5 Maria 1 300
6 Johanna 1 350
7 Magdalena 1 350
50 13 4 4 18.085
Dertil de
folie 13
anførte 7 2 . 1 2490
57 15 4 5 20.575

Folie 141, venstre side

Negernes omkostninger Debet
1793 Folie Rd, Sk.
January Til cassa 72 401.95
Februar .. ditto 76 1.64
Martz .. ditto 78 427.2
April .. ditto 85 6,24
Maÿ .. ditto 88 413.79
Junÿ ... ditto 93 254.73
Julÿ .. ditto 96 220
Augusty .. ditto 99 43.52
September … ditto 104 279.60
November … ditto 110 127.72
Novembr … ditto 117 311.83
Negerne 13 3998.28

Højre side
Credit
1793
December Pr Negerne 13 455
-31 de Kongelige Indtægters og
Udgifters conto 162 3543.28

Folie 72, højre side

1793 Credit
January .. Negernes omkostninger den 5te
til negerne i Christiansted 251.10
18de R. Campell 102.33
.. Mad. Kunikel 48.52 401.95 (folie 141)

Folie 76, højre side

13
1793
February Negernes omkostninger
Den 16de til Madame Hauschild 1.64 folie 141

Folie 78, højre side

1793
Marts Negernes omkostninger
Den 19de til kostpenge for negerne 160
31te til ditto 267.2 427.2 (folie 141)

Folie 85, højre side

1793 Credit
April Negernes omkostninger
Den 25de til Madame Clerk 6.24 folie 141

Folie 88, højre side

1793 Credit
Maÿ Negernes omkostninger
Den 10de til J. Hart 7
13de kostpenge for negerne 157.52
Osnabrug for ditto 50.51
J. de Luy 8.64
J. Hassel 3.92
Doctor Gordon 70
Madame Hauschild 109.84
25de Madama Clerk 6.24
413.79 folie 141

Folie 93, højre side

1793
Junÿ Negernes omkostninger
Den 30te til kostpenge 160
.. J. de Luÿ 25.71
.. Madame Nebe 42.32
.. G Grüs 26.66
254.73 folie 141

Folie 96, højre side

1793
Julÿ Negernes omkostninger

14
 Den 17de til kostpenge for negerne
I Christiansted 220 folie 141
.. Negerne
Den 22de til J. Prætorius for 4 busal
Negere [350 stk.] 1400 folie 13

Folie 99, højre side

1793
August Negernes omkostinger
Den 21de til P. Ferdinand 6.72
27de .. R. Farmer 8.28 (streget igennem…?)
.. M. E. Kunckel 28.48
43.52 folie 141

Folie 104, højre side

1793
Septb Negernes omkostninger
Den 30de til kostpenge 180
… ditto… 99.60
279.60 folie 141

Folie 110, højre side

1793
November Negernes omkostninger
Den 19de til kostpenge for negerne i
Christiansted 127.72 folie 141

Folie 117, højre side

1793
December Negernes omkostninger
Den 31de til Wm Clarck 126.21
.. J. de Luÿ 134.14
.. P. Norton 51.48
311.83 folie 141

15
St. Croix 1794
Box 5.22
Negerne (14-17) og Negernes omkostninger (146)

Folie 14, venstre side

Negerne Debet Mænd Kvinder Drenge Piger Rd. Sk. folie
January 1 Til balance
fra anno 1793 50 13 4 4 18085
April 1 Cassa som er
Kiøbt 3 1050 93
December Negernes
omkostnings
conto, for i
dette år fødte
navnlig:
Louisa 1 50 146

Højre side
1794 Credit
Decembr Pr negernes omkostnings conto for i dette år døde negere, navnlig:
Anthony 1 270
Cÿrus 1 250
Caspar 1 300
Jacob 1 50
Petrus 1 350
5 1220 146

December 31 Balance som er sund/fund hans majestæts negere ved dette års udgang er taxeret at være værd efter bilag
86 & 87, navnlig:
A ved Christiansværn
1 Gorm 1 300
2 Ludwig 1 300
B ved packhuset og weyerboden i Christiansted
1 Krakow 1 300
2 Salomon 1 400
3 Markolfus 1 300
Transport 5 . . . 1600

Folie 15, venstre side

16
Transport…

Højre side
Fortsat fra folie 14 højre side
4 Carl 1 140
5 Alexander 1 250
6 Johan 1 320
7 Esbern 1 260
8 Kiow 1 270
9 Simon 1 280
10 Fritz 1 280
11 Knud 1 230
12 Mons 1 300
13 Jarl 1 310
14 Abel 1 300
15 Albert 1 300
16 Christian 1 300
17 Goliath 1 350
18 Owe 1 350
19 Elles 1 350
20 Amalfis 1 350
C ved Proviantgarden i Christiansted
1 Sarah 1 30
2 Calpha 1 360
3 Charlotta 1 300
4 Woÿant 1 350
5 Maria Magdalena 1 100
Transport 24 2 . 1 7680 16

Folie 16, venstre side

Transport…

Højre side
C ved hospitalet i Christiansted
1 Cambridge 1 190
2 Argus 1 280
3 Johannes 1 320
4 Benina ingen værdi 1 -
5 Martha 1 300

17
 6 Margaretha 1 100
7 Beatha 1 350
8 Faronÿ 1 300
9 Lucia 1 400
10 Christian 1 330
11 Anna Lena 1 160
12 Friderica 1 150
13 Johan Friedrich 1 75
14 Simon 1 50
15 Louisa 1 50
16 William 1 200

E ved Friderichsforth
1 Egbert 1 300
2 Factum 1 300

F ved packhuset og weyerboden i Frederiksted

1 Buurman 1 150
2 Samson 1 100
3 January 1 200
4 Chemoux 1 300
Enoch 1 350
Printz 1 350
Transport 35 8 4 4 12985 17

Folie 17 venstre side

Transport…

Højre side
Fortsat fra folie 16 højre side
5 Deÿ 1 300
6 Jacob 1 250
7 Felix 1 300
8 Glasfax 1 300
9 Zadigh 1 150
10 Mads 1 320
G ved Proviantgården i Frederiksted
1 Sabrin 1 300
2 Alexander 1 300
3 Claus 1 350

18
 4 Severin 1 200
5 Catharina 1 50
6 Adam 1 350
H ved hospitalet ibid
1 Freyer 1 300
2 Afford 1 350
3 Sarah 1 60
4 Margaretha 1 100
5 Maria 1 300
6 Johannes 1 350
7 Magdalena 1 350
48 13 4 5 17.965
Dertil de fol.
14 anførte 5 1.220
53 13 4 5 19.185

Folie 146, venstre side

Negernes omkostninger
1794 Debet Folie Rd, sk.
January Til Cassa 81 383.50
February … ditto 85 251.80
Marts … ditto 88 250
April … ditto 93 167.60
Junÿ … ditto 101 390.66
Julÿ … ditto 107 102.58
August … ditto 111 165.80
September … ditto 115 349.66
October … ditto 119 75.80
Novem … ditto 122 124.12
Decemb … ditto 124 375.30
Negerne 14 1220

Højre side
Credit
December 31 pr negerne 14 50
.. .. de kongelige indtægters og
udgifters conto 164 3807
3857.6

Folie 81, højre side

19
1794 Rd Folie
januar Negernes omkostninger
den 6te til kostpenge for
negerne i Christiansted 180
7de ditto i Christiansted 171.18
31te Mad. Hauschild 32.32 383.50 146

Folie 85, højre side

February Negernes omkostninger
Den 11de til H. Nash 40.80
26de til Doct Storm 52
Ditto 10
28de negernes
kostpenge 149 251.80 146

Folie 88, højre side

Marts Negernes omkostninger
Den 19de til Doctor
Gordon 90
31de .. kostpenge for
Negerne i Frederiksted 160 250 146

Folie 93, højre side

April Negerne
Den 12de til P. L. Oxholm 350
30te .. J. Tower 700 1050 14
Negernes omkostninger
Den 30te til kostpenge for
negerne i Christiansted 167.60 167.60 146

Folie 101, højre side

Junÿ Negernes omkostninger
Den 18de til J. de Luÿ 83.16
30de negerne i
Frederiksted 150
Ditto i Christiansted 74.48
Ditto E. L. Falcke 26.66
.. Madame Hauschild 56.32 390.66 146

Folie 107, højre side

20
Julÿ Negernes omkostninger
Den 24de til J. Hart 8
31de .. negerne
I Christiansted 90.90
.. Madme Hauschild 3.64 102.58 146

Folie111, højre side

August Negernes omkostninger
Den 30te til negerne
i Christiansted 72.72
.. Madame Kunkel 86.32
.. ditto 6.72 165.80 146

Folie 115, højre side

September Negernes omkostninger
Den 30te til Denhurst 113.12
.. neger i Christiansted 86.54
..ditto i Frederiksted 150 349.66 146

Folie 119, højre side

October Negernes omkostninger

Den 31te til Mad Kunkel 6

.. neger i Christiansted 69.80 75.80 146

Folie 122, højre side

Noveb Negernes omkostninger
Den 26de til J. Tower &
Compl (?) 124.12 146

Folie 124, højre side

December Negernes omkostninger
Den 12te til negerne
I Christiansted 80
22de .. Mad Clark 6.24
31te J. Thomas 47.2
.. Mad Bretfeldt 21.64
.. P. Norton 47.4
.. Mad. Kunkel 3.32

21
 .. Doctor Storm 54
.. ditto 30
.. Doctor Gordon 86 375.30 146

St. Croix 1800

Box 5.28
Under “n” findess følgende opslag: Negerne (11-14) og Negernes omkostninger (144)

Folie 11, venstre side

1800 Mænd Kvinder Drenge Piger Rd
Januar Til Balance 69 15 6 9 29.647
fra anno 1799
May Til Cassa 2 950
Juny Ditto 6 2400
July Ditto 1 550
October Ditto 2 875
November Ditto 1 650
December Ditto 2 1100
Om approbation .. for kiøbte 14 negere er udsat i Antegnelserne i Cassebogen for 1800 ¼ post
81 17 6 9 36.179

Folie 11, højre side

1800
December Pr negernes omkostninger som id ette Aar er døde, nemlig:
Damon 1 370
?? Lucas 1 650
Henrich 1 bilag nr 162 400
3 1420

31 Ballance som hans majestæts negere findes at være værd efter hovedbogen pro 1799, da … ny burde
opgiøre … forvaltning over disse
a) Ved Christiansværn
1 Mads 1 350
2 Adam 1 375
3 Friedrich 1 181
4 Otto 1 350
5 Ovid 1 købt i år 450
b) ved Packhuset og veierboden i Christiansted
1 Krakow 1 350
2 Salomon 1 450

22
3 Carl 1 140
4 Ismael 1 360
5 Kiow 1 300
6 Fritz 1 300
7 Knud 1 230
8 Jarl 1 330
9 Abell 1 350
10 Goliath 1 400
11 Ove 1 400
12 Amalsis 1 350
13 Anthony 1 370
14 Laban 1 370
15 Ferdinant 1 350
16 Noel 1 350
17 Johann 1 350
18 Moons 1 360
19 Johannes
Friederich 1 350
20 Schipio 1 360
21 Haniball 1 350
22 Peter 1 366
23 Johann 1 300
24 Chemau 1 600
25 Georg 1 købt i år 400
26 Henrich 1 400
Transport 31 10.942

Folie 12, venstre side

Transport…

Folie 12, højre side

27 Anthon 1 400
28 Philip 1 400
29 Albert 1 kiøbt I aar 400
30 Ludvig 1 400
31 Peter 1 437,48
32 John 1 ligesaa 437,48
33 William 1 200
34 Johannes 1 320
35 Georg 1 400

23
c) Ved proviantgården i Christiansted
1 Sahra 1 30
2 Christian 1 360
3 Charlotte 1 350
4 Woÿant 1 350
5 Maria Magdalena 1 100
6 Hans Wilhelm 1 350
7 Anna Margaretha 1 100
8 Anna Drecitta 1 50
9 Wilhelm 1 400
10 Friedrich 1 700
11 Carolina 1 550
d) ved hospitalet i Christiansted
1 Cambridge 1 200
2 Argus 1 280
3 Christian 1 330
4 Johannes 1 320
5 Benina intet værd 1 -
6 Martha 1 300
7 Margaretha 1 100
8 Beata 1 350
9 Ferony 1 300
10 Lucia 1 400
11 Anna Lena 1 160
12 Friderica 1 150
13 Johann Friedrich 1 100
14 Simon 1 50
15 Louisa 1 60
16 Anna Elisabeth 1 50
17 Anna Christina 1 50
E) ved Frederiksfort
1 Eybert 1 350
2 Factum 1 300
3 Samba 1 400
Transport 49 9 5 8 21.927

Folie 13, venstre side

Transport…

Folie 13, højre side

24
f) Ved Packhuset og Veierboden i Frederiksted
1 Dey 1 300
2 Jacob 1 250
3 Christian 1 450
4 Glasax 1 300
5 Samson intet værd 1 -
6 Simon 1 300
7 Zadig intet værd 1 -
8 Mads 1 350
9 Printz 1 350
10 Enoch 1 375
11 Janus 1 400
12 Severus 1 400
13 Cletus 1 375
14 Tobias 1 400
15 Zuurnman intet værd 1 -
16 Arnoldus 1 400
17 Friederich 1 450
18 Goliath 1 400
g) ved Proviantgården i Frederiksted
1 Sabrin 1 350
2 Alexander 1 300
3 Catharina intet værd 1 -
4 Severin ditto 1 -
5 Johann 1 400
6 Christiane 1 400
7 Adam 1 450
8 Ned 1 550
9 Bosen 1 650
10 Friedrich 1 købt i år 500
11 Presant 1 550
H) ved hospitalet i Frederiksted
1 Troÿer 1 350
2 Margaretha intet værd 1 -
3 Maria 1 350
4 Afford 1 350
5 Johanna 1 350
6 Magdalena 1 350
7 Giertrud 1 400
8 Hanibal 1 75

25
9 Lucia 1 450
Transport 77 17 6 9 34.252

Folie 14, venstre side

Transport…

Folie 14, højre side

i) ved secretariatet på St Croix
1 Jack 1 500
78 17 6 9 34.752
Dertil de fol. 11 anførte 3 1.420
81 17 6 9 36.172

Folie 144, venstre side

1800 Negernes omkostninger
Debet Folie Rd
Januar Til cassa 76 200
Martz ditto 81 691,4
April ditto 84 59
May ditto 88 7,78
Juny ditto 91 360
July ditto 93 732,50
August ditto 97 4
September ditto 102 396,16
November ditto 109 200
December ditto 114 1826,88
.. ..Negere 3 døde 11 1420
5897,44

Folie 76, højre side

1800 Jan Negernes omkostninger
D 9de til const. Magazins forvalter Aarestrup 200

Folie 81, højre side

1800 Martz Negernes omkostninger
d 10de til Ludvig 81,4
21de .. J. Schmidt 15
27de .. Aarestrup 250
31de .. doctor N. Storm 65
.. Tønsberg 280 691,44

26
Folie 84, højre side
1800 April Negernes omkostninger
D 18de til Madame Bredtsfeldt 14
.. M L. Ludvig 20
24 .. John Steen 25 59

Folie 88, højre side

1800 May Negernes omkostninger
D 29de til J. Smith 7,78

Folie 91, højre side

1800 Juny Negernes omkostninger
D 30te til forvalter Tönsberg 360
Endvidere flere poster til privatperson til proviantgården i frederiksted og til fortresset frederiksværn

Folie 93, højre side

1800 July Negernes omkostninger
D 9de til forvalter Aarestrup 200
19.. H. Mansfield 445
.. for mulat L. Hartmann 186,56 732,50
Nedenfor, under ”negerne” står også at negeren Ned er købt af D. Raadhauge for 550 Rd

Folie 97, højre side

1800 August Negernes omkostninger
D 9de til M. C. Ludvig 4

Folie 102, højre side

1800 September Negernes omkostninger
22de til Nancy Schmidt 28,80
25 .. forvalter Tönsberg 360
30 .. M. C. Ludvig 7,32 396,16

Folie 109, højre side

1800 November Negernes omkostninger
D 15de til J. de Fine Olivarius 200

Folie 114, højre side

1800 Dec Negernes omkostninger
D 3de til B. J. Centervace 259,84

27
.. forvalter Tönsberg 45
.. John Steen 46,84
8.. forvalter Tönsberg 91,64
.. P. Sadders 240
9.. Klein & Danielsen 471,72
Ditto 53,48
Maria Gius 6,24
27.. forvalter Tönsberg 380
31.. Doctor Storm 90
.. doctor Gordon & Adams 142 1826,88

28
St. Croix 1801
Box 5.29
Negerne (13 – 17) og Negernes Omkostninger (99)

Folie 13, venstre side

1801 Mænd Kvinder Drenge Piger Rd
January 1 Til Balance fra
Året 1800 78 17 6 9 34.752
February Cassa 1 550 (folie 85)
En Approbation på denne neger David til Veierboden udsat i antegnelser .. i cassebogen for 1801 … 26
post

Højre side
1801
Martz Pr balance som hans majestæts negere findes at være værd efter … hovedbogen anno 1800
da med … … … opgive anordninger (?) … … …
Mænd Kvinder Drenge Piger Rd, sk
A ved Christiansværn
1 Mads 1 350
2 Adam 1 375
3 Friedrich 1 181
4 Otto 1 350
5 Ovid 1 450
B ved Packhuset og Weyerboden I Christiansted
1 Krakow 1 350
2 Salomon 1 450
3 Ciarl 1 140
4 Ismael 1 360
5 Kiow 1 300
6 Fritz 1 300
7 Knuud 1 230
8 Jarl 1 330
9 Abell 1 350
10 Goliath 1 400
11 Ove 1 400
12 Amahses (?) 1 350
13 Anthony 1 370
14 Laban 1 370
15 Ferdinant 1 350

29
16 Noel 1 350
17 Johann 1 350
18 Mons 1 360
19 Johan Friedrich 1 350
20 Schipio 1 360
21 Hanibal 1 350
22 Peter 1 366
23 Johann 1 300
24 Chemau 1 600
25 Georg 1 400
26 Heinrich 1 400
Transport 31 10.942

Folie 14, venstre side

Transport

Højre side
Fortsat fra folie 13
27 Anthou 1 400
28 Philip 1 400
29 Albert 1 400
30 Ludwig 1 400
31 Peter 1 437.48
32 John 1 437.48
33 William 1 200
34 Johannes 1 320
35 Georg 1 400
36 David kiøbt I år 1 550
C ved proviantgården I Christiansted
1 Sahra 1 30
2 Christian 1 360
3 Charlotte 1 350
4 Woÿant 1 350
5 Maria Magdalena 1 100
6 Hans Wilhelm 1 350
7 Anna Margretha 1 100
8 Anna Deioitta 1 50
9 Wilhelm 1 400
10 Friedrich 1 700
11 Carolina 1 550

30
D Ved hospitalet I Christiansted
1 Cambridge 1 200
2 Angus 1 280
3 Christian 1 330
4 Johannes 1 320
5 Benina ingen værdi 1
6 Martha 1 300
7 Margaretha 1 100
8 Beata 1 350
9 Ferony 1 300
10 Lucia 1 400
11 Anna Lucia (?) 1 160
12 Friederica 1 150
13 Johan Friedrich 1 100
14 Simon 1 50
15 Louisa 1 60
16 Anna Elisabeth 1 50
17 Anna Christina 1 50
Transport 46 9 6 8 21.427

Folie 15, venstre side

Transport…

Højre side
Fortsat fra folie 14…
E Ved Frederiksfort
1 Eÿbert 1 350
2 Factum 1 300
3 Samba 1 400
F Ved packhuset og weyerboden i Frederiksted
1 Dey 1 300
2 Jacob 1 250
3 Christian 1 450
4 Glasax 1 300
5 Samson ingen værdi 1 -
6 Simon 1 300
7 Zadig ingen værdi 1 -
8 Mads 1 350
9 Printz 1 350
10 Enoch 1 375

31
11 Janus 1 400
12 Severus 1 400
13 Cletus 1 375
14 Tobias 1 400
15 Zuurman ingen værdi 1 -
16 Arnoldus 1 400
17 Friedrich 1 450
18 Goliath 1 400
G ved proviantgården i Frederiksted
1 Sabrin 1 350
2 Alexander 1 300
3 Catharina ingen værdi 1 -
4 Severin ditto 1 -
5 Johann 1 400
6 Christiane 1 400
7 Adam 1 450
8 Ned 1 550
9 Thosen 1 650
10 Friedrich 1 500
11 Passent (?) 1 550
Transport 75 12 6 8 32.127

Folie 16, venstre side

Transport…

Højre side
Martz
H ved hospitalet I Frederiksted
1 Troÿet 1 350
2 Margaretha uden værdi 1 -
3 Maria 1 350
4 Aford 1 350
5 Johanna 1 350
6 Magdalena 1 350
7 Giertrude 1 400
8 Hanibal 1 75
9 Lucia 1 450
I Secretariatet på St. Croix
1 Jack 1 500
78 17 7 9 35.302 (folie 110)

32
Folie 99, venstre side
Negernes omkostninger
1801 Folie Rd
Januarÿ Til cassa 81 215.60
Februarÿ … ditto 87 460.51
Martz … ditto 89 424.36
1100.57

Højre side
1801
Martz Pr de Kongelige Indtægters
og Udgifters Co 102 1100.57

Folie 81
Januarÿ Negernes omkostninger
D 24de til forvalter Olivarius 200
.. … J. Dahe 15.60 215.60

Folie 87
February Negernes omkostninger
d. 28de til Captain
John Campbell 460.51
Folie 89
Martz Negernes omkostninger
d. 21de til Aalhon Koutze 84.36
.. 23de … forvalter Tönsberg 340 424.36

St. Croix 1802

Box 5.30
Under ”n” findes følgende opslag: Negerne (12-16) og Negernes Omkostninger (132)

Folie 12, venstre side

1802 Debet Mænd Kvinder Drenge Piger Rd
Januarÿ Til balance fra
anno 1801 78 17 7 9 35.302
Junÿ Cassa 1 400 (folie 95)
August ditto 18 7800 (108)

33
Octobr ditto 1 approved konto ref: 27 apr 1803 400 (116)
Decembr ditto
Approved… …. … 22
January 1804 2 700
Negernes omkostningskonto for de fra 1de January 1798 til … december d. a. som er født, navnlig:
I Christiansted
Maria Catharina 1 175
Bilag n 218 Juliana Carolina 1 150
&219 Johanna Susanna 1 75
Johann Abraham 1 75
Wilhelmine 1 50
I Frederiksted (folie132)
Johann Friedrich 1 100
Daniel 1 100
Hendrich 1 100
Bilag a 68 Amalia 1 50
Catharina 1 50
Johanna 1 75
Negernes omkostninger som negerne dette år er taxeret at være hvilken (?) værdi ved de
med forrige års udgang er anført som folie 132 2974
Transport 98 19 12 15 48.576

Højre side
1802
Decn Pr Jacob Moth
forrige som den
22 sept 1800
16 post af på offentlig
antegn. auktion tilsag (?)
cassebogen en neger værd
for 1800 … … August …1 260
Negernes omkostninger som de i dette år findes anførte i hovedbogen pro 1801, og i lla (?) udi de ind.. og … ved følgende
… følgelig … …: ALLE FOLIE 132
Otto 1 350
Kiow 1 300
Knud 1 230
Laban 1 370
Mons 1 360
Schipio 1 360
Hanibal 1 350

34
Peter 1 360
Sara 1 30
Maria Magdalena 1 100
Cambridge 1 200
Lucia 1 400
Anna Christina 1 50
I Frederiksted
Esbern 1 350
Deÿ 1 300
Zadig ingen værdi 1 -
Tobias 1 400
Adam 1 450
Friedrich 1 500
Magdalena 1 350
Negernes omkostninger …

Folie 13, venstre side

Transport

Højre side Credit

1802
Decbr Pr transport 4 - 3 3 1350
C 1 kiøbt Oct d. a. for 400 Rd 400
Mads (?) 1 200
Jack eller John 1 225
Ved Infanterie cassernen NYT!
John 1 kiøbt: august d. a. 400
Peter 1 for 433 R 32 s … (?) 380
Ved Cavallerie cassernen NYT!
Gabriel 1 ligeså 450
Ved Artillerie cassernene NYT!
Elizabeth 1 kiøbt decbr d. a. 350
Maria 1 for 350 rd pr stk 350
Ved Packhuset og Weyerboden
Jack 1 450
Georg 1 450
Abell 1 600
Friedrich el.
Johannes
Friderich 1 600

35
 William 1 700
Goliath 1 400
Fritz svag og
sygelig 1 200
Ove 1 650
Amasses 1 650
Jarl 1 600
Peter 1 kiøbt 1 juny for 400 Rd 650
Ludvig 1 650
Hendrich 1 700
Georg 1 600
Anthon 1 600
Philip 1 600
Albert 1 450
Ferdinand 1 500
Anthonÿ 1 700
F.. Johannes
gammel og
svag 1 150
Johannes
ligeledes 1 150
Marcolfus
eller Carl
intet værdi 1 -
Salomon
ligeledes 1 -
Quaccos
eller Krakow 1 300
Lorentz 1 500
Henning 1 kiøbte i år august d. a. 500
Jacob 1 for 433Rd 32 sk pr. stk. 550
Ludvig 1 500
Transport 37 2 1 - 17.505

Folie 14, venstre side

Transport…

Højre side
1802
Decbr Pr transport 37 2 1 . 17.505

36
 Carl 1 kiøbt i august d. a. 500
Otto 1 for 433 Rd og 32 sk pr. stk. 550
Schennan 1 …… 450
David 1 500
Noel 1 … …. 450
Ismael 1 500
Ved hospitalet
Johannes 1 600
Peter 1 600
Jacob 1 kiøbt i august d. a. 500
Abraham 1 for 433 Rd og 32 Sk pr. stk. 500
Christian
mulat 1 600
Johan Friedrich 1 550
Beata 1 500
Feronÿ 1 400
Anna Helena mulatinde 1 450
Benina ingen værdi 88 år 1 -
Martha svag og .. .. unyttig 1 25
Margaretha ligeledes 64 år 1 50
Friderica 1 500
Johan Simon 1 275
tilkommen i år Johan
født fra 1798 Abraham 1 75
Johanna Louisa 1 250
Maria Elizabeth 1 175
tilkommen i Juliana Carolina mustua 1 150
år som fødte Maria Catharina 1 175
fra 1798 Johanna Susanna 1 75
Maria eller Anna Margaretha 1 300
Anna Drecitta 1 280
Ditto klumme Wilhelmine 1 50
Carolina syg og svagelig 1 125
Charlotte intet værdi 1 -
Ved bageriet
Christian 1 350
Woÿant 1 400
Friderich 1 450
Paulus 1 kiøbt I aug d.a. for 433 Rd og 32 Sk 500
Hans William 1 450

37
 Johannes eller
Johan 1 500
Transport 51 9 7 10 30.230 (folie 15)

Folie 15, venstre side

Transport…

Højre side
1802
Decembr pr transport 51 9 7 10 30.230
Ved fortet Frederiksfort
Simon eller
Factum 1 300
Samba 1 200
Coffe 1 kiøbt i august d.a. 433.32
David 1 for 433 rd 32 sk pr stk 433.32
Ved packhuset og Weyerboden
Jacob 1 100
Gladsax 1 200
Leonhardt
eller Sampson
intet værd 70 år 1 -
Simon eller
Chemoux 1 100
Enoch eller
Kakorekow 1 200
Janus eller
Chipio 1 400
Petrus eller
Severus 1 300
Ciengo eller
Goliath 1 300
Pieter eller
Cletus 1 375
Ned 1 500
Christian 1 450
Friedrich 1 450
Hanniball 1 433.32
Schaldus 1 ditto som tidl. klamme 433.32
Lorentz 1 433.32

38
 Abraham 1 433.32
Mads 1 350
Printz 1 350
Zacharias el.
Buurmann 71 år. … … … …
intet værd 1 -
Arnoldus 1 teksten jeg ikke kan tyde er nok om denne 400
Ved hospitalet
Ferdinant eller
Freÿer 1 200
Afford eller
Quashy 1 300
Margretha intet værd 1 70 år -
Maria eller Maÿ 1 400
tilk. d.a. født 1798 Johann 1 75
Johanna 1 400
Hanibal 1 150
ditto Johan Friedrich 1 100
Giertrud 1 300
Ditto Daniel 1 100
Amalia 1 50
Lusia 1 350
Transport 77 13 11 12 40.230

Folie16, venstre side

Transport 98 19 12 15 48.576

Højre side
Ved Magazinet og bageriet
Salomon eller
Sabrin 1 200
Alexander
ingen værdi 1 -
Coffe eller
Severin ditto 1 -
Johannes 1 400
Roesen 1 650
Catharina Barbara
intet værd 75 år 1 -
Treseut 1 550

39
 Christiana 1 300
Hendrich 1 100
Ditto Catharina 1 50
82 16 12 13 42.480
Dertil de folie 12 anførte 16 3 - 2 6096
98 19 12 15 48.576

Folie 132, venstre side

Negernes omkostninger
1802 Debet Folie Rd
Februar Til cassa kostpenge 80 500
Martz … ditto 85 12.48
Maÿ … ditto 90 600
Julÿ … ditto 102 241.60
August … ditto 107 589.79
September … ditto 111 509.80
October … ditto 116 439.54
November … ditto 120 196.8
December … ditto 121 893.45
Negerne 12 5816
Ditto .. 20
9818.86
Højre side
1802
December Pr Negerne 12 1000
Ditto .. 2974
De kongelige indtægters
og udgifters conto 109 5844.86
9818.86

Folie 80, højre side

1802 Rd (indivduelt)folie Rd (samlet)
February Negernes omkostninger
Den 26de til forvalter Tönsberg 300
.. Olivarius 200 132 500

Folie 85, højre side

Martz Negernes omkostninger

40
 Den 31te til Madame Clarck 132 12.48

Folie 90, højre side

May Negernes omkostninger
Den 10de til forvalter Olivarius 200
Den 11de … … Aarestrup 400 132 600

Folie 102, højre side

Julÿ Negernes omkostninger
Den 10de til H. H. Brinch 173.36
.. 13de … Cruise 55,24
.. 16de Madame Schmidt 13 132 241.60

Folie 107
August Negernes omkostninger
Den 4de til forvalter Aarestrup 400
.. 25de Mam Cruise 48.72
… H. H. Brinch 141.7 132 589.79

Folie 111, højre side

September Negernes omkostninger
Den 1th til Negerinden Margaretha 23
.. 21de Madame Didrichsen 13.32
30.. … ditto 73.48
… .. forvalter Aarestrup 400 132 509.80

Folie 116, højre side

October Negernes omkostninger
Den 7de til forvalter Olivarius 400
.. 15de .. .. Aarestrup 39.54 132 439.54
Negerne
Den 7de til Major Römling 400 12 400

Folie 120, højre side

November Negernes omkostninger
Den 8de til J. Randall 8
.. 30.. Simon Windt 140.56
.. … Nancy Küntze 47.48 132 196.8

Folie 121, højre side

41
December Negerne
Den 13de til procurator Giellerup for
for 2de negerinder 12 700
Negernes omkostninger
Den 16de til H. H. Brinch 220.44
Ditto 34.55
… H. Graadman 454.45
.. 21de J. Dahl 17
.. 31de J. Tailor 120.56
.. Madame Smidt 30
.. Didrichsen 7.32
.. H. Graadman 9.27 132 893.45

42
St. Croix 1803
Box 5.31

Folie 14, venstre side

Negerne Debet
1803 Mænd Kvinder Drenge Piger Rd
January 1 Til Balance
fra anno
1802 82 16 12 13 42.480
May Cassa 2 kongl res (?) 22 jan 1804 1125 (folie 123)
December ditto 1 k. … : 10 jun 1802
k. Br 22 july Negernes omkostninger for hvad mulatinden Anna Helena må (?) … folgt for med anført (?) 1803 19 May
1804 at være værd 50 (folie 163)
Ditto ditto for de som fra 1 jan til ultimo decbr d. a. ere fødte, navnlig:
I Christiansted:
Bilag no 162 Joseph Manuel 1 50
Elisabeth 1 50
I Frederiksted:
D no 163 Johann Jacob 1 50 (alle folie 163)
Ditto ditto for negeren Nahfid (?) … fra Gouvernementets på Kÿsten og ansadt (?) ved Weyerboden
1 550 (folie 163)
Capital conto for 3de på Auction den 21de Juny 1802, for kongelig regning, indkiøbte negere, som Raed for
til landet på et … og deres … ikke …, navnlig:
Quamina 500
…… Acry 550
Bosanne 670
Fragaard (? overskrift)
Quamina som
er …* 500 2 1220 (folie 6)
Ditto ditto for negeren Natty som er rømdt (?) til s… og anfødt ved fortet
den 9 januar 1 350
Transport 87 18 14 14 46.375 (folie 15)

* der står noget ulæseligt her, evt.: B n 866 bla bla bla
Højre side
Fortsat fra venstre side Credit
Pr John Oven … Lena K. Br. 22 Febr 1803 1 500 (folie 176)
Bilag no 134 og 15 May (?) 1804
Negernes omkostninger, som i dette år døde, navnlig:

43
Fritz 1 200
Noel 1 450
Charlotte intet værd 1 Bilag no 162 & 163 63 -
Louisa eller Wilhelmina 1 50
Glasax 1 200
Leonhardt intet værd 1 - (alle folie 163)
Negernes omkostninger som negerne i dette år er mindre taxeret med d.a. 600
4 1 2 2000

Balance som er hvad hans Majestæts negere ved dette års udgang er taxeret at være værd efter bilag … no 162 og 163 og
anførdt som følge … navnlig:
Ved fortresset Christiansværn
Obid 1 400
Adam 1 350
Wilhelm 1 250
C 1 400
Friederich 1 350
Mads 1 200
Jaen 1 225
Natty 1 … I 1803 350
Ved infanterie cassernen
Johann 1 400
Pieter 1 300
Ved cavellerie cassernen
Gabriel 1 450
Ved artelleri cassernen
Elisabeth 1 350
Maria 1 350
Ved Artellerie hospitalet
Christopher 1 … 1804 450
Ved Secretariatet
Jack 1 450
Ved Bogholder contoiret
Georg 1 450
Transport 13 2 1 - 5805 (folie 15)

Folie 15, venstre side

Transport ….

Højre sid e

44
Fortsat…
Ved Controleurerne
Ismael 1 500
Ved Weyerboden
Abell 1 600
Friedrich 1 600
William 1 700
Goliath 1 400
Ove 1 500
Amalsis 1 650
Jarl 1 600
Peter 1 650
Ludvig 1 650
Hendrich 1 700
Georg 1 600
Anthon 1 600
Philip 1 600
Albert 1 450
Ferdinant 1 500
Anthony 1 700
Fort Johannes
Svag og sygelige 1 150
Johannes ditto 1 150
Marcolfus ditto intet værd 1 -
Salomon ditto 1 -
Quaco 1 300
Lorentz 1 500
Henning 1 500
Jacob 1 550
Ludvig 1 500
Carl 1 500
Nah 1 … I 1803 550
På toldbåden
Soheman 1 450
David 1 500
Ved hospitalet
Johannes 1 600
Peter 1 600
Jacob 1 500
Abraham 1 500

45
Christian Mulat 1 600
Johan Friedrich ditto 1 550
Beata 1 500
Transport 47 3 4 - 24.855

Folie 16, venstre side

Transport

Højre side
Transport 47 3 4 - 24.855
Friderica 1 500
Farony 1 400
Benina gammel og unyttig 89 år 1 -
Martha svag og næsten unyttig 1 25
Margaretha ligeledes 1 50
Børn
Johann Simon mulat 1 275
Johan Abraham 1 75
Johanna Louisa mulatinde 1 250
Maria Elisabeth ditto 1 175
Juliana Carolina mustreinde (?) 1 150
Maria Catharina 1 175
Johanna Susanna 1 75
Joseph Manuel 1 50
Elisabeth 1 50
Ved Bageriet
Christian 1 350
Voyan 1 400
Friederich 1 450
Paulus 1 500
Hans Wilhelm 1 450
Carolina svag og sygelig 1 125
Børn
Maria Magdalena eller Anna Maria 1 300
Anna Margaretha eller Drecita 1 100
Ved fortresset Frederiksværn
Simon eller Factum 1 300
Samba 1 100
Ciofe 1 433.32
David 1 433.32

46
Ved packhuset og weyerboden
Jacob
Simon eller Chamoux
Enoch eller Kokarlow
Janus eller Scipio
Petrus eller Severus
Gionge eller Goliath
Peter eller ..tus
Ned
Transport
100
1 100
1 100
1 400
1 250
1 300
1 375
1 500
64 8 8 9 33.671,64

Folie 17, venstre side

Transport 87 18 14 14 46.375

Højre side
Christian 1 450
Friederich 1 450
Hanibal 1 433.32
Abigal eller Sebaldus 1 433.32
Lorentz 1 433.32
Abraham 1 433.32
Mads 1 350
Printz 1 350
Zacharias eller Borrmann 1 til ingen værdi -
Arnoldus 1 400
Acky 1 Tilkommet i 1803 550
Bossam 1 670
Ved hospitalet
Ferdinand eller Freyer 1 200
Afford eller Quasy 1 300
Margaretha intet værd 1 -
Maria eller Mary 1 400
Johanna 1 400
Giertrude 1 300
Louisa eller Lusia 1 350
Maria Brandt 1 Tilkommet i 1803 500
Marge 1 625
Børn
Hanibal 1 150
Johann Friedrich 1 100

47
Daniel 1 100
Johann 1 75
Amalia 1 75
Johan Jacob 1 50
Hendrich 1 150
Catharina 1 75
Ved Proviantgaarden
Salomon eller Sabrin 1 200
Alexander intet værd 1 -
Johannes 1 200
Cioffe eller Severus
intet værd 1 -
Besen eller Roisen (svært) 1 650
Catharina Barbara intet værd 1 -
Transport 83 15 14 12 43.525

Folie 18, venstre side

Transport

Højre side
Present 1 550
Christiana 1 300
83 17 14 12 44.375
Dertil de fol 14 anførte 4 1 - 2 2000
87 18 14 14 46.375

Folie 19 venstre og højre side

Blanke begge to

Folie 163 (?), venstre side

Negernes omkostninger
1803 Folie Rd
January Til cassa 109 800
February ditto 112 441.57
Martz ditto 115 421.64
April ditto 118 36.48
May ditto 122 156.72
Juny ditto 127 489.90
July ditto 136 499.88
August ditto 141 6.24

48
Septbr ditto 142 840
October ditto 149 5
Novemb ditto 150 710.15
December ditto 155 427.50
Negerne 14 900
Ditto .. 600
6528.28

Højre side
Fortsat…
Pr negerne 14 50
Ditto .. 150
Ditto .. 550
De kongelige
indtægters
og udgifters
conto 175 5570.28

Folie 109, højre side

January Negernes omkostninger Individuelt Folie Samlet
Den 25de til forvalter Aarestrup 400
.. 31.. … … Olivarius 400 163 800

Folie 112, højre side

February Negernes omkostninger
Den 15de til Wallich & Comp. 427.57
.. 21de … Madame Didrichsen 14 163 441.57

Folie 115, højre side

Martz Negernes omkostninger
Den 17de til Madame Didrichsen 6.32
Ditto 15.32
..31 … … forvalter Aarestrup 400 163 421.64

Folie 118, højre side

April Negernes omkostninger
Den 23de til Madame Didrichsen 10.32
… Clarck 12.48
..30… Didrichsen 13.64 163 36.48

49
Folie 122, højre side
May Negernes omkostninger
Den 9de til lægerne (?) Oistenance 5
15de Ditto 5
26de … Madame Smith 51.32
.. J. Dahl 12.48
… Madame Ashton 82.88 163 156.72

Folie 127, højre side

Juny Negernes omkostninger
Den 6de til F. Oisteaunance 5
.. H. Gradmann 220.86
..7 .. Doctor John Gordon 134.52
13 Madame Didrichsen 3
27 Doctor N. Storm 107
30 J. Dahl 12.48 163 482.90

Folie 142

Folie 149, højre side

October Negernes omkostninger
Den 27de til … Oste…. 5 163 5

Folie 150, højre side

Novbr Negernes omkostninger
Den 4de til Höjner og Brinch 582.53
30 Madame Ashton 127.58 163 710.15

Folie 155, højre side

December Negernes omkostninger
Den 23de til Höjner og Brinch 55.48
.. J. Taylor 128.64
.. J. Dahl 12.48
24 Capitain Martin 62.48
15 St. Thomas Kongelige casse 158.37 163 427.50

50
St. Croix 1806
Box 5.34
Under ”n” findes følgende opslag: Negerne (12, 210, 211, 212, 213) & Negernes omkostninger (165, 215)

Folie 12, venstre side

Debet Negerne Mænd Kvinder Drenge Piger Rd
1806
Jany 1 Til balance fra
anno 1805 86 19 12 10 45.160
Decembr Capital conto, for følgende 2de Negere hertil ankomne fra Kysten af Guinea med Capitain N. Mortensen
Ishoy, og ansatte ved Christiansted Veyerbod, vide bilag herved No 123,
Nemlig Cothe 1 konto … 21 august og 13 sept 1806 200
Og Tetta Comi 1 500 (folie 6)
Negernes omkostninger som nu i dette år ere fødte, navnlig:
James Richard 1 50

Højre side
Credit
Decembr Per Negernes omkostninger som i dette år er døde, nemlig:
Det efter George 1 bilag no. 30?? 450
… ved pack- Ismael 1 600
huset… Maria Catharina 1 175
2 1 1225
Balance som er hvad hans majestæts negere ved dette års udgang anslåes at være værd, lige som forrige år,
da ingen taxations forretning blev erholdt, nemlig:
Ved fortresset Christiansværn:
Friderich 1 350
Paulus 1 300
Mads 1 425
Jack 1 300
Natty 1 350
Simon 1 400
Douglas 1 200
James 1 400
Ved infanterie cassernen
Obit 1 450
Johann 1 400
Adam 1 500
Wilhelm 1 250

51
C eller Morie 1 400
Ved Cavellerie cassernen
Gabriel 1 450
Ved Artellerie cassernen
Maria 1 400
Elizabeth 1 400
Thomas 1 50
Ved secretariatet
Jack 1 250
Ved weyerboden
Abel 1 500
Transporteres fol 210 15 2 2 - 6775 (folie 210)

Folie 210
Negerne Debet
Transport 88 19 10 12 45.910

Højre side Credit (der står godt nok 1805, men tror det er en skriver-fejl)
Fortsat…
Veierboden
Friderich 1 600
William 1 700
Goliat 1 400
Ove 1 500
Amasfis (?) 1 700
Yare (?) 1 500
Peter 1 650
Ludwig 1 650
Henrich 1 700
George 1 600
Anthon 1 600
Philip syg og svagelig 1 50
Albert 1 450
Ferdinant 1 600
Anthony 1 600
Fort Johannes sygelig 1 100
Johannes ditto 1 50
Salomon intet værd 1 -
Araca ditto 1 -
Lorentz 1 500

52
Henning 1 500
Jacob 1 600
Carl 1 500
Otto 1 550
Nah 1 550
Cothe 1 200
Tetti Come 1 tilkommen I 1806 500
Ved toldbodens baad
Soheman 1 600
David 1 600
Ved Christiansteds hospitalet
Johannes 1 600
Transport 45 2 2 - 20.925 (folie 211)

Folie 211, højre side

Fortsat
Ved Christiansted hospital
Peter 1 500
Abraham 1 500
Christian mulat 1 700
Johan Friedrich mulat 1 500
Johan Simon ditto 1 350
Christopher 1 450
Beata 1 500
Farony 1 500
Bennena intet værd 1 -
Martha ditto 1 -
Margaretha ditto 1 -
Sophia 1 350
Nancy 1 600
Halv voxene
Johanna Louisa mulatinde 1 250
Maria Elizabeth ditto 1 175
Maria Catharina død 1806/vid. Fol? 12/og … fol 213 1 175
Børn
Johan Abraham 1 75
Juliana Carolina 1 150
Johanna Susanna 1 100
Joseph Manuel 1 50
Christian 1 50

53
Ved Bageriet
Weyan 1 400
Friederich 1 450
Paulus 1 500
Hans Wilhelm 1 450
Johannes 1 500
John 1 700
Carolina, sygelige 1 125
Maria Magdalena 1 350
Transport 54 10 8 6 30.375 (Folie 212)

Folie 212, højre side

Fortsat fra 211
Ved bageriet…
Anna Margaretha 1 200
James Richard født 1806 1 50
Ved Veyerboden I Frederiksted
Jacob 1 100
Simon eller Chamoux 1 100
Cocoroco – Enoch 1 100
Petrus – Severus 1 250
Scipio – James 1 400
Congo – Goliath 1 300
Peter – Ciletus 1 375
Niat (Ned?) 1 500
Johannes 1 200
Friederich 1 450
Hannibal 1 433.32
Abigal 1 433.32
Lorentz 1 433.32
Abraham 1 433.32
Mads 1 350
Printz 1 350
Ved Toldbod båden
Acky 1 550
Bozam 1 670
Ved Sydside Vagthus
Zacharias eller Bronman syg 1 -
Christian 1 450
Ved Apothequet

54
Ferdinant 1 150
Ved hospitalet
Affort 1 300
Margaretha intet værd 1 -
Johanna 1 400
Louisa 1 350
Transport 76 13 9 7 38.793,32 (folie 213)

Folie 213, højre side

Fortsat
Ved hospitalet
Maria Brandt 1 500
Margo 1 625
Gertrude 1 300
Børn
Haniball 1 200
Daniel 1 175
Johann 1 150
Amalia 1 100
Anna Sophia 1 50
Ved proviantgården
Salomon 1 200
Alexander intet værd 1 -
Arnoldus 1 400
Bosen 1 650
C. Barbara intet værd 1 -
Present 1 550
Christiana 1 300
Hendrich 1 200
Catharina 1 150
Ved Frederiksfort
Simon eller Timour 1 300
Tamba (Samba??) 1 100
Coffa 1 433.32
David 1 433.32
Bouky 1 170
Oowe 1 170
Fragaaer som er feil
anført Folie 21 86 19 13 10 44.860
Værdien af Maria Catharina 175

55
Balance 86 19 13 9 44.685
Dertil de fra folie 12 anførte 2 - - 1 1225
88 19 13 10 45.910

Folie 165?, venstre side

Negernes omkostninger
Decbr Til Capital Conto for med Skibet Carolina Captain Söderup udsendte Hør Lærreder m.v. ifølge Factura af
30de Novbr 1805 Db (debet) 53 Rd 55 sk folie 6 671. 93
Faktura no 2889 for 1805

Højre side
1806
Decbr Per Kongelige Indtægters og Udgifters Conto 166 671.93

Folie 166?, venstre side

1806 Folie Rd, sk
January Til cassa 102 1156.76
Marts ditto 111 641.45
April ditto 114 400
May ditto 119 252.67
Juny ditto 125 585
July ditto 131 474.72
August ditto 135 52.48
Septbr ditto 137 434.65
Octbr ditto 143 454.40
Decbr ditto 153 1263.36
Negerne 12 1225
6940.64

Højre side Folie Rd

Per Negerne en født negerdreng 12 50 Rd
.. de kongelige Indtægters og Udgifters Conto 166 6890.64

Folie 102, højre side

Credit
January Negernes omkostninger individuelt folie samlet
Den 6de til Jeremiah Taylor 135.24
6de til H. H. Rönne 527.52
6de til A. Kontze 81.48
6de til Jordemoder C. Biörne 12.48

56
 9de til forvalter J. de fine Olivarious 400 165 1156.76

Folie 11, højre side

Marts Negernes omkostninger
Den 17de til kammersecretair og Forvalter
Frelsen 400
31de til M. Schiönning 27
24de til Degnen Oestermann 5
24de til Toldkasserer Aarestrup 209.45 165 641.45

Folie 114, højre side

April Negernes omkostninger
Den 10de til conto? Forvalter Rosenfeldt 165 400

Folie 119, højre side

May Negernes omkostninger
Den 5de til Madame A.C. Clark 6.24
22de til Forvalter Olivarius 216.43
22de til Jens Dahl 30 165 252.67

Folie 125, højre side

Juny Negernes omkostninger
Den 16de til forvalter Frelsen 400
26de til Capitain N. Mortensen
Ishoy 125
30de til Mad Schiöning 60 165 585

Folie 134, højre side

July den 14de til forvalter Rosenfeldt 400
31de til Skrædder Thimann 74.72 165 474.72
Folie 135, højre side
August Negernes omkostninger
Den 18de til Daly & Towers 37.48
25de til Degn Oystermann 15 165 52.48

Folie 137, højre side

Septbr Negernes omkostninger
Den 8de til forvalter Frelsen 400
30de til Mad Schiönning 34.64 165 434.64

57
Folie 143, højre side
Octobr Negernes omkostninger
Den 15de til Forvalter Rosenfeldt 400
22de til A. C. Clark 6.24
27de til Ann Kontze 48.16 165 454.40

Folie 153, højre side

Decbr Negernes omkostninger
Den 29de til Friderich Lauchardt 125.56
29de til Forvalter Frelsen 400
31de til M. Schiönning 53.64
31de til Forvalter Rosenfeldt 400
31de til N. L. Klint 128.12
31de til Dr. Keutsch 156 165 1263.36

St. Croix 1807

Box 5.35-5.36
Under “N” star følgende relevante opslag: Negerne (22, 23, 24,25,26) & Negernes omkostninger (181)

Folie 22, venstre side

Negerne Dr (debet?)
1807 Mænd Kvinder Drenge Piger Rd, Sk
January Til balance fra 86 19 13 19 44.685
anno 1806
Decembr .. Negernes omkostninger som udi dette år er fødte, nemlig:
Anna Maria lisg no 215 august er … 1804 1 50
(på lap): ditto 50 skulde een (?) neditanae Folie 181. Negernes omkostninger summa … udgifter fra … fol.
26

Højre side
Negerne Credit
1807
December Til negernes omkostninger som i dette år døde, nemlig:
George 1 bilag no 171/176 ved hovedbogen 600
Hovedb. Bilag Fort Johannes 1 100
N. 192 Christian 1 50
Zacharias eller
Booman 1 bilag no 182 ved hovedbogen -

58
 3 1 750
Balance som er hvad hans majestæts negere ved dette års udgang anslåes at være værd
ligsom forrige år – Christiansteds negere allene efter taxations forretning:
Ved fortresset Christiansværn:
Frederich
Kaymand 1 350
Paulus 1 300
Mads 1 425
Jack 1 300
Natty 1 350
Simon er 26 år gl. 1 400
Douglas 1 200
James 1 400
Ved infanterie cassernen:
Johan 1 400
Obit 1 450
Adam 1 500
Wilhelm 1 har et ulægeligt sår på benet 250
Morie 1 400
Ved Cavallerie cassernen
Gabriel 1 450
Ved artellerie cassernen
Maria 1 400
Elisabeth 1 400
Thomas 1 50
Ved Secretariatet
Jack sygelig 1 250
Transport 14 2 2 - 6275

Folie 23, venstre side

Til transport fra folie 22 1 44.735

Højre side
Ved Veyerboden
Abel 1 500
Friderich 1 600
William 1 700
Goliat 1 400
Ove 1 500
Amashis 1 700

59
 Yarl 1 500
Peter 1 650
Ludwig 1 650
Henrich 1 700
Anthon 1 600
Philip 1 syg og svagelig -
Albert 1 450
Ferdinand 1 600
Anthony 1 600
Johannes 1 sygelig 50
Salomon 1 ditto og fritaget for arbejde -
Araca 1ditto ditto -
Lorentz 1 500
Henning 1 500
Jacob 1 600
Carl 1 500
Otto 1 550
Nah 1 550
Cothe 1 200
Woyan 1 400
Ved toldbodens båd
Scheman 1 600
David 1 600
Ved Christiansted hospitalet
Johannes 1 600
Peter 1 500
Abraham 1 500
Transport 45 2 2 - 21.075

Folie 24, venstre side

Samme mærkelige transport som ovenfor

Højre side
Fortsat – ved Christiansted hospital
Christian mulat, som bistår (?) de syge
soldater 1 700
Johann Friedrich 1 er 19 år 500
Johann Simon 1 er 18 år 350
Christopher 1 450
Beata 1 500

60
 Ferony 1 500
Bennina gammel og unyttig 1 -
Martha ditto 1 -
Margaretha ditto 1 -
Sophia 1 350
Nancy 1 600
Halvvoxne
Johanna Louisa er mulatta 1 250
Maria Eliszabeth 1 175
Børn
Johan Abraham 1 75
Johanna Carolina af mustica barn 1 150
Johanna Susanna 1 100
Joseph Manuel 1 50
James Richard 1 50
Anna Maria .. folie 22 anført født dette år 1 50
Ved bageriet
Friderick 1 450
Paulus 1 500
Hans Wilhelm 1 450
Johannes 1 500
John 1 700
Tetti Come 1 500
Maria Magdalena 1 350
Carolina, sygelig 1 125
Anna Margaretha halvvoxen 1 200
Ved veyerboden Frederiksted
Jacob 1 100
Transport 53 10 8 7 29.800

Folie 25, venstre side

Transport

Højre side
Fortsat – veyerboden Frederiksted
Simon eller Chemeaux 1 100
Cocoroco eller Enoch 1 100
Petrus – Severus 1 250
Scipio –James 1 400
Congo – Goliat 1 300

61
Peter – Ciletus 1 375
Nedt 1 500
Johannes 1 200
Friderich 1 450
Hannibald 1 433.32
Abigal 1 433.32
Lorentz 1 433.32
Abraham 1 433.32
Mads 1 350
Printz 1 350
Ved toldbodbåden
Acky 1 550
Bozam 1 670
Ved sydside vagthus
Christian 1 450
Ved Apothequet
Affort 1 150
Ved hospitalet
Ferdinand 1 300
Margaretha intet værds 1 -
Johanna 1 400
Louisa 1 350
Maria Brandt 1 500
Marge 1 625
Gertrude 1 300
Børn
Hannibal 1 200
Daniel 1 175
Johann 1 150
Transport 73 16 11 7 39.728,32

Folie 26, venstre side

Transport…

Højre side
Fortsat – børn (Frederiksted)
Amalia 1 100
Ann Sophia 1 50
Ved Proviantgården
Salomon 1 200

62
Alexander intet værd 1 -
Arnoldus 1 400
Bosen 1 650
C. Barbara intet værd 1 -
Present 1 550
Christiana 1 300
Hendrich 1 200
Catharina 1 150
Ved Frederiksfort
Simon eller Timour 1 300
Tamba 1 100
Coffe 1 433.32
David 1 433.32
Bouky 1 170
Ooue 1 170
Balance 83 19 12 10 43.935
Dertil de folie 22 anførte 3 1 750
Og denne summa som negerne er mindre vurderet i dette år end forrige år 50
86 19 13 10 44.735

Folie nr mangler på siden, evt. nr. 181

Negernes omkostninger
1807 Folie Rd
Januar Til cassa 113 114.32
Martz ditto 119 576.22
April ditto 127 800
Juny ditto 137 400
July ditto 142 714.60
August ditto 146 6.24
September ditto 151 899.8
October ditto 162 23.32
November ditto 166 105
December ditto 171 183.64
3822.50

Højre side
Pr de kongelige indtægters og udgifters
Conto 186 3822.50

Folie 113, højre side

63
Januar Negernes omkostninger individuelt folie samlet
Den 31de til Doctor Stedman 181 114.32

Folie 119, højre side

Martz Negernes omkostninger
Den 5de til George Nelthiopp 3.18
Ditto 46
.. Madame Scherine 83.76
.. Rebecca Dunchin 6.24
.. forvalter Frelsen 400
.. M. Schiönning 37 181 576.22

Folie 127, højre side

April Negernes omkostninger
Den 9de til forvalter Rosenfeldt 400
.. 16de til forvalter Heitman 400 181 800

Folie 137, højre side

Juny Negernes omkostninger
Den 18de til konstitueret forvalter Heitmann 181 400

Folie 142, højre side

July Negernes omkostninger
Den 14de til forvalter Rosenfeldt 400
.. N. Lund 21.84
..20de … Martha Schering 48.24
..27de .. Md. Melthropp 244.48 181 714.60

Folie 146, højre side

August Negernes omkostninger
Den 7de til Madame Clark 181 6.24

Folie 151, højre side

Septbr Negernes omkostninger
Den 10de til degnen Oistermann 15
.. 12de til jordemoderen Madame Clark 6.24
..21.. Madame Walkers 18.32
20.. Fovalter Rosenfeldt 400
… forvalter Heitmann 400
.. Negerinden Catherine 59.48 181 899.8

64
Folie 162, venstre side
Octobr Negernes omkostninger
Den 31de til Madame Walker 181 37.48

Folie 166, højre side

Nobr Negernes omkostninger
Den 19de til Degnen Oistermann 5
.. 30.. Doctor Heiberg 100 181 105

Folie 171, højre side

Decbr Negernes omkostninger
Den 23de til Doctor J. E.? Keutsch 92.16
..24 de … Madame Schiönning 91.48 181 183.64

65
St. Croix 1808
Har man : 83 mænd 19 kvinder 12 drenge 10 piger værdi 43.935
There are no further specification of ”negernes omkostninger” or the functions of the Royal Slaves

66
St. Croix 1815
Box 5.43-5.44
Negernes omkostninger (180) og Negerne (180)

Folie 181
Negerne Rd Folie
1815
Octbr Til cassa 450 148
Decbr ditto 450 151
Capital conto som denne conto … indtil videre for de på modstående side bortsolgte Negere, da intet ved
nu for den eer (?) blevet …
1205 199r
2105
Kolonne 2
Decbr P. L. G.
Erichsen 150 181
Kiøbmand V. Janr 1818 N: 41
L.L.Wallich 550 197 Christiansteds…
N. Höyrus 100 ibid Regnskab for 1815. Folie 73
Levis af
St. Thomas 405 ibid
Balance 900
2105

Folie 148, højre side

Octbr Negerne Rd Folie
Den 24de til F.M.J.M. Krause 450 181
Negernes omkostninger
d. 25de til Mad A. Thurland 18.84
31.. Captn. von Hederich 143.78
.. Mad A. Schmidt 5.48 168.18 180

Folie 151, venstre side

Decbr Negerne
d. 22de til Thomas Carty jun. 450 181

Folie 197, venstre side

Kiøbmand J. J. Wallick

67
Decembr Til negere for kiøbssummen af kongl negerinden Maria Margaretha med Lorentz John William som ... er
affordet vide bilag for Christianstads .. regnskab
ved no 185 for 550 181 for 1815 fol. 73
Niels Höyrus
Decbr Til negere for kiøbssummen af nu hans majestæts tilhørende mustica pige Nicoline som ham (?) er overladt
vide bilag formed no. 190 100 181
I marginen står der med anden pen: Christiansteds .. regnskab for 1815 fol. 73. Efter 6 … af forrige antal
for 1817 … bla bla bla en masse der ikke er til at læse
Levis af St. Thomas
Decbr Til negere for kiøbssummen af nu hans majestæts tilhørende Mulatinde Maria Elisabeth, som han er
overladt, vide bilag
formed no. 190 550 181
I margenen – samme som ovenfor, også ulæseligt

Folie 180, højre side

Negernes omkostninger (oversigt på 1 side, mod over 2 tidligere)
1815 Rd, Sk Folie
Aug Til cassa 18.72 144
Septbr ditto 959.70 145
Octobr ditto 168.18 148
Novb ditto 527.2 149
Decbr ditto 603.84 152
2. kolonne
Dec 31 Per de kongelige Indtægters og udgifters conto 2277.24 Rd 163 folie

Folie 144, højre side

August Negernes omkostninger Rd Folie
D 31de til Captain von Hederich 18.42 180

Folie 145, venstre side

Septbr Negernes omkostninger
D 18de til overk. comis. Rosenfeldt 400
.. Capt. von Hederick 140.90
.. overk. comis. Rosenfeldt 111.40
.. John Hennerly 301.36
959.70 180

Folie 149, venstre side

Novebr Negernes omkostninger
D 25de til Capt. og Forvalter Hederick 45.62

68
 Ditto 340.60
..30de… Mad. A. Schmidt 7
.. Captain Hederick 133.72
527.2 180

Folie 152, højre side

Decbr Negernes omkostninger
D 22de til Capt. Hederick 393.90
..31.. Höffner 22.72
.. Mad A. Schmidt 14.48
… Capt. Hederick 135.18
Ditto 37.48
603.84 180

69
St. Croix 1816
Box 5.45
Negerne (169) & Negernes omkostninger (280)

Folie 169, venstre side

Negerne Folie Rd
Januar 1 Til balance fra Anno 1815 .. 900
.. Cassa 214 625
Martz ditto 220 450
May ditto 228 500
Juny ditto 234 500
Octbr ditto 261 400
Novbr ditto 265 1350
4725
Højre side Cr(?)
Pr cassa 245 350
.. Balance 345 4375
4725

Folie 214, højre side

Januar Negerne Folie Rd
D 11de til M Kay & Creagh 169 625

Folie 220, højre side

Martz Negerne
D 12de til Secretair T./P. Bach 169 450

Folie 228, højre side

May Negerne
D 14de til Thomas Carty 169 500

Folie 234, højre side

Juny Negerne
D 13de til Paul Twigg 169 500

Folie 261, højre side

October Negere
D 10de til Justitsraad Mouritzen 169 400

70
Folie 265
Novebr Negere
D 18de til Overkrigscomissaer
Rosenfeldt 169

Folie 180, venstre side

Negernes omkostninger Dt (?)
1816 Folie Rd, Sk
Januar Til cassa 214 561.78
Februar ditto 217 673.30
Martz ditto 220 280.16
April ditto 224 773.30
May ditto 227 65.42
Juny ditto 234 930.84
July ditto 244 538.60
August ditto 249 256.66
Septbr ditto 254 75.72
Octbr ditto 261 406.24
Novbr ditto 264 1208.13
Decbr ditto 270 666.90
Capital conto for udfandte klæde foster (rester?) til de kongelige negere fra Skibet
Den unge Hendrick Capt. Morten Anderson efter factura d 4de october 1816 Rbg 1712 .. a Cours 750 …
212 356.63

Højre side
Decbr Pr De Kongelige Indtægters og Udgifters conto 288 6794
Folie 214, højre side
Januar Negernes omkostninger individuelt folie samlet
D 10de til Overkrigscomissaer Rosenfeldt 400
31de til Madme Ann Schmidt 21
.. ditto 1
.. Capt. Hederick 139.78 280 561.78

Folie 217, højre side

Februar Negernes omkostninger
D 15de til Capitain von Hederick 1.24
27de Regimentskirurg Schlegel 99.84
29de Madme Ann Schmidt 16.48
.. Captain Hederich 134.30
.. Forvalter Rosenfeldt 400

71
 .. Garnisonskirurg Höffner 21.36 280 673.30
Dette siger nok noget om, hvor de er henne og hvor de bliver bragt hen hvis de er syge!

Folie 220, højre side

Martz Negernes omkostninger
D 13de til Overkrigscommisaer Rosenfeldt 44.12
Ditto 44.12
14 Capitain Hederick 5.34
22 James Arndahl 10
31 Madme Ann Schmidt 28.12
.. Capt. von Hederick 142.18
.. John. Schmidt 6.24 280 280.16

Folie 224, højre side

April Negernes omkostninger
D 8de til Capt. Hederick 417.78
20 Overkrigscommisaer Rosenfeldt 340.12
30 Madme Ann Schmidt 15.36 280 773.30
På dette og efterfølgende folier findes også udgifter til no 50 i Kongens Gade – kan det være det, slaverne boede? Det er
lignende poster til privatpersoner

Folie 227, højre side

May Negernes omkostninger
D 4de til Guarnisonskirurg Höffner 28.90
14 Mad Ann Schmidt 6.22
16 Guarnisonskirurg Höffner 15.60
31 Mad Ann Schmidt 13.12
1
14.12 280 65.42

Folie 239, højre side

Juny Negernes omkostninger
D 6de til Overkrigscom. og
forvalter Rosenfeldt 400
.. Kammerraad Lammers 500
30 Madame Schmidt 30.84 280 930.84

Folie 244, højre side

July Negernes omkostninger

72
 D16de til Regimentskirurg Schlegel 106.6
18 H. de Francis 13.12
23 Overkrigscom. Rosenfeldt 400
31 Madme Ann Schmidt 3.72
.. Guarnisonskirurg Höffner 15.66 280 538.60

Folie 249, højre side

August Negernes omkostninger
D 31 Madame Ann Schmidt 16.48
29 Proviantforvalter Rosenfeldt 240.18 280 256.66

Folie 254, højre side

Septmbr Negernes omkostninger
D 30de til Mad. A. Schmidt 19.48
.. A. L. Thorsen 28
… Guarnisonskirurg Höffner 28.24 280 75.72

Folie 261, højre side

October Negernes omkostninger
D 14de til Overkrigscom. Rosenfeldt 400
.. Jiordemoder J. A. Jeger 6.24

Folie 264, højre side

November Negernes omkostninger
D 14de til mad. A. Schmidt 10.12
.. Mad. Thorsen 2.48
.. Guarnisonskirurg Höffner 18.36
30 .. kammerraad Lammers 500
.. ditto 386.36
.. ditto 284.6
.. Madame Ann Schmidt 6.72 280 1208. 18

Folie 270, højre side

December Negernes omkostninger
D 12de til overkrigs… Rosenfeldt 234.84
23 ditto 400
31 Adskillige 18.24
12 Guarnisonskirurg Höffner 13.78 280 666.90

73
St. Croix 1832
Box. 5.61
Negerne 31. 32. 33.
Negernes Omkostninger 200. 254.
Neger Leie 200

Folio 31
Negerne
1832 Mænd Quinder Drenge Piger
26 16 2 4 11.667
Januar Til Balance fra 1831
Decb: Pr. Capital Conto Fra Negeren Congo der ved døden er afgået d. 29 Juny D. a 12.48
Til Bilag Nr. 145
Capital Conto. Fra Vurdering af Negeren Amos der afskrives da denne neger af Regimentsquirurg Schlegels Attest er
Erklæret aldeles uduelig. Ved Bilag Nr. 170 200
Fra Capital Conto. Fra Vurdering af Kongsnegerne John, Peter, der ved døden er afgået d. 20. Nov 1832. Bilag Nr. 251
500
Ligeledes afskrives negeren Paulus der ved døden afgik d. 23. Septb. d.a. ved Bilaget 215
Mænd Quinder Drenge Piger
Balance
Ved Veierboden i Christiansted
James 1 300
Christopher 1 150
Petrus 1 450
Thomas 1 400
Ved Proviantgaarden
Charlotte 1 150
John Abraham 1 350
Ved Toldopsynet
Albert 1 50
Schmaus? 1 500
Ved Hospitalet
Joseph 1 400
Ferony? 1 400
Mody? 1 350
Flora 1 200
JohnWilliam 1 250
Beate 1 100
Transport 9 5 4.050

74
 32. 71248
p. 32
Til Transport Mænd Quinder Drenge Piger
26 16 2 4 31 11667. 48
Mænd Quinder Drenge Piger
1832 Decb. Til Transport 9 5 4.050
Susanna 1 450
Jacob Ravine? 1 100
Invalider
John 1
Hans 1
Paulus død
Frederik 1
Arnsine? 1
August 1 250
Erlich? 1 50
Christian alias Amos 1

L. Frederiksted
Thomas ved 1 250
Daniel ved Veierboden 1 500

Ved Bageriet
og Proviantgaarden
Katrina? 1 500
Frederik 1 500
Hendrich 1 500
Eliza 1 400
Ved Hospitalet
Thomas 1 400
Margaretha 1 300
Emma 1 500
Sophia 1 500
David 1 400
Billy 1 300

Ved Fortet
Maria 1 100
Christiane 1 100

75
Transport 22 14 1 10.150
33. 712.48
Invalider
Gertrud 1 50
Johanna 1 25
Ackey 1 50
Børn
Rebecca 1 200
Johanna 1 150
John Wilhelm 1 150
Philicita 1 100
Lucretia 1 50
10.955
23 16 2 4
der til de for 31 til afgang
førte 3
26 16 2 4 11.667
Negernes omkostninger
1832
Januar til Cassa 109 177.6
Februar ” Cassa 115 149.72
Martz ” Cassa 126 200.54
April ” Cassa 129 322.84
May “ Cassa 134 479.30
Juny “ Cassa 144 564.91
July “ Cassa 149 495.54
August “ Cassa 159 198.15
Septb. “ Cassa 165 254.42
Octob. “ Cassa 169 208.15
Novb. “ Cassa 178 180.45
Decb. “ Cassa 231 480.20
Capital Conto for Beløbet af 300 ... Osnabruck
64 af … 392 8/4 Qvart?
Transport 254 3.711.66
Decb Til Cassa 185 2
De Kongelige Indtægters og Udgifters Conto 195 4270 5
Transport
Negerleie.
1832
Januar Til Cassa 110 690.60

76
Febr. ” 117 662.78
Marz ” 125 868.72
April ” 132 882.48
May ” 137 887.48
Juny ” 145 883.72
July ” 153 868.72
August ” 159 905
Septb. ” 167 730
Octb. ” 172 704.36
Novb. ” 176 746.24
Decb. ” 231 720.60
9.550.60
1832. Decb. Til De Kongelige
Indtægter og udgifter 195 6.625.60
Land Militaire Etaten 275 2.924
9.550.60

Negernes omkostninger
1832 Transport 200 3.711.66
Mørkeblåt klæde ifølge Factura
Af 6 Otober 1831 24 433.59
For 24 af Negertørklæder 556 alen osnabrück 11 af
Negerhatte udsendte i skibet Johanna Maria efter
Factura af 24. Maj 1832 24 126.72
4.272.5
December 1832
Til Transport 200 4.272.5

4.272.5

(Negernes omkostninger findes ikke på f. 129, 128 el 130)

Negernes Omkostninger
den 16 Til regimentsquirurg Schlegel for at have
Attesteret 26 Kongenegere i 2. Halv Aar 1831 65
” 29 ” Justitsraad Kirchhoff Husleie 12
” ” ” Kammerraad Erichsen 30
” ” ” Forvalter Kierumgaard? 20
” ” ” Fyhramt for Pleie 11.84

77
” ” ” N.P. Holm 10.84 200 149.72
Material Regnskabet
Den 29 Til Kjøbmand M. Andersen for … …
Vogne leveret til Christiansted … … 440.15
” ” ” Nicolas Bruun for… … … samt en
Skydeskive? 239.6

folie 125
1832
Marz Til Transport 3999.18 124 51411.80
Den 31 Til Capitain Scholten (Lønborg) for
…Gaarden 15
” ” ” Sygehusforgaarden? 15
” ” ” Sygevagteren 12
” ” ” P. N. Holm for Pleie 141.60
” ” ” Artilleriet 4.12
” ” ” Do? for Extrapleie 34.37
” ” ” Do efter …beregning 192.93
” ” ” Fyhramt for Pleie 176.24
” ” ” Do for Artilleriet 42.72
” ” ” Do for Extrapleie 24.43
“ “ “ Do efter …beregning 609.36
“ “ “ Do for 3 Musketerer? 48.30 193 5267.89

Negerleie
Den 31 ds.Til Regieringsjurist Simmelkiær 18.72
” ” ” ” Justitsraad Kirchoff 287.48
” ” ” ” Kammerraad Erichsen 187.48
” ” ” ” Bogholder Andrea 18.72
” ” ” ” Kammerraad Testmann 18.72
” ” ” ” Kammerraad Naser 56.24
” ” ” ” Overkrigscomm. Aarestrup 18.72
” ” ” ” Skrivemester Kierumgaard 206.24
” ” ” ” … Didrichsen 56.24 200 868.72
Material Regnskabet
Den 31 ds Til Kammerraad Erichsen 8.32
” ” ” ” … for 4 Vaskeballier 12.48
” ” ” ” Decouche ? i en Skive? 25
” ” ” ” Do for 2 Skillerhuse? 75 199 120.50
Negernes Omkostninger

78
Den 31 ds Til justitsraad Kirchhoff husleie 12
” ” ” ” Kammerraad Erichsen 30
Transport 42 126 57.669.33

Negernes Omkostninger
Den 17 ds. Til kost Forvalter Erichsen. Forskud til
Kostpenge for Negerne 300
Den 31. ds. Justitsraad Kirchhoffs Husleie 12
” ” ” ” Forvalter Erichsen ” 30
” ” ” ” Kierumgaard 20
” ” ” ” Fyhramt for Pleie 29.6
” ” ” ” P.N. Holm ” 13.12
” ” ” ” Kierumgaard Forskud paa … 75.12 300 479.30
Se Bilag Nr. 121
Transport 135 85030.48

Negernes Omkostninger den 25 Til H.N.

Erichsen for Klæde og Lærred til
Kongenegerne 295.37
Den 30 Til justitsraad Kirchhoff for husleie 12
” ” Til Erichsen for do til 15 Negere 30
” ” Til Kierumgaard for do til 10 Negere 20
Transport 357.37 143 114004.5

S. 143
1832
Juny Til Transport 66.74 142 180311.23
Den 31 af … Regierings… Simmelkier 784.30
” ” ” Christiansteds Toldsted 83,60
” ” ” Frederiksteds Toldsted 39.87 187 974.59
Capital Conto
Den 30 af … Hoffman ? 250
” ” ” Justitsraad Fæster 292.93
” ” ” Kammerraad Erichsen 117.18
” ” ” Regimentsoff.? Worm 136.69
” ” ” Krigsraad Bachlier 58.57
” ” ” Regimentsoff.? Schlegel 100
” ” ” Major v. Magens 65.10
“ “ “ -------------------------------???

79
Negernes Omkostninger
Den 16. Til Negeren Waltridge for en Gave 5
Den 16. Til … … Hedmann ? for Medecinsk Tilsyn
Fra 1. April til Md Juny 30
Transport 35 149 147514.42

Negerleie
Den 31 ds. Til Justitsraad Kirchhoff 287.48
” Capt.?Forvalter Reumert 187.48
” Sekrætair Simmelkier 18.72
” Bogholder Andria 18.72
” Kammerraad Naser 56.24
” Overkrigscomm. Aarestrup 18.72
” Weiermester Kierumgaard 206.24
” Forvalter? Didrichsen 56.24
” Kammerraad Testmann 18.72
” Justitsraad kirchhoff 10
” P.N. Holm 17.48
” Kierumgaard 8.72 200 905
Negernes Omkostninger
Den 31 ds. Til Justitsraad Kirchhoff 12
” Capt.? Forvalter Reumert 30
” Kierumgaard 20
” Do Kostpenge 89
Se Bilag Nr. 196
” Fyhramt for Pleie 19.6
” Holm 28.12 200 98.18

Negernes Omkostninger
Den 15 ds. Til L. …? For en Liigkiste til Kongenegeren
Paulus 6.25
” 31 ds. Justitsraad Til Kirchoff for Huusleie 12
” Reumert 30
” Kierumgaard 22
” L. Fyhramt Pleie 14.66
” Kierumgaard Kostpenge 97
( se Bilag nr. 233)
” P.N. Holm Pleie 26.24 200 208.18

Negernes Omkostninger

80
Den 29 dm Til Waltridge for at aabne En Grav 5
” Kirchhoff for Husleie 12
” Forvalter Reumert 30
” Kierumgaard 22
” do Forskud til Kostpenge 70
(se Bilag Nr. 260)
” Do for en Liigkiste 6.24
” Fyhramt for Pleie 11.24
N.P. Holm 24 200 180.48
Transport 179 306749.75

Folie 231
1833
Decemb. Til Transport 230 374724.50
Negerleie
Den 31 ds Til Justitsraad Kirchhoff 137.48
” Const. Kasserer Reumert 187.48
” Overkrigscomm. Simmelkier 18.72
” Bogholder Andrea 18.72
” Kammerraad Festmann 18.72
” Kammerraad Naser 56.24
” Toldinspektør Aarestrup 18,72
” Veiermester? Kierumgaard 150
” Didrichsen 75
” Forv. Kierumgaard 6.24
Do 18.72
” P.N.Holm 14.36 200 720.60

Negernes Omkostninger
Den 31 Til Justitsraad Kirchhoff 12
” Kasserer Reumert 30
” Forvalter Kierumgaard 20
” Reumert Forskud for Kostpenge 300
” Forvalter Kierumgaard 55.84
” Fyhramt 17.48
” Holm 16.84
” Const. Garnisionsqirurg Hedmann
for Tilsyn og… fra ? til dato 28.5 200 84.29
Negernes Omkostninger
1832 Transport 200 3711.66

81
mørkeblaat Klæde ifølge Factura af 6 Otob. 1831 24 439.53
For 24 af negertørklæder 556 alen osnabrück 17 af
Negerhatte udsendt i Skibet Johanna Maria efter Factura
Af 24. May 1832 24 126.72
4272.5

Folio 24
1832
Negernes Omkostninger 254 453.59
Negernes Omkostninger 254 126.72

Folio 200
1832
Neger Leie
Januar Til Cassa 110 690.60
Febr. Til Cassa 117 662.48
Marz Til Cassa 125 868.72
April Til Cassa 132 882.48
May Til cassa 137 887.48
Juny Til Cassa 145 883.72
July Til Cassa 153 868.72
August Til Cassa 159 905
Septb. Til Cassa 167 730
Octob. Til Cassa 172 704.36
Novb. Til Cassa 176 746.24
Decb. Til Cassa 231 720.60
9550.60

1832
Decb. De kongelige Indtægters og udgifters
Co. 195 6625.60
Land Militair Etaten 275 2925
9550.60
Folio 110
1832
Januar
Neger Leie
Den 31.dm Til Regieringsraaad Pontoppidan 18.72
” ” Justitsraad Kirchhoff 137.48
” ” Kammerraad Erichsen 187.48

82
” ” Const. Bogholder Andrea 18.72
” ” Kammerraad Festmann 18.72
” ” ” Naser 56.24
” ” Major aarestrup 18.72
” ” Forvalter Kierumgaard 150
” ” Const. Toldinspk. Didrichsen 56.24
” ” Veiermester Kierumgaard 28.12 200 690.60

Folio 117
1832
Februar
Neger Leie
Den 29 dm. Til Regieringsraad Pontoppidan 18.72
” ” Justitsraad Kirchhoff 137.48
” ” Kammerraad Erichsen 187.48
” ” Kammerraad Festmann 18.72
” ” Bogholder Andrea 18.72
” ” Kammerraad Naser 56.24
” ” Major Aarestrup for en Neger 18.72
” ” Veiermester Kierumgaard 150
” ” Tolodinspekteur Didrichsen 56.24 200 662.48

Folio 125
1832
Marz
Neger Leie
Den 31 dm Til Regieringsjurist Simmelkier 18.72
” ” Justitsraad Kirchhoff 287.48
” ” Kammerraad Erichsen 187.48
” ” Bogholder Andrea 18.72
” ” Kammerraad Festmann 18.72
” ” Kammerraad Naser 56.24
” ” Overkrigscomm. Aarestrup 18.72
” ” Veiermester Kierumgaard 206.24
” ” Const. Toldinspkt. Didrichsen 56.24 200 868.72

Folio 132
1832
April
Neger Leie

83
Den 30 dm. Til Justitsraad Kirchoff 287.48
” ” Kammerraad Erichsen 187.48
” ” Const. Regjurist Simmelkier 18.72
” ” Bogholder Andrea 18.72
” ” Kammerraad Festmann 18.72
” ” ” Naser 56.24
” ” Major Aarestrup 18.72
” ” Veiermester Kierumgaard 206.24
” ” Toldinspekt. Didrichsen 56.24
” ” Justitsraad Kirchhoff 13.72 200 882.48

Folio 136
1832
May
Neger Leie d. 31 Til Justitsraad Kirchhoff 287.48
” ” P.N. Erichsen 187.48
(Transport 475 137 91.845.44)

Folio 145
1832
Juny
Neger Leie
Den 30 dm. Til Justitsraad Kirchhoff 287.48
” ” P.N. Erichsen 187.48
” ” Regieringsjurist Simmelkier 18.72
” ” Bogholder Andrea 18.72
” ” Kammerraad Festmann 18.72
” ” ” Naser 56.24
” ” Major Aarestrup 18.72
” ” Veiermester Kierumgaard 206.24
” ” Const. Toldinspekt. Didrichsen 56.24
” ” Justitsraad Kirchhoff 2.48
” ” Holm for 2 Negere 12.48 200 883.72

Folio 153
1832
July
Neger Leie
Den 31 dm Til Justitsraad Kirchhoff 287.48
” ” H.N.Erichsen 187.48

84
” ” Regieringsjurist Simmelkier 18.72
” ” Bogholder Andrea 18.72
” ” Kasserer Festmann 18.72
” ” kammerraad Naser 56.24
” ” Major Aarestrup 18.72
” ” Forvalter Kierumgaard 206.24
” ” Const. Toldinspekt. Didrichsen 56.24
200 868.72

Folio 159
1832
August
Neger Leie
Den 31 dm. Til Justitsraad Kirchhoff 287.48
” ” Const. Forvalter Reumert 187.48
” ” Secretaire Simmelkier 18.72
” ” Bogholder Andrea 18.72
” ” Kammerraad Naser 56.24
” ” Overkrcommis. Aarestrup 18.72
” ” Veiermester Kierumgaard 256.24
” ” Toldinspkt. Didrichsen 56.24
” ” Kammerraad Festmann 18.72
” ” Justitsraad Kirchhoff 10
” ” P.N.Holm 17.48
” ” Kierumgaard 8.72 200 905
Folio 166
1833?
Septb.
Neger Leie
Den 30 dm. Til Justitsraad kirchhoff 137.48
” ” Const. Forva.Reumert 187.48
” ” Regieringsjurist Simmelkier 18.72
Transport 343.72 167 254.505.82
Folio 167
1832
Septb.
Til Transport 17 166 293025.22
A.L. Prendergrast? 2.10
E.F. Gordon 4.70 219 23.80

85
Folio 171
1832
Octob.
Neger Leie
Den 31. dm. Til Justitsraad Kirchhoff 137.48
” ” Const. Forvalter Reumert 187.48
” ” Reg.jurist Simmelkier 18.72
” ” Bogholder Andrea 18.72
” ” Kamerraad Festmann 18.72
” ” Kammerraad Naser 56.24
Transport 437.48 172 286382.12

Folio 176
1832
Novb.
Neger Leie
Den 15 Til const Toldinspekteur Didrichsen 12.48
Den 30 ” Justitsraad Kirchhoff 137.48
” ” const. Kasserer Reumert 187.48
” ” Regieringsjur.? Simmelkier 18.72
” ” Bogholder Andrea 18.72
” ” Kammerraad Festmann 18.72
” ” Kammerraad Naser 56.24
” ” Overkr.coms. Aarestrup 18.72
” ” Veiermestser Kierumgaard 150
” ” Const. Toldinsp. Didrichsen 56.24
“ “ Forvalter Kierumgaard 18.72
“ “ Do 18.72
“ “ P.N. Holm 15
” ” Const. Toldinsp. Didrichsen 18.72 200 746.24

Folio 231
1833?
Decemb.
Neger Leie
Den 31 dm. Til Justitsraad Kirchhoff 137.48
” ” const. Kasserer Reumert 187.48
” ” Reg.jurist Simmelkier 18.72
” ” Bogholder Andrea 18.72
” ” Kammerraad Festmann 18.72

86
” ” ” Naser 56.24
” ” Overkr.coms. Aarestrup 18.72
” ” Veiermester Kierumgaard 150
” ” Toldinspkt. Didrichsen 75
“ “ Forv. Kierumgaard 6.24
” ” Do 18.72
” ” P. N. Holm 14.36 200 720.60

87
St. Croix 1833
Box 5.62
Negerne 30 31 32
Negernes Omkostninger 230 289
Neger Leie 241

Negerne
Folio 30 v.
1833
Januar
Decb
Til Balance fra A: 1832 23 16 2 4 1 10.955
Capital conto for Beløbet som Negerpigen Johanne
Er solgt for højere end Vurderingssummen 295 50
Et Pigebarn født i Frederiksted 1
Folio 30 h.
1833
August
Octob.
Decb.
Til Cassa for Johanne (Se Bilag Nr. 202) 168 200
” Cassa for katharine (Se Bilag Nr. 215) 183 225
Capitalconto for Værdien af Negerinden Margarethe der forhen har
været ansat ved Hospitalet i Frederiksted som afskrives da hun er opført
Paa …? Listen ved Bilag format? Nr 220 21 300
Capitalconto for Værdien af Negerinden Catherine mindre indbragt
End vurderet til. 275
Negerinden Charlotte der er anset som Invalid 150 274 425

Balance Mænd Quinder Drenge Piger

ved Veierboden
James? 1 300
Christopher 1 150
Petrus 1 450
Thomas 1 400

Ved Hospitalet
John Abraham 1 350
Joseph 1 400

88
Farony 1 400
Molly 1 350
Flore 1 200
Beate 1 100
John William 1 250
Susanne 1 450
Jacob Ravine? 1 100

Ved Toldopsynet
Chmauz 1 500

Invalider
Charlotte 1
Albert 1 50
Transport 9 6 1 4.450 31 1150

Folio 31 h.
1833
Decemb Til Transport 23 16 2 5 30 11005
Folio 31 v.
1833

Decemb. Til Transport 23 16 2 5 30 11005

Folio 31 h.
Mænd Quinder Drenge Piger
Til Transport 9 6 1 4450 30 1150
Ellich 1 50
Christian
Alias Amos 1
John Gibbs 1
Hans 1
August 250
Fredrick 1
Arnsine 1
L.? Frederiksted
Ved Veierboden
Thomas 1 250
Daniel 1 500
Frederik 1 500
Billy 1 500

89
Henrick 1 300
( F. B. H Ansatte ifølge Regierings Befal.? 15 Aug 1833)
Ved Hospitalet
Eliza 1 400
Emma 1 500
Thomas 1 400
Sophia 1 500
David 1 400
Marie 1 100
Christiane 1 100

Børn
Rebecca
(Emmas Datter) 1 200 50
John William
(Marias Søn) 1 150 -
Phillippa
(Sophies dt.) 1 100 150
Lucretia
(Sophies Datter) 1 50 -
Ann Elizabeth
(Eliz. Datter) 1 - 50
Transport 22 12 2 4 9700 32
1150
Folio 32 v.
Decemb. Til Transport 23 16 2 5 31 11005
23 16 2 5 11005
Folio 32 h
Decb. Til Transport 22 12 2 4 9700 31 1150
Invalider
Margareth 1
Gertrude 1 80
Johanne 1 25
Ashy 1 50
23 15 2 4 9855 299 9855
dertil er fol? 30 Afgang førte 1 1
23 16 2 5 11005

Folio 230 v.
1833

90
Negernes Omkostninger
Januar Til Cassa ved Bilag Nr. 30. 54. 48. 110 263.36
Febru. ” Cassa ved Bilag Nr. 52. rv. 106. 117 199.60
Marz “ Cassa ved Bilag Nr. 30. rv. 54. 48. 123 470.60
April “ Cassa ved Bilag Nr.71. 300 rv. 72. 75. 48. 105. 135 193.48
May “ Cassa ved Bilag Nr. 128. 86. 12. 140 188.48

Juny “ Cassa 148 129.48

July “ Cassa ved Bilag Nr 163. 69. 72. 154 238.70
August “ Cassa “ “ Nr 186 80 163 254.31
Septb. “ Cassa “ “ Nr 207 362 10 170 453.58
October “ Cassa 178 525.31
Novb. “ Cassa 190 321.22
Decemb. “ Cassa 200 280.4
Land Militair etaten for Pleie …? Til negere I decemb. 229 127.72
Til Transport 283 3.346.12

Folio 330 h
1833
Septb.
Decb.
Til Cassa 169 13
Land Militair Etaten for Pleie af syge Kongenegere
Ansatte til Brug ved det Militaire samt udleveret Rugmel, udbetalte
Kostpenge & Huusleie til do do. Ved Bilag Nr 326 & 327. 265 861.3
Land Militaire Etaten for udleveret Rugmel i 1. ste. Halvaar 1833.
Klædningsstykker for hele Aaret, Syeløn , Kostpenge fra 1. md Januar
Til Ultimo August ved Bilag Nr 324 361.2
For do do til Kongenegerne i Frederiksted i 1. ste
Halvaar 1833 ved Bilag Nr 324. 590.81 266 951.83
Transport 283 1825.86

Folio 283 v.
1833
Decemb. Til Transport 230 3646.12
Capital Conto for 400 alen Osnabrück og 36 Ng? Negertørklæder
Udsendt til Frederiksteds Magazin med Skibet Johanna Marie ifølge
Factura af27 Septemb. 1833 274 87.10
Ditto for Beløbet af 25 alen Lærred, 500 alen Osnabrück, 17
Negerhatte, 24 Ng. Tørklæder udsendt med Skibet Johanna Marie,

91
Capit. Christmass? Ifølge Factura af 28. Septemb 1833. 274 124.31
3.857.53
Folio 283 h.
1833
Decb. Til Transport 230 1825.86
De Kongelige Indtægters og Udgifters Co. 221 2031.63

3857.53

Folio 241 v
1833
Januar Til Cassa 113 700
Febru. ” Cassa 118 717.45
Marz “ Cassa 126 863.72
April “ Cassa 135 855
May “ Cassa 140 966.84
Juny “ Cassa 148 890
July “ Cassa 159 709.36
August “ Cassa 167 643.72
Septb. “ Cassa 17.4 437,45
Octob. “ Cassa 181 448.78
Novb. “ Cassa 189 444.36
Deceb. “ Cassa 198 446.24
Til Land Militair Etaten Leien af tre negere fra 1. Januar til md. Juny 229 337.48
8460.60
Folio 241 h
1833
Decb.
Til Land Militair Etaten for Leie af Negere til de Kongelige …? i
Christiansted og Frederiksted for 1. Halvaar 1833 efter General-
Gouvernements Resolution af 29. Juny 1833. Ved Bilag 330. 265 1462.48

Folio 230 v
1833
Januar Til Cassa ved Bilag Nr. 30 54 48 110 263.36
Febru. ” Cassa “ 52 106 117 199.60
Marz ” Cassa “ 30 54 48 123 470.60
April ” Cassa “ 71 300 72 75 48 105 135 193.48

92
May ” Cassa “ 128 86 12 140 188.48
Juny ” Cassa “ 148 129.48
July ” Cassa “ 163 69 72 154 238.70
August ” Cassa ” 186 80 163 254.31
Septb. ” Cassa ” 207 362 10 170 453.58
Octb. ” Cassa 178 525.31
Novb. ” Cassa 190 321.22
Decemb. ” Cassa 200 280.4
Til Land Militair Etaten for Pleie af do do til Negere i Decemb. 229 127.72
Til Transport 283 3646.12

Folio 330 h
1833
Septb.
Decb.
Til Cassa 169 13
Land Militair Etaten for Pleie af syge Kongenegere
Ansatte til Brug ved det Militaire samt udleveret Rugmel, udbetalte
Kostpenge & Huusleie til do do. Ved Bilag Nr 326 & 327. 265 861.3
Land Militaire Etaten for udleveret Rugmel i 1. ste. Halvaar 1833.
Klædningsstykker for hele Aaret, Syeløn , Kostpenge fra 1. md Januar
Til Ultimo August ved Bilag Nr 324 361.2
For do do til Kongenegerne i Frederiksted i 1. ste
Halvaar 1833 ved Bilag Nr 324. 590.81 266 951.83
Transport 283 1825.86

De Kongelige Indtægters og udgifters Conto 221 6998.12

8460.60

Folio 110
1833
Januar
Negernes Omkostninger
Den 21 dm til Regimentsqirurg. Schlegel for at have
Attesteret 25 Kongenegere i 2. Halvaar 1832 62.48
Den 21. do til Kjøbmand Andersen for 104 allen Klæde 65
Den 31 do til følgende Huusleie Kirchhoff 12
Reumert 30
Kierumgaard 20
Do Kostpenge 54.48

93
Fyhramt for Pleie til syge Kongenegere i …? 19.36 230 263.36
Til Transport 111 8.638.66

Folio 117
1833
Febru.
Negernes Omkostninger
Den 14 dm Til N.P. Holm for Pleie til syge
Kongenegere i Januar 4.12
Den 28 Til justitsraad Kirchhoff Huusleie 12
” Reumert ” 30
” Kierumgaard ” 20
” Fyhramt Pleie 17.48
” Do i Frederiksted 10
” Kierumgaard Kostpenge 106
230 199.60
Folio 123
1833
Marz
Den 18 Til J…? Hansen 5
” 31 ” Justitsraad Kirchhoff 12
” Ludv. Reumert 30
” Veiermester Kierumgaard 20
” Fyhramt for Pleie 21.24
” Do Do 6.84
” Reumert Kostpenge 300
” Kierumgaard 75.48
230 470.60

Folio 135
1833
April
Negernes Omkostninger
Den 30 Til efter…? Huusleie Justitsraad Kirchhoff 12
Const. Forvalter Reumert 30
” Kierumgaard 20
” Fyhramt Pleie 31.24
Do Do i Frederiksted 2.48
Do Stopmann for Medicamenter i 1. Quartal 28.72
“ Kierumgaard Kostpenge 69 230 193.48

94
Huusleie den 30. Til Forvalter Kierumgaard 241 50

Folio 140
1833
May
Negernes Omkostninger
Den 31 Til Justitsraad Kirchhoff 12
” Forvalter Reumert 30
” Kierumgaard 20
” Fyhramt for Pleie 36.90
” Do 3.42
” Kierumgaard Kostpenge 86.12
230 188.48
Huusleie Den 31 Til Kierumgaard 241 50
Folio 148
1833
Juny
Negernes Omkostninger
Den 31 dm Til Justitsraad Kirchhoff 12
” L. Reumert 30
” Kierumgaard 20
” Hedmann for Tilsyn 28.72
” Fyhramt for Pleie 1.24
” Do 37.48
230 129.48
Transport 149 176384.29

Folio 134
1833
July
Negernes Omkostninger
Den 22 dm Til Const. Forvalter Kierumgaard Kostpenge 69.72
Den 31 Regimentquir. Schlegel for Medi-
camenter for 1 st. Halvaar 1833 60
” L.G. Fyhramt for Brød 31.61

” Do for do i Frederiksted 33.87

” Do for Pleie 38.72
” Do Do i Frederiksted 4.66
230 238.70

95
Folio 163
1833
july
August
Negernes Omkostninger
Den 19 dm Til const. Veiermester Kierumgaard
Til at udbetale Kostpenge 80
Den 31 Fyhramt for Brød 31.42
” ditto do i Frederiksted 32.1
” ditto do paa Hospitalet 38.72
“ ditto for Pleie 8.12
ditto Justitsraad Kirchhoff 24
“ Kierumgaard for July & August 40
230 254.31

Folio 169
1833
Septb.
Negernes Omkostninger
Den 16 dm Til L.R. Reumert Beløbet … …?som er
Indbragt i Huusleie, Kostpenge og Syeløn fra
… …) 362.10
Den 30 dm Til Fyhramt Huusleie 20
” Do Pleie for syge Kongenegere
i Chr. og Frest. 59.48
Transport 441.58 170 263104.33

Folio 170 v
1833
Septb.
Til Transport 169 363351.39
Debitorer Den 16 dm Af.? Capitain Scholten 230 2000?
“ Den 26 dm ” Kammerjunker Koefoed for August 231 3.48
” den 30 dm ” Overkrigsinspkt Hansen 79 12.48
” ” Krigsraad Badulier? 74 19.51
” ” Overkrigscomm. Hansen 79 27.75
” ” Lietenant Hahn 68 12.36
” ” Forvalter Kierumgaard 217 50
” ” P.L. Müller 219 12.48
” ” P.G.Fyhramt 48 150

96
” ” Overkrcomm. Kaalund 92 29.16
” ” Overlærer Møller 89 25
” ” Fuldmægtig Mørch 88 25
” ” ” Reimer 231 15
” ” ” Simmelkier 62 37.48
” ” Bogholder Andrea 47 37.48
” ” H. de Francis 218 75
” ” P.K. Bagger 232 78.12
” ” Justitsraad Kirchhoff
” ” Do 217 350
” ” Major Lønborg 94 100
” ” Capitain v. Gyllich 63 25
“ “ Capitain v. Giellerup 23 50
“ “ Lieutenant v. Warding? 220 12.48
“ “ …forstander Fyhramt 48 400
“ “ Agnes Smith 232 48
“ “ Mm? Wallace med R. smith 87 120.54
“ “ Kammerjunker Koefoed 231 5

Folio 178
1833
octob.
Negernes Omkostninger
Den 17 dm. Til …? Forstander Fyhramt Huusleie
til Kongenegerne i Septb. 10
” do for udleveret Rugmel og udbetalte
Kostpenge i christianstd 92.75
” do for do do til Frederiksted 95.18
Den 31 dm Til Justitsraad Kirchhoff Huusleie til
6 Kongenegere 12
” Do Hedmann for Tilsyn og
Medicamenter i 3. Quartal 28.32
” Fyhramt for Brød og Kostpenge til
Negerne i Christiansted 96.44
” do til do i Frederiksted 94.30
” do Huusleie til do i Christiansted 8
” do do til do i Frederiksted 20
” do for Pleie til do i Christiansted 54.24
“ do for do I Frederikstd 14
230 525.31

97
Folio 190 v
1833
Novb.
Negernes Omkostninger
Den 30 dm. Til Justitsraaad Kirshhoff Huusleie
Til 6 Kongenegere 12
” Fyhramt for Pleie til ansatte ved det
Militaire 39.36
” do for do til christst. 4.78
“ do Huusleie til Kongenegerne i
Frederiksted 16
“ do for do som er ansatte ved
det Militaire 4
” do for Meel og kostpenge til Negerne
i Frederiksted 54.73
” do for ansatte ved det Militaire 58.13
” do for ansatte ved do i Christiansted 31.89
“ do do til Kongenegerne I Christianssted 79.9
“ do Huusleie til do 8
“ do Plei til do 13.12
230 321.22
Transport 191 350287.37

Folio 200
1833
decb.
Negernes Omkostninger
Den 31 dm. Til det militaire Depot for Syeløn til de Kongl.
Negere for 2 …? 43.48
” Regimenstqr. Worm for Tilsyn og Medicamenter
for 4 Quartal 26.24
” Justitsraad Kirchhoff Huusleie til 6 kongenegere 12
” Fyhramt for udleveret Brød og udbetalte Kostpenge til
Negerne i Christiansted 67.69
” do for do i Frederiksted 46.85
” do Pleie til Negerinden Emma 6.12
” do til Arnesina 13.54
” do huusleie til 4 Kongenegere i Frederiksted 8
” do til 8 do i Christiansted 16

98
“ Fyhramt til Syeløn for 2 ,,,? 40
230 280.4
Transport 201 397263.53
Folio 283 v.
1833
Decemb. Til Transport 230 3646.12
Capitalo Conto for 400 alen osnabrück og 36 stk Negertørklæder
Udsendt til Frederiksted Magasin med Skibet Johanna
Marie ifølge Factura af 27 dm. Septb. 1833 274 87.10
Ditto for Beløbet af 25 alen Lærred 500 alen osnabrück , 17
Negerhatte, 24 stk Tørklæder udsendt med Skibet Johanna Marie
Capit. Christmass, ifølge Factura af 28 dm Septemb. 1833 274 124.31
3857.53

Folio 283 h.
Decemb.
1833 Til Transport 230 1825.86
De kongelige Indtægters og Udgifters Co. 221 2031.63
3857.53

Folio 174 v
1833
Decb. Negernes Omkostninger 283 87.10
Ditto Ditto 283 124.31

Folio 241 v
1833
januar
Neger Leie
Januar Til Cassa 113 700
Febru. “ Cassa 118 717.45
Martz “ Cassa 126 863.76
April “ Cassa 135 855
May “ Cassa 140 966.84
Juny “ Cassa 148 890
July “ Cassa 159 709.36
August “ Cassa 167 643.72
Septb. “ Cassa 174 437.45
Octob. “ Cassa 181 448.72

99
Novb. “ Cassa 189 444.36
Decb. “ Cassa 198 446.24
Land Militair Etaten Leien af 3 negere fra 1. Januar
Til mt. Juny 229 337.48
8460.60
Folio 241 v.
1833
Decb.
Neger Leie Til Land Militair Etaten for Leie af Negere til de kongelige
Magasiner i christiansted og Frederiksted for 1.
Halvaar 1833 efter Generalgourvernements Resolution
Af 29 Juny 1833 ( Bilag 330) 265 1462.48
De kongelige Indtægters og Udgifters Conto 221 6998.12
8460.60
Folio 113 v.
1833
Januar
Neger leie
Den 31 dm Til Justitsraad Kirchhoff 137.48
” Kasserer Reumert 187.48
” Secret.? Simmelkier 18.72
” Bogholder Andrea 18.72
” Kammerraad Festmann 18.72
” ” Naser 56.24
” Overkrigs.Com. Aarestrup 18.72
” Veiermester Kierumgaard 150
” Const.Toldinspt.Didrichsen 75
” Forv. Kierumgaard 18.72 241 700
Til Transport 114 17886.62

Folio 118
1833
Februar
Neger Leie
Den 14 dm Til P.N.Holm leie af Negere i stedet for syge
Kongenegere i Januar 6.84
Den 28 dm Til Justitsraad Kirchhoff for 6 Negere og en
Opsynsmand. 137.48
” L. Reumert for 10 do af do 187.48
” N.C. Simmelkier 18.72

100
” P.C. Andrea 18.72
” Kraad.? Festmann 18.72
” ” Naser 56.24
“ Overkrigscomm. Aarestrup 18.72
“ Veiermester Kierumgaard 150
“ Toldinspekt. Didrichsen 75
” Kierumgaaard Leie af en Neger i stedet
for Eliza 9.36
” Fyhramt for 2 istedet for syge, som ere
ansatte ved Hospitalet. 20
241 717.48

Folio 126
1833
Martz
Neger Leie
Den 31 dm Til Justitsraad Kirchhoff 287.48
” Cst. Kasserer Reumert 187.48
” Cst. Regieringsraad? Simmelkier 18.72
” Cst. Bogholder Andrea 18.72
” Kammerraad Naser 56.24
” ” Festmann 18.72
” Overkrigscomm. Aarestrup 18.72
” Veiermester Kierumgaard 168.72
” Toldinspekt. Didrichsen 75
” P.G. Fyhramt 13.72 241 863.72

Folio 134
1833
April
Neger Leie Den 30 Til Justitsr. Kirchhoff 287.48
Transport 287.48 114973.49

Folio 140
1833
May
Neger Leie
Den 31 dm Til Justitsraad Kirchhoff 287.48
” Const. Kasserer Reumert 187.48
” Veiermest. Simmelkier 18.72

101
” Bogholder Andrea 18.72
” Kammerraad Festmann 12.48
” ” Naser 43.72
” Oberstl. De Neilly 18.72
“ Overkrscomms. Aarestrup 18.72
“ Toldinspekt. Didrichsen 75
“ Veiermester Kierumgaard 206.24
” samt for …? …? Martz og April 75
” Fyhramt 4.36
241 966.84

Folio 148
1833
juny
Neger Leie
Den 30 dm Til justitsraad Kirchhoff 287.48
” Const. Forvalter Reumert 187.48
” N.C. Simmelkier 18.72
” Bogholder Andrea 18.72
” Kammerraad Naser 18.72
” Oberstl. De Neilly 56.24
” Overkrigscommissair Aarestrup 18.72
” Veiermester Kierumgaard 206.24
” Const. Inspekteur Didrichsen 75
” Fyhramt 2.48 241 890

Folio 159
1833
July
Neger Leie
Den 31 dm Til Fyhramt Leie i stedet for syge
Kongenegere 9.36
” Justitsraad Kirchhoff 287.48
” Secretair Simmelkær 18.72
” Const. Bogholder Andrea 18.72
” Kammerraad Naser 18.72
” Oberstlt. De Neilly 56.24
” Overkrigscomm. Aarestrup 18.72
” Veiermester Kierumgaard 150
” Inspkt. Didrichsen 75

102
” P.G. Fyhramt 56.24 241 709.36

Folio 167
1833
August
Neger Leie
Den 31 dm Til Justitsraad Kirchhoff 287.48
” Secr. Simmelkier 18.72
” Bogholder Andrea 18.72
” Kammerraad Naser 18.72
” Oberstl. De Neilly 56.24
” Overkrigscomm. Aarestrup 18.72
” Veiermester Kierumgaard 93,72
” Toldinspkt. Didrichsen 75
” P.G. Fyhramt 56.24 241 643.72

Folio 174
1833
Septb.
Neger Leie
Den 30 dm Til Justitsraad Kirchhoff 137.48
” Secr. Simmelkier 18.72
” Bogh. Andrea 18.72
” Oberstl. De Neilly 56.24
” Kamr. Naser 18.72
” Overkrc. Aarestrup 18.72
” Kierumgaard 37.48
” Didrichsen 75
” P.G. Fyhramt 56.24 241 437.48

Folio 181
1833
Octob.
Neger Leie
Den 31 dm Til Justitsraad Kirchhoff 137.48
” Secrt. Simmelkier 18.72
” Bogholder Andrea 18.72
” Kammerrad Naser 18.72
” Oberstl. De Neilly 56.24
” Major Aarestrup 18.72

103
“ Veiermester Kierumgaard 37.48
“ Inspekteur Didrichsen 75
“ P.G. Fyhramt 56.24
“ Do 11.24 241 448.72

Folio 189
1833
Novb.
Neger Leie
Den 30 dm Til Justitsraaad Kirchhoff 137.48
” Const Regieringssecret. Simmelkier 18.72
” Bogholder Andrea 18.72
” Kammerraad Naser 18.72
” Oberstl. De Neilly 56.24
” Toldinspkt. Didrichsen 75
” P.G. Fyhramt 56.24
” Do Leie af en Neger i stedet for Emma
som har været syg fra 1. til 11. 6.84
” Major Aarestrup 18.72
” Const Veiermester Kierumgaard 37.48 241 444.36

Folio 197
1833
Decb
Neger Leie
Den 31 Til Kirchhoff 137.48
” Secret. Simmelkier 18.72
” Bogholder Andrea 18.72
” Const. Kasserer Naser 18.72
” Oberstl. De Neilly 56.24
” Overkrcomm. Aarestrup 18.72
Transport 268.72 198 391313.72

104
St. Croix 1834
Box 5.63
Negerne Fo: 28, 29, 30
Negernes Omkostninger Fo: 235, 236
Negerlei Fo: 221

Folio 28 h.
1834
Januar
Til balance for Anno 1833 1 988.55
Capital Conto for dette beløb som er Kjøbesummen af … barn
Lucretia Vergenia 280 50
Et Drenge Barn kaldet Jacob Constabell en Søn af
Negerinden Sophie
Fra Anno 1833 Mænd Quinder Drenge Piger
23 16 2 4
Transport 23 16 2 5 29 9905

Folio 28 v.
1834
December 31
Pr. Cassa Kjøbesummen for Barnet Lucretia Virgenia 255 50
Balance Mænd Quinder Drenge Piger
James 1 300
Christoffer
… Veierboden 1 150
Petrus 1 450
Thomas 1 400
Ved Hospitalet
John Abraham 1 350
Joseph 1 400
Faroney 1 400
Molly 1 350
John William 1 250
Jacob Ravine 1 100
Ved Toldopsynet
Chemaux 1 500
Invalider
Charlotte 1 “

105
Albert 1 50
Ellich 1 50
Christian
alias Amos 1 “
John gibbes 1 “
Hans 1 “
August 1 250
Frederik 1 “
Arnesine 1 “
Beate 1 100
Flora 1 200
Susanne 1 450
I Frederiksted
Ved Veier-
boden
Thomas 1 250
Daniel 1 500
Fredrik 1 510
Transport 18 7 1 0 6800 29 50

Folio 29 h.
1834
Decemb.
Til Transport 29 16 2 5 28 9905

Folio 29 v.
1834
Decb. 31
Til Transport 18 7 1 - 6000 28 50
Hendrik 1 500
Billy 1 300
Ved
Hospitalet
Eliza 1 400
Emma 1 500
Thomas 1 400
Sophie 1 500
David 1 400
Marie 1 100
Christiane 1 100

106
Rebecca
(Emmas Barn) 1 200
John William
(Marias Søn) 1 150
Philippa
(Sophias Datter) 1 100
Lucretia
(Sophias Datter) 1 50
Anna Elisabeth
(Elnas Datter) 1 “
Invalider
Margaret 1 “
Gertrude 1 80
Johanne 1 85
Akoy 1 50
Balance 290 9855
29 15 2 4 9855
9905

Folio 235
Negernes Omkostninger
1834
January Til Cassa 122 244.92
Februarie “ Cassa 129 216.51
Martie “ Cassa 139 198.45
April “ Cassa 146 163.70
Maie “ Cassa 154 211.50
Junie “ Cassa 163 304.55
Julie “ Cassa 172 202.48
August “ Cassa 133 227.60
September “ Cassa 194 228.70
October “ Cassa 205 223.11
November “ Cassa 207 200.78
December “ Cassa 257 511.52
2934.10
Folio 235 h.
1834
Decb. 31 Pr De Kongl Indt. Og udg. Conto 240 2934.10

Folio 230 v

107
1834
Januarie Til Cassa 122 2276.37
Februarie ” Cassa 130 2276.37
Martie Cassa 134 7478.37
April Cassa 145 2459.69
Maie Cassa 149 2839.5
Junie Cassa 156 7211.69
Julie Cassa 169 2584.69
August Cassa 181 2584.69
September Cassa 189 6861.69
October Cassa 200 2584.69
November Cassa 209 2584.69
December Cassa 260 7145.5
48887.28

Do Negernes Omkostninger
Til Capital Conto for Beløbet af Facturaen over de med Skibet
Foreningen Capt. Rønne udsendt Lamber? 280 101.54
Folio 236 h
1834
Decb. 31 Pr. De Kongl. Indtæg. og udg. Conto 288 101.54

Folio 221 v
1834
Neger Leie
Januarie Til Cassa 129 437.48
Februarie ” Cassa 130 437.48
Martie Cassa 138 660
April Cassa 147 643.72
Maie Cassa 154 727.18
Junie Cassa 162 718.72
Julie Cassa 174 718.72
August Cassa 183 729.61
September Cassa 193 522.48
October Cassa 204 513.72
November Cassa 215 520.60
December Cassa 265 512.48

7142.43
Folio 221 h

108
1834
Decb. 31 Pr. De Kongelige Indtægters og Udgifters Conto 240 7142.43

Negernes Omkostninger
Folio 235 v
January Til Cassa 122 244.92
Februarie ” Cassa 129 216.51
Martie Cassa 139 198.45
April Cassa 146 163.70
Maie Cassa 154 211.50
Junie Cassa 163 304.55
Julie Cassa 172 202.48
August Cassa 133 227.60
September Cassa 194 228.70
October Cassa 205 223.11
November Cassa 207 200.78
December Cassa 257 511.52
2934.10
Folio 235 h.
1834
Decb. 31 Pr De Kongl. Indt. og udg. Conto 240 2934.10

Folio 122 v
1834
Januarie
Negernes Omkostninger
Den 23 dm Til Regimentsqierurg Schlegel Tilsyn 57.48
” Justitsraad Kirchhoff Huusleie 12
” P.G.Fyhramt for Pleie I Chrst. 20.12
” Ditto for Huusleie for Negere i Fredst. 16
” Ditto Ditto Chr. 8
” Ditto for udleveret Meel og udbetalte
Kostpenge for Negere i Fredst. 54.72
” Ditto for ditto til Ditto i Chrst. 76.56 235 244.92

Folio 129
1834
Februarie
Negernes Omkostninger
Den 28 dm Til Justitsraad Kirchhoff Huusleie til

109
 Kongenegerne 12
” Fyhramt for Brød og Kostpenge til
Kongenegerne i Chrst. 60.22
” Ditto til Ditto i Frederiksted 45.17
” Ditto Huusleie til ditto 16
” Ditto ditto til ditto Christianst 8
“ Ditto ditto til Pleie Syge dds.? 24.48
” Ditto Det militaire Depot for Brød til
Kongenegerne 50.60 235 215.57

Folio 140
1834
Martii
Negernes Omkostninger
Den 31 dm Til Justitsraad Kirchhoff Huusleie for 6
Kongenegere 12
” Regimentsqirurg Worm for Tilsyn og
Medicamenter til kongenegerne i
Frederiksted 26.24
” P.G. Fyhramt for Kostpenge til Konge-
negerne i Christiansted 60.40
” Ditto Frederiksted 45.17
” Ditto Huusleie til ditto i ditto 16
” Ditto ditto Christiansted 8
” Ditto Pleie til ditto ditto 25.36
“ Ditto ditto Frederiksted 5.24 235 198.45

Folio 147
1834
April
Negernes Omkostninger
Den 30 dm Til Justitsraad Kirchhoff Huusleie til
Kongenegerne 12
” P.G. Fyhramt til Pleie til syge Konge-
negere i Christiansted 13.12
” Ditto Kostpenge og Brød til ditto67.69
” Ditto ditto Frederiksted 46.85
” Ditto Huusleie for ditto i ditto 16
” Ditto ditto for ditto i Christiansted 8 235 163.70

110
Folio 155
1834
Maie
Negernes omkostninger
Den 31 dm Til justitsraad Kirchhoff Huusleie til
Kongenegerne 12
” P.G. Fyhramt for meel og Kostpenge til
ditto i Christiansted 95.9
” Ditto for ditto i Frederiksted 50.77
“ Ditto huusleie til ditto I ditto 16
” Ditto ditto i Christiansted 14
“ Ditto Pleie til Syge ditto 13.51
” Ditto ditto Frederiksted 10.6 235 211.50

Folio 163
1834
Junii
Negernes Omkostninger
Den 30 dm Til Justitsraad Kirchhoff Huusleie
Til Kongenegerne 12
” Hospitalsforstander Fyhramt
do til do Christianstsed 14
” ditto ditto i Frederiksted 16
42 164 194.342.27
Folio 171
1834
Julie
Negernes Omkostninger
Den 31 Til Justitsraad Kirchhoff Huusleie 12
” P.G.Fyhramt for Brød og Smør? til
Kongenegerne I Christiansted samt
Kostpenge 78.13 235
Til Transport 90.13 172 275.974.34

Folio 183
!834
August
Negernes Omkostninger
Den 31 Til Justitsraad Kirchhoff for denne måneds
Huusleie for 6 kongenegere 12

111
” Jordemoderen for at forløse Negerinden
Sophie med et Drengebarn. 5
” P.G.Fyhramt for leveret Brød og Smør
til kongenegerne i Christiansted 91.25
” Ditto for ditto til ditto i Frederiksted 48.65
” Ditto for Huusleie til ditto i ditto 14
” Ditto for ditto til ditto i Christiansted 16
“ Ditto for ditto til de paa Petersfarm
indlagte syge Kongenegere i denne Md 27.12
” Ditto for indlagte syge Kongenegere
i Frederiksteds Hospital i d M. 13.54 235 227.60

Folio 194
1834
September
Negernes Omkostninger
Den 30 Til Justitsraad Kirchhoff for Huusleie dm. 12
” P.G. Fyhramt for Brød og Kostpenge 77.90
” Ditto ditto i Frederiksted 44.64
” Ditto Huusleie til de i Chr. 14
” Ditto ditto i Fredk. 16
” Ditto for Syge ditto paa Petersfarm 27.12
“ Ditto ditto I Frederiksted 13.12
“ Regimentsqirurg Worm for Tilsyn med
Kongenegerne i Frederik. i 3. Quartal. 26.84 235 228.70

Folio 206
1834
October
Negernes Omkostninger
Den 17 Til Konge Neger Albert for Huusleie for Octb. 2 235
Transport 2 207 375.470.42

Folio 257
1834
December
Negernes Omkostninger
Den 18 Til P.G.Fyhramt Beløb af Regning for Syeløn
Til Kongens Neger i Christianstd. I 2.
Termin d aa. 45.48

112
” Ditto ditto ditto I Frederiksted for
ditto 40
Den 31 Til Veiermester Kirchhoff, Huusleie for
Kongenegerne i Christianst. 12
” Det Militaire Depot for indkiøbt
Klædningsstykker til Kongenegerne paa
St Croix 79.6
” P.G. Fyhramt for udleveret Brød og
Kostpenge til Kongenegerne i Christianst.
I Decb. 78.12
” Ditto for ditto og ditto til ditto i Frede-
riksted dm. 41.64
” Ditto for Huusleie for Kongenegerne i
i Christiansted i December. 16
” Ditto for ditto til ditto i Frederiksted i
ditto 16
” Ditto for syge kongenegere indlat på
Hosp. Petersfarm. 27.12 235
1355.26?
Til Transport 355.46 258 479.330.24

Folio 258
1834
December
Til Transport 355.46 257 479.330.24
Den 31 Til P.G.Fyhramt Hans Regning for Indlagte
Syge Kongenegere på Frederiksteds
Hosptal 13.54
” Regimentsqirurg Worm for at attestere
Kongenegerne i Frederiksted for 4
” Quartal d.aa. 27.48
” Regimentsqirurg Schlegel for at atte-
stere do i Christiansted i dette Aar. 115 235 511.52

Folio 221
1834
Neger Leie
Januari Til Cassa 123 437.48
Februari “ Cassa 130 437.48
Martie Cassa 138 660.

113
April Cassa 147 643.72
Maie Cassa 154 727.18
Junie Cassa 162 718.72
Julie Cassa 174 718.72
August Cassa 183 729.61
Septemb. Cassa 193 522.48
Octob. Cassa 204 513.72
Novemb. Cassa 215 520.60
Decemb. Cassa 265 512.48
7.142.43
1834
Decemb. 31 Pr De kongelige Indtægters og Udgifters Conto 242 7.142.43

Folio 123
1834
Januarii
Negerleie
Den 31 dm Til Justitsraad Kirchhoff 137.42
” Secretair Petersen 18,72
” Bogholder Andrea 18.72
” Kammerraad Erichsen 18.72
” Oberstliutienant De Neilly 56.24
” Toldinspecteur Aarestrup 18.72
” Veiermester Kierumgaard 37.48
” Overkrigsinspecteur Didrichsen 75
” Hospitalsforstander Fyhramt 56.24 221 437.48

Folio 130
1834
February
Negerleie
Den 28 dm Til Justitsraad Kirchhoff 137.48
” Secretair Petersen 18.72
” Bogholder Andrea 18.72
” Kammerraad Naser 18.72
” Toldinspecteur De Neilly 56.24
” Overkrigscommissair Aarestrup 18.72
” Veiermester Kierumgaaard 37.48
” Toldinspecteur Didrichsen 75
” Hospitalsforstander Fyhramt 56.24 221 437.48

114
Folio 139
1834
Martz
Negerleie
Den 31 Til Justitsraad Kirchhoff 287.48
” Secretair Petersen 18.72
” Bogholder Andrea 18.72
” Kammerraad Naser 18.72
” Toldinspecteur De Neilly 56.24
” Overkrigscommissair Aarestrup 18.72
“ Veiermester Kierumgaard 93.72
“ Toldinspecteur Didrichsen 75
“ P.G. Fyhramt 56.24
“ Justitsraad Kirchhoff 8.72
“ P.G. Fyhramt 7.48 221 660
Folio 142
1834
Martii
Pr Transport 141 92175.37

Folio 148
1834
April
Negerleie
Den 30 dm Til Justitsraad Kirchhoff 287.48
” Secretair Petersen 18.72
” Bogholder Andrea 18.72
” Kammerraad Naser 18.72
” Toldinspecteur De Neilly 56.24
” Toldkasserer? Aarestrup 18.72
“ Veiermester Kierumgaard 93.72
“ Toldinspecteur Didrichsen 75
“ P.G. Fyhramt 56.24 221 643.72
Til Transport 149 114.541.21

Folio 154
1834
Maii
Negerleie

115
Den 31 dm Til Justitsraad Kirchhoff 287.48
” Secretair Petersen 18.72
” bogholder Andrea 18.72
” Kammerraad Naser 18.72
” Toldinspecteur De Neilly 56.24
” Toldkasserer Aarestrup 18.72
Transport 418.72 155 132.228.39

Folio 163
1834
Junii
Negerleie
Den 30 Til Justitsraad Kirchhoff 287.48
” Secretair Petersen 18.72
” Bogholder Andrea 18.72
” Kammerraad Naser 18.72
” Toldinspecteur De Neilly 56.24
” Overkrigscomm. Aarestrup 18.72
” Veiermester Kierumgaard 93.72
” Inspecteur Didrichsen 75
” Hospitalsforstander Fyhramt 112.48
” Veiermester Kierumgaard 18.72 221 718.72

Folio 174
1834
Julii
Negerleje
Den 31 Til Constituret Veiermester Kierumgaard,
Leie af en Neger i d m i stedet for en
syg kongeneger 18.72
” Justitsraad Kirchhoff, for en opsyns-
mand ved Vægten 25
Transport 43.72 175 280.821.86

Folio 182
1834
August
Negerleie
Den 31 Til Justitsraad Kirchhoff for en Opsyns-
Mand ved Vægten 25

116
” Ditto for 14 Negere ved ditto 262.48 287.48
” Regieringsecretair Petersen
for et Bud ved Secretariatet 18.72
” Constitueret Bogholder Reumert for et
ditto ved Bogholdercontoiret 18.72
” Toldkasserer Naser for et ditto 18.72
” Toldinspecteur De Neilly for 1 do ved
Contoiret en ditto ved M…? og en ditto
Ved Tolbodbaaden 56.24
” Toldkasserer Aarestrup for et do ved
Contoiret. 18.72
” Toldinspecteur Didrichsen for et ditto
ved Contoiret et ditto ved Sydside
Vagthuuset og to ved Toldbodbaaden 75
” Veiermester Kierumgaad for 5 do ved
Veierboden 93.72
” P.G.Fyhramt Leie af 3 Negere ved
Hospitalet 56.24
” Ditto Leie af 3 Negere ved
Hospitalet Petersfarm I
I stedet for de 3 Afstaaede?
Kongenegere 56.24 112.48 221
Transport 700 183 295.753.45

Folio 183 v.
1834
August
Til Transport 182 389.706.80

Folio 193
1834
September
Negerleie
Den 30 Til Justitsraad Kirchhoff for en Neger
ved Vægten 25
” Ditto for ditto ved ditto 112.48
” Regieringssecretair Petersen for 1 do
til Secretariatet 18.72
” Const. Bogh. Reumert for 1 do ved
Contoiret 18.72

117
“ Const. Toldkasserer Naser for 1 do 18.72
” Toldinspecteur Obertslietenant
de Neilly for 3 ditto 56.24
“ Toldkasserer Overkrigscomm. Aarestrup
for 1 ditto 18.72
” Constitueret Toldinspecteur Didrichsen
for 4 ditto 75
” Constitueret Veiermester Kierumgaard
for 2 ditto 37.48
” Hospitalsforstander Fyhramt for 6 ditto 112.48
” Justitsraad Kirchhoff Leie for en Neger
i stedet for en syg ditto 1.24
” P.G.Fyhramt for 1 do i stedet for en syg
Konge Negerinde 8.72
” Constituret Veiermester Kierumgaard
Leie for en do i stedet for en do 18.72 221 522.48

Folio 203
1834
October
Negerleie
Den 31 Til Justitsraad Kirchhoff for en Opsynsmand
Ved Vægten 25
Transport 25 204 374.038.73

Folio 214
1834
November
Negerleie
Den 30 Til Veiermester Kirchhoff for
en Opsynsmand Ved Vægten 25
6 Negere ved Ditto 112.48 137.48
” Regieringssecretair Petersen for
1 til Contoiret 18.72
” Const. Bogh. Reumert for 1 do ved
ditto 18.72
” Toldkasserer Kammr. Naser for 1 do
ved ditto 18.72
” Toldinspecteur de Neilly for 1 do ved do
1 do ved Nordside Vagthuus og 1 do

118
 ved Toldbodbaaden 56.24
” Toldkasserer Overkrigscommissair
Aarestrup for 1 do ved Contoiret 18.72
” Toldinspecteur Didrichsen 1 do ved do
og 1 ved Sydside Vagthuus og 2 do ved
Toldbodbaaden 75
” Constitueret Veiermester Kierumgaard for
2 do ved Veierboden 37.48 221
Transport 381.24 215 389.901.49

Folio 264
1834
December
Negerleie
Den 31 Til Justitsraad Kirchhoff for en Opsynsmand
Ved Vægten 25
Og 6 Negere ved ditto 112.48 137.48
” Regieringssecretair Petersen for 1 Neger
ved Contoiret 18.72
” Const. Bogholder Reumert for 1 do ved
Contoiret 18.72
” Toldkasserer Kammr. Naser 221
Transport 175 265 499.052.26

Folio 265 h
1834
December
Pr Transport 175 265 499.052.26
For 1 do ved Contoiret 18.72
Den 31 Til Toldinspecteur de Neilly for 1 do ved do
1 do ved Nordside Vagthuus 1 do ved
Toldbodbaaden 56.24
” Toldkasserer Overkrigscommissair Aare-
Strup for 1 do ved Constitueret Told-
Inspecteur Didrichsen 1 do ved do, 1 do
Ved Sydside Vagthuus og 2 do ved Told-
Bodbaaden 75
” Constit. Veiermester Kierumgaard for
2 do ved Veierboden 37.48
” Hospitalsforstander Fyhramt for 3 ved

119
 Hospitalet 56.24
Og 3 do ved Petersfarm 56.24 112.48
” Const. Veiermester Kierumgaard
Regning for Leie af 1 do ved Veierboden
I Frederiksted i stedet for den syge Konge-
Neger Thomas 18.72 221 512.48

120
St. Croix 1835
Box 5.64
Negerne 28 29
Do s Omkostninger 124
Do Leie 131

Folio 28 v.
1835
Januar 1 Til Balance fra Aar 1834 1 9.855
Martz 14 Til Capital Conto for beløbet som David William under
14.d Martii 1835 har betalt for Negerbarnet Ann
Elizabeths fødsel Bilag Nr. 73 22 25
Octb. 15 ” Capital Conto for beløbet af Kjøbesummen for
Kongenegerinden Sophie med Drengebarn Jacob
Solgte for frihed? 295 225
Et Drengebarn Frederik f. Moderen Eliza f. født
Frederiksted Den 27. Julii 1835. Bilag Nr. 56 .
Mænd Quinder Drenge Piger
23 15 3 4
Transport 23 15 3 4 219 10.105

Folio 28 h.
1835
Maaned 31
Octob 31
Decemb. 31 Pr. Cassa Bilag Nr. 73 177 25
Pr. Cassa Bilag Nr. 191 226 225
Capital Conto for modstaaende Beløb som er Kjøbe-
Summen for Negerinden Sophie med Barnet Jacobs
Frihed der formenes? som urigtig debiteret
Negernes Conto 322 225
For næststaaende Beløb som i Hovedbogen for 1834
Urigtig er debiteret Negernes Conto og er Kjøbe-
Summen for Barnet Lucretia Virginias Frihed 322 50
For Beløbet som Negerinden Sophie med Barnet Jacob
Castello er solgt for mindre end Vurderingssummen
For Moderen Sophias afregnes? 322 275
Negeren Christian alias Amos afgaaet ved Døden
Den 29 Jan.1835. Bilag Nr. 24

121
 Negerinden Charlotte som under 4. Junii 1835 er
afgaaet ved Døden. Se Bilag Nr. 107
Balance
Mænd Quinder Drenge Piger Beløbet
James 1 300
Christoffer v
Veierboden 1 150
Petrus ved
Hospitalet 1 400
John Abram 1 350
Joseph 1 400
Faroney? 1 400
Molly 1 350
John William 1 250
Jacob Ravinee? 1 100
Transport 7 2 1 3.150 29 800

Folio 29 v
1835
December 31
Til Transport 23 15 3 4 28 10.105
Folio 29 h
1835
Decemb. 31
Pr. Transport 7 2 1 0 3.150 28 800
Ved Toldopsynet
Chernaux 1 500
Invalider
Albert 1 50
Ellich 1 50
John Gibbes 1 ”
Hans 1 ”
August 1 250
Frederik 1 ”
Arnesine 1 ”
Beate 1 100
Flora 1 200
Susanna 1 450
Ved Toldopsynet i
Frederiksted Veierboden

122
Thomas 1 250
Daniel 1 500
Frederik 1 500
Hendrik 1 500
Billy 1 300
Ved Hospitalet
Eliza 1 400
Emma 1 500
Thomas 1 400
David 1 400
Christiane 1 100
Marie 1 100
Børn
Rebecca
(Emmas Datter) 1 200
John William
(Marias Søn) 1 150
Philippa
(Sophias Datter 1 100
Frederik
Elizas Barn 1 “
Margaret 1 “
Transport 21 11 3 2 9.150 35 800

Folio 124
1835
Negernes Omkostninger
Janr. 31 Til Cassa 140 215.37
Febr. 28 ” Cassa 150 231.57
Mar. 31 Cassa 160 216.62
April 30 Cassa 171 177.55
Maii 31 Cassa 180 203.56
Junii 30 Cassa 190 284.72
Julii 31 Cassa 197 450.84
Augst. 31 Cassa 204 227.19
Septb. 30 Cassa 213 174.52
Octb. 31 Cassa 223 195.95
Nov. 30 Cassa 230 244.58
Dec. 31 Cassa 241 170.21
Extra Udgt. For Land Militair Etaten for beløbet som i Sept. & Decb.

123
Er udbetalt Dr. Worm for Tilsyns og Medicins Pleie til Kongenegerne
I Frederiksted for 3. og 4. Quart. 1835 og som er Reg.? Som Ext.Udg.
For Land Milit. Etaten i steden for Negernes Omkostninger for Sept.
Quartal Nr 24, 84 og Decb. Quartal Nr 23, 92 131 48.80
2838.76
1835
Decb. 31 Pr. De kongelige Indtægters og Udgifters Conto 130 2838.76
Folio 139
1835
Januari
Negernes Omkostninger
Den 31 Til Veiermester Kirchhoff for huusleie for 6
konge Negere 12
” P.G.Fyhramt do Chr. 16
“ do do Fredk. 16
Transport 44 140 15.835.41

Folio 150
1835
Februari
Negernes Omkostninger
D 28 Til Veiermester Kirchhoff for Huusleie for
De 6 Kongenegere 12
” Det Milit. Depot for Osnabruk & …? 48.69
” P.G. Fyhramt for do i Christst. 16
“ do for do til do I Frederikst. 16
” do for Brød og Kostpenge til do i Christ. 70.8
” Do for do og do til do I Frederiksted 45.16
” Do for do og do til do i Februar Maaned
paa Petersfarm indlagte syge do 23.60 124 231.57

Folio 160
1835
Martii
Negernes Omkostninger
D. 16 Til L. C… Landkasse for en Kiiste til afdød
Kongeneger Amos 4.66
Degnen Frances for Graven? 3.12
” Veiermester Kirchhoff for Huusleie for
6 Kongenegere 12

124
” Doctor R.P Worm for Pleien til s.st. for
første quartal 1835 26.24
” P.G.Fyhramt for Huusleien til do i
Christiansted 16
” do i Frederiksted 16
” For Brød og kostpenge for do i
Christiansted 78.13
” For do og do for do i Frederiksted 46.85
” For do do til do paa Hospitalet indlagte
syge Kongenegere for Martii Md. 13.54 124 216.62

Folio 171
1835
April
Negernes Omkostninger
D. 30 Til Veiermester Kirchhoff Huusleie f. 6 negere 12
” P.G. Fyhramt 8 do 16
” do 8 do 16
” do for Brød og Kostpenge for do i
Christianstst. 75.27
” do for do og do for do i Fredk 45.16
” do for indlagte syge do paa Hospitalet. 13.12 124 177.55

Folio 180
1835
Maii
Negernes Omkostninger
D. 31 Til Veiermester Kirchhoff for Huusleie til
6 Kongenegere 12
” P.G. Fyhramt for do til do i Christiansted 16
“ Do for do til do I Frederiksted 16
“ Do for leveret Brød og Kostpenge til do i
Christ. 91.25
” Do for leveret do og do til do i Frederksted 54.73
” Do for leveret do og do til de syge do 13.54 124 203.56

Folio 189
1835
Junii
Negernes Omkostninger

125
D. 30 Til Veiermester Kirchhoff for Huusleie for
6 Kongenegere 12
” P.G. Fyhramt for Omkostninger i D.M. til
de syge ditto 14.42
” Do for Huusleie til Kongenegerne i
Frederiksted 16
” Do for Huusleie for Kongenegerne i
Christ. 14
” Do for Brød og Kostpenge til Konge-
negerne i Christiansted 72.89
Transport 129.35 190 157.269.61

Folio 106
1835
julii
Negernes Omkostninger
D. 31 Til Veiermester E. kirchhoff for Huusleie
For 6 Negere i d.m. 12
” Kongenegeren Albert der som ifølge
det Kgl General Toldkammer og Comm.
Collegii Skrivelse af 18. April d. a. tilstaaet
Huusleie fra 1. Febr. 1831 til 1. Oct. 1834 a
2 Rd. Pr Md. 80
” Det Militaire Depot for udleverede Hatte
…? til Kongenegerne 170.11
Transport 262.11 197 190.492.93
Folio 264
1835
August
Negernes Omkostninger
D 31 Til Jordemoderen for at forløse Konge
Negerinden Eliza 6.24
” Det Militaire Depot for Osnabruck til
Kongenegerne 44.38
” Veiermester Kirchhoff for Huusleie til
6 Kongenegere 12
” P.G.Fyhramt for Kostpenge til Konge-
negerne. 70.26
” Do do i Frederiksted 40.15
” Do for Huusleie til do 16

126
” Do for do i Christianst. 14
“ Do for de syge do 13.54
” Do for do i Frederiksted 13.54 124 227.19
Transport 205 213.662

Folio 212
1835
September
Negernes Omkostninger
D 30 Til Veiermester Kirchhoff. Beløbet af Huus-
Leien for indeværende Maaned til
6 kongenegere 12
” P.G.Fyhramt for do syge Kongenegere 13.12
” Do for Brød og Kostpenge til do 72.88
Transport 98.4 213 230.629.9

Folio 223
1835
October
Negernes Omkostninger
D 31 Til Veiermester Kirchhoff for Hussleie til
6 kongenegere 12
” P.G.Fyhramt for de i denne Maaned
paa Petersfarm indlagte syge
Kongenegere 13.54
” Do for en Liigkiste til en afdød
Kongeneger 6.24
” Do for leveret Brød og Smør? Til Konge-
negerne 81.40
” Do for leveret do og do til do i
Frederiksted 54.73
” Do for Huusleie til do i Frederiksted 16
” Do for do til do i Christiansted 12 124 195.95

Folio 230
1835
November
Negernes Omkostninger
D 30 Til Veiermester Kirchhoff for betalt Huusleie
For 6 Kongenegere 12

127
” Degnen Francis for at aabne Grav for
Kongeneger Albert 5
” P.G.Fyhramt Huusleie for Kong.Neger 12
” Do for do i Frederiksted 16
” Do for leveret Brød og Kostpenge til do
i Christiansted. 65.6
” Do for leveret do og do til do i Frederst. 45.16
” Do for betalt i Syeløn til do i Christ. 39.45
” Do for do til do i Frederikst. 35
” Do for do til de Syge do i Frederiksted 14.84 124 244.58

Folio 241
1835
Decemb.
Negernes Omkostninger
D. 31 Til P.G.Fyhramt for Huusleie til kongene-
Gerne i Christiansted for December Md. 12
” Do for do i Frederiksted for do 16
Do for leveret Brød og udbetalt Kost-
Penge til do i Christiansted 65.38
” Do for leveret ditto til ditto i Frederiksted 46.85
” Do for de syge Kongenegere i Christians-
sted 17.90
Veiermester Kirchhoff Huusleie for ditto 12
124 170.21
Transport 242 398.469.38

Neger Leie

1835
Januar 31 Til Cassa 139 493.72
Febr. 28 ” Cassa 143 551.84
Martii 31 ” Cassa 153 718.72
April 30 ” Cassa 170 718.72
Maii 31 ” Cassa 175 718.72
Junii 30 ” Cassa 187 718.72
Julii 31 “ Cassa 194 728.12
August 31 “ Cassa 203 762.87
Septemb. 30 “ Cassa 211 521.84

128
Octob. 31 “ Cassa 224 533.64
Novemb. 30 “ Cassa 231 534.60
Decemb. 31 “ Cassa 244 537.48
7.539.31
1835
Decem. Pr De Kgl. Indt. og Udgifters. Conto 130 7539.31

Folio 130
1835
Januarii
Neger Leie
D. 31 Til Veiermester Kirchhoff for en Opsynsmand
ved Vægten 25
” Do for 6 Negere ved do 112.48
” Reg. Secr. Petersen for 1 do ved Løn-
contoiret 18.72
” Const. Boghold. Reumert 1 do do 18.72
“ Toldkasserer Naser 1 do do 18.72
” Toldinspecteur Deneilly 1 do do 1 do
ved Nordside Vagthuus 1 do ved Toldbod-
baaden 56.24
” Toldkasserer Aarestrup 1 do ved Lønc. 18.72
” Toldinspecteur Didrichsen 4 Negere 75
” Const. Veiermester Kierumgaard 2 do 37.48
” Hospitalsforstander Fyhramt 3 do 56.24
” Do do 3 do 56.24 131 493.72

Folio 143
1835
Februarii
Negerleie
D 28 Til Veiermester Kirchhoff for leie af en Neger
I stedet for den syge Konge Neger Petrus 8.12
” Do for ditto i stedet for den syge ditto
Chemaux 8.12
” Følgende Negerleie for Februarii: Veier-
mester Kirchhoff for en Opsynsmand ved
Vægten 25
” 6 do ved do 112.48 137.48
” Regieringssecretair Petersen for en do

129
 ved Contoiret 18.72
“ Const. Bogh. Møller for 1 do til Contoiret 18.72
” Toldkasserer Naser 1 do til do 18.72
” Toldinspecteur Deneilly for 1 do ved do
1 ditto ved Nordside Vagthuus og 1 ditto
ved Baaden 56.24
” Toldkasserer Aarestrup for 1 ved Cont. 18.72
” Const. Toldinspecteur Didrichsen 1 do ved
Contoiret 1 do ved Sydside Vagthuus og
2 ved Baaden 75
Transport 360 144 19.364.54

Folio 152
1835
Martii
Neger Leie
D 31 Til følgende: Beløb af Negerleie for denne
Maaned Nemlig:
” Veiermester Kirchhoff for Opsynsmanden
ved Vægten 25
” for 14 ditto ved ditto 268.48 287.48
” Regieringssecretair Petersen for 1 til
Contoiret 18.72
“ Bogholder C.L. Müller 1 do til Contoiret
1. til 15 dennes 9.36
” Toldkasserer Kammr. Naser for 1 do ved
Contoiret 18.72
” Const. Bogholder Simmelkier for 1 do fra
15 til …? 9.36
” Toldinspecteur D’ Neilly for 1 do ved
Nordside Vagthuus og 1 ved Toldboden 56.24
Transport 400 153 38.970.39

Folio 169
1835
April
Negerleie
D 30 Til følgende: Beløbet af Negerleie for d.m.
Veiermester Kirchhoff en Opsynsmand
Ved Vægten 25

130
” for 14 Negere ved do 262.48
” Regieringssecret. Petersen for
Contoir Buddet 18.72
” Const. Bogh. Müller for do 18.72
” Toldkasserer Naser for do 18.72
” Toldinspecteur d’Neilly 3 Negere a
18.72 56.24
“ Toldkasserer C.W. Aarestrup Con-
toir Bud 18.72
” Toldinspecteur Didrichsen for 4 Negere 75
Transport 493.72 170 78.302.16

Folio 178
1835
Maii
Negerleie
Den 31 Til Veierboden i Christ. For Opsynsmanden 25
” Do for 14 Negere ved Vægten 262.48
” Regm. Secr. Petersen for 1 Neger 18.72
” Const. Bog. Simmelkier 1 do 18.72
” Toldkasserer Naser 1 do 18.72
” Toldinspecteur d’Neilly 3 do 56.24
“ Toldkasserer Aarestsrup 1 18.72
“ Toldinspecteur P. v. Scholten 4 75
“ Veiermester Kierumgaard 6 112.48
“ Hospitalsforstander Fyhramt 6 112.48 131 718.72

Folio 187
1835
Junii
Negerleie
D 30 Til diverse Embedsmænd de der ifølge
Reglementet af 8. Maii 1822 for
Junii Md tilstaaes Negerleie 131 718.72
Transport 188 148.848.54

Folio 194
1835
Julii
Negerleie

131
D 31 Til diverse Embedsmænd overensstemmende
med Reglementet af 8. Maii 1822 dem
tilkommende Negerleie for denne Md 718.72
” Veiermester Kierumgaard for leie af 1
Neger til Veierboden i Frederiksted 9.36 131 728.12
Transport 195 187.141.87

Folio 203
1835
August
Negerleie
D. 31 Til Efternævnte Embedsmænd for denne
Md nemlig:
Veiermesteren i Christianst. 287.48
Regieringssecretairen 18.72
Bogholder Contoiret 18.72
Toldkasserer Contoiret 18.72
Toldinspecteur d’Neilly 56.24
Toldkasserer D? 18.72
Toldinspecteur P. v. Scholten 75
Veiermesteren i Frederiksted 112.48
Hospitalsforstander Fyhramt 112.48
Do i stedet for 1 syg Neger 25.39
Veiermester Kierumgaard do 18.72 131 762.87

Folio 211
1835
Septemb.
Negerleie
D 30 Til efterfølgende Embedsmænd for d. M
Veiermesteren i Christ. Kirchhoff 137.48
Regieringssecretair Petersen 18.72
Bogholder simmelkier 18.72
Toldkasserer Naser 18.72
Toldinspecteur d’Neilly 56.24
Toldkasserer Deiv? 18.72
Toldinspecteur P. von Scholten 75
Veiermester Kierumgaard 56.24
Hospitalsforstander Fyhramt 112.48
Do for 1 Neger i stedet for syg do 9.36 131 521.84

132
Folio224
1835
October
Neger Leie
D 31 Til diverse Embedsmænd de der for Octbr.
Maaned tilkommende Negerleie 512.48
P.G.Fyhramt Leie for 1 Neger i steden for
1 syg Kongeneger 27.16 131 533.64
Transport 225 354.030.51
Folio231
1835
Novemb.
Negerleie
D 30 Til Reg. Secrt. Petersen for 1 Neger ved
Contoiret 18.72
Bogholder Simmelkier 1 do 18.72
Toldkasserer Naser 1 do 18.72
Veiermester Kirchhoff 7 do 137.48
Toldinspecteur De Neilly 3 do 56.24
Toldkasserer Deivhurst? 1 do 18.72
Toldinspecteur v Scholten 4 do 75
Veiermester Kierumgaard 2 do 37.48
Do I steden for 1 syg do 18.72
P.G.Fyhramt for 3 do 56.24?
Do for 3 do i stedet for de 3 kasserede 56.24
For 1 do i stedet for Sophie som er solgt 18.72
For Leie af 1 do for Novem. 3.60 131 534.60
Transport 232 371.596.2

Folio 244
1835
December
Neger Leie
D 31 Til Veiermester Kirchhoff for 1 Opsynsmand
Ved vægten 25
” samt 6 do ved do 112.48
” Sect. Petersen for 1 do ved Secretariatet 18.72
“ Bogh. Petersen for 1 do til Bogh.Contoiret 18.72
” Kammer. Naser for 1 do ved Kasserercont. 18.72

133
” Toldinspecteur De Neilly for 3 do 56.24
“ Toldinspecteur v. Scholten for 4 do 75
“ Veiermester Kierumgaard for 3 do 56.24
“ Hospitalsforstander Fyhramt for 3 do
ved Hospitalet 56.24
” Do for 3 do for kasserede do 56.24
” Do for 1 do i steden for Neg.
Sophie som er bortsolgt 18.72 131.24
” Veiermester Kirchhoff Leie for 1 do
i stedet for Negeren Petrus 6.24 131 537.48

134
St. Croix 1847
Box 5.76 (most likely listed in Rd)
Negrene (28), Negerleie (188), Negrenes omkostninger (189) og Negre ved milit. Tieneste (197).

Folie 28, venstre side

Negrene
1847
Januar Til Balance fra ao 1846
For 15 mænd, 6 quinder, 3 drenge og 2 piger 6150 Rd

Højre side Cr (?) Folie Rd/$

Marts 29 Pr: cassa Bilag herved no 59 76 175
Decbr 31 .. Capital Conto
For beløbet af forskellen imellem den under 29 marts hidstanden (?) indbetalte kiøbesum 175 Rd (?) v. 6
forhen kongen tilhørende neger Johan Abraham’s frihed, og den værdi, hvorfor han står anført
350 Rd 9 175
Ligeså udgår Negerinden Florah der ifølge Regeringens Resolution af 25 November er forflyttet til St.
Thomas og der optarer bilag no 193 uden
.. Balance, i dag a Regnskabet holder .. regnskab
omen kongsnegerne 227 5800
Anført i anden skrift nedenfor: 2 kost (?) a 5 a antal 1847 Rd6150

Folie 76, venstre side

Marts Negrene
Af Eliza Cruse beløbet hvorfor det er tilladt hende at frikiøbe den hans Majestæts tilhørende Ufrie (?)
Abraham Rogiers
alias John Abraham 28 175

Folie 189, venstre side

Negernes omkostninger
1847 folie Rd
Januar Til cassa 66 241.77
Febr .. cassa 67 242.5
Marts .. cassa 82 254.75
April .. cassa 90 200.43
Mai .. cassa 97 216.16
Juni .. cassa 107 301.10
Juli .. cassa 116 209.10
Aug .. cassa 119 223.59

135
Septr .. cassa 133 228.69
Octobr .. cassa 141 253.22
Novbr .. cassa 148 185.76
Decbr .. cassa 151 267.30
Rd 2794.15

Højre side
Negernes omkosninger Cr Folie Rd
December 31 Pr Toldvæsenet på St. Croix 15 937.48
Negerleie
For beløbet af den .. Negerleie for efter… kongsnegere der in natura … afgiver til .. ved de militaire
hospitaler, navnlig:
I Christiansted:
Joseph og Jacob halv … 375
og John Abraham for 3 mdr. da han
blev kiøbt fri 46.84
I Frederiksted:
Philippa, Emma og John
for halv … 188 562.48 984.36
Indtægters og Udgifters Conto 224 872.27
Rd 2794.15

Folie 66, højre side

Cassa Conto Cr
1847
Januar 31 Negrenes omkostninger
Til L. Wittrog, leie til en neger ved Frederiksteds hospital i steden for kongsnegerne David og Thomas
15.60
Samme for Rugmel m.m. til Negerne i Christiansted
for d. måned 38.31
Samme ditto ditto i Frederiksted i d. m. 57
Samme leie for negere i steden for de syge kongsnegere i
Christiansted for d. m. 189 45.80 241.77

Folie 67, højre side

Cassa Conto Cr
Februar 28 Negrenes omkostninger
Til Simmelkiær, efter (?) til de syge kongsnegere i Christiansted
I d. m. 43.54
Samme, leie for negere istedenfor de syge kongsnegere i

136
 d. m. 36.94
L. Wittrog for rugmel m.m. til negerne i
Christiansted 38.13
Samme d. i Frederiksted i d. m. 77.72
Samme leie til en neger ved Frederiksteds hospital istedenfor kongsnegeren David og Thomas for d. m.
189 15.60 212.5

Folie 82, højre side

Marts Negernes omkostninger
Til Wittrog, leie til neger ved Frederiksted hospital for
d. m. 15.60
Doctor Worm for tilsyn og medicin til 16 negere i
Frederiksted d. m. 20
Wittrog efter Regning for Rugmel m.m. til kongsnegere
i Christiansted i d. m. 45.65
Samme til ditto ditto I Frederiksted 80.87
Simmelkiær hospitalsberegning for syge kongsnegere i
Christiansted i d. m. 39.30
Samme for leie af negre istedenfor syge kongsnegere i
d. m. 31.24
Wittrog ditto ditto i Frederiksted i d. m. 11.94
Samme ifølge Regning for Pleie til de syge kongsnegere
I Frederiksted i d. m. 189 10.6 254.78

Folie 90, højre side

April Negernes omkostninger
Til Wittrog, leie til 1 neger i stedet for David og Thomas
for d. m. 15.60
Samme pleie for syge negere i Frederiksted
i d. m. 7
Samme leie af 1 neger i Emmas sted i 8 dage og i Philippas
I 8 dage 8.32
Samme rugmel og kostpenge til negerne for d. m. navnlig:
I Christiansted 42.25
I Frederiksted 79.70
Simmelkiær pleie til syge negere i
Christiansted i d. m. 31.84
Samme leie for 1 neger i Jacobs sted i d. m. 15.60 (folie 189) 200.43

Folie 97, højre side

137
Mai 31 Negrenes omkostninger
Til Wittrog, leie for 1 neger i stedet for David og Thomas for
d. m. 15.60
Samme for Meel og kostpenge m.m. til kongsnegere i d. m.:
I Christiansted 43.32
I Frederiksted 79.44
Samme for hospitalspleie til en syg negere i
Frederiksted i d. m. 13.54
Samme leie til 1 neger i dennes sted [altså, den syge der er i hospitalspleje]
I d. m. 15.60
Simmelkiær, pleie til de syge kongsnegere i
Christiansted i d. m. 32.90
Samme leie til 1 neger i stedet for de syge kongsnegere
I d. m. 189 15.60 216.16

Folie 107, højre side

Juni Negrenes omkostninger
Til doctor Aagard efter regning for tilsyn og medicin til de kongl. negere
… i d. m. i Christiansted 23.72
.. Worm ditto ditto for 16 negere I
Frederiksted I 1 Cet Qro (?) 20
Wittrog, leie til en neger ved Frederiksteds hospital i stedet for
Kongsnegerne David og Thomas for d. m. 15.60
Samme ditto til en ditto i en syg kongsnegers sted
For d. m. 15.60
Samme hospitalspleie for syge negere i Frederiksted
I d. m. 13.12
Samme for rugmel og kostpenge m.m. til negerne i d. m.:
I Christiansted 42.25
Og i Frederiksted 77.21
Samme for sygeløn til negerne i …
termin d. m. 46
Simmelkiær hospitalspleie for negere i d. m.
I Christiansted 31.84
Samme, leie til en neger i stedet for syg neger Jacob
I d. m. 189 15.60 301.10

Folie 116, højre side

Juli Negrenes omkostninger
Til Simmelkiær, hospitalspleie for kongsnegere i Christiansted

138
 I d. m. 32.24
Samme, leie for en neger i stedet for en syg
Kongsneger 7.78
Wittrog, leie til en Neger ved Frederiksteds hospital … derfor
Kongsnegerne David og Thomas for d. m. 15.60
Samme hospitalspleie for negere i Frederiksted
I d. m. 13.54
Samme leie til en neger i de syges sted
i d. m. 15.60
Samme for meel og kostpenge til kongsnegerne
I d. m. 44.74
Samme ditto ditto til ditto i Frederiksted 79.44 (folie 189) 209.10

Folie 119, højre side

August Negrenes omkostninger
20 Til Madam Hansen for at forløse en negerinde
Philippa Bilag no 150 5
31 Wittrog leie for en neger i stedet for
David og Thomas 15.60
Samme ditto for en ditto i de syge
Kongsnegere … d. m. 15.60
Samme for Meel og kostpenge til negerne
I Christiansted 48.86
Og i Frederiksted 76.5
Samme for hospitalspleie til de syge negere i Frederiksted
I d. m. 21.84
Simmelkiær ditto til ditto i Christiansted 26.60
Toldinspecteur de Nully for leie af en neger til vægten i Christiansted fra 22de til 29de denne md i stedet
for Petrus 9.36
Simmelkiær .. pleie til syge negere i
Christiansted 189 4.52 223.59

Folie 133, højre side

Septbr Negrenes omkostninger
Til Doctor Worm, lægetilsyn med kongsnegerne i Frederiksted
I d. m. 21.24
Wittrog, leie for neger for d. m. 15.60
Samme, ditto i de syge kongsnegeres sted
I d. m. 15.60
Samme for pleie til syge negere i Frederiksted

139
 I d. m. 26.24
Samme for rugmel og kostpenge til negerne i d. m.
I Christiansted 45.12
I Frederiksted 71.82
Simmelkiær, hospitalsforplejning over kongsnegere i
Christiansted i d. m. 27.72
Samme extrapleie til ditto i ditto 2.49
Guarnisons.. Knudsen for et …bind til negeren
Chemeaux 189 2.70 228.69

Folie 144, højre side

Samme (Simmelkiær) for 4 flannel s…? til kongsneger Jacob R. R. 4 novbr 5.54

Total: 253.22
Folie 148, højre side
Novbr Negrenes omkostninger
Til Wittrog leie af en neger i stedet for David og Thomas
I d. m. 15.60
Total 185.76

Folie 153, højre side

…
13 Til Wittrog for sygeløn for kongsnegere for
2de halvar 1847 49
Simmelkiær, hospitalspleie til kongsnegrene i
Christiansted i d. m. 13.84
Wittrog ditto i Frederiksted 2.60
Extrapleie til ditto 2.8
Samme for meel og kostpenge til ditto
I Christiansted 45.79
Samme i Frederiksted 86.69
Simmelkiær leie af en neger i de syges sted
I d. m. 3.12
Doctor Knudsen for lægetilsyn med negerne i Christiansted
I 2. halvår 847 22.48
Worm ditto i Frederiksted i d. quartal 21.24
Wittrog, leie til en neger ved Frederiksteds hospital i stedet for kongsnegerne
David og Thomas for d. m. 189 15.60 267.30

Folie 188, venstre side

140
Neger leie
Her har hver måned en udgift på 46.84 på hhv. folier:
Jan 65
Feb 73
Marts 78
April 87
Maj 93
Juni 105
Juli 114
August 24
Sept 128
OKt 137
Nov 144
Dec 1 153
Negernes omkostninger 189 984.36 Rd

Folie 65, højre side

Januar Neger leie
Til general Søbøtker, 1 neger for d. m. 15.60
Secretair Rahr (von Rohr?), 1 ditto 15.60
Bogholder Kaalund, 1 ditto 15.60 46.84
Folie 188

Folie 73
Ditto

Folie 78
Ditto

Folie 87
Ditto

Folie 93
Ditto

Folie 105
Ditto

Folie 114
Ditto

141
Folie 124
Ditto bogholder hedder nu Heilbuth

Folie 128
Ditto, 1. post nu delt mellem Søbøtker og Scholten på hhv. 7.78 hver for en halv måned

Folie 137
Væk er Søbøtker, Scholten overtager den fulde postering på 15.60 Rd

Folie 144
Ditto

Folie 153
Ditto

Folie 197, venstre side

1847 Negere ved den militaire tjeneste Folie Rd
Januar Til cassa 63 286.44
Febr .. cassa 72 286.44
Marts .. cassa 80 286.44
April .. cassa 89 302.8
Mai .. cassa 96 302.8
Juni .. cassa 102 302.8
Juli .. cassa 113 302.8
August .. cassa 121 302.8
Sept .. cassa 131 302.8
Oct .. cassa 140 302.8
Novbr .. cassa 147 302.8
Decbr .. cassa 156 302.8
Rd 3575.12
Højre side
Cr Pr Landmilitair etaten folie 205 3575.12

Folie 63, højre side

Januar Negre ved militair tieneste
Til Dapte (?) v. Strandgaard for 1 for d. m. 15.60
.. Gjellerup.. 2.. 31.24
Lietnt. Meincke … 1 15.60
Hospitalsforstander Wittrog brøndpenge og negerleie for

142
 d. m. 145.80 folie 187 286.44

Folie 72, højre side

Februar Negre ved militair tjeneste
Til … (samme som ovenfor, kan stadig ikke læse det)
v. Strandgaard for 1 for d. m. 45.60
Gjellerup 2 31.24
Castonier 1 15.60
Wittrog, negerleie og brøndpenge
evt. samme som ovenfor 145.80
Simmelkiær, f. d. m. 78.12 folie 187 286.44

Folie 80, højre side

Marts Negre ved militair tjeneste
Ditto ovenfor alle poster!

Folie 89, højre side

April Negre ved militair tjeneste
Ditto ovenfor, dog på nær sidste post:
Simmelkiær leie til 6 negere ved hospitalet i
Frederiksted i d. m. 93.72 197 302.8

Folie 96, højre side

Ditto ovenfor

Folie 102, højre side

Ditto!

Folie 113, højre side

Ditto!

Folie 121, højre side

Ditto!

Folie 131, højre side

Ditto!

Folie 140, højre side

Ditto!

143
Folie 147, højre side
Ditto, bortset fra at 1. post nu er til en Major Falbe

Folie 156, højre side

Ditto inkl. Major Falbe

144
St. Croix 1848
Box 5.77
Negrene (29), Negerleie (208), Negrenes omkostninger (209) og Negre ved milit. Tieneste (220)

Folie 29, venstre side

Negre Dr
1848 Mænd Fruetim Rd
Januar 1 Til balance fra Ao 1847
Ifølge forordning (?) forentning af 23 mai og 9 juni 1843 (???)
I Christiansted:
Petrus 1 ved veierboden 450
Thomas 1 400
Joseph 1 400
Jacob 1 ved hospitalet 100
I Frederiksted:
Daniel 1 500
Frederik 1 ved veierboden 500
Hendrich 1 500
John 1 350
Emma ved hospitalet 1 500
Philippa 1 300
Invalider:
Frederik 1 -
John 1 -
Susannah 1 125
Chameux 1 500
Thomas 1 400
David 1 400
Ackay 1 -
Magreth 1 -
Marie 1 100
Børn:
Frederik 1 125
Joseph 1 100
Johannes 1 50
Susannah 1 -
Eliza Sulomi 1 -
17 7 5800

145
Højre side
December 31 Pr Capital Conto
For beløbet af den hans majestæts kongen tilhørende, ved døden d. 9 januar d. m. afgåede neger Frederik
for bilag no 6 Rd 500
.. ditto for negeren Hendrich ligeledes død d. 27 januar d.
m. bilag herved no 12 500
Ligeledes afskrives invalideneger John død den 29. februar d. m. og ført uden værdi,
Bilag no 43 & 137 -
Beløbet af de øvrige Hans Majestæt Kongen tilhørende negere der er frigivne
Ifølge allerhøjeste kongelig resolution 18 august 1848 4800 5800

Folie 209, venstre side

Negernes omkostninger
1848 Folie Rd
Januar 66 185.53
Februar 76 148.8
Marts 80 202.42
April 93 147.32
Maj 101 143.21
Juni 108 179.72
Juli 118 16.54
August 121 97.46
September 139 146.53
Oktober 151 95.52
November 167 69.51
December 238 71.82
Bilag no 281 1504.65

Højre side
1848
Decbr 31 Pr Toldvæsenet på St. Croix folie 15 302.8
Negere ved den militaire tieneste
for beløbet af den … negerleie for efternævnte kongsnegere der in natura hare været afgiver til tjeneste ved
de militaire hospitaler navnlig:
I Christiansted:
Joseph og Jacob fra efter Januar til 3de juli da de blev frigivne den
6 … 3 dage 190.60
I Frederiksted:
Philippa, Emma og John i samme tid ligeledes
frigived nu 285.90 folie 220 476.54

146
 Indtægters og Udgifters Conto folie 247 726.6
1504.08

Negernes omkostninger oversigt!

Folie 66, højre side

Januar 31 Negrenes omkostninger Rd F Rd samlet
Til L. Wittrog, leie til en neger ved Frederiksteds hospital
For d. m. 15.60
Simmelkiær for pleie til udygtig kongsneger
I Christiansted i d. m. 13.54
L. Wittrog ditto I Frederiksted ditto 7.66
Samme for Ruugmeel og kostpenge til negerne i d. m:
I Christiansted 52.87
I Frederiksted 82.92
Samme efter regning for at åbne 2 Grave for
Kongsnegerne Frederik og Henrich 3.12
M. E. Abbott for ligkiste til ditto 10 209 185.83

Folie 76, højre side

Februar Negrenes omkosninger
Til L. Wittrog, leie til en neger ved Frederiksteds hospital
For d. m. 15.60
Sundkur Petersen for en ligkiste til
Konsneger John 5
W. Simmelkiær efter hospitalsberegning
For syyg kongsneger i Christiansted i d. m. 12.66
L. Wittrog for Meel og kostpenge til negerne i d. m.
I CHristiansted 46.37
I Frederiksted 68.37 209 148.8

Folie 80, højre side

Marts Negrenes omkostninger
13 Til F. de Silva efter regning for en grav til afdøde
Kongsneger John 5.48
L. Wittrog leie til en neger ved Frederiksted hospital i stedet for kongsnegrene
David og Thomas 15.60
Lieutn. v. Meincke efter regning for sorgeklæder for de ved

147
 weierboden ansatte 2 negere 20.15
Doctor Worm efter Regning for tilsyn og medicin til 15 negere i
Frederiksted dette års d. m. 18.72
W. Simmelkiær pleie til syge negere i Christiansted
I d. m. 21.84
Samme leie for en neger i stedet for en syg
Kongsneger 9.86
L. Wittrog for meel og kostpenge til kongsnegrene i d. m.
I Christiansted 37.90
I Frederiksted 72.66 209 202.41
Folie 93, højre side
April Negrenes omkostninger
Til L. Wittrog leie for en neger ved Frederiksteds hospital
For d. m. 15.60
Simmelkiær, pleie for syge kongsnegere i Christiansted
I d. m. 17.48
Samme, leie for en neger i de syges sted 5.20
L. Wittrog for rugmel m. m. til kongsnegere i d. m.
I Christiansted 38.46
I Frederiksted 70.50 209 147.32

Folie 101, højre side

May Negrenes omkostninger
Til L. Wittrog, leie for en neger ved Frederiksteds hospital
For d. m. 15.60
W. Simmelkiær, hospitalspleie for syge kongsnegere i
Christiansted i d. m. 13.54
L. Wittrog, for meel og kostpenge til negrene i
Christiansted 41.23
Samme ditto i Frederiksted 72.66 209 143.11

Folie 108, højre side

Juni Negrenes omkostninger
Til L. Wittrog, leie til en neger ved Frederiksteds hospital
For d. m. 15.60
Guarnisonskirurg Knudsen for lægetilsyn med kongsnegere
I dette halvår 1848 18.32
W. Simmelkiær forpleigning af syge kongsnegere
I Christiansted i d. m. 14.84
Samme leie af en neger i den syges sted 2.8

148
 L. Wittrog for rugmel m.m. til kongsnegrene
I Christiansted 39.53
Samme ditto i Frederiksted 70.15
Doctor Worm, lægetilsyn med kongsnegerne i
Frederiksted i 2…. D. år? 18.72

Folie 118, højre side

Juli Negrenes omkostninger
Til L. Wittrog leie til en neger ved Frederiksteds hospital
I d. m. 15.60
Samme for en Grav til kongsnegerinden Philippas barn
Død d. 2de Juli d. m. 1.24 209 16.84

Folie 121, højre side

Aug Negrenes omkostninger
10 Til M. E. Abbott for en ligkiste til kongsnegerinden
Philippas nyfødte barn død d. 2de af d. m. 3.12
L. Wittrog husleie for juli for Invalide negere Marie
og Margareth 4
Samme leie til .. ved Frederiksteds hospit. 15.60
Samme pleie til syge invalide Frederik i d.m. 13.54
Samme for mel og kostpenge til invaliderne i d. m.
I Christiansted 17.25
I Frederiksted 43.87

Folie 139, højre side

Septr Negrenes omkostninger
14 Til L. Wittrog for kostpenge til de hans majestæt førhen tilhørende invalide negere i d. m.
navnlig: I Christiansted 15.12
I Frederiksted fra 1 (?) til 25 august 33.59 bilag no 182
Simmelkiær for forpleining af invalide negeren
Frederik i f. m. 13.54
Samme for ditto ditto i d. m. 13.12
Wittrog, kostpenge m.m. til invalider i Frederiksted
fra 26de til 31 august 8.6
Samme ditto i Christiansted 14.23
Samme husleie til ditto 8 209 146.53

Folie 151, højre side

October Negrenes omkostninger

149
23 Til L. Wittrog, sygløn for de hans majestæt tilhørende invalide negre for
1ste termin 1848 21.48
31 Simmelkiær for forpleining af invalid kongsneger Frederik
På hospitalet 13.54
L. Wittrog for meel og kostpenge til forrige invalide kongsnegere i
Christiansted i d. m. 15.11
Samme ditto i Frederiksted 41.65
Samme husleie til ditto 4 209 95.82

Folie 167, højre side

November Negrenes omkostninger
Til Simmelkiær for pleie til invalide Frederik på hospitalet
d. m. 13.12
L. Wittrog for meel og kostpenge til invalidenegere
i Christiansted 14.73
Samme ditto til ditto i Frederiksted 37.62
Samme husleie til ditto 4 209 69.51

Folie 238, højre side

December Negrenes omkostninger
Til Simmelkiær pleie på hospitalet til forrige kongsneger
Frederik .. 13.54
Wittrog, meel og kostpenge samt husleie til forrige kongsnegere
I Christiansted: 15.11
I Frederiksted 43.16 209 71.81

Folie 208, venstre side

Negerleie folie
Januar 63
Februar 73
Marts 84
April 89
Maj 99
Juni 103
Juli 117 (findes ikke?)
August 131
Septembr 140
October 151
November 163
December 175

150
Alle beløb samme hver måned: 46.34 i alt 562.48

Folie 63, højre side

Januar Negerleie
Til General v. Scholten for d. m. 15.60
Secretair Rahr 15.60
Bogholder Heilbuth 15.60 208 46.84

Folie 73
Februar ditto

Folie 84, højre side

Marts Til diverse for d.m. 46.84

Folie 89, højre side

April Ditto januar, bortset fra at det nu er bogholder Kaalund..

Folie 99, højre side

Juni ditto (april)

Folie 131, højre side

August Her er Scholten udskiftet med Kammerherre Oxholm

Folie 140, højre side

Septbr Til diverse for d. m. 46.84

Folie 151, højre side

October ditto

Folie 163, højre sid e

Novbr ditto

Folie 175, højre side

Decbr Negerleie
Til general Hansen for d. m. 15.60
Secretair Rahr 15.60
Bogholder Kaalund 15.60 208 46.84

Folie 220, venstre side

Negere ved den militaire tieneste

151
Januar folie 65
Februar 75
Marts 83
April 91
Maj 96 Alle værdi af 302.8
Juni 107
Juli 116
August 128
September 142
October 154
November 166 Alle værdi af 396.80
December 178
Negrenes omkostninger 209 476.54

Højre side
Det kommer stadig fra landmilitair etaten

Folie 64, højre side

Januar Negre ved den militaire tieneste
Til major Falbe for d. m. 15.60
Gjellerup 31.24
Captain v. Castonier 15.60
Hospitalsforstander Wittrog brøndspenge (?) og
negerleie for d. m. 145.60
Simmelkiær, negerleie for d. m. 93.72 220 302.8

Folie 75, højre side

Februar Ditto ovenfor

Folie 83, højre side

Marts Ditto

Folie 91, højre side

April Ditto

Folie 96, højre side

Maj ditto

Folie 107, højre si de

Juni ditto

152
Folie 116, højre side
Juli Ditto

Folie 128, højre side

August Til diverse officerer, negerleie for d. m. 62.48
L. Wittrog brøndspenge og negerleie for d. m. 145.80
Simmelkiær negerleie for d. m. 93.72 220 302.8

Folie 142, højre side

Septbr Negre ved den militaire tieneste
Til Major Falbe for d. m. 15.60
Gjellerup 31.24
Leutnt. Castonier kasen (?) 15.60
L. Wittrog, brøndpenge og negerleie til
guarnisons bageriet Rd 145.80
Samt leie for 3 negere ved Frederiksteds
hospital for d. m. 46.84 (samlet 192.68)
Samme, leie for en neger i stedet for de Kongen tilhørende negere
David og Thomas for d. m. 15.60
W. Simmelkiær, leie for 8 negere ved Christiansteds
hospital for d. m. 125 220 395.80

Folie 154, højre side

October ditto, blot med lidt forskellige interne beløb

Folie 166, højre side

November ditto, samme beløb som i october

Folie 175, højre side

December Missing

St. Croix 1849

Box 5.78
Under ”n” findes negrenes omkostninger (225)

Folie 225, venstre side

Negrenes omkostninger Folie Rd
Januar Til cassa 68 18.35

153
Februar .. 79 16.56
Marts .. 88 45.61
April .. 107 29.56
Maj ... 119 30.46
Juni .. 129 37.24
Juli .. 139 38.88
August .. 143 39.96
Septm .. 161 35.12
October .. 169 40.32
Novebr .. 178 29.12
December .. 193 32.48
393.66
Højre side
Decbr Pr Indtægters og Udgifters conto 393.66
BILAG 144

Folie 168, højre side

Januar Negrenes omkostninger
Til W. Simmelkiær, forpleining på hospitalet d.m. af
Kongeneger Frederik $ 8.68
L. Wittrog for meel og kostpenge til invaliderne i
Christiansted i d. m. 9.67 225 18.35

Folie 79, højre side

Februar Negrenes omkostninger
Til W. Simmelkiær, rugmel og kostpenge for
invalide negere $8.72
Samme, forpleining af syge invalide
I d. m. 7.84 225 16.56

Folie 88, højre side

Marts Negrenes omkostninger
Til L. Wittrog, kostpenge m.m. til forrige kongsnegere
I fred. For jan $18.67
Samme, husleie til ditto 2.56
G. P. Woods for at underholde 5 invalide kongenegere i 16 dage
Af Marts m. i 11 dage… 8.80
W. Simmelkiær for ditto
I Christiansted 9.38
Samme for forpleining paa hospitalet i d. m.

154
 Af kongenegeren Frederik 6.20 225 45.61

Folie 107, højre side

April Negrenes omkostninger
Til samme (Simmelkiær) kostpenge, brød og husleie til de
forrige kongenegere for d. m. $9.16
Samme, forpleining til Frederik i d. m. 6
G. P. Woods for underholdning m.m. af invaliderne i
Frederiksted 14.40 225 29.56

Folie 117 mangler!

Folie 119, højre side

Mai Negrenes omkostninger
Til Simmelkiær, brød og kostpenge samt husleie til forrige kongenegere
I Christiansted i d. m. $9.38
Samme hospitalspleie til negeren Frederik 6.20
G. P. Woods for underholdning af negrene i
Frederiksted 14.88 225 30.46

Folie 129, højre side

Juni Negrenes omkostninger
Til Landkassen kopskat pro 1847 af de hans majestæt
da tilhørende negere $7.68
Simmelkiær, brød og kostpenge samt husleie
til forrige kongenegere for d. m. i Christians 9.16
Samme for hospitalspleie for do syg negere Frederik 6
G. P. Woods for brød m.m. til ditto
I Frederiksted 14.40 225 37.24

Folie 139, højre side

Juli Negrenes omkostninger
Til Simmelkiær for brød og kostpenge m.m. til forrige
Kongenegere i Christiansted d. m. $18.76
G. P. Woods ditto til i Frederiksted d. m. 13.22
Simmelkiær hospitalspleie af forrige kongeneger
Frederik 6.20 225 38.88

Folie 143, højre side

August Negrenes omkostninger

155
23 Til Simmelkiær for sygløn i efter halvåret 1849til 3 hans majestæt forhen tilhørende
invalide negere i Christiansted $3.84
Samme, kostpenge og huslei til negrene
I Christiansted 18.76
Woods ditto til ditto i Frederiksted 11.16
W. Simmelkiær forpleining på hospitalet
Af Frederik 6.20 225 39.96

Folie 161, højre side

September Negrenes omkostninger
Til G. P. Woods for brød og kostpenge til invalidenegrene i
Frederiksted i d. m. $10.80
Simmelkiær ditto samt husleie til ditto i
Christiansted i d. m. 18.22
Samme hospitalpleie til invaliden Frederik 6 225 35.12

Folie 169, højre side

October Negrenes omkostninger
Til Simmelkiær for ligkiste og grav til invalideneger
Frederik $4.80
Samme for brød og kostpenge til invalidenegrene i
Christiansted i d. m. 18.76
Samme hospitalspleie til invaliden Frederik 5.60
G. P. Woods for brød og kostpenge til Invaliderne
I Frederiksted i d. m. 11.16 225 40.32

Folie 178, højre side

November Negrenes omkostninger
Til Simmelkiær for underholdning til invalidenegerene i
Christiansted i d. m. $18.32
Woods for ditto til ditto i Frederiksted 10.80 225 29.12

Folie193, højre side

December Negrenes omkostninger
Til Simmelkiær for klædestykker til forrige invalidenegere for
2det halvår 1849 $2.56
Samme for brød og pleie til ditto i Christ 18.76
P. G. Woods ditto I Frederiksted 11.16 225 32.48

156
157
Appendix B: Transcription hovedbøger St. Thomas & St. Jan
From: Reviderede Regnskaber, Vestindiske Regnskaber. Hovedbøger: St. Thomas & St. Jan, 1755-1917:
1792 & 1793, box 1.37; 1794, box 1.39-1.40; 1800-1801, box no. 1.45-1.46; 1801 – 1804, box no. 1.47-1.49; 1806, box no. 1.51;
1807(-1808), box no. 1.52-1.53; 1815, box no. 1.59; 1816, box no. 1.60; 1832, box no. 1.76; 1833, box no. 1.77; 1834, box no. 1.78;
1835, box no. 1.79; 1847, box no. 1.91; 1848, box no. 1.92, 1849, box no. 1.93-1.94.

St. Thomas & St. Jan 1792

Box 1.37

Folie 46, højre side

Kongelige Negres Capital
Januar
Balance fra sidste år: 8925 Rd
1. kolonne:
Kongelige
Bilha uduelig (ingen værdi) -
Aura 300 Rd
Catharinia pige 150
Bilha ditto 75
Frantz udygtig 20
Jørgen Bomba 300
Isaac udygtig 50
Anthony (tegn?) 125
Avalina 200
Amos med brok 170
Cassander med ….
Clement 300
Christian 350
Ludevig 350
Nicolay 350
Jacob 350
Daniel Sygelig 100
3190

2. kolonne
Kongelige transport af 3190

158
 Johannes 200
Johannes Bager 350
Joina (?) 200
Andreas 100
Hospitalets!
Jacob Barber 500
William 350
Randolph 350
Primus 150
Lucas 100
Jani (?) 75
Abraham 50
Thomas 350
Rosalina 160
Sara 100
Phillis 300
Amalia 300
6825
Kongelige negere på St. Jan
Jaique bomba 240
Mattheus 100
Francis 150
Polly gl. (gammel) 50
Maria 250
Anna, ? 150
Betty 100
Christian fød 1789 50
Quasiba 125
Catharina 250
Christopher 250
Maria Rosuia 225
Charlotte 160 2100
8925

May 9, 1792
P. Capital Eta
Ifølge Dr. Ulrichts indgiven aktstykke for det af negeren Anthony inden 24. marts er ved døden afgået … afskrives med 125
Rd.
Dec. 31 1792, Kongl. Balance 10.463,,65

159
Folio 47, Kongelige negres capital
1792 marts 27. A. Westindiske Handels Selskab for neger Simons indkiøb 380
April 30 Cassa ditto neger Morten 417
Sept 4 ditto neger Isaac 400
Sept 5 ditto tilbage betaler Casseren Quarter Auctionarius Sallarium af Negeren Morten 16.65
Sept 21 Capital ditto negerinde Amalias barn født og 7nd denne døbt Anna Maria 50
Nov. 15 Cassa ditto negren Samba kiøbt summa 400
Transport 10.588,,65

160
St. Thomas & St. Jan 1793
Box 1.37 (samme som 1792)

Indholdfortegnelse:
Negrenes capital kongl. Folie 35 a 36
Ditto og slavernes pleie folie 90

Folie 35
1793
January 1 A. Kongelig balance fra f. a. (forrige år) 10.463,,65

Kongl. Negere på St. Thomas & St. Jan

Bilha uduelig (ingen værdi) -
Aera 300 Rd
Catharina pige 150
Bilba ditto 75
Frantz udygtig 20
Jörgen bomba 300
Isaac udygtig 50
Quamina 200
Amos med brok 170
Casander med kazarus (?) af ingen værdi
Clement 300
Christian 350
Ludvig 350
Nicolay 350
Daniel, syge 100
Johannes 200
Johannes bager 350
Josua dreng 200
Andreas 100
Samson 380
Morten 417
Anna Maria født 1792 50

2 kolonne
St. Jan
Barber Neger Jacque 240
Mattheus 100

161
 Francis 150
Polly gl (gammel) 50
Maria 250
Anna, ? 150
Betty 100
Christian født 1789 50
Quasiba 125
Catharina 250
Christopher 250
Maria Rosina 225
Charlotte 160
Isaac 400
Samba 400
4762

På St. Thomas & St. Jan hospital

Jacob barber 500
William 350
Rudolph 350
Prince 150 (350)
Lucas 100
Isaac 75
Abraham 50
Thomas 350
Rosalina 160
Sara 100
Phillis 300
Amalia 300
2785
10447
Højre side, folie 35
May 13 1793
P.F.C. Werlun for negerinden gl. og Maria
Polly med barn Christian 428
Peter Durloo for negerinden Betty 251
Johs Zytsema for ditto Anna 300
Efter Oblig. Febr. Ditto

Decr. 31 Kongl. Balance 10.584,,65

Kongl. Negere på St. Thomas & St. Jan og St. Jan

162
 Bilha uduelig -
Acra 300
Catharina pige 150
Bilba ditto 75
Frantz udygtig 20
Jörgen bomba 300
Isaac udygtig 50
Quamina 200
Amos med brok 170
Cassander med Lazarus af ingen værdi
Clement 300
Christian 350
Ludvig 350
Nicolay 350
Jacob 350
Daniel sygelig 100
Johannes 200
Johannes bager 350
Josua dreng 200
Andreas 100
Samson 380
Morten 417
Anna Maria født 1792 50
4762 (evt. inkl. 2. kolonne også)

På St. Thomas & St. Jan hospital

Jacob barber 500
Rudolph 350
Prince 150
Lucas 100
Isaac 75
Abraham 50
1225
Transport 8687 41. 563,,65

Folie 36, venstre side

Kongelig Negres Capital
1793
February 20 A Cassa ditto Negermand Isaac kiøbt af Raadet til
Weierboden på St. Jan for den summa 400

163
Decb. 29 ditto buzal negeren Andreas kiøbt af Rådet til
hospitalet på St. Thomas & St. Jan for den summa 350
ditto, ditto … …. Christiansfort 350
700
Ud for de to ovenstående står notits at ”rådets ordre no 01/VI”
Samlet for de to ovenstående 700

11.565,,65

Højre side, folie 36

Rosalina 160
Sara 100 Phillis
300
Amalia 300 som/her 14 Anteg…
Andreas 350
William 350
På fortresset Christiansf.
Negeren Quassie 350
10.597

Negere og slavers pleie

1793 folie Rd, sk
Marty 13 A Cassa .. diæt penge 5 300
Juny ult. ditto ½ … tilsyn med de kongl. negere 9 40
July 5 ditto diætgage 10 300
Septbr. Ult. Ditto … for ny syeg på St. Jan hospital 12 6.32
October 31 ditto ditto ditto 13 3.32
Novbr. 14 ditto diætpenge 14 300
30. ditto Chirurgu Ottos pige ibd. 5
Decbr. 31 ditto ½ … tilsyn med de kongl. Negere 15 42
Ditto … for syge negere på hospitalet ibd. 25
1021. 64

Folie 5
Negeres pleie diæt penge folie 90 300

Folie 9
Negeres pleye ½ år tilsyn med de kongelige Negere til Ulrich 90 40

Folie 11

164
Negeres pleie Gartner inholdt af …. folie 90 300

Folie 12
Diætpenge til de kongl. Negere 90 300
Negeres pleie betalt til Zytsema 90 6.32

Folie 12 (oct).
Negers pleie for negeren Andreas på St. Jan 90 3.32

Folie 14 (nov.)
Negeres pleie, Chir Ottos pige 90 5

Folie 15 (dec.)
Negeres pleie, for tilsyn udi sihste ½ år 90 42

St. Thomas & St. Jan 1794

Box 1.39-1.40

Folie 34
Kongelige Negeres Capital
1794
January 1 Pr. Kongl. Ballance fra forrige aar 10.584,,65
Kongl. Negere på St. Thomas & St. Jan

På St. Thomas
Bilha uduelig -
Aera 300 Rd
Catharina pige 150
Bilha ditto 75
Frantz udygtig 20
Jörgen Bomba 300
Isaac udygtig 50
Quamina 200
Amos med brok 170
Clement 300
Christian 350
Ludewig 350
Nicolay 350
Jacob 350

165
 Daniel Sygelig 100
Johannes 200
Johannes bager 350
Josua dreng 200
Andreas 100
Samson 380
Morten 417
Anna Maria 50

På St. Jan
Barber neger Jacque 240
Mattheus 100
Francis 150
Quasiba 125
Catharina 250
Christopher 250
Maria Rosina 225
Charlotte 160
Isaac 400
Samba 400
2700

4762
Højre side
Juny 30. Pro Capital Negeren Amos og Neger Pigen
Anna Maria Christiana der er bortdøde 111 220
Decbr. 31 ditto er Negerinden Amalia og
Negeren Frantz som er døde ibid. 320
Kongl. Balance 10.714.65

Kongl. Negere på St. Thomas & St. Jan

St. Thomas
Bilha uduelig -
Aero/Acra 300 Rd
Catharina pige 150
Bilha ditto 75
Frantz udygtig død
Jörgen bomba 300
Isaac udygtig 50
Quamina 200

166
 Cassander med Lazarus af ingen værdi
Clement 300
Christian 350
Ludewig 350
Nicolay 350
Jacob 350
Daniel sygelig 100
Johannes 200
Johannes bager 350
Josua dreng 200
Andreas 100
Samson 380
Morten 417
St. Jan
Barber neger Jacque 240 Rd
Mattheus 100
Francis 150
Quasiba 125
Catharina 250
Christopher 250
Maria Rosina 225
Charlotte 160
Isaac 400
Samba 400
Isaac 400
2700

4522
Transport 7222 folie 35 11.284.65

Folie 35 Kongelige Negeres capital

På St. Thomas hospital
Jacob barber 500
Rudolph 350
Prince 150
Lucas 100
Isaac 75
Abraham 50
Rosalina 160
Sara 100

167
 Phillis 300
Amalia 300
Andreas 350
William 350
Højre side
Samme hospitalsnegere som ovenfor inkl. samme værdier. Samlet værdi: 2485
På fortresset
Quasie eller Thomas 350
Ved veierboden
Hermann 350
Hendrich 350
Total 10.757

Folie 100 Negere og slavers pleie

1794
Febr. 28 A Cassa … Syge Negeres pleie på hospitalet folie 5 16.64
Marty 12 Ditto diætpenge ibd. 300
31 ditto syge negeres pleie på hospitalet 6 10.32
April 30 ditto ditto 7 19.64
Ditto på St. Jan ibd. 7
May 10 ditto Limprecht, Lenecke & Strickers
syge: for Rouan & Osnabrug 8 162.28
31 ditto syge negeres pleie på hospitalet ibd. 3.64
.. ditto, ditto på St. Jan ibd. 10.32
Juny 24 ditto diætpenge 9 300
30 ditto, ½ års tilsyn med de kongelige negere på St Jans 24
For inoculation (vaccine) 10 34
.. ditto ½ års tilsyn med de kongelige negere på St. Thomas ibd. 42
.. ditto syge negeres pleie på hospitalet ibd. 3
.. ditto, ditto på St. Jan ibd. 10
July 31 ditto, på St. Thomas 10 11.32
August 8 ditto efter erindringer pro 1792 … 9…. 11 2
30 ditto hospitalets Bere… for D. M. ibd. 2.64
Septbr 27 ditto diætpenge 12 300
Novbr 28 ditto hospitalets Bere.. for d. m. 14 16.44
Decbr 31 ditto Chrs Ottos for tilsyn med de kongelige negere
for sidste ½ år ibd 42
Janr 31 ditto hospitalets beregning (ligner ovenstående) 4 14.32

Højre side

168
Decbr 31 Pr Kongelige Udgifter 109 1318.92

Folie 4, højre side

Janu 31 Negeres pleie 100 14.32

Folie 5, højre side

Febr 28 Pr negeres pleie 100 16.64

Folie 6, højre side

Marty 31 ditto, negeres pleie 100 10.32

Folie 7, højre side

April 30 Negeres pleie 100 19.64

Folie 9, højre side

Juny 24 Negeres pleie 100 300
30 Negeres pleie 100 34
.. Negeres pleie 100 42
.. ditto 100 3
.. ditto .. hopit. Bereg. For St. Thomas d. m ibd (92) 100
We/be. … for ditto ibd 151.48
Hospitalets Be… for St. Jans d. m. ibd 8
… … for ditto ibd 24
.. Negeres pleie 100 10

Folie 10, højre side

July 31 Negeres pleie 100 11.32

Folie 11, højre side (burde også have fotograferet venstre side, mangler dato 8 august)
August 9 Negeres pleie D. 2.64 (?) 100 …
30 Negeres pleie på hospitalet 100 2.64

Folie 12, højre side

Septr 27 Negeres pleie, diætpenge 100 300

Folie 14, højre side

Novbr 30.. Negeres pleie 100 16.44

Folie 14(kan ikke passe), højre side

169
Decbr 31 negeres pleie, hospitalets beregninger (?) for d. m. 100 10.32
.. ditto .. Chs Otto for tilsyn sidste ½ år ibd 42

170
St. Thomas & St. Jan 1800/1801
Box 1.45
1800 findes der en hovedbog, pakke 1.45, hvor der står at man har indkøbt en negerdreng der lærer en profession for 450 Rd, negere til
Weierboden til samlet 750 Rd, noget/nogen til hospitalet til en værdi af 550 Rd. Ligeledes er der dette år døde: hospitalsnegeren Jacob til 600
Rd, Pakhuusnegere Jörgen til 300 Rd, fortresnegeren Johannes til 200 Rd.
I samme hovedbog for 1800, findes også en liste over negeres pleie. Her er der ikke mere poster ang. diætpenge, men op til flere om pleje, bl.a.
udført af Chirurgus, og en forløsning af en negerinde på St. Jan. Samlet kommer disse udgifter til 961.25 Rd.

For 1801 findes der to hovedbøger der begge dækker dette år. I den ene, den der hedder pakke 1.46 & 1.47 findes der ikke lister med negere
navne osv., men blot en værdi, hvori der står skrevet, at der ingen ændringer er noteret fra sidste år.

St. Thomas & St. Jan 1802

Box 1.47 (part of box no. 1.47-1.49)
Nothing related to the Royal Slaves are detailed this year.

St. Thomas & St. Jan 1803

Box 1.48 (part of box no. 1.47-1.49)

Folie 25, venstre side

Marty 30 Charlotte Sebastian for at forløse af kongens negerinde folie 5 6.24

Folie 2, venstre side

Dec 31 Negernes capital folie 60 11.523.65
.. Fortresset Christiansfort 67 10.000
Folie 4, venstre side
Januar 12 kostpenge 89 0.32

Folie 4, højre side

Januar 4 Negeres og slavers pleie 85 19.32

171
St. Thomas & St. Jan 1806
Box 1.51

Folie 2, højre side

Henvisning nr. 55 Negeres capital folie 48 12.433.65

På folie 48 er der ingen liste med navne osv., blot en samlet værdi pr. 31. december.

St. Thomas 1807

Box 1.52 (fra pakke 1.52-1-53)

Folie 2, højre side

January 1 Post 59, Negeres capital folie 51 12.433.65
Ud over denne findes også en hovedbog hvor der på forsiden står 1808, men hvor indholdet er beskrevet som tilhørende
1807. Her er beløbet for Negeres Capital det samme som ovenstående, dog på folie 46.

St. Thomas & St. Jan 1815

Box 1.59
In this hovedbog, there are no records of negeres capital, negeres omkostninger or anything else relevant to the Royal Slaves.

St. Thomas & St. Jan 1816

Box 1.60

Folie 3 (oversigt) højre side

Januar 1 66. Negeres Capital folie 94, 95 5.850 Rd

Folie 4, venstre side

Nothing of interest

Højre side
Marts 1 bilag (85?) Negeres Capital for 2n tilbage… … bortsolgte
neger Lit.(?) 5 folie 95 450 Rd

Folie 94, venstre side

1816
January 1 Til Balance fol. 3 5.850 Rd

172
Marts .. .. Capital Conto den tilbage… … Magdalenas Maria 350
Og La… Maria Elizabeth Værdi 100 4 450
Decbr 31 Negrenes omkostninger for i dette år fø…
Johannes William 153 50
.. .. ditto, som negerne dette års udgang er .. …
i det forrige 153 105

Højre side
1816
Decbr 31 Pr balance, som er hans majestæts negeres værdi ifølge bilaget no 22, navnlig:
På St. Thomas:
a. Hospitals negere
Christian 300 Rd
David 200
Charlotte 300
Susanna Elisabeth 400
Anna Susanna 200
Magdalena 400
1800 Rd
b. Forts negere:
Andreas 200 Rd
Cæsar 400 Rd
Randolp 150
Isaac 200
950
c. Bager negere:
Anna Bilha 450
Catherine 150
David 400
Josua 400
1400
d. neger børn
Susanna Johanna 250
Johan Jacob 200
Maria Catherina 150
Helena 100
Maria Elizabeth 150
Johan William 50
1000
overføres folie 05 5.150

173
Folie 95, Negeres capital
Venstre side
Værdi med henvisning til folie 94 6.455

Højre side
Decbr. 31 Pr. overført fol. 94 5150

e. Udtjente og gamle negere

Cassander 5 Rd
Salome alias Aqua 50
55
f. På St. Jan
Isaac … … creol 175
Mortena (?) alias Andreas 200
Carl 525
900
Summa fol. 191 6.105
.. .. Negernes omkostninger for dette år afdøde Neger Frantz, som .. … …
fol. 133 350
Folie 133
Har en post under ”hospitalsforstander Madame Thoager

Folie 153, Negrenes omkostninger

Venstre side
1816 Rd, sk
Januar Til Cassa folie 29 15.32
Februar ditto 101 4.64
Marts ditto 105 240.94
May ditto 110 11.64
Juny ditto 114 28.16
July ditto 118 1.020
August ditto 122 15.32
Septbr ditto 128 121.78
October ditto 131 3.64
Decbr. Ditto 138 725.24
31 Negeres capital 95 350
2536.84
Højre side
Decbr 31 Pr Negeres Capital 94 50

174
 Ditto 94 105
.. de kongelige Indtægters
og udgifters conto 189 2381.84

Folie 99, højre side

1816
Januar 31 Negernes omkostninger
til hospitalets forstanderinde for 3
negeres forpleigning i d. m. 153 15.32

Folie 101, højre side

Februar 29 Negernes omkostninger
Til hospitalets forstanderinde for
2 negres forplejning 155 4.67

Folie 105, højre side

Marts 31 Negernes omkostninger
Til Darcinity for 152 yard Osnabrug, 86 yard Lambo, 13 hatte,
14 ? tørklæder, 4 al? (alen?) hviid og 2 al (alen?) blaa traad til
de kongelige negre 221.46
.. forvalter Elsted paa St. Jan for … … nærmesk (?) kongs neger
Isaacs …holdning fra 30th December
1815 til 29rd Marts d. a. 19.48 153 240.94

Folie 110, højre side

May 31 Negernes omkostninger
Til hospitalets forstanderinde for 3 negeres
forplejning i d. m. folie 153 11.64

Folie 114, højre side

Juny 30 Negernes omkostninger
Til Toldskriver (?) Elsted for d..lsig på St. Jan og … kongs neger Isaacs
forpleigning i dette Quartal 19.48
.. hospitalets forstanderinde Madme Thoager for neger Isaacs
Forpleigning fra 5th til 30th denne 8.64
Folie 153 28.16

Folie 118, højre side

July 31 Negernes omkostninger

175
 Til hospitalets forstanderinde for de syge kongs negeres
forplejning i d. m. 20.00
.. forvalter Olivarius i diætpenge for de kongl. negere fra
19 September 1815 til ultimo July 1816 857.44
.. ditto .. …huus 142.52
Folie 153 1.020

Folie 122, højre side

August 31 Negernes omkostninger
til … Madme Cloelle for at forlgne (?) af kongens negerinde,
navnlig Magdalena 5
.. hospitalets forstanderinde for neger Isaac’s forplægning
fra 1th til 31th dennes 10.32
folie 153 15.32

Folie 128, venstre og højre side

Billeder af begge sider forefindes, men der står umiddelbart ikke noget af interesse.

Folie 131, højre side

Octbr. 31 Negernes omkostninger
til hospitalets forstanderinde for negerens Isaac’s forplægning
fra 1th til 11th denne.. folie 153 3.64

Folie 138, højre side

Decbr. 31 Negernes omkostninger
til husleie for Hospitalets og Lager negerne fra 23rd October 1815
til 23rd … 1816 og for Hospitalets Negerinde Magdalena fra
29th Febr. 1816 til 29rd … (samme måned som ovenstående der heller ikke er skrevet ud) d. a.
450.00 Rd
.. forvalter Elsted for Kongs neger Isaac’s forplægning i 4th Qu. d. a.
samt for klæde til ditto 33.30
Forvalter Olivarius for diætpenge fra 1o August til dato til de
kongelige negere … afdrag af at (?) nu den 30th Julu anholdt (?)
Romshus (?) af 142 Rd 52 og 3 241.90
Folie 153 725.24

176
St. Thomas & St. Jan 1832
Box 1.76
Negeres capital (35), Leie for Negere (132) og Negernes omkostninger (133)

Folie 35, venstre side

Negernes capital
Debet
1832 folie Rd
Januar 1 Til Balance 1 2525
Dec. .. Negernes omkostninger som der … vurdering af
Negerdrengen Nicolas ifølge vurderingsfor..,
idet bilag no 86 133 25

Folie 35, højre side

Credit Negernes Capital
1832
April Pr Cassa, vide bilag no 26 81 156.24
.. .. Negernes omkostninger for den mindre Auctionssumma
for Negeren Fortuna, med hans sidste Vurderingssum,
udi ditto bilag 133 343.72
Decbr Ditto for den mindre vurdering af Hans Majestæts Negere, i dette år ved bilag no 86, navnlig:
1 Charlotte 50
2 Gabriel 75 133 125
.. 31 Ballance, som er værdien af Hans Majestæts Kongens Negere på …, vide bilag no 86, navnlig:
1 Susannah Elizabeth 33 år 350
2 Charlotte 63 50
3 Anna Susannah 62 100
4 Adonis 20 300
5 Nicholas 16 250
6 Gerhadine 15 225
7 Maria Taphuss 41 275
8 Floretnz 32 150
9 Caspar 9½ 150
10 Catherine 47 25
11 Gabriel 38 25
12 David 42 25 159 1925
Anmærkning

177
Den til Hans Majestæts arbeids ansatte præsilia Negere Joseph Pedro fra Briggen Fenis er ifølge vurderingsformulering (?)
bilag no 86, vurderet til 200 Rd

Folie 133, venstre side

Debet Negernes omkostninger
1832 Folie Rd
Januar Til cassa 71 35.36
Februar Ditto 76 29.36
Marts Ditto 79 24.6
April Negernes capital 35 343.72
.. Cassa 83 32.65
May Ditto 85 49.89
Juny Ditto 89 97.72
July Ditto 94 55.56
.. capital conto for de med skibet Johanna Maria, Capitain
Christmas indførte (?) 6 st negersække (?),
vide bilag no 49 3 7.3
August Cassa 96 71.62
Septbr Ditto 100 55.42
Octbr Ditto 103 48.12
Novbr Ditto 106 33.22
Decbr Ditto 109 83.24
.. Negernes capital 35 125
1092.21

Folie 133, højre side

1832 Negernes omkostninger Credit
Decbr Pr Negernes Capital 35 25
.. .. Land Militair Etaten 154 609.72
.. De kongelige indtægters og
udgifters konto 158 457.45
1092.21

Folie 71, højre side

1832
Januar Negernes omkostninger
Til hospitalsforvalter Hansen for pleie til
de syge kongsnegere for d. m. 27.54
Ditto for extra ditto til ditto for d. m. 7.78

178
Folie 76, højre side
1832 Negernes omkostninger
Februar 29 Til hospitalsforvalter Hansen for de syge
kongsnegeres pleie for d. m. 26.24
Ditto for extra ditto til ditto for d. m. 3.12 29.36

Folie 79, højre side

1832 Negernes omkostninger
Marts 31 Til hospitalsforvalter Hansen for pleje til de syge
kongsnegere i d. m. 24.6

Folie 83, højre side

April 30 Negernes omkostninger
Til Mr Hansen for pleje til de syge
kongsnegere for d. m. 21.42
Ditto for ekstra ditto til ditto for
denne maaned 11.23 32.65

Folie 85, højre side

May 31 Negernes omkostninger
Til hospitalsforvalter Hansen for pleje til de syge
kongsnegere for d. m. 33.24
Ditto for ekstra ditto til ditto for d.m. 16.65 49.89

Folie 89, højre side

Juny 30 Negernes omkostninger
Til forvalter Holm for sygepenge til negernes
klædningsstykker for 1 July … 24.48
Do Ravn for Tilsyn og Medicamenter til ditto i
1st halvaar d. A. á 5 Rd 34
Do Mr Hansen for pleje til de syge kongsnegere på
hospitalet i d. man. I 81 dage 35.42
Ditto for ekstra ditto til ditto for d.m. 3.78 97.72

Folie 94, højre side

July 31 Negernes omkostninger
Til hospitalsforvalter Hansen for pleje til de syge
kongsnegere for d. m. 52.48
Ditto for ekstra ditto til ditto for d.m. 3.8 55.56

179
Folie 96, højre side
August 31 Negernes omkostninger
Til Mr Hansen for pleje til de syge
kongsnegere på hospitalet for d. m. 69.54
Ditto for ekstra ditto til ditto for d.m. 2.8 71.62

Folie 100, højre side

Septembr 29 Negernes omkostninger
Til Mr Hansen for pleje til de syge
kongsnegere på hospitalet for d. m. 52.90
Ditto for ekstra ditto til ditto for d.m. 2.48 55.42

Folie 103, højre side

Octbr 31 Negernes omkostninger
Til Mr Hansen for pleje til de syge
kongsnegere for denne md. 42
Ditto for ekstra ditto til ditto for d.m. 6.12 48.12

Folie 106, højre side

Novbr 30 Negernes omkostninger
Til hospitalsforvalter Hansen for pleje til de syge
kongsnegere for d. m. 28.84
Ditto for ekstra ditto til ditto for d.m. 4.34 33.22

Folie 109, højre side

Decbr 31 Negernes omkostninger
Til forvalter Holm syepenge til kongsnegernes
klæder for 2. Termin d. A. 24.48
.. hospitalsforvalter Hansen for pleje til de syge
kongsnegere for d. m. 26.24
.. do. Ravn Hornbeck for tilsyn og medicamenter
til ditto frå 1 July … til dato 32.48 83.24

St. Thomas & St. Jan 1833

Box no. 1.77
“N”: Negeres capital (41), Leie for negere (139), Negeres omkostninger (147)

180
Folie 41, venstre side
Debet Negeres Capital
1833
Januar 1 Til Balance folie 1 1925
Decbr. .. Negernes omkostninger, for den Saison
Mundering af efternævnte Negere:
I dette Aar, vide bilag no 67, navnlig:
1. Nicholas Rd 50
2. Florentz 50 147 100
2025

Folie 41, højre side

1833 Negeres Capital
April Pr Cassa 81 375
Decbr Negernes omkostninger for den mindre Mundering af
Negerinde Anna Susanna ifølge vedlagte Munderingsforrretning,
bilag no. 67 147 75
31.. Ballance som er Værdien af Hans Majestæt Kongens Negere paa St. Thomas, vide bilag no. 67, navnlig:
1 Susannah Elisabeth 34 Aar 350
2 Charlotte 64 50
3 Anna Susannah 63 25
4 Adonis 21 300
5 Nicholas 17 300
6 Maria Taphuus 42 275
7 Florentz 33 200
8 Catherine 48 25
9 Gabriel 34 25
10 David 43 25 1575
Anmærkning
Den til hans Majestæts arbejds ansatte
…neger? Joseph Pedro fra Briggen Feris
Er i følge en …?Bilag Nr. 67 vurderet
Til Rd. 200

Folio 147 venstre side: Negernes Omkostninger

1833
Januar 1 Til Cassa 72 13.12
Februar 1 “ ditto 75 14.90
” ” “ Capital Conto for de med Skibet Johanne
Maria Capitain L. Christmass udsendte

181
 Osnabrück, Hatte, Tørklæder og…?
Ved Bilag Nr. 6 3 79.35
April 1 “ Cassa 83 13.90
May 1 “ Ditto 87 17.48
Juny 1 “ Ditto 90 299.90
August 1 “ Ditto 100 7
Octbr. 1 “ Ditto 107 26.24
Novbr. 1 “ Ditto 110 12.66
Decbr. 1 “ Ditto 111 329.76
“ “ “ Negeres Capital 41 75
“ “ “ Capital Conto for Beløbet af det man til
Kongenegerne udleverede i Klædnings-
Stykker for dette Aar med …? debiteret
med Rd 21.77
Samt for Beløbet af den højere Vurdering
af Negerne for dette Aar. 25 3 46.77
Rd 936.32
Folio 147 højre side
Negernes Omkostninger
1833
Decbr . 1 Pr Negeres Capital 44 100
“ “ “ Land Militair Etaten 174 836.32
936.32

Folio 139 venstre side

1833
Leie for Negere Folio Rd. Sk.
Januar Til Cassa 71 369.66
Februar ” Ditto 74 372.48
Martz “ Ditto 78 370
April “ Ditto 82 379.36
May “ Ditto 85 390.60
Juny “ Ditto 89 828.12
July “ Ditto 96 319.76
August “ Ditto 99 323.52
Septbr. “ Ditto 109 319.76
Octbr. “ Ditto 106 357.28
Novbr. “ Ditto 109 337.88
Decbr. “ Ditto 112 727.28
Rd 5.155.90

182
Folio 139 højre side
1833
Decbr. 1 Pr Land Militair Etaten 174 3.805.90
“ “ “ De Kongl. Indtægters og Udgivters Conto 178 1.350
Rd. 5.155.90

183
St. Thomas & St. Jan 1834
Box no. 1.78

Folio
Negeres Capital 41
Leie for Negere 147
Negernes Omkostninger 152

Negeres Capital

Folio 41 venstre side Folio Rd. Sk

Januar 1. Til Balance 1 1.575
1.575
Folio 41 højre side
1834
December 31 Pr Balance som er Værdien af hans
Majestæts Negere paa St Thomas ved
Bilag Nr 52
1. Susannah Elizabeth 35 Aar 350
2. Charlotte 55 “ 50
3. Anna Susannah 64 “ 25
4. Adonis 22 “ 300
5. Nicholas 18 “ 300
6. Maria … 43 “ 275
7. Florenz 34 “ 200
8. Catharina 49 “ 25
9. Gabriel 40 “ 25
10. David 44 “ 25 184 1.575
Anmærkning
Den til hans Majestæts arbejds ansatte
…neger Joseph Pedro fra Briggen Feris
er ifølge ovennævnte Bilag Nr. 52
vurderet til Rd. 200.
Rd. 1.575

Folio 152 venstre side

1834
Negernes Omkostninger Folio Rd Sk
Januar Til Cassa 73 55.42

184
Februar “ Ditto 76 38.48
Martz “ Ditto 81 42.60
April “ Ditto 84 43.72
May “ Ditto 88 44.36
Juny “ Ditto 93 668.60
July “ Ditto 98 15.30
August “ Ditto 101 18.78
Septbr. “ Ditto 104 118.86
Octbr “ Ditto 108 10.48
Novbr. “ Ditto 111 4.36
Decbr. “ Ditto 115 177.24

638.44
Folio 152 højr side
1834
Decbr. 1. Pr. Land Militair Etaten 179 638.44

638.44
Folio 147 venstre side
1834 Folio Rd.Sk.
Leie for Negere

Januar Til Cassa 72 364.16

Februar “ Ditto 74 338.52
Martz “ Ditto 78 338.52
April “ Ditto 81 338.82
May “ Ditto 87 331.64
Juny “ Ditto 89 777.88
July “ Ditto 95 341.64
Augst. ” Ditto 99 346.64
Septbr. ” Ditto 102 319.76
Octbr. ” Ditto 106 334.76
Novbr. ” Ditto 110 326.4
Decbr. ” Ditto 113 769.76

4.928.42

Folio 147 højre side

1834
Decbr. 1. Pr. Land Militair Etaten 179 3.578.42

185
“ “ “ De kongel. Indtægters og
Udgivters Conto 183 1.350.

4.928.42

St. Thomas & St. Jan 1835

Box no. 1.79
Folio
Negeres Capital 36
Leie for Negere 150
Negernes Omkostninger 152

Negeres Capital
Folio 36 venstre side
1835 Folio Rd.Sk
Januar 1. Til Balance 1 1.575
1.575
Folio 36 højre side
1835
April 1. Pr Capital Conto, som har afskrives nemlig,
Vurderingssummen af Kongeneger Florenrz
som ved Døden er afgaaet…
ved Bilag No 24 3 200
Decbr. 31. Ballance som er Værdien af hans Majestæts
Konge Negere paa St. Thomas ved Bilag
No 73
Nemlig:
1.Susannah Elisabeth 36 Aar 350
2. Charlotte 66 ” 25
3. Adonis 23 ” 350
4. Nicolas 19 ” 350
5. Maria …? 44 ” 200
6. Anna Susannah 65 ” 25
7. Catharine 50 ” 25
8. Gabriel 41 ” 25
9. David 45 ” 25 176 1.375

Anmærkning
Den til hans Majestæts arbejds ansatte

186
Neger Joseph Pedro paa Briggen Feris er
ifølge ovennævnte Bilag No 73 vurderet til
200 Rd. 30 Aar
Rd.1.575

Folio 152 venstre side

1835
Negernes Omkostninger
Folio Rd.Sk.
Januar Til Cassa 73 23.30
Februar “ Ditto 77 16.60
Marts ” Ditto 80 148.74
April ” Ditto 86 3.2
May ” Ditto 89 3.6
Juny ” Ditto 95 119.72
July ” Ditto 96 42.48
August ” Ditto 102 1.30
Septbr. ” Ditto 106 99.30
Octbr. ” Ditto 110 2.18
Decbr. ” Ditto 114 190.30
” Capital Conto som har opføres ifølge
Antegnelserne i Hovedbogen fra 1833
19. Post § 2, nemlig Beløbet af Hospitals
og extra Pleien samt Lægetilsyn med
Kongenegerne fra 1832, som bliver at
Debitere Land Militair Etatens Conto med 3 453.78
Rd. 1.103.94
Folio 152 højre side
1835
Decbr. 1 Pr. Land Militair Etaten 173 1.103.94

Folio 73 højre side

1835
Januar 31.
Negernes Omkostninger
Til Mr. Hansen for Neger Florentz Pleie
paa Hospitalet I 3 Dage af 42 Sk. 1.30
” Kasserer Denkurst? Syepenge
til kongenegernes
Klæder for 2. Termin s.a. 22 152 23.30

187
Folio 77 højre side
1835
Februar 28.
Negernes Omkostninger
Til Mr. Hansen for Pleie af de Syge
Kongenegere paa Hospitalet f..d.Md. 152 16.60

Folio 80 Højre side

1835
Marts 31.
Negernes Omkostninger
Til Mr. Hansen for Pleie til Negeren Florentz
paa Hospitalet i d. Md. 13.54
Ditto for extra Pleie for do i d. Md. 6.44
Kasserer Denkurts? for Kostpenge til
Kongenegerne I dette Qurt. 111.24
Ditto for do til Florentz fra 1. t 28. Januar 3.48
Ditto for Neger Florentz Begravelses
Omkostninger 14 152 1.148.74

Folio 86 højre side

1835
April 30.
Negernes Omkostninger
Til Mr. Hansen for Pleie til de syge
Kongenegere i d. Md. 2.18
Ditto for extra do til do f. d. Md. 80 152 3.2

Folio 89 højre side

1835
May 31
Negernes Omkostninger
Til Hospitalsforstander Mr. Hansen for Pleie
Til Kongenegerne i 7 Dage a 42 Sk 152 3.6

Folio 95 højre side

1835
Juny 30.
Negernes Omkostninger

188
Til Mr. Hansen for Pleie til de Syge Kongenegere
paa Hospitalet for d. Md. 9.60
Kasserer Denkurst? Kostpenge til
Kongenegerne for dette Quart. 110.12 152 119.72

Folio 96 højre side

1835
Juny 30.
Negernes Omkostninger
July17.
Til Kassserer Denkurst? Kostpenge til
Kongenegerne frem til 18. d. Md. 22.48
July 24 Mr. Hansen for Syepenge til ditto Klæd-
ningsstykker for 1.ste Termin d.a 20 152 42.48

Folio 102 højre side

1835
August 31
Negernes Omkostninger
Til Mr. Hansen for Pleie til Kongeneger
David i 3 Dage a 42 Sk. 152 1.30

Folio 106 højre side

1835
Septbr. 30.
Negernes Omkostninger
Til Mr. Hansen for Kostpenge til Konge-
negerne fra 18. July …? Til Qct. 89.24
Ditto for Pleie til de Syge Kongene-
gere paa Hospitalet for d. Md. 10.6 152 99.30

Folio 110 højre side

1835
Octbr. 31.
Negernes Omkostninger
Til Mr. Hansen for Pleie til de Syge
Kongenegere paa Hospitalet i d. Md. 152 2.18

Folio 114 højre side

1835

189
Novbr. 30.
Negernes Omkostninger
Decbr 15
Til Mr. Hansen Syepenge til Kongenegernes
Klædningsstykker for Decbr. Termin 20
Decbr 31
Til Ditto for Pleie til de syge Kongenegere
paa Hospitalet for denne Md. 6.54
” Ditto for Kostpenge til do for d..Md. 112.48
” Dr. Hornbeck for Medicamenter og
Tilsyn med Ditto i dette Aar 51.24 152 190.30

Leie for Negere

Folio 150 venstre side

1835 Folio Rd. Sk.
Januar Til Cassa 71 367.88
Februar ” Ditto 75 360.59
Marts ” Ditto 79 382.8
April “ Ditto 85 357.28
May ” Ditto 88 352.28
Juny ” Ditto 93 811.64
July ” Ditto 99 347.88
August ” Ditto 101 347.88
Septbr. ” Ditto 104 357.88
Octbr. ” Ditto 109 3351.4
Novbr ” Ditto 112 347.88
Decbr. ” Ditto 115 807.28
5.191.83
Folio 150 højre side
1835
Decbr
Negerleie
Pr Land Militair Etaten
Negerleie til Officererne 1.213.11
Ditto til bageriet 1.250
Ditto til Hospitalet 946.84
Ditto til Fortet 431.84 173 3.844.83
De kongelige Indtægters

190
 Og Udgivters Conto for
Secretairens og Bogholderens
Contoier Budde? 450

Negerleie til Veierboden 900 175 1.350

5.181.83

Folio 71 højre side

1835
Januar 31
Negerleie
Til Officererne og de militaire
Betiente i Negerleie for
denne Md. 130.60
Secretairen og Bog-
holderen for deres Contoir-
Budde for denne Md. 37.48
Major v. Scholten for Leie af
Negere til Fortets Brug
For d. Md. 20.60
Mr. Hansen for Ditto
Af Ditto til Hospitalet for
d. Md. 75
Ditto af Ditto for Ditto m.m.
Til Bageriet for d. Md 104.16 150 1.367.88
Overføres 72 5.756.86

Folio 75 højre side

1835
Februar 28.
Negerleie
Til 24 Leiutenant v Friderichsen for
Negerleie saat? til 23. Januar 7.67
28 Officererne og de militaire
Betiente i Ditto for denne
Maaned 93.72
Secretairen og Bogholderen
For d. Md 37.48
Mr. Hansen for Leie af Ne-

191
 gere til Hospitalet for d. Md. 81.24
Ditto for do for do til Bageriet
For d. Md. 104.16
Major v Scholten for do af do
Til Fortets Brug for denne Md 36.24 150 360.59

Folio 79
1835
Marts 31
Leie for Negere
Til Officererne og de Militaire Be-
” tjente i Negerleie for denne
Md 114.1
“ Lieutenant … v Raphael i
Ditto fra 27. Januar …til 10
Marts incl. 13.87
” Secretairen og Bogholderen
For deres Contoirbudde for
Denne Md 37.48
” Mr. Hansen for Leie af Nege-
re til Hospitalet for denne Md 75
” Ditto for Ditto af Ditto m.m.
Til Bageriet i denne Md. 104.16
” Major C v Scholten for
Ditto af do til Fortet for
Denne Md. 37.48 150 1.382.8

Folio 85 højre side

1835
April 30
Leie for Negere
Til Officererne og de militaire Be-
tiente i Negerleie for d. Md. 103.12
Secretairen og Bogholderen
for d. Md. 37.48
” Major v Scholten for Leie af
Negere i denne Maaned
til Fortet 37.48
” Menagebestyrer? Mr. Hansen
for do af do i denne Md. til

192
 Hospitalet 75
” Ditto for Ditto af Ditto m.m
i denne Maaned til Bageriet 104.16 150 357.28

Folio 88 højre side

1835
May 31
Leie for Negere
Til Officererne og de milit.
Betiente i Negerleie for
denne Md. 93.72
” Secretairen og Bogholderen
for deres Contoirbudde
for denne Md. 37.48
” Mr Hansen for Leie af
Negere til Hospitalet for
denne Md. 79.36
” Ditto for Ditto af Ditto
til Bageriet for denne Md 104.16
” Major P v Scholten for Ditto
af Ditto til Fortet I denne Md. 37.48 150 352.28

Folio 93 højre side

1835
Juny30
Leie for Negere
Til Officererne og de militaire
Betiente i Negerleie for
denne Md. 93.72
” Secretairen og Bogholderen
for deres Contoirbudde for
denne Md. 37.48
” Mr Hansen for Leie af Negere
til Hospitalet for denne Md. 88.72
” Ditto for Ditto af do til
Bageriet for denne Md 104.16
” Major v Scholten for Ditto af
do til Fortet for denne Md. 37.48
” Justitsraad Mallei? do for do
til Veierboden samt i Januar

193
 …til Dat. 450 150 811.64

Folio 99 højre side

1835
July 31
Leie for Negere
Til Officererne og de milit.
Betiente i Negerleie for
Denne Md. 93.72
” Secretairen og Bogholderen
for do d. Md. 37.48
” Mr Hansen for Leie af Negere
til Hospitalet for denne Md. 75
” Ditto for do til Bageriet
for d. Md. 104.16
” Major P v Scholten for
Dittto af Ditto til Fortet for
Denne Md . 37.48 150 347.48

Folio 101
1835
August 31
Negerleie
Til Officererne og de milit.
Betiente i Negerleie i
Denne Md. 93.72
” Secretairen og Bogholderen
for deres Contoirbudde for
denne Md. 37.48
” Mr Hansen for Leie af Negere
i denne Maaned til
Hospitalet 75
” Ditto for Ditto af Ditto i
denne Maaned til Bageriet 104.16
” Major v Scholten for Ditto
af do til Fortet for denne
Maaned 37.48 150 347.88

Folio 104 højre side

1835

194
Septbr. 30
Leie for Negere
Til Officererne og de milit.
Betiente i Negerleie for
denne Md 93.72
” Secretairen og Bogholderen
for deres Contoirbudde for
denne Md 37.48
” Mr. Hansen for Leie af
Negere til Hospitalaet
For denne Md. 85
” Ditto for Ditto af Ditto til
Bageriet for denne Md. 104.16
” Major P. v Scholten for
Ditto af Ditto til Fortets
Brug for d. Md. 37.48 150 357.88

Folio 109 højre side

1835
Octbr. 31
Leie for Negere
Til Officererne og de milit.
Betiente for Negerleie for
Denne Md. 93.72
” Secretairen og Bogholderen
for deres Contoirbudde for
denne Md. 37.48
” Mr. Hansen for Leie af
Negere til Bageriet
for denne Md. 104.16
” Ditto for Ditto af Ditto
til Hospitaalet for denne Md. 78.12
” Major v Scholten for Ditto af
do til Fortet for denne Md. 37.48 150 351.4

Folio 112 højre side

1835
Novbr. 30
Leie for Negere
Til Officererne og de milit.

195
 Betiente for Negerleie for
Denne Md. 93.72
” Secretairen og Bogholderen
for d. Md. 37.48
” Mr Hansen for Leie af Negere
til Hospitalets Brug for d. Md. 75
” Do for do af do til Bageriet
for d. Md. 104.16
” Major v Scholten for do af do
til Fortets Brug for d. Md. 37.48 150 347.88

Folio 115 højre side

1835
Decbr. 31
Leie for Negere
Til Officererne og de milit.
Betiente for Negerleie for
Denne Md. 93.72
” Secretairen og Bogholderen
for deres Contoirbudde for
denne Md. 37.48
” Mr. Hansen for Leie af
Negere til Hospitlalet for
Denne Md. 84.36
” Ditto for Ditto af Ditto m.m.
til Bageriet for denne Md. 104.16
” Major v Scholten for Ditto
af Ditto til Fortets Brug for
denne Md. 37.48
” Toldintendant Etatsraad
Eckardt for do af do til
Veierboden samt July Quart.
Til Dat.? 450 150 807.28

196
St. Thomas 1847
Box 1.91
Negeres capital (16), Leie for negere (117), Negeres omkostninger (130).

Folie 16, venstre side

Negeres Capital
1847
Januar 1 Til Balance folie 1 300 Rd

Højre side
1847
Decembr 31 Pr balance, som er Værdien af Negeren Nicolas ifølge vedlagte vurdering,
Bilag no. 6 Folie 164 300 Rd
Anmærkning:
De Hans Majestæts Kongen tilhørende 5 andre Negere,
nemlig: Adonis, Maria Taphuus, Charloth, Catherine og
Flora, af hvilke sidstnævnte er fortsat hertil fra St. Croix,
er uduelige til arbeide og af Ingen Værdi
………

Folie 117, venstre side

Leie for negere
1847 Folie Rd
Januar 31 Til Cassa 30 313.52
Februar 28 .. ditto 32 313.52
Marts 31 .. ditto 37 422.88
April 30 .. ditto 41 304.16
Mai 31 .. ditto 45 319.76
Juni 30 .. ditto Told… 375 50 778.12
Juli 31 .. ditto 58 304.16
August 31 .. ditto Told… 33 33rd 63 337.48
September 30 .. ditto 67 397.88
October 31 .. ditto 71 304.16
November 30 .. ditto 74 304.16
December 31 .. ditto 78 436.94

Højre side
1847
December 31 Fr Cassa 79 34.36

197
.. .. Land militair Etatens Conto 160 3719.26
.. .. Salarium Gage og
Lønninger m.m. 162 783.32
navnlig Sinclair og … 375 … fra i .. til 16 Juli
for 4 negere: 408.32

Folie 130, venstre side

Negernes omkostninger
1847
Marts 31 Til Cassa 40 157.44
Juni 30 .. ditto 49 233.53
September 30 .. ditto 69 159.92
December 31 .. ditto 81 181.21

Højre side
1847
December 31 Tr (?) De kongelige Indtægters
og Udgifters Conto 163 732.18

St. Thomas 1848

Box 1.92
Under ”n” findes følgende opslagshenvisninger: Negeres capital (15), Negernes omkostninger (130)

Folie 15, venstre side

Negeres Capital
1848
Januar 1 Til Balance 1 300 Rd

Højre side
1848
December 31 Pr Capital Conto, for Værdien af Negeren Nicolas, som her
afskrives ifølge allerhøiste aabne Brev dateret 22nd September
1848, der stadfæster de ufrie Negeres Emancipation paa de dansk
vestindiske øer. 2 300 Rd

Folie 117, venstre side

Leie for Negere
1848
Januar 31 Til Cassa 31 294.76
Februar 29 .. ditto 34 304.16

198
Marts 31 .. ditto 41 397.88
April 30 .. ditto 45 304.16
Maü 31 … ditto 50 304.16
Junü 30 .. ditto 55 388.52
Julü 31 .. ditto 62 308.87
August 31 .. ditto 66 310.44
Septembr 30 .. ditto 70 357.28
October 31 .. ditto 76 357.28
Novembr 30 .. ditto 82 310.40
December 31 .. ditto 85 466.64
4104,55
Højre side
1848
December 31 Pr Land Militair Etatens
Conto 170 3682.83 Rd
.. .. Salarium, Gage og
Lønninger m.m. 172 375.83
/bogholder og sin… neger

199
St. Thomas 1849
Box 1.93.1.94
Negeres omkostninger (114) & Leie for negere (156)

Folie 114, venstre side OBS! Er i dollars

1849 Folie $, c
Marts 31 Til Cassa 43 87
Juni 30 .. ditto 66 88.3
Septr 31 .. ditto 86 80.60
Decembr 31 .. ditto 99 87

Højre side
1849
December 31 Pr De Kongelige Indtægters
og Udgifters Conto 183 342.83

Folie 43, højre side

Marts 31 Pr Negernes omkostninger
Til Capitani Hansen for underhold
til de Hans Majestæts Kongen forhen tilhørende Negere i dette kvartal
fol. 114 87 $
Folie 66, højre side
Junü 30 Negernes Omkostninger
Til Capitani W. Hansen for underhold m.m. : til de hs
Majestæts Kongen forhen tilhørende Negere i dette
Quartal, navnlig:
For brød 15.23
For kostpenge 36.40
For huusleie 30
For syepenge 6.40 Folie 114
88.3

Folie 86, venstre side

September 30 Negernes Omkostninger
Til Capitani Hansen for underhold m.m.: til de hans Majestæts
forhen tilhørende Negere
i dette Quartal fol. 114 80.60
Til Sammenligning Garnisonens menage bestået af brød en udgift på 187.92

200
Folie 99, højre side
1849
December 31 Negernes omkostninger
Til Capitani M/W Hansen for underhold m.m. til de hs Majestæts forhen tilhørende Negere
i dette Quartal fol. 114 87

Folie 156, venstre side

Leie for negere
1849 Fol. $c
Januar 31 Til Cassa 28 198.67
Februar 28 .. ditto 34 198.67
Marts 31 .. ditto 40 282.67
April 30 .. ditto 46 216.33
Maü 31 .. ditto 52 184.67
Junü 30 .. ditto 58 184.67
Julü 31 .. ditto 73 184.67
August 31 .. ditto 76 ditto
September 30 .. ditto 84 ditto
October 31 .. ditto 89 ditto
November 30 .. ditto 92 ditto
December 31 .. ditto 95 ditto

Højre side
1849
December 31 Pr Land Militair Etatens
Conto 181 2167.70
.. .. Salarium, Gage og
Lønninger m.m. 182 240

Folie 28, højre side

Januar 31 Leie for negere
Til anrist (?) Officererne og de militære embedsmænd
i Oppasserpenge 42
Secretairen og Bogholderen 20
Capitani Hansen for … … … 66.67
S… for negere ved hospitalet 50
Captain V. Strandgaard til 1 neger
ved fortet 10
Vr. (?) Lindmaal v … til 1 do ved Cassernen 10

201
 156 198.67

Folie 34, højre side

1849
Februar 28 Leie for negere $c
Til officererne og de militaire Embedsmænd i
oppasserpenge for denne md: 42
.. Secretairen og Bogholderen 20
.. Capitani Hansen for leie af negere ved
bageriet (SAMME SOM FØR!) 66.67
.. Samme for ditto af ditto ved hospitalet 50
.. Capitani v. Strandgaard for leie af en
neger ved fortet 10
.. Premierlieutenant v. Steuaun (?) for
leie af en ditto ved Cassernen 10
Folie 156 198.61

Folie 40, højre side

1849
Marts 31 Leie for negere $c
Til officererne og de militaire Embedsmænd
i Oppasserpenge 36
Secretairen og Bogholderen 20
Capitani Hansen for leie af negere
ved bageriet 66.67
Samme for leie af ditto ved hospitalet 140
Capitani v. Strandgaard for leie af en
neger ved fortet 10
Premierleuitnant Bügel for leie af
en ditto ved Cassernen 10
Folie 156 282.67

Folie 46, højre side

April 30 Leie for negere $c
Til officererne og de militaire
Embedsmænd i Oppasserpenge
for denne måned 48
Secretairen og Bogholderen 20
Negerleie ved bageriet 66.67
Ditto ved hospitalet 61.66

202
 Ditto ved fortet 10
Ditto ved Cassernen 10
Folie 156 216.33

Folie 52, højre side

1849
Maü 31 Samme som ovenstående, bortset fra, at udgifterne til hospitalet kun er 30 $.

Folie 58, højre side

Junü 30 Samme som ovenstående, med de 30$ til hospitalet

Folie 73, højre side

Julü 31 Samme som ovenstående inkl. 30$ til hospitalet
Premierliutnant Magens

Folie 76, højre side

August 31 Ditto

Folie 84, højre side

September 30 Ditto

Folie 89, højre side

October 31 Ditto

Folie 92, højre side

November 30 Ditto

Folie 95, højre side

December 31 Leie for negere $c
Til garnisonens officerer og de militære
Embedsmænd i Oppasserpenge 62
Secretairen og Bogholderen 20
Capitani Hansen for neger(e) til bageriet 66.67
Samme for ditto ved hospitalet 30
Samme for extra ditto ved hospitalet 20
Capt. V. Strandgaard for 1 ditto ved fortet 10
Capt. Magens for 1 ditto ved Cassernen 10
Folie 156 218.67

203
Appendix C: Statistical overview of numbers of Royal Slaves 1892 –
1849

St. Thomas and St. Jan

204
St. Croix

205