Acting Brazilian in Japan: Ethnic Resistance among Return Migrants

Author(s): Takeyuki(Gaku) Tsuda

Source: Ethnology , Winter, 2000, Vol. 39, No. 1 (Winter, 2000), pp. 55-71
Published by: University of Pittsburgh- Of the Commonwealth System of Higher
Education

Stable URL: https://www.jstor.org/stable/3773795

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 ACTING BRAZILIAN IN JAPAN:
ETHNIC RESISTANCE AMONG RETURN MIGRANTS

s Takeyukl (Gaku) Tsuda

This article examines the performative enactment of a Brazilian nationalist identity

among Japanese-Brazilian return migrants in Japan as a form of autonomous ethnic
resistance against Japanese assimilative pressures. By appropriating and reconstituting
Brazilian nationalist symbols abroad and by intentionally acting Brazilian, the Japanese-
Br?E7.ilians assert their cultural differences in Japan, thereby engesging in an active
struggle for ethnic recognition as a distinct minority group that cannot be subsumed
under racially essentialized Japanese assumptions in which shared descent is understood
to produce cultural commonalities. (Migration, ethnicity, national identib, resistance,
performance)

Although most labor migration is initially driven by economic pressures and motives,
it has various important and frequently unintended ethnic consequences for both
migrants and their hosts. International migration has historically been (and continues
to be) the main reason for the formation of new ethnic minority groups. Regardless
of their ethnic status in the home country and their relationship to the host country,
when migrants relocate abroad and are exposed to a completely new society their
ethnic status is inevitably reconstituted in racial or cultural terms. Such experiences
frequently cause migrants to reconsider and redefine their ethnic identities. Even
Japan, considered by some to be one of the last bastions of ethnic homogeneity, has
been influenced in recent years by the increasing global movement of populations.
The migration of foreign workers to Japan began in the late 1980s and the country
currently has well over 700,000 unskilled migrant laborers, drawn primarily from
various countries in East and Southeast Asia and Latin America. Most interesting is
the recent influx of nikkeijin (Japanese descendants born and living abroad) who have
been zreturn migratingX from South American countries to Japan as legally accepted,
unskilled foreign workers.
The migration of the Japanese-Brazilians to Japan as unskilled foreign workers
was initiated in the late 1980s because of a severe Brazilian economic crisis and a
crippling shortage of unskilled labor in Japan. Although the Brazilian nikkeijin are
relatively well educated and mostly of middle-class background in Brazil they still
earn five to ten times their Brazilian salaries in Japan as unskilled factory workers.
An open Japanese immigration policy toward the ethnic Japaneseb and well-
established transnational labor recruitment networks between Japan and Brazil have
also contributed to the migrant flow.1 Currently estimated at over 230,000, the
Japanese-Brazilians have become the second largest population of foreigners in Japan,
after the Chinese,2 and their numbers continue to increase at a steady pace despite the
prolonged Japanese recession. Although most of them originally go to Japan with
intentions to work only for a few years and then return to Brazil with their savings,

55
ETHNOLOGY vol. 39 no. 1, Winter 2000, pp. 55-71.
ETHNOLOGY, c/o Department of Anthropology,The University of Pittsburgh, Pittsburgh PA 15260 USA
Copyrighte 2000 The University of Pittsburgh. All rights reserved.

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56 ETHNOLOGY

many have brought their families to Japan and the process o

settlement has begun (see Tsuda l999b). A vast majority of th
second and third generations (nisei and sansei) who were born
do not speak Japanese well, and have become culturally Brazilianized to various
degrees. As a result, despite their Japanese descent, they are ethnically marginalized
and treated as foreigners in Japan because of narrow deElnitions of what constitutes
being Japanese, and have become the country's newest ethnic minority, joining the
ranks of the Korean-Japanese, the Burakumin, the Ainu, and the Okinawans.
Because the Brazilian nikkeijin were highly regarded in Brazil for their middle-
class socioeconomic status and their perceived Japaneseness, and had maintained a
strong identity as a racially and culturally distinct Japanese minority? their ethnic
rejection in Japan as foreigners undoubtedly has an important eiffect on their ethnic
self-consciousness. Echoing a common sentiment among many of his peers, one
informant said, zWe came to Japan in search of money but found our Brazilianness
instead. In Brazil, we were proud of being Japanese and always talked about how we
were different and better than other Brazilians, but in Japan weve become Brazilian
nationalistas [nationalists].-
Not only are the Japanese-Brazilians ethnically excluded as foreigners in Japan,
they become acutely aware of their Brazilian cultural differences, experience ethnic
discrimination, and recognize many of the negative aspects of Japanese cultural
behavior. In response to such negative ethnic experiences, many Japanese-Brazilians
experience a resurgence of Brazilian national sentiment in Japan as they distance
themselves from the Japanese, assert their cultural differenees, and strengthen their
Brazilian national identity. In this manner, the dislocations of migration can produce
a form of deterritorialized nationalism where national loyalties are articulated outside
the territorial boundaries of the nation-state (see Tsuda l999c).
However, ethnic or national identity as a form of self-consciousness is not simply
a matter of internal experience but is actively displayed, demonstrated, and enacted
in practice. The signifying nature of practice culturally constitutes power relationships
by either consolidating existing hegemonies or generating resistance (Comaroff
1985:5-6). If the true condition of hegemony is effective self-identiElcation with
hegemonic forms, as Williams (1977:1 18) observes, then the behavioral expression
of ethnic minority counter-identities, which are constructed in opposition to the
dominant majority group on the basis of cultural difference, can be regarded as a
form of counter-hegemonic resistance. In this manner counter-identities are
analogous to what Castells (1997:8) calls resistance identitiesb which are generated
by those actors that are in positions/conditions devalued and/or stigmatized by the
logic of domination thus building trenches of resistance and survival on the basis of
principles different from, or opposed to, those permeating the institutions of society. -
This article explores the implications of migrant nationalism by examining how the
Brazilian nationalist counter-identity that the Japanese-Brazilians have developed in
Japan leads to the behavioral assertion of their Brazilian eultural differences, enabling

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 ACTING BRAZILIAN IN JAPAN

75

them to successfiully oppose assimilative Japanese pressures by engaging in a type of

identity politics of resistance against Japanese ethnic hegemony and power.
In the constantly shifting and self-critical discipline of anthropology, it does not
take long for new paradigms to be questioned, problematized, and deconstructed.
Even the relatively new concept of resistance has been criticized recently for
over-simplification, ambiguity, reification, and romanticization. According to some
critics, the analysis of resistance invokes simple binaries between domination/
subordination and hegemony/counter-hegemony which cannot adequately deal with
the ambiguous complexity of practices that both subvert and legitimate hegemonic
meanings (see Kondo 1990:ch. 6; Ortner 1995; cf. Moore 1998). Ortner (1995:176-
79) observes that the resistance literature tends to ignore the internal politics and
conflicts within subordinate groups; for instance between individuals that do and do
not engage in resistance. There is also ambiguity about whether resistance requires
some degree of conscious articulation and agentive intentionality among those
involved (Fegan 1986; Kaplan and Kelly 1994, Kondo 1990:ch. 6) or should be
defined solely by the practical outcomes of individual or collective behavior
(regardless of their intentionality). Abu-Lughod (1990) has even noted a tendency to
romanticize resistance as a celebration of human resilience and creativity in the face
of domination. Alternative approaches have been suggested, such as the analysis of
dialogic processes within contests of power or the analysis of decentered multiple
selves and their contradictions and creative tensions (Kaplan and Kelly 1994; Kondo
1990:224-25).
In the context of minority ethnicity, the concept of resistance used here refers to
behavior that demonstrates a refusal or unwillingness to assimilate to the culture of
the majority group. Such a definition refers to a wide range of behavior and
acknowledges the diversity inherent in ethnic resistance, which varies from open acts
of cultural defiance to modest demands that ones cultural differences be acknowl-
edged and accepted. Also, ethnic resistance is not an unconscious or unintended actS
but is motivated by a conscious intent to oppose majority cultural norms. The degree
of conscious articulation among individuals ranges from an intention to aggressively
flaunt dominant cultural norms in public to a simple wish to maintain cultural
differences, at least in the privacy of home.
Most of the resistance literature examines social groups that have already been
subordinated and subjected to the hegemonic order. Such dominated groups have
been partly deprived of their own cultural patterns through the imposition of
dominant ideologies and belief systems in an act of symbolic violence. Having lost
an independent cultural basis for opposition, the resistance of such groups generally
operates within the context of the hegemonic system and involves the subversion,
manipulation, and redefinition of dominant cultural categories and meanings. Since
the subordinated share the same cultural ideologies as the dominant group, resistance
consists of actors who maneuver within the confines of a script that the powerful
have written (Scott 1985:26). The Malaysian peasants that Scott examines exploit the
contradictions inherent in the hegemonic ideologies of the rich elite as a form of

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58 ETHNOLOGY

critique that enables them to make demands against its members. Therefore, the
Zweapons of the weak" consist exclusively of elements of the dominant cultural order
(cf. Vandergeest 1993:135).
However, it is important to distinguish this type of dominated resistance iRrom th
resistance of autonomous social groups which have not yet been subjugated and
symbolically incorporated into the dominant ideological system. The emergence of
new social groups is one important source of opposition and resistance to dominant
hegemony (cf. Williams 1977:124). In contrast to dominated resistance such
autonomous groups retain their own eultural systems and generally resist and oppose
dominant hegemony from an independent cultural base by asserting their own system
of values and defending their cultural autonomy. In this case, it is not the specific
meanings of dominant culture that are contested; the imposition of this culture itself
is resisted by rejecting and denying its power to constitute the experiences of the
subordinate group. New immigrant minority groups such as the Brazilian nikkeijin
ffequently engage in this type of resistance since they bring independent cultures with
them from their homelands and frequently defend them from encroachrnent in the
host society. This contrasts with culturally dominated, indigenous minority groups,
whose resistance usually can only contest the meanings of hegemonic cultural
ideologies that they have already been forced to adopt and is less involved with the
assertion of independent cultural values. This distinction between dominated and
autonomous resistance is somewhat analogous to de Certeau's (1984:34-39) concepts
of tactics and strategies.
The almost exclusive concern with the resistance of dominated groups in the
literature partly explains the tendency to Zthin cultureb in ethnographies of resistance
(Ortner 1995:180). According to Ortner (1995), the culture of subordinate groups
engaged in resistance is analyzed merely as a reaction to hegemony and not as an
autonomous and authentic culture per se. In other words, only cultures of resistance
are considered, which are constituted merely by subversive reinterpretations and
manipulations of hegemonically imposed cultural meanings and categories. Even
when cultural production in the act of resistance is considered, these cultures are seen
as generated by opposition to domination and not as independent entities (e.g., Willis
1981). In contrast, the autonomous resistance of new immigrant groups involves the
analysis of independent cultural paterns which are not simply counter-reactions to
dominant cultural forms but exist in their own right. In addition, my focus on ethnic
identity as the motivating locus of resistance behavior also avoids the tendency in the
resistance literature to wdissolve subjectsX by ignoring the subjective experiences and
intentions of individuals (Ortner 1995:183-87).
In Appadurai's (1996:15) words, the Japanese-Brazilians are involved in a
"culturalistX movement zthe conscious mobilization of cultural differences in the
service of a larger national . . . politics [which] is frequently associated . . . with
struggles for stronger recognition from existing nation-states." Since this ethnic
struggle for continued cultural autonomy is not an organized oppositional movement
or an open ethnic rebellion against the Japanese, it is an zeverydayb form of

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 ACTING BRAZILIAN IN JAPAN
s9

resistance (Abu-Lughod 1990; de Certeau 1984; Scott 1985) in which the Japanese-
Brazilians assert their counter-identities and cultural differences in the routines of
daily life.

BRAZILIAN COUNTER-IDEN l l l lE;S AS RESISTANCE TO JAPANESE

ASSIMILATION

Migrant groups that are ethnically related to the host society confront more (not
less) cultural pressure from the dominant society, which complicates their ethnic
adjustment. Although the Japanese-Brazilians have been marginalized as foreigners
in Japan, this does not mean that they are freed from hegemonic Japanese ethnic
demands. Unlike foreigners who are complete cultural and racial outsiders, the
nikkeijin foreigner is expected to comply with Japanese cultural standards to some
extent because of essentialized ethnic assumptions in which those of Japanese descent
are expected to possess a certain amount of cultural facility as well.3 Therefore, the
ethnic adjustment of the Japanese-Brazilians in Japan is much more difficult and
stressful when compared with other foreigners. Although they cannot escape the
hegemonic ethnic constraints operative in Japanese society because they are not
complete foreign outsiders, they are unable to fully satisfy the ethnic demands made
on them because they are partially foreign. Ironically, from the standpoint of ethnic
adjustment, total marginalization is easier than partial marginalization.
Japanese cultural pressure on the Japanese-Brazilians varies according to region.
Those living in areas with large Japanese-Brazilian populations such as Oizumi-town
(in Gunma prefecture) feel less pressure because the local Japanese are used to them
and know that they cannot be expected to speak and act Japanese. As a result,
Japanese residents in Oizumi do not always show the surprise or disorientation
common among Japanese when they encounter the nikkeijin. As one informant noted,
ZHere in Oizumi, I feel less Japanese pressure because it's like a little Brazil. The
Japanese don't see you strarlgely because you dress differently, speak Portuguese, or
don't act like the Japanese." In addition, in such areas, the Japanese-Brazilians move
around more in large groups, in contrast to cities like Kawasaki (in Kanagawa
prefecture), where they tend to be alone or in couples. Since individuals feel a certain
insulation from outside social pressure when they act in groups, there is less personal
responsibility for their behavior, making it easier to zact BrazilianX without worrying
about sanctions or negative opinions.
The Japanese-Brazilians are acutely aware of the cultural demands imposed on
them as partially marginal beings trapped within the liminal space between native and
foreigner. The reflections of one younger informant were quite typical:

The Japanese make many more demands of us than of whites or other foreigners in Japan because of
our Japanese faces. They think we should speak the language and understand Japanese ways because
we are Japanese descendants. They must realize that we can't understand and act like them because we
are from a foreign country. But the Japanese always demand this. They say you are nikkei, why don't
you speak Japanese? Our adaptation i.s harder becau.se of this pressure.

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60 ETHNOLOGY

The greater cultural demands on the Japanese-Brazilians aff

Japanese schools. One teacher noted how nikkeijin students,
faces, suffer more than those of mixed descent (cf. Hirota 1993:31) because they
experience greater pressure to culturally conform at school.4 However, Japanese
cultural standards are sometimes imposed even on the mixed-descent mestifos. Maria,
a mestlfa nlsel woman, spoke about how the Japanese women at her factory during
one outing told her not to sit Indian-style on the tatami floor but in selza styles5 as
is expected of Japanese women. zI just can't sit on my legs, she complained. zI'm
simply not used to it. I always get leg pains after a few minutes.t Maria was also
reminded by her female Japanese co-workers not to use the rough Japanese to which
she was accustomed, which is unbecoming of a Japanese woman.
IndeedS there are Japanese-Brazilians who openly reflect on how their lives would
be easier in Japan if they had a ditiferent skin color and did not look Japanese (Asahi
Shimbun 1992). In contrast to the nikkeijin, Brazilians not of Japanese descent note
that they feel much more freedom in Japan because Japanese cultural standards are
not applied to them. The Brazilian husband of one of my nikkeijin informants
reiterated this point:

Unlike the Japanese-Braziliams, I don't have the kind of problem where the Japanese expect you to speak
Japanese well and behave Japanese. Since I look completely foreign, no one expects anythirlg from me.
I am free to behave the way I want here. In fact, when I speak even a little Japanese, the Japanese are
impressed and treat me with interest.

ACTING BRAZILIAN IN JAPAN AND ETHNIC SELF-INTRODUCTIONS

The Brazilian ethnic counter-identity that most nikkeijin develop in Japan

facilitates their psychological adjustment because it creates a strong self-consciousness
that they are not Japanese but Brazilian foreigners, allowing them to effectively resist
the cultural pressures placed on Japanese descendants. According to a psychiatrist,
Dr. Nakagawa, zThose in Japan who say sI am different, I am not Japanese' tend
not to have psychological diffilculties. Their adaptation becomes similar to other
[non-nikkeijinl foreigners.t
The Japanese-Brazilians who ilad adopted this attitude in Japan were quite clear
about their intentions to resist, if not defy, Japanese ethnic expectations. Their
oppositional behavior was by no means motivated by a Brazilian habitus of
unconsciously structured, internalized dispositions which they were unintentionally
reproducing in lapan by force of habit. In fact informants clearly articulated their
wish to assert their Brazilian counter-identities and display their cultural differences
by behaving in conspicuously Brazilian ways in order to demonstrate to the Japanese
that despite their appearance, they are not Japanese and cannot be held to Japanese
cultural expectationse This assertlve and emblematic display of ethnic difference
enables them to continue behaving according to their own cultural standards as
Brazilians and therefore resist the assimilative cultural pressures they face in Japan.

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 ACTING BRAZILIAN IN JAPAN
16

For instance, a young man spoke about his determination not to change his
behavior in Japan gjust because the lapanese want me to act like them. Instead, I
want to show my Brazilian differences.... I am who I am and camlot change this.
So if I don't agree with the Japanese in their way of thinking, I always want to tell
them." Likewise, a few female informants said they would resist Japanese gender
expectations by engaging in assertive behavior, thus demonstrating their identities as
Brazilian women and intentionally differentiating themselves from what they saw as
submissive Japanese women. Martina a self-identified feminist in Japan, had this to
say:

I think it is wrong that we are expected to speak and aet Japanese here just because we are Japanese
deseendants It's espeeially tough on women. I tell people directly that I am not a Japanese woman even
with my Japanese faee and [last] name. I feel more Brazilian now and the Japanese will have to aeeept
the differenees in my behavior. They see me as too aggressive fer a woman beeause I respond and tell
them what I don't agree with. I don't lower my head by staying quiet like a Japanese woman-not
saying anything and keeping my frustratiows to myself. I donSt change my behavior in Japan at all.

A common way in which the nikkeijin display their Brazilianness to the Japanese
is through dress, which is among the most frequent emblems used to symbolize
ethnic difference and identity. Although their manner of dress is normally different
ffom the Japanese some deliberately wear distinctive Brazilian clothes to catch the
attention of the Japanese. One man was quite explicit about his intentions:

At first, I tried eo dress like the Japanese. I knew that the Japanese manner of dressing was different
from ours, so I went out and bought new clothes at the department store. But now, whenever I go to
the bank or to stores, I wear Bermudas or Brazilian T-shirts. The Japanese never dress like this, so ffiey
can always tell I am Brazilian. I feel better this way because I donSt want to be seen or mistaken as
Japanese.

The ethnic effectiveness of clothes as an identifying marker of Brazilianness has

act;ually increased the demand for Brazilian clothes in Japan. As a result Brazilian
clothing stores have opened in places such as Oizumi-town, which has the highest
concentration of nikkeijin in Japan. Of courseS some Japanese-Brazilians wear
Brazilian clothes in Japan purely out of physical comfort or habit, but for others it
is a prominent ethnic display of cultural difference, if not defiance. The manager of
a Brazilian clothing store explained that the clothes she sells have distinctive designs,
fashions, and colors that cannot be found in Japanese department stores. Jeans have
colorful ornamental features and those for women tend to be tighter around the hips
(as the buttocks, not the breasts, are the primary locus of female sexual attention in
Brazil). Shirts have strong (even loud) colors and may have mosaic patternss while
T-shirts with the Brazilian flag7 national colorss or the country's name prominently
displayed are also popular. Many of these Brazilian styles are undoubtedly
exaggerated constructions that have appropriated stylistic images of Brazil without
necessarily representing any particular cultural style in Brazil. When national symbo
are appropriated by migrants abroad, they are frequently culturally decontextualized

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62 ETHNOLOGY

and reconstructed so that they have ethnonational meaning on

Even if the symbolic forms are accurately transferred abroa
overly ostentatious manner that would be inappropriate back
Brazilians would wear T-shirts plastered with images of the B
nationalist symbols in Brazil. They are appropriate only i
deterritorialized intensification of national sentiment among
and their subsequent desire to express their identities as Bra
The performance of Brazilian counter-identities in Japan
language and greetings. Although some nikkeijin are sensitiv
and social pressures and lower their voices when speaking Po
others take the opposite approach. For instance, Martina ment
speaks Japanese well, whenever she walks into a store, she m
Portuguese loud enough so that the Japanese will notice. I do
as Japanese,- she said. zSo I always show them I am Brazi
tendency of some nikkeijin to greet each other loudly and aff
embracing or kissing is similarly a display of Brazilian behav
incongruous with Japanese culture and thus serves as ano
differentiation .
Some individuals take their ethnic resistance further b
Brazilian behavior in Japan in a rebellious, exhibitionist m
acting more Brazilian in lapan than they ever did in Br
observed a bit cynically, zSome of these Brazilian youth have
Japanese: 'Hey, I'm Brazilian and I am going to act Brazilia
donSt like itS screw you.' As a resultS they are seen less favo
Howevers in Brazil, they would never have acted like this an
As Devereux (1982:53) in his study of ethnic identity rem
tendency to exaggerate, with respect to foreigners [i.e., t
group], an ethnic identity trait that is less obvious in intra-
among those who do not take such a rebellious approach, the p
ethnic counter-identity is frequently a way to tell the J
Brazilians, not Japanese, and therefore cannot be expected to
and speak the language fluently.
Others engage in much more subdued performances of th
identity. This is especially true among the more acculturated
accommodating toward Japanese cultural expectations and fe
in accordance with Japanese norms. For such individuals,
Brazilianness is much less ostentatious than their peers a
introducing themselves as Brazilians or foreigners. Of cou
self-introductions is not as relevant to those Japanese-Brazil
much Japanese, since it is apparent to the Japanese that they
open their mouths. However, for nikkeijin who can speak Ja
communicate, the issue becomes critical when they meet Japa
with them and assume that they are native Japanese. In such

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 ACTING BRAZILIAN IN JAPAN 63

Japanese leads to some coniusion and disorientation among the Japanese. Indeed,
when the Japanese-Brazilians are mistakenly seen as Japaneses their Brazilian cultural
characteristics become even more stigmatizing. Therefore, by introducing themselves
as Brazilians when meeting Japanese for the first time, such individuals implicitly
excuse themselves in advance for their imperfect Japanese and any cult:ural faux pas
they may commit. Geraldo spoke about how he finds it beneficial in this regard to
introduce himself as a Brazilian in order to avoid embarrassment or ill-treatment:

If I just ask simple questions at a store, there is no problem, but if they start using technical terms or
the conversation continues, they are surprised at my lack of comprehension and fimd my accent really
strange because they saw me as Japanese. So it's better to say from the beginIiing that I am Brazilian,
so that the Japanese will understand and explain things to you more carefully without looking down on
you. When I first got to Japan, I would try to act like a Japanese, but now I always say I'm Brazilian.
It's a way to apologize beforehand for my inability to understand Japanese perfectly.

Once they have properly introduced themselves as Brazilian foreigners, the

nikkeijin are able to act more freely without worrying about being stigmatized when
traces of their Brazilianness are revealed. This relieves them of the pressure of being
seen as Japanese and meeting the cultural expectations which are then imposed Such
concerns are most salient among those nikkeijin who speak fluent Japanese and are
sXdents or office workers in Japan. These individuals are the most likely to be
mistaken as Japanese because of their cultural and linguistic abilities and their
unwillingness to display Brazilian behavior. Therefore, they sometimes find subtle
ways to differentiate themselves as Brazilians and avoid being held to the same social
standards as the Japanese. This includes not only introducing themselves as nikkeijinz
but writing out their Japanese last names in katakQna (a phonetic alphabet used for
foreign names) instead of using Japanese characters. Those who have both Brazilian
and Japanese first names sometimes intentionally use their Brazilian name in Japan,
although they may have been called by their Japanese name in Brazil. ZIt is my way
of identifying myself as someone who is not Japanese," a Japanese-Brazilian graduate
student remarked. '4It is my way to ask the Japanese to forgive me because I behave
differently from them.-
Ethnic independence is maintained by these individuals not only by using public
symbols such as names and self-introductionss but also personal symbols. For
instance, Marcos, a Japanese-Brazilian journalist in Japant wears a goatee as his
little rebellion against the Japanese,- an idiosyncratic emblem of his ethnic
dif Ferences from Japanese men, whom he believes do not like facial hair. He told me
that he was clean-shaven in Brazil, again showing how his goatee is a symbol of his
Brazilian identity that only has signif1cance in Japan. In order to resist the cultural
pressures of Japanese society, Marcos, like many others, needs to assert his
Brazilianness-a desire he did not have in Brazil.
There is considerable variation in the conscious expression of ethnic resistance,
ranging from aggressive displays of cultural difference in public to the subtle use of
introductions, names, and other personal symbols for proper identification in order

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 64 ETHNOLOGY

to avoid Japanese pressures and possible embarrassment. Yet the motivation for
engaging in ethnic resistance was similar. Marcos elaborated on the advantages of
showing his Brazilian identity in Japan:

It is easier to live in Japan if you see yourself as Brazilian and give up trying to be Japanese because
this way, you can escape the pressure to act Japanese. I doIl't want to be Japanese here because it's too
much of a hassle-you have to keep explaining to others why you act and think differently. So I always
reveal my Brazilian identity when I communicate with the Japanese so they don't apply the same
standards to me.

For Marcos, appealing to his Brazilian identity is also a way to pre-empt negative
evaluations based on Japanese cultural standards:

If I try to be Japanese they will judge me by their own .standards and this will lead to discrimination
[negative evaluations about his behavior]. But if I make it clear that I'm Brazilian, there is less
discrimination because I can say: "I'm sorry, I'm Brazilian so I come late to appointments and am
lazy." I can pre-empt Japanese discrimination before they come to the same conclusions.

SAMBA IN JAPAN: GENERATIVE CULTURAL SCHEMAS AND THE

PRACTICE OF NATIONAL IDENTITY

The deterritorialized enactment of Brazilian nationalist counter-identitie

occurs not only in individual behavior, but in collective ritual performanc
The most important example is the samba parades that the Japanese-Brazilians
organize in local communities with high nikkeijin concentrations. This is an example
of the creative production of cultural forms often involved in ethnic resistance.
However, nikkeijin samba is more than a counter-reaction to Japanese ethnic
hegemony. It has its own cultural basis and logic and is an appropriation and
reinterpretation of a traditional Brazilian cultural form that acquires its own dynamics
in the deterritorialized context of Japan. The motivation for its performance ranges
from alleviating feelings of homesickness for Brazil to simple festive entertainment.
Because of the diverse intentions involved in its performance, the samba parade
becomes a form of ethnic resistance only in the process of enactment.
The parade I observed was in Oizumi-town, which is sometimes referred to as
- Little Brazil - because of its large Japanese-Brazilian population and the proliferation
of Brazilian food stores, restaurants, snack shops, discos supermarkets, barbers, and
clothing stores. Although the samba parade was only one part of a day-long Japanese
festival, it attracted far more attention and interest among the Japanese than any of
the traditional Japanese floats, parades, or music. In fact, despite the efforts of its
organizers to keep the parade movingS the nikkeijin dancers were frequently unable
to progress because of the hordes of Japanese who clogged the street with their
cameras and cameorders. This makes the samba performance not only an internal
experience of Brazilianness for the nikkeijin, but simultaneously an externally
oriented, ostentatious display of their Brazilian cultural differences. Howevers as was
the case with the emblematic use of Brazilian clothes, considerable decontextualiza-

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 ACTING BRAZILIAN IN JAPAN 65

tion and distortion again occur when national symbols are appropriated for ethnic
demonstration abroad. In fact, most Japanese-Brazilian migrants in Japan never
participated in samba in Brazil and even scorned it as a lowly Brazilian activity.
Having insuffilcient cultural knowledge of this national Brazilian ritual, their ethnic
performance in Japan is not structured or regulated by preordained cultural models
of samba, but is a spontaneous cultural form generated by them in the context of
enactment. What is subsequently produced may be barely recognizable in Brazil.
Nonetheless, it remains effective as a collective expression and assertion of a
Brazilian counter-identity and thus becomes another manifestation of ethnic
resistance.
Culture theorists have attempted to overcome an overly mechanistic and static
view of behavior as the product of explicitly stated cultural rules or norms, or the
reproduction of pre-existing structures by reconceptualizing the notion of culture and
structure itself. Some anthropologists have emphasized that culture is not uniform,
homogeneous, and collectively shared, but is fragmented, contested, and unevenly
distributed, consisting of symbols that are multivocal, polysemic, axld constantly
shifting in meaning (e.g., Barth 1987; Clifford 1986; Kondo 1990; Ohnuki-Tierney
1987, 1993; Rosaldo 1989; Turner 1967). In a similar vein, scholars interested in
world systems, transnational migration, and globalization processes (e.g., Basch,
Glick Schiller, and Blanc 1994; Featherstone 1996; Gupta and Ferguson 1992;
Hannerz 1996; Wolf 1982) have challenged the traditional anthropological analysis
of culture as territorially bounded, which they believe promotes a static view of
culture as unified and overly coherent. Bourdieu (1977, 1990), one of the pioneers
of practice theory, has replaced the notion of culture as objective rules and structures
with the concept of habitus, a system of habitual, unconscious, and collectively held
dispositions that are learned and deeply internalized by individuals and that structure
their behavior. Others have understood culture as schemas, flexible cognitive
processes and implicit procedures of recognition and interpretation of actual
experience that are learned and internalized to various degrees and that motivate
behavior without always being consciously known by individuals (D'Andrade 1995;
D'Andrade and Strauss 1992). Although he does not reconceptualize the concept of
culture or structure per se, Sahlins (1981, 1985) has advocated a dynamic structural
model of cultural change in which traditional symbolic meanings constantly shift as
they are enacted in practice during historical eventsS which then reorder the cultural
structure. Giddens (1979, 1984) has expounded on a theory of "structuration," which
moves away from a rigid concept of structure as external constraint on individual
behaviorS and instead defines structure as a generative set of rules and power
resources that exist only in the zmemory tracest of individuals and are instantiated
in their actions. Structure in this sense is not only the medium of action (practice),
but also its outcome it both produces and is constituted by action. The culture-as-
generative view has also been expounded most explicitly by Bourdieu (1977:ch. 1
3), who sees the habitus as consisting of flexible wgenerative schemest which can be

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66 ETHNOLOGY

combined and manipulated to generate a wide range of behav

different situations.
The cultural principles that motivate the nikkeijin's samba p
seem to remain implicit and unformulated in the minds of the
the mechanical execution of a pre-existing cultural structure
more complex and flexible notions of culture outlined a
collective behavior is questionable. The samba parade seem
cultural performance that is not structured by a habitus
Because of their lack of cultural knowledge about the samba tr
improvised, haphazard, and casual. The samba costumes were
ranged from simple bathing suits, clown outf1ts, festival
national colors (yellow and green), to T-shirts and shorts.
mixture of Japanese festival outf1ts (with Japanese character
colors and symbols attached. Undoubtedly, few of the nikkei
or construct any real Brazilian samba costumes or had the re
result, only the two front dancers wore costumes that had a
worn in samba parades in Brazil. Because most of the nikk
to properly dance samba, the participants seemed to be mo
bodies randomly, some in a lackadaisical manner. After th
for the best dancers went to non-nikkeijin Brazilians, the
samba properly and effectively. The general result was
costumes and individuals moving their bodies without any pa
precise rhythm that resembled actual Brazilian samba. The on
that required any explicit cultural knowledge were the singer
the bateria (the drum section that beats out the samba rhyth
composed almost exclusively of non-nikkeijin Brazilians.
This lack of proper cultural knowledge about samba and th
of the costumes and choreography indicate that instead of f
well-defined, codiEled, and ready-made cultural model of sam
was based on a vague and ill-defined image of samba. Indi
imagined cultural schema when the actual cultural schema is u
Since their behavior is therefore culturally structured only
rudimentary level, the exact content of the cultural schema is
in the process of enactment itself. Therefore, participation i
unstructured collective practices is less an enactment of a pr
schema than the creation and active generation of a new one
the extent that it exists, remains necessarily vague and ge
principles and speciElc content are f1lled in and elaborated as
manner, the loosely structured spontaneity and generative na
actualizes and 1nstantiates a new cultural schema, which
nikkeijin samba. In such instances, therefore, instead of cult
practice, practice tends to generate cultural schemas. Spontan
and rituals are therefore based on what Sahlins (1985:xi, 26-2

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 ACTING BRAZILIAN IN JAPAN 67

structures" in which the cultural schema is formed in the process of action i

of the act being strictly prescribed by the cultural structure. This is what Sw
(1996) means when she claims that practices can anchor constitutive rules inst
vice versa. Using Geertz's (1973) terms, a model ofX behavior becomes culturally
codified and collectively known as a zmodel forX behavior.
In this manner, new cultural forms and variations of established cultural practices
can be generated when individuals are forced to improvise as they attempt to enact
a traditional cultural schema about which they have insufficient understanding and
experience.6 The final cultural product that emerged through the nikkeijin perfor-
mance had little in common with samba as it is practiced in Brazil. However, given
the decontextualized and deterritorialized context in which this samba was being
enacted, the performance remained effective even if it was not a faithful reproduction
of the original. Indeed, as long as the nikkeijin could find some costume that looked
vaguely Brazilian and could shake their bodies in one way or another, the perfor-
mance was culturally valid as an expressive display of Brazilian national identity.7
Cultural authentication is also unintentionally supported by the presence of attentive
Japanese spectators, who showed active interest in the unusual and different festivities
of another nation. Since the Japanese have even less knowledge about samba than the
nikkeijin, they are unable to critique the performance as inaccurate or inauthentic.
For them, anything that is different and novel is accepted as bona-Elde Brazilian
samba. Therefore, the implicit collusion between participant and observer in a
deterritorialized context validates and authenticates the performance as a true display
of Brazilian cultural distinctiveness. As a result, the spontaneously generated samba
performance is discovered as an effective means of asserting cultural differences (and
thus a form of ethnic resistance) during the process of enactment itself. This newly
created cultural schema can then be used for later performances of samba by the
Japanese-Brazilians as a way to express their counter-identities. As subsequent
performances of nikkeijin samba are guided by the newly generated schema they
become more regularized and explicit as an act of ethnic resistance through the
intentional cultural display of Brazilianness. However, the inherent collective
spontaneity remains and always has the potential to further transform and modify the
schema.

CONCLUSION: ETHNIC RESISTANCE AND THE STRUGGLE FOR HUMAN

RECOGNITION

Once ethnic identities are consolidated through feelings of belonging to a di

cultural minority, they can become the basis for collective ethnic mobilization
economic, political, or psychological purposes. For the lapanese-Brazilians, the
development of a counter-identity as a new immigrant minority in Japan has led to
collective resistance against Japanese ethnic hegemony through the assertion of their
cultural differences. In terms of ethnic resistance, recent immigrant groups must be
distinguished from indigenous minority groups who have already been culturally

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68 ETHNOLOGY

subordinated. Since the experiences of the latter are structured by dominant

ideologies, they have lost an autonomous cultural basis for opposition, and their
resistance merely operates within the conf1nes of the hegemonic cultural system of
the dominant majority. In contrast, the autonomous ethnic resistance of the
Japanese-Brazilians is more than a critical discourse that contests and subverts
Japanese cultural values. It is an attempt to defend an independent cultural space from
hegemonic encroachment by consciously engaging in behavior that is an affirmation
of an autonomous Brazilian culture and a rejection of Japanese cultural expectations.
Undoubtedly, when the Japanese-Brazilians articulate their counter-identities in
Japan, Brazilian culture becomes subject to modification in the context of deterritori-
alization. That is, Brazilian symbols (such as food, clothes, greetings, and samba) are
inevitably appropriated in a foreign context for new and originally unintended
purposes (i.e., to demonstrate cultural distinctiveness from the Japanese and to
alleviate homesickness). In addition, these cultural displays of di fference in Japan are
freed from Brazilian social constraints and concerns for authenticity. As Brazilian
cultural meanings are revalued and reconstituted in Japan, the result is an exaggerat-
ed, intensified, decontextualized, and imprecisely reproduced version of Brazilian
culture. However, since this new cultural form remains autonomous and distinct from
the dominant Japanese cultural order, it continues to serve as an effective means of
ethnic resistance. As a result, what emerges is much more than an impoverished
resistance culture. It is a culture in its own right which is rich enough to ensure the
continued persistence of the Brazilian nikkeijin as a distinct ethnic minority in Japan.
The ethnic resistance of the nikkeijin does not produce any tangible economic or
political benef1ts. On the contrary, it reinforces their socioeconomic subordination in
Japan by ensuring that they remain a culturally different and unassimilated immigrant
minority which will continue to be socially marginalized by the Japanese. In this
sense, Appadurai (1996:14) suggests that the instrumental use of cultural identity may
be an end in itself:

[Ethnieity] may have a purely identity-oriented instrumentality rather than an instrumentality that, as
is so often implied, ls extracultural (economic or political or emotional). Put another way, the
mobilization of markers of group differenee may itself be part of a eontestation of values about
differenee, as distinet from the consequenees of differenee for wealth, seeurity, or power.

According to Fanon (1967:216-18), however, ethnic resistance among minorities

is much more than an issue of cultural assertion or identity-oriented instrumentality.
Ultimately, it is about being human.

Man is human only to the extent to which he tries to impose his existenee on another man in order to
be recognized by him.... It is on that other being, on recognition by that other being, that his own
human worth and reality depend. It is that other being in whom the meaning of his life is condensed.
. . . [This] human reality in-itself-for-itself can be achieved only through conflict and through the risk
that conflict implies.

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 ACTING BRAZILIAN IN JAPAN 69

Only through an active struggle for ethnic recognition from others can a truly
independent and autonomous self-consciousness be attained (cf. Crapanzano
1982:200).8 If individuals passively wait for recognition to be bestowed on them,
they abdicate the right to actively deElne themselves and assert their self-worth.
Through the performative enactment of their Brazilian counter-identities and the
display of cultural difference, the Japanese-Brazilians in Japan have asserted
themselves as Brazilian. And the Japanese have been forced to take notice and
perhaps reconsider.
Consider the reflections of one Japanese informant after his long association with
the Brazilian nikkeijin:

At first, I wanted them to beeome like the Japanese and tried to speak only Japanese to them, but I later
realized that this is smpossible. They ean't beeome Japanese, nor do they want to. They want to remain
Brazilian in Japan and I eame to respeet them for that. After a while, I started teaehing myself
Portuguese and learning about Brazil. Now I want to travel to Brazil someday to experienee the eountry.

This type of ethnic acknowledgment is the first step toward granting the Japanese-
Brazilians their humanity. It entails a recognition of their self-delilnitions and
independent existence as a distinct ethnic group instead of merely constituting them
through the hegemonic imposition of essentialized and assimilative Japanese ethnic
understandings. Yet few Japanese I knew were willing to sustain contact and
friendship with the nikkeijin long enough to make this type of ethnic recognition
possible. For most, the nikkeijin are either persistent ethnic curiosities or temporary
ethnic anomalies that should eventually conform to Japanese expectations.

NOTES

1. For an analysis of the causes of Japanese-Brazilian return migration, see Tsuda (1999a).
2. This is exeluding the approximately 650,000 Korean-Japanese who are still registered in Japan as
foreigners, though 80 per eent of them were born and raised in Japan. In 1997, there were 201,795
individuals of Brazilian nationality registered in Japan, a vast majority of whom are Japanese-Brazilians.
In addition, over 10 per cent of the Japanese-Brazilians in Japan have Japanese nationality and do not
register as foreigners.
3. See Tsuda (1998) for an analysis of Japanese pereeptions and prejudiees toward the Japanese-
Brazilians.
4. Kondo (1986:76-77) also reeounts her experienees as a Japanese-Ameriean in Japan who was
expeeted to aet Japanese:

They e . . had every reason to make me over in their image, to guide me toward properly Japanese
behavior, so that the discrepancy between my appearanee and my eultural competenee would not be s
painfully apparent. I posed a challenge to their sense of identity. How eould someone who looked
Japanese not be Japanese? Their response in the face of this dissonance was to make me as Japanese
as possible.

5. Seiza involves siting on folded legs with the knees together. The sitting position is very
uncomfortable for those who are not accustomed to it, and the anthropologist himself eannot endure
seiza for more than several minutes, although men are allowed to sit Indian-style on the tatami floor.

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70 ETHNOLOGY

6. Barth (1987) sbserves a similar process among the Ok in New Guinea. Because precise oral
transmission of ritual practices is not possible, the cultural content of the performance is elaborated by
ritual actors through such processes as metaphor. This generates a wide range of cultural variation in
the performance of the same ritual.
7. Ironicallys the most professional samba parade in Japan occurs in Asakusa in Tokyo and is run
almost exclusively by Japanese. The Asakusa carnival festival has a fifteen-year tradition and involves
30 schools of samba with 3,000 dancers and 500c000 spectators. The costumes are much like those used
in Brazil and the dancing is well organized. These Japanese, who have carefully studied samba, provide
a much more faithful reproduction of Brazilian samba than the rlikkeijin.
8. This presupposes an ability to see oneself from the perspective of the other so that the self becomes
an object to itself (Mead 1977 [1956l).

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