Liceo De Masbate

Quezon St. Masbate City

RESEARCH PAPER
IN
HISTORY I
SUBMITTED BY:
Romarie R. Badilla
BSED 2 (Math)
SUBMITTED TO:
Sir Calinawan
HISTORY
INSTRUCTOR
 THE
MARTIAL
LAW

MANILA, Philippines – On the evening of September 23, 1972, the late

president Ferdinand Marcos appeared on national television to formally announce
that the Philippines was under Martial Law.

This began almost 10 years of military rule in the country. Marcos formally
ended Martial Law on January 17, 1981, but it was not until 1986 when democracy
was restored – after the dictator and his family were forced into exile, overthrown
by a popular uprising that came to be known as the People Power Revolution.

On the 44th anniversary of the declaration of Martial Law, we take a look

back at some of the lingering questions behind the declaration, and the consequent
events that shaped Philippine history.

Why was Martial Law declared?

When Marcos signed Proclamation 1081 on September 21, 1972, he cited the
communist threat as justification. His diary, meanwhile, said the proclamation of
Martial Law became a "necessity", following the supposed ambush of then defense
secretary Juan Ponce Enrile.

There were subsequent reports that said the ambush was staged, with the
Official Gazette citing Enrile's admission in 1986 that it was faked to justify the
imposition of Martial Law. (READ: Martial Law 101: Things you should know)

There were also indications that the plan to declare Martial Law had long
been in the works. According to the Official Gazette, several people had received
prior information about Marcos' plan. The late dictator had also hinted at it in his
address to the Philippine Military Academy Alumni Association as early as May 17,
1969 – more than 3 years before the actual declaration.

What happened under Martial Law?

Through various general orders, Marcos effectively put the entire power of
government under the rule of one man: his own. He was to lead the nation and
direct the operation of the entire government. He ordered the armed forces to
prevent or suppress any act of rebellion. Curfew hours were enforced, group
assemblies were banned, privately-owned media facilities shuttered. (READ:
Marcos’ Martial Law orders)

Those considered threats to Marcos – such as prominent politicians and

members of the media – were rounded up and arrested by members of the military
and the notorious Philippine Constabulary. (LOOK BACK: The Philippine
Constabulary under Marcos)

What did the Martial Law years look like?

There are those who hail the discipline and supposed order of the New
Society, as Marcos called it, and considered that period as among the "best years"
of the Philippines.

Among the myths: that the Philippines enjoyed a golden age under the
Marcoses. Various reports and historical accounts debunk this; while it is true that
infrastracture spending increased during that period, it came at a staggering cost:
plunging the Philippines in billions of dollars in debt. From $8.2 billion in 1977, the
country's debt ballooned to $24.4 billion in 1982 – or within a period of just 5
years. (READ: Marcos years marked 'golden age' of PH economy? Look at the data)

The Marcoses also plundered the country's coffers, with various estimates
putting the amount at between $5 billion to $10 billion.

The Presidential Commission on Good Government, the body going after the
Marcoses' ill-gotten wealth, is still recovering this money; over the past 30 years,
at least P170 billion have been recovered.
 Aside from the billions in illegally amassed wealth, human rights abuses were
rampant during those days. (READ: #NeverAgain: Martial Law stories young people
need to hear)

About 70,000 people were imprisoned and 34,000 tortured, according to

Amnesty International, while 3,240 were killed from 1972 to 1981. During this dark
chapter of Philippine history, thousands of people were subject to various forms of
torture. Prisoners were electrocuted, beaten up, and strangled. They were burned
with a flat iron or cigars. Water was poured down their throats, then forced out by
beating. Women were stripped naked and raped, various objects forced into their
genitals.

Historian Alfred McCoy wrote about Marcos' elite torture units, whose
specialty was psychological torture and humiliation aside from the physical pain.

It has been many years since then, but the victims have not forgotten –
especially as the Marcoses have neither acknowledged their crimes nor made
reparations for their sins.

At the Supreme Court hearing on the proposed Marcos burial at the Heroes'
Cemetery, victims were asked to speak before the Court to recount their
horrifying ordeals.

Martial law in the Philippines (Filipino: Batas Militar

sa Pilipinas; Spanish: Lei Marcial en Filipinas) refers
to several intermittent periods in Philippine history
wherein the Philippine head of state (such as the
President) proclaims that an area is placed under the
control of the Armed Forces of the Philippines.
Martial law is declared either when there is near-
violent civil unrest or in cases of major natural
disasters, however most countries use a different legal construct like "state of
emergency".

Typically, the imposition of martial law accompanies curfews, the suspension

of civil law, civil rights, habeas corpus, and the application or extension of military
law or military justice to civilians. Civilians defying martial law may be subjected to
military tribunals (court-martial).
 History of martial law proclamations

Hostilities that began the Philippine Revolution of 1896 started on the

evening of 21 August 1896, when hundreds of rebels attacked the Civil Guard
garrison in Pasig, just as hundreds of other rebels personally led by Andrés
Bonifacio were massing in San Juan del Monte, which they attacked hours later on
the 30th. Bonifacio planned to capture the San Jose del Monte powder magazine
along with a water station supplying Manila. The defending Spaniards were
outnumbered, and fonce piece pirates pmugaiaff rebels until reinforcements
arrived. Once reinforced, the Spaniards drove Bonifacio's forces back with heavy
casualties. Elsewhere rebels attacked Mandaluyong, Sampaloc, Santa Ana,
Pandacan, Pateros, Marikina, and Caloocan,[1] as well as Makati and Taguig.[2]
Balintawak in Caloocan saw intense fighting. Rebel troops tended to gravitate
towards fighting in San Juan del Monte and Sampaloc. South of Manila, a thousand-
strong rebel force attacked a small force of civil guards. In Pandacan Katipuneros
attacked the parish church, making the parish priest run for his life. [2]

After their defeat in San Juan del Monte, Bonifacio's troops regrouped near
Marikina, San Mateo and Montalban, where they proceeded to attack these areas.
They captured these areas but were driven back by Spanish counterattacks, and
Bonifacio eventually ordered a retreat to Balara. On the way, Bonifacio was nearly
killed shielding Emilio Jacinto from a Spanish bullet that grazed his collar.[2]
Despite his reverses, Bonifacio was not completely defeated and was still
considered a threat.[1]

North of Manila, the towns of San Francisco de Malabon, Noveleta and Kawit
in Cavite rose in rebellion.[2] In Nueva Ecija rebels in San Isidro led by Ivan Pilien
attacked the Spanish garrison on September 2–4; they were repulsed. [3]

By 30 August, the revolt had spread to eight provinces, prompting the

Spanish Governor-General Ramón Blanco, 1st Marquis of Peña Plata, to declare a
"state of war" in these provinces and place them under martial law. These
provinces were Manila, Bulacan, Cavite, Pampanga, Tarlac, Laguna, Batangas, and
Nueva Ecija.[4][2] These would later be represented in the eight rays of the Sun in
the Philippine flag.[5] Despite such declaration, which provided a 48-hour period in
giving amnesty to rebels except their leaders, Blanco adopted a cool, conciliatory
stance, seeking to improve Spain’s image in the face of world opinion. [6]
 Emilio Aguinaldo

After the outbreak of Spanish–American War, Emilio Aguinaldo, who

grabbed leadership of the revolution from Bonifacio by executing him under
fabricated charges, returned to the Philippines from his exile in Hong Kong on 19
May 1898, with 13 of his staff. He was encouraged to return by the Americans,
who saw in him as an opportunity in their war against Spain. [7] After five days, on
May 23, Aguinaldo issued a proclamation in which he assumed command of all
Philippine military forces and established a dictatorial government with himself as
dictator.[8]

On 12 June, at Aguinaldo's ancestral home in Cavite, Philippine independence

was proclaimed and The Act of Declaration of Philippine Independence was read.
The act had been prepared and written in Spanish by Ambrosio Rianzares Bautista,
who also read its proclamation.[9] On 18 June, Aguinaldo issued a decree formally
establishing his dictatorial government.[10] On 23 June another decree signed by
Aguinaldo was issued, replacing the Dictatorial Government with a Revolutionary
Government, with himself as President.[11][12]

José Laurel

President José P. Laurel of the wartime Second Philippine Republic (puppet-

government under Japan) placed the Philippines under martial law in 1944 through
Proclamation No. 29, dated September 21. Martial law came into effect on
September 22, 1944.Proclamation No. 30 was issued the next day, declaring the
existence of a state of war between the Philippines and the US and Great Britain.
This took effect on September 23, 1944.

Ferdinand Marcos

At the height of armed communist insurgency in the Philippines, Philippine

Military Academy instructor Lt Victor Corpuz led New People's Army rebels in a
raid on the PMA armory, capturing rifles, machine guns, grenade launchers, a
bazooka and thousands of rounds of ammunition in 1970. [13] In 1972, China, which
was then actively supporting and arming communist insurgencies in Asia as part of
Mao Zedong's People's War Doctrine, transported 1,200 M-14 and AK-47 rifles [14]
for the NPA to speed up NPA's campaign to defeat the government. [15][16] Prior to
the 1975, the Philippine government maintained a close relationship with the
Kuomintang-ruled Chinese government which fled to Taiwan (Republic of China),
despite the Chinese Communist Victory in 1949, and saw Communist China (People's
Republic of China) as a security threat due to China's financial and military support
of Communist rebels in the country.[17]

In a privilege speech before Senate, Benigno Aquino, Jr. warned the public
of the possible establishment of a “garrison state” by President Ferdinand Marcos.
President Marcos imposed martial law on the nation from 1972 to 1981 to suppress
increasing civil strife and the threat of a communist takeover following a series of
bombings in Manila.[18][19] However, Aquino himself rubbed elbows with leaders of
Communist Party of the Philippines — first with founder Jose Maria Sison, and
later with Rodolfo Salas, CPP chair at the height of Martial Law. In an interview
with Ateneo De Manila University Professor Lisandro Claudio, Salas said not only
did he bring wounded New People's Army (NPA) soldiers to Aquino’s houses, but he
received guns and cash from Aquino himself. He also said Aquino had a significant
contribution to the expansion of NPA in the country. In another communication to
the State Department dated September 21, the US Embassy sheds further light
on what Ninoy told the American officials. On September 12, Ninoy had a “lengthy
luncheon conversation" with two embassy officers about the “growing strength of
Communist dissidence in the Philippines." In this luncheon, the senator “readily
admitted his past ties with the several Communist factions in the Philippines." He
claimed that maintaining links with Huk rebels was a “fact of life" for a Tarlac
politician.[20][21]

On 21 August 1971, while the opposition (Liberal Party) was having their
miting de avance in Plaza Miranda, 2 fragmentation grenades exploded.[citation needed] It
took 9 lives and left more than 100 people seriously wounded. [citation needed] Some
Liberal Party candidates were seriously injured including Jovito Salonga, who nearly
died and was visually impaired. Suspicion of responsibility for the blast initially fell
upon Marcos, whom the Liberals blamed for the bombing; however, in later years,
prominent personalities associated with the event have laid the blame on the
Communist Party of the Philippines under José María Sison.[22] In his autobiography,
Salonga states his belief that Sison and the CPP were responsible. [23] Based on
interviews of The Washington Post with former Communist Party of the Philippines
Officials, it was revealed that "the (Communist) party leadership planned -- and
three operatives carried out -- the attack in an attempt to provoke government
repression and push the country to the brink of revolution... (Communist Party
Leader) Sison had calculated that Marcos could be provoked into cracking down on
his opponents, thereby driving thousands of political activists into the
underground, the former party officials said. Recruits were urgently needed, they
said, to make use of a large influx of weapons and financial aid that China had
already agreed to provide."[24]

A month of “Terrorist Bombing” of public facilities in Manila and Quezon

City culminated on 22 September with an assassination attempt on Defense
Secretary Juan Ponce Enrile. Citing more than 15 bombing incidences, chaos and
lawlessness,[25] Marcos declared martial law, thereby suspending the 1935
Constitution, dissolving Congress, and assuming absolute power. Six hours after the
Enrile assassination attempt, Marcos responded with the imposition of martial law.
Proclamation № 1081 which imposed martial law was dated 21 September 1972, but
it was actually signed on 17 September. The formal announcement of the
proclamation was made only at seven-thirty in the evening of 23 September, about
twenty-two hours after he had commanded his military collaborators to start
arresting his political opponents and close down all media and retail (fashion, food,
religious, sports) establishments.[26]

The Proclamation read in part

“ My countrymen, as of the twenty-first of this month, I signed

Proclamation № 1081 placing the entire Philippines under Martial Law... ”

— Ferdinand Marcos, September 21, 1972

Martial law was ratified by 90.77% of the voters during the Philippine
Martial Law referendum, 1973 though the referendum was marred with
controversy.[27][28]

The declaration of martial law was initially well received by some segments
of the people but became unpopular as excesses and human rights abuses by the
military emerged. Torture was used in extracting information from their enemies.

There was some controversy whether the ambush on Enrile used as one of
the justifications[29] to declare Martial Law was staged. However, Enrile himself
denied that it was staged in his memoir and defended the declaration of martial
law:[30]

“ Did I stage and fake my ambush to justify the declaration of martial law? ”
I said, “No! I did not!”... There was no need for me to do that to justify
 the declaration of martial law. There was no need for other facts to
justify the imposition of martial law. Proclamation No. 1081 [19] of 21
September 1972 recited fully and faithfully all the facts that President
Marcos needed and used to justify the declaration of martial law in the
country. I drafted and prepared the documents that President Marcos
used to declare martial law. I checked the facts contained in those
documents. I had no doubt of their authenticity, veracity, and sufficiency
to support and justify the declaration of martial law. Those facts were
more than enough to justify the declaration of martial law.

— Juan Ponce Enrile, 2012

University of the Philippines economics professor and former NEDA

Director-General Dr. Gerardo Sicat,[31] an MIT Ph.D. graduate, portrayed some of
Martial Law's effects as follows:[32]

“Economic reforms suddenly became possible under martial law. The

powerful opponents of reform were silenced and the organized opposition was also
quilted. In the past, it took enormous wrangling and preliminary stage-managing of
political forces before a piece of economic reform legislation could even pass
through Congress. Now it was possible to have the needed changes undertaken
through presidential decree. Marcos wanted to deliver major changes in an
economic policy that the government had tried to propose earlier.”

The enormous shift in the mood of the nation showed from within the
government after martial law was imposed. The testimonies of officials of private
chambers of commerce and of private businessmen dictated enormous support for
what was happening. At least, the objectives of the development were now being
achieved…”.[33]

In an effort to isolate the local communist movement, President Marcos

went to China in 1975 to normalize diplomatic relations. In return for recognizing
that the People's Republic of China is the legitimate Chinese government, and that
Taiwan is part of Chinese territory, Chinese Premier Zhou Enlai pledged to stop
supporting the Philippine communist rebels.[34] The government subsequently
captured NPA leaders Bernabe Buscayno in 1976 and Jose Maria Sison in 1977.[35]
The Washington Post in an interview with former Philippine Communist Party
Officials, revealed that, "they (local communist party officials) wound up
languishing in China for 10 years as unwilling "guests" of the (Chinese) government,
feuding bitterly among themselves and with the party leadership in the Philippines".
[36]

Martial law was lifted by President Marcos on January 17, 1981. [37]

After the lifting of Martial Law, the CPP-NPA was able to return to urban
areas and form relationships with legal opposition organizations, and became
increasingly successful attacks against the government throughout the country. [38]
The violence inflicted by the communists reached its peak in 1985 with 1,282
military and police deaths and 1,362 civilian deaths. [39]

Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo

President Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo was accused of planning to impose martial

law to put an end to military coup plots, general civilian dissatisfaction, and
criticism of the legitimacy of her presidency due to dubious election results. [40]
Instead, a "State of National Emergency" was imposed to crush a coup plot and to
tackle protesters which lasted from February 24, 2006 until March 3 of the same
year.[citation needed]

In the wake of the Maguindanao massacre, Macapagal-Arroyo placed

Maguindanao province under a state of martial law on December 4, 2009, through
Proclamation No. 1959.[41] The declaration also suspended the writ of habeas corpus
in the province.[42] The announcement was made days after hundreds of government
troops were sent to the province, which would later raid armories of the powerful
Ampatuan clan. The Ampatuan family was implicated in the massacre, which saw the
murder of 57 persons, including women members of the rival Mangudadatu clan,
human rights lawyers, and 31 media workers. This was considered the worst
incident of political violence in the nation's history. It has also
been condemned worldwide as the worst loss of life of media
professionals in one day in the history of journalism. [41]
Macapagal-Arroyo lifted the state of martial law in Maguindanao
in December 12 of the same year.

The Philippines During Martial Law

 
Proclamation of Martial Law: On September 21, 1972, President Ferdinand E.
Marcos placed the Philippines under Martial Law. The declaration issued under
Proclamation 1081 suspended the civil rights and imposed military authority in the
country. Marcos defended the declaration stressing the need for extra powers to
quell the rising wave of violence allegedly caused by communists. The emergency
rule was also intended to eradicate the roots of rebellion and promote a rapid
trend for national development. The autocrat assured the country of the legality
of Martial Law emphasizing the need for control over civil disobedience that
displays lawlessness. Marcos explained citing the provisions from the Philippine
Constitution that Martial Law is a strategic approach to legally defend the
Constitution and protect the welfare of the Filipino people from the dangerous
threats posed by Muslim rebel groups and Christian vigilantes that places national
security at risk during the time. Marcos explained that martial law was not a
military takeover but was then the only option to resolve the country’s dilemma on
rebellion that stages national chaos threatening the peace and order of the
country. The emergency rule, according to Marcos’s plan, was to lead the country
into what he calls a “New Society”.

Marcos used several events to justify martial law. Threat to the country’s security
was intensifying following the re-establishment of the Communist Party of the
Philippines (CPP) in 1968. Supporters of CPP’s military arm, the New People’s Army,
also grew in numbers in Tarlac and other parts of the country. The alleged attempt
to the life of then Minister of Defense Juan Ponce Enrile gave Marcos a window to
declare Martial Law. Marcos announced the emergency rule the day after the
shooting incident. Marcos also declared insurgency in the south caused by the clash
between Muslims and Christians, which Marcos considered as a threat to national
security. The Muslims were defending their ancestral land against the control of
Christians who migrated in the area. The minority group organized the Moro
National Liberation Front (MNLF) in Malaysia and pushed for the autonomy of
Mindanao from the national government.

The move was initially supported by most Filipinos and was viewed
by some critics as a change that solved the massive corruption in
the country. Martial law ceased the clash between the executive
and legislative branches of the government and a bureaucracy
characterized by special interest. Marcos started to implement
reforms on social and political values that hindered effective
modernization. To match the accomplishments of its Asian
neighbors, Marcos imposed the need for self-sacrifice for the
attainment of national welfare. His reforms targeted his rivals within the elite
depriving them of their power and patronage but did not affect their supporters
(US Library of Congress, Martial Law and the Aftermath).

Thirty-thousand opposition figures including Senator Benigno Aquino, journalists,

student and labor activists were detained at military compounds under the
President’s command (Proclamation 1081 and Martial Law). The army and the
Philippine Constabulary seized weapons and disbanded private armies controlled by
prominent politicians and other influential figures (Proclamation 1081 and Martial
Law). Marcos took control of the legislature and closed the Philippine Congress
(Proclamation 1081 and Martial Law). Numerous media outfits were either closed
down or operated under tight control (Proclamation 1081 and Martial Law). Marcos
also allegedly funnelled millions of the country’s money by placing some of his
trusted supporters in strategic economic positions to channel resources to him.
Experts call this the “crony capitalism.”

The deterioration of the political and economic condition in the

Philippines triggered the decline of support on Marcos’ plans.
More and more Filipinos took arms to dislodge the regime. Urban
poor communities in the country’s capital were organized by the
Philippine Ecumenical Council for Community and were soon
conducting protest masses and prayer rallies. These efforts
including the exposure of numerous human rights violations
pushed Marcos to hold an election in 1978 and 1981 in an aim to
stabilize the country’s chaotic condition. Marcos, in both events, won the election;
however, his extended term as President of the Republic of the Philippines elicited
an extensive opposition against his regime. Social unrest reached its height after
former Senator Benigno Aquino was murdered. The incident sent thousands of
Filipinos to the streets calling for Marcos’ removal from post. Turning again to his
electoral strategy, Marcos held a snap election in 1986 but what he hoped will
satisfy the masses only increased their determination to end his rule that seated
Corazon Aquino, widow of Benigno Aquino, as President of the Philippines ousting
Marcos from Malacañang Palace and ending the twenty-one years of tyrant rule.

Reactions to the burial of President Ferdinand marcos.

In a few months, we will finally see the burial of President Ferdinand E.

Marcos at the Libingan ng mga Bayani, 27 years after the late president’s death.
This is one of the first major national policies of President Rodrigo R. Duterte. And
in deciding to allow the Marcos burial in the Heroes’ Cemetery, President Duterte
absolutely made the right call.

Better late than never, as they always say. It is better to bury President
Marcos now 27 years after his death than just letting his corpse freeze in Ilocos
Norte. Call it poetic justice if you want, the late president will now get what he is
due: a burial befitting a former Commander-in-Chief and a soldier who risked his
life in the line of duty during the Second World War.

And why should we not bury President Marcos at the Heroes’ Cemetery? The
AFP has already explained the rules for a person to be qualified for burial in the
Heroes’ Cemetery. Marcos fits the qualifications set by the Department of
National Defense. Marcos was a soldier who served in the Second World War,
awarded the Medal of Valor. He is one of only around 40 Filipinos to have even
received the award. He received the award when he was still only a Congressman of
Ilocos Norte, and Gen. Douglas MacArthur also personally recognized Marcos’
services during the war.

Marcos was a former President, thrice elected in democratic elections

(1965, 1969, 1981; four if you count 1986). Besides being a war veteran as
previously mentioned, Marcos as Commander-in-Chief led the Philippines through a
tumultuous era: the Cold War. The communists came in and launched a protracted
war against the Philippine state. The situation was made worse when Moro rebels in
the South tried to secede.

Being the United States’ mainstay in Asia, Marcos made sure the Philippines
performed its part to make sure that the communists would not emerge victorious
in the Cold War. First, by allowing America to use the country as a jump-off point
towards Vietnam. Second, by suppressing the communist rebellion and preventing
them from taking over the state apparatus and wreak havoc upon the entire nation
as they did in China and North Korea.

When duty called, Marcos answered and performed his job as executive by
declaring martial law to quell the rebellion. Martial law ushered in an era of
stability after years of uprisings by the communists. When human rights abuses
were reported, Marcos took responsibility and did what he had to do: 8,800
military officers were fired from the AFP during martial law due to complaints of
human rights abuses. Regardless of how one looks at it, Marcos dutifully performed
his job as President of the Republic. It was thanks to his government’s policies that
the Philippine state remains standing and whole, not under a communist government
nor is it one region smaller.

His loyalists would say he is a hero, his detractors would call him an evil
dictator. But what I would say is this, Ferdinand E. Marcos was a man who served
his country nobly as a soldier, and as President, made the right decisions when duty
called. Marcos was a man who knew how to deal with the circumstances of his time.
He is not the evil man that the left and the oligarchs accuse him of being. I am
glad that on September 1972, at a time of global crisis and national instability, it
was Ferdinand Marcos in Malacanang and not anyone else.

The Marcos detractors have emerged again ahead of his burial. Those people
are promoting hate, they’re promoting instability, they’re promoting national
fragmentation, they’re promoting bigotry, they’re promoting violence, the very
things they accused Marcos of. Millennials are scapegoated as Marcos apologists,
but when I saw the Bongbong Marcos rallies, I saw old people, not young people.
Those were middle-aged people, many were already senior citizens.

Perhaps it is difficult for them to accept the end of the status quo, that
President Ferdinand E. Marcos would be viewed in a more favorable light, not as
dictated by the dishonest media and twisted history books. Part of me honestly
wants to hold the burial on September 21, just to watch the reaction of the
radicals, but I believe the late President deserves it on his birthday.

September, President Marcos will be interred underground, out of sight and

out of mind. Such closes the curtain on the Marcos legacy, which had its ups and
downs. It is now time for us to do our part. Whatever mistakes Ferdinand Marcos
did, we must learn and never repeat them. Likewise, we must build upon the good
that he was able to do.

So, I laud the decision of President Rodrigo Duterte to allow the burial of
President Ferdinand Marcos at the Heroes’ Cemetery. I laud him for making the
right decision without being influenced by the detractors. The Marcos burial will
begin a new chapter in our nation’s history, and it is up to us to write what will be in
that chapter.