S. Ivo Alla Sapienza and Borromini's Symbolic Language

S.
Ivo alla Sapienza and Borromini's Symbolic Language

Author(s): John Beldon Scott
Source: Journal of the Society of Architectural Historians, Vol. 41, No. 4 (Dec., 1982), pp.
294-317
Published by: University of California Press on behalf of the Society of Architectural
Historians
Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/989801
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S. Ivo alla Sapienza and Borromini's Symbolic Language
JOHN BELDON SCOTT University of Iowa
The symbolic content of Borromini's S. Ivo alla Sapienza is ex- incomprehensible conceits. A re-evaluation of S. Ivo, based on
amined in the light of documents of the period, particularly the the documents of the period, will serve not only to clarify the
construction documents in the Archivio di Stato in Rome. This meaning of the architectural and decorative symbolism of the
material makes a significant contribution toward resolving ques- chapel but will also allow a broad reassessment of the nature of
tions related to iconographic elements in the groundplan, spiral Borromini's symbolic language.
tower, and interior stucco decoration of the chapel. The deter- Borromini had not yet finished his work as Bernini's assistant
mining factors for the symbolic meaning of the imagery of S. Ivo at Palazzo Barberini when in I632, through the intervention of
are shown to be the iconography of the saint, the ceremonial Cardinal Francesco Barberini, he was appointed architect of the
functions of the chapel, and the changing patronage of three Roman Archiginnasio, the chief secular institution of learning in
popes. S. Ivo serves as a case study for Borromini's introduction the city.' Urban VIII was especially interested in the welfare of
of symbolic elements into the fabric and decoration of his works, the Archiginnasio, later known as the University, which had been
demonstrating that the nature of that imagery-seen in its I7th- founded by Boniface VIII (1294-1303) and given its permanent
century context-is not esoteric and that our view of Borromini seat by Leo X (I5 13-I 52I).2 This edifice had remained without
as a speculative thinker in architecture is exaggerated and anach- a proper chapel or library facility.3 Borromini's task was to con-
ronistic.
Borromini at the Sapienza This study is a revised and expanded version of material first presented in
my dissertation, "Allegories of Divine Wisdom in Italian Baroque Art,"
BORROMINI'S CHURCH of S. Ivo is widely viewed as an Rutgers University, 1982. The middle section on the symbolism of the
tower of S. Ivo was delivered at the College Art Association Convention
archetypal work of Roman High Baroque architecture. Our ap-
in San Francisco, I98 . I would like to thank the following individuals
preciation of this masterpiece, nevertheless, has been dimmed by who read the drafts and in other ways contributed to the completed
uncertainty about the meaning of the symbolic elements the ar- study: Professors Olga Berendsen, Irving Lavin, Virginia Bush, Sarah
chitect incorporated into the structure and ornament of the Wilk, Joseph Connors, and Patricia Leighten, and Joseph and Alessandra
Alchermes.
chapel. Considerable scholarly controversy has arisen over the i. Archivio di Stato di Roma, Universita 198, fasc. 123, fol. iv; O.
authenticity of the bee in the groundplan and the source and Pollak, Die Kunsttdtigkeit unter Urban VIII, 2 vols., Vienna, 1928, I,
meaning of the spiral lantern tower above the dome. The im- I6o-I6I; H. Thelen, Francesco Borromini, die Handzeichnungen, Graz,
I967, I, 9.
agery of S. Ivo, however, is less complex than is usually thought.
2. For the history of the Archiginnasio see G. Carafa, De gymnasio
Many of the problematic aspects encountered in the critical lit- romano et de eius professoribus, 2 vols., Rome, 1751; F. M. Renazzi,
erature have resulted from a lack of understanding of the theo- Storia dell'universita degli studi di Roma...., 4 vols., Rome, I803-I8o6;
G. Moroni Romano, Dizionario di erudizione storico-ecclesiastica, 103
logical nature of wisdom as perceived in the I7th century and
vols., Venice, 1840-1861, LXXXIV, 282-323, LXXXV, 3-208; and N.
from a failure to take into account the particular iconography of Spano, L'Universita di Roma, Rome, 1935.
S. Ivo the saint. The iconographic interests of both the individual 3. The history of the building up to the time of Borromini's appoint-
and the corporate patrons were also of much greater significance ment has been examined by H. Thelen, "Der Palazzo alla Sapienza in
Rom," Miscellanea Bibliothecae Hertzianae, Munich, I96I, 285-307.
than has been supposed. Moreover, the important ceremonial Also see P. Tomei, "Gli architetti del Palazzo della Sapienza," Palladio,
functions the chapel was built to house have been completely v, 1941, 270-28z. For the subsequent history of the building see E. Re,
ignored. But perhaps the paramount contributing element in the "Materiali per la storia della nuova sede dell'Archivio di Stato di Roma:
La 'Sapienza,'" Archivi d'ltalia, iv, 1937, 198-205; E. Re, "Restauri
confusion surrounding the meaning of S. Ivo is the romantic
alla Sapienza," Roma, xII, I943, 76-78; and A. Lodolini, "Ob sapien-
conception of the architect as a neurotic personality who de- tiae gloriam et patrocinium: cinque secoli di vicende edilizie alla Sapi-
lighted in exotic prototypes in order to express curious if not enza," Capitolium, xxvIII, 1953, I93-200.
294
SCOTT: S. IVO ALLA SAPIENZA 295
. , -.. *w^ ! _- I- -
Fig. z. Andrea Sacchi, Divine Wisdom, Palazzo Barberini, Rome,
I629-I63I. Detail of ceiling fresco (G. F. N.).
Fig. i. Francesco Borromini, S. Ivo alla Sapienza, Rome, 1643-1660
(G. F. N.).
manuscript in the Barberini Archives states that the subject of th

struct a chapel behind the hemicycle of the cortile built by Gia- fresco is "appropriate for the majestic edifice of the Barberin
como della Porta.4 Construction did not actually begin until family in order that it be understood that since that happy famil
January i643, and it continued under three successive popes- was born and elected to rule the Church in the place of God i
Urban VIII, Innocent X, and Alexander VII-until the dedica- governs with Divine Wisdom, equally loved and revered."7 Th
tion in I66o (Fig. i).5 association between Divine Wisdom and the Barberini is visuall
Since he was working at Palazzo Barberini when Andrea Sac- confirmed in the fresco by the presence of bees (the family heraldi
chi decorated the ceiling of one of the reception rooms (I629- device) on the throne back, the Barberini sun impresa on th
1631) with the enthroned image of Divine Wisdom (Fig. z), breast of Divine Wisdom, and the laurel in the stucco friez
Borromini was undoubtedly familiar with both the iconographic below the cornice.8
significance of the theme and its relevance to the social preten- The papal commission at the Archiginnasio must have ap
sions and political aspirations of the Barberini.6 A contemporary peared as a providential opportunity to give architectural form
to a concept so flattering to the pope's family. The theme wa
4. Della Porta's original design for the chapel and the role it played in
"setting the stage" for Borromini's chapel has been discussed by J. Was- 7. "Conveniva tal Pittura al maestoso edefitio della Casa Barberina
serman, "Giacomo della Porta's Church for the Sapienza in Rome and acci6 che s'intendesse che, si come si felice fameglia, e nata et eletta i
Other Matters Relating to the Palace," Art Bulletin, XLVI, 1964, 50I-
luogo d'Iddio, per li primi governi della Chiesa, cosi, con divina Sapi-
5Io. enza, parimenti amata e riverita, la governa." This document was pub
5. The first payments date from December 1642 and worklished on theby G. Incisa della Rocchetta, "Notizie inedite su Andrea Sacchi,
foundation was begun in January of the following year. Pollak, I, 6 1-xxvII, I924, 64. It is likely to date between 1631, the year the
L'Arte,
162, and M. Del Piazzo, Ragguagli borrominiani, Rome, I968, frescoI32-
was completed, and 1642, the publication date of the compre-
133. The building history of the chapel still awaits detailed analysis.
hensive semi-official description of the palace: H. Tetius, Aedes bar
6. For the iconography of the Sacchi fresco and for additional bibli- ad Quirinalem, Rome, 1642.
berinae
ography see J. B. Scott, "Allegories of Divine Wisdom in Italian Baroque
8. These imprese are collected and explained in G. Ferro, Teatro
Art," Dissertation, Rutgers University, I982, 8-56. d'imprese, Venice, 1623, 72-77, 650-65z.
296 JSAH, XLI:4, DECEMBER 1982
,. f .e a . v9,:-. (j < ?A- .

SA?IENT'tA AL rr'cwtA S i 1X3vWY
Ec Ottr Comrx R -A* ' ii
i,. t - .,
i'. ?a. ' ? ' 1 : :
* - 'S , 7H
- fi I^ i:11~
- i * : Fig. 3. Borromini,
i:~?i': " Fig. 3 S.Borromini,
Ivo. Detail of S. Ivo. Detail o
ir ;;! * *:: ;/ 0groundplan drawing, ca. 1642,
: : : Archivio di Stato di Roma (author).
suggested by the very name of the institution, which as early as erbs (9:I-z) has been carefully drawn in block letters: SAPI-
the mid-I6th century was commonly known as La Sapienza.9 ENTIA AEDIFICAVIT SIBI DOMUM / EXCEDIT COLUM-
This popular designation was given official sanction by the ad- NAS SEPTUM / PROPOSUIT MENSAM SUAM ("Wisdom
monitory inscription Sixtus V had placed over the main entrance hath built herself a house, / she hath hewn her out seven pillars
to the cortile begun by Pirro Ligorio: SIXTUS V. PONT. MAX. She hath set forth her table"). Borromini has pencilled in th
INITIUM SAPIENTIAE EST TIMOR DOMINI.10 As they intended location of each of the three inscriptions: "on the fri
passed through that portal, those who came to study at the of the door," "on the frieze of the columns," and "on the ped
Sapienza were thereby reminded of the elementary Christian tal of the statue." In the apse, behind the altar, the architect h
truth that the fear of the Lord, i.e. the practice of religion, is the indicated the seven columns of an exedra, in accordance with t
beginning of wisdom. Borromini intended to continue this theme biblical text. In the center of the chapel groundplan the archit
in the new Archiginnasio chapel, which was originally to be has drawn a sun, recalling the biblical passage "she [Widom]
dedicated to Divine Wisdom. the brightness of eternal light... she is more beautiful than
The earliest design for S. Ivo, as the chapel was ultimately sun" (Wisdom 7:26, 29). Like Sacchi's figure of Divine Wisdo
dedicated,11 is a presentation drawing of the groundplan, dating this attribute also refers to the Barberini. Lest this message esc
prior to mid-i64z, now in the Archivio di Stato in Rome (Fig. the viewer the sun is surrounded with bees, which, like the be
3).12 In the upper left corner the following quotation from Prov- on the throne in the Palazzo Barberini fresco, establish the as
ciation between the Barberini and Divine Wisdom.
This interpretation is confirmed by the marble plaque on t

9. Spano, 23. south facade of the Sapienza, which served as precedent f
io. Del Piazzo, 280-281. The present plaque reads simply: INITIUM Borromini's symbolic device. The plaque commemorates Urb
SAPIENTIAE TIMOR DOMINI (Ecclesiasticus I: 6).
VIII's patronage of part of the Sapienza prior to Borromin
Subsequent biblical references are taken from the Douay-Rheims
translation of the Vulgate. involvement with the building, and was already in place in 1
i. The dedication ceremony took place on 13 November 660. Av- (Fig. 4).13 Here the sun is surrounded by Barberini laurel, and,
viso of 13 November i660, Vatican Library, Vat. Lat. 8529, published
old prints and the repairs in the wall above the impresa show,
by E. Rossi, "Roma ignorata," Roma, xvII, 1939, 321. Until this time
the construction documents generally refer to the chapel as the "Cap- Barberini coat-of-arms was originally located above it. The i
pella della Sapienza" or the "Chiesa dello Studio." For the history of the scription gives the meaning of the image: URBAN VIII / PON
chapel proper and some of the functions held in it see N. Ratti, Notizie
della chiesa interna dell'archiginnasio romano, Rome, I833. Pollak, i,
159-I62, has published a few documents related to S. Ivo and to the
original Archiginnasio chapel founded by Leo X. For this earlier chapel,
located on the ground floor at the western end of the north wing of the I3. P. Poulsson, "The Iconography of Francesco Borromini's Churc
Sapienza, see Wasserman, 502. of S. Ivo alla Sapienza in Rome," Thesis, University of Oslo, Norw
iz. Archivio di Stato di Roma, Universita 198, fasc. 122; Del Piazzo, 1976, I4-16. For the contract for the plaque see Archivio di Stato
152-I53. Roma, Universita i , fol. Io.
rrPli * ri.JI
ru+
-rrrr
?iGay1 -, .?ad . "-.e-; **;:-
4 , ,, t . *-?? , .
j., : X " ", I
jLx:..
I ris+di< 5fe' th'i -e: " +
L:
C. a
II
"";;i'*ipca??*::?I;:ire:?;"Pi;L
?r
rh+ b
Ir
I,
i 1, I I
tI ".~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~.
/ .,
11
r"" ~ +r ",_: ~ ~Nt
Fig. 5.
Fig. 4. Impresa of Urban VIII and Inscription Plaque. Borromini,south
Sapienza, S. Ivo. Detail of dome and lantern tower from cortil
facade, ca. I630 (author). (author).
OPT. MAX. / OB SAPIENTIAE / GLORIAM / ET PATRO-

S A P I E N ZA D I V INA..
CINIUM ("Urban VIII, Pont. Opt. Max., for the Glory and Dilctio DciHonorabilisSapienza. Nei'EdeAlkirkoaltc . r
Patronage of Wisdom"). On both the plaque and the drawing the Del Signo Giouanni:ZarattinoCaftcllii .... . .
sun and bees symbolize Divine Wisdom and Barberini patronage

of La Sapienza. m i-.si .-''*,
ir^ Mii ... -' j7< v. .
Among the last elements to be added to the chapel, possibly in

I659 or even I66o, were two relief sculptures above the front
window of the drum. These represent a shield with the dove of
the Holy Spirit and, in the window soffit, the Lamb of God
resting on the Book of Wisdom from which dangle seven seals
(Fig. 5). Hans Ost has demonstrated that these two images are
the attributes of Divine Wisdom as conceived in Ripa's Icono-
logia, the most common iconographic handbook used by artists
in the I7th century (Fig. 6).14 Borromini has simply dispensed
with the figure and retained only the attributes.
Each of the numerous scholars who have written iconographic
analyses of the chapel has recognized that S. Ivo was intended as
Fig. 6. Ripa, Divine Wisdom. Nova ic
(author).
14. C. Ripa, Nova iconologia, Padua, I618, 457-60. H. Ost, "Borro-

minis r6mische Universitatskirche S. Ivo alla Sapienza," Zeitschrift fiir
Kunstgeschichte, xxx, 967, 24-126.
The Groundplan
The chief controversy concerning the groundplan is the relia-

bility of Sebastiano Giannini's statement that Borromini con-
ceived of the interior groundplan of the chapel as a reference to
the Barberini bee, as depicted in plate X of the Opera (Fig. 7).
This notion has met with considerable skepticism.16 Yet, already
in 1661 Francesco Macedo, professor of theology at the Archigin-
nasio, referred to the chapel as "unusual architecture, imitating
the shape of a flying bee, which was a symbol of the ancients."17
Moreover, Carlo Cartari (I6I4-i697),18 a key member of the
governing body of the Sapienza (the College of Consistorial Ad-
vocates) throughout the period of construction, recorded that
the groundplan of the chapel was "as if in the form of a bee."19
The guidebook of Borromini's friend Fioravante Martinelli,
emended by the architect, notes that the chapel "is founded upon
the papal impresa of the Barberini bee, which, with its four wings
open, forms with its head and body a hexagonal figure...."20
Borromini himself thereby sanctioned the bee in the groundplan.
Finally, there is the evidence of the aforementioned plate X of
the Opera (Fig. 7). This engraving closely reflects the definitive
form of the plan arrived at toward the middle of 1642. Here the
colonnaded exedra has been disposed of and the altar moved
farther back into the apse. An extraordinary feature of the en-
graving is the superimposition onto the floorplan of the archi-
tect's early conception for the dome decoration. The hexagonal
windows and enframements belong to the dome decoration
Fig. 7. S. Giannini, S. Ivo. Groundplan. Opera del caval. Francesco while the bee located in the center of the engraving is intended as
Boromino ..., Rome, 1720, pl. X (author).
an allegory of wisdom.15 They differ widely, however, with re-1974, 73-79; P. Poulsson, "The Iconography of Francesco Borromini's
gard to the reading of the symbolic elements and the exact natureChurch of S. Ivo alla Sapienza in Rome," Thesis, University of Oslo,
Norway, I976; L. Steinberg, Borromini's San Carlo alle Quattro Fon-
of the wisdom the artist and patrons sought to express in the
tane, New York, 1977, 374-396; M. Malmanger, "Form as Ideology:
architectural form and decoration of the building. Herein lies the
The Spire of Sant'Ivo alla Sapienza," Acta, Institutum Romanum Nor-
crux of the debate surrounding the symbolic meaning of S. Ivo: vegiae, vIII, 1978, 237-249. In his recent monograph on Borromini
Anthony Blunt has synthesized many of the above interpretations into
There are three points of focus: the groundplan, the lantern
one: A. Blunt, Borromini, London, 1979, II-I2z8.
tower, and the interior stucco decoration. i6. See, for example, the comments in Steinberg, 374-375.
I7. "Architectura mirabili, Apis volantis (gentile id fuit symbolum)
speciem imitante." F. Macedo, Archigymnasi romanae sapientiae ...,
Rome, i66I, 12. For Macedo see Carafa, II, 476-477.
I5. The most important studies, listed in chronological order, are: P.
Portoghesi, "Borromini decoratore," Bollettino d'Arte, XL, 1955, 28-18. Cartari was also Papal Archivist and, in 1647, became deacon of
29, Borromini nella cultura europea, Rome, 1964,49-52, 180-84, and the College of Consistorial Advocates, about which he wrote a biograph-
Borromini, architettura come linguaggio, Milan, I967, I49-I58; H. ical history: C. Cartari, Advocatorum sacri consistorii syllabum . . .,
Ost, "Borrominis r6mische Universitatskirche S. Ivo alla Sapienza," Rome, i656. Dizionario biografico degli Italiani, Rome, 1960-, xx,
Zeitschrift fur Kunstgeschichte, xxx, 1967, 101-142; E. Battisti, "II783-786.
simbolismo in Borromini," in Studi sul Borromini, Rome, 1967, I, 23 1- I9. "Nella fabrica della Chiesa, che si principi6 in Tempo di Urbano
303; Marcello Fagiolo dell'Arco, "Sant'Ivo, 'Domus Sapientiae,'" in Ottavo, e percci6 e quasi in forma d'Api..." Archivio di Stato di Roma,
Studi sul Borromini, Rome, 1967, 151-165; P. du Prey, "Solomonic Universita I09, fol. i66. Cited by Poulsson, i8.
Symbolism in Borromini's Church of S. Ivo alla Sapienza," Zeitschrift 20. "Si fond6 nell'impresa ponteficia dell'Ape Barberini, la quale con
fir Kunstgeschichte, xxxi, 1968, 216-232; Maurizio Fagiolo dell'Arco,l'apertura delle quattro ali, e con la testa e corpo forma una figura
essagone...." F. Martinelli, "Roma ornata dall'architettura, pittura e
"Francesco Borromini" (critical review of recently published material),
Storia dell'Arte, I-II, 1969, 200-205, "La Sapienza di Borromini: un scultura," Biblioteca Casanatense, Rome, ms. 4984, fol. 275r. This
progetto per il Palazzo dell'Universita," Storia dell'Arte, xxxvIII-XL,
work has been published by C. D'Onofrio, Roma nel seicento, Florence,
1980, 343-35 ; W. Hauptman, "'Luceat Lux Vestra Coram Homini- 1969. For verification of Borromini's intervention with the manuscript
see Thelen, 1967, I, 99, n. I.
bus': A New Source for the Spire of Borromini's S. Ivo," JSAH, xxxIII,
the image in the lantern vault. The bee establishes both the shape
of the interior wall and the structural system of the dome-the
four wings, head, and abdomen conforming to the six lobes of
the plan, with the six radiating legs corresponding to the ribs of
the dome. The authenticity of the engraved design as a genuine
representation of the architect's intentions at an early point in
the construction is confirmed by the statement of Borromini's
nephew that an engraving of the groundplan of S. Ivo had been
made by Domenico Barriere, based on drawings Borromini had
given him.21 The engraving of the groundplan would have been
among the plates ultimately obtained and published by Gian-
nini.22 The pedigree of the bee in the groundplan of S. Ivo is,
therefore, a long and distinguished one.23
Nevertheless, in the groundplan in the Archivio di Stato (Fig.
3)-the earliest of all the drawings-the sun rather than the bee
is at the center. Unlike the bee in the engraving, however, the sun
with the six surrounding bees is not to be understood as part of
the actual decoration of the chapel. Neither the windows nor any
other part of the dome structure is drawn on the floorplan. The
sun and bees in the Archivio di Stato drawing do not reflect the
architect's decorative intentions for the chapel but serve rather as
ornament and iconographic key for the drawing itself-a draw-
ing to be presented to the patrons for approval.
The geometry of the groundplan, too, has an important sym-
bolic function. An hexagonal configuration becomes apparent if
we imagine lines connecting the abdomens of the Fig.
bees8. (Fig.
Borromini,
8). S. Ivo. Detail of groundplan drawing with
superimposed hexagon (author).
This imaginary hexagon echoes those of the subsidiary chapels at
the four corners of the building. Plate X of the Opera indicates
that six
that Borromini also intended to pierce the dome with beehexa-
cells are hexagonal and that Martinelli emphas
gonal windows. Even the lantern was to be six-sided. Recalling
abstract geometric quality of the bee as "an hexagonal fig
we realize that the abstract conception of the bee as a s
shape must have been the genesis of the groundplan of
This is verified
21. Biblioteca Nazionale di Firenze, Codex Magliabecchianus, in. by the groundplan in the Archivio di S
which the impressions
II.II0, fols, I7or-I7Iv. See F. Baldinucci, Notizie de'professori del of erased lines indicate that the m
disegno . . ., ed. F. Ranalli, Florence, 1847, vII, 114-120. This en-
the groundplan is a regular hexagon, which Martinelli
graving, along with many others made by Barriere at Borromini's re-
"counted among the most perfect forms by the practiti
quest, was in nephew Bernardo's possession at the time the manuscript
was written in I685. D. de Bernardi Ferrero, L'Opera architecture."25
di Francesco It will be helpful to view the drawing w
Borromini nella letteratura artistica e nelle incisioni dell'eta barocca,
original lines of the hexagon redrawn (Fig. 8). Borromin
Turin, I967, 37, attributes plate X of S. Giannini, Opera del caval.
the lines of the hexagon when he sought to transform th
Francesco Boromino..., Rome, 1720, to Barriere on stylistic grounds as
from from
well. The difference in the rendering of the bee in the engraving a working
the drawing into one suitable for presen
Every
Borromini autograph bee in the Archivio di Stato groundplan other
drawing is autograph drawing of the groundplan of S
accounted for by the fact that Barriere often re-drew Borromini's origi-
cludes the lines of this principal hexagon.26 They even ap
nals. Moreover, in the engraving the wings of the insect are depicted
the floor tiling, as executed in I66z, where the six b
open, as though flying (Macedo's "apis volantis"), in order that the
various parts might correspond to the six lobes of the groundplan.
For the Borromini-Barriere publication enterprise of I66o and its
relationship to Giannini's plates, see J. Connors, Borromini24. Martinelli,
and the fol. 275r.
Roman Oratory: Style and Society, Cambridge, Mass., I980, 266-269,
25. Ibid., fol. 275v.
285-288. 26. Albertina 499, 500, 500, I. 509. The widely held supposit
22. About plate X Giannini says: "Contiene la pianta intiera
the groundplan
di tutta of S. Ivo consists of two superimposed equilat
la sopradetta chiesa secondo la prima idea, e disegno del angles seems to be based on a plate from the Opera which
detto Cavalier
Boromino." Opera, preface. second triangle superimposed over the single inverted one app
23. Poulsson, I7-19, too, recognizes the bee symbolismthewithautograph
refer- drawings. This second triangle is an I8th-cen
ence to statements by Cartari, Macedo, and Martinelli. dition.
demarcated from the central space by lines of gray marble.27

theThe
groundplan of S. Ivo. Cartari tersely noted that the chapel
hexagon is not simply a fanciful overlay onto the abstract struc-
had the form of a bee because "it was begun in the time of Urban
ture of the groundplan but is rather its geometric core.28 VIII." On one level this refers simply to Barberini patronage of
Borromini's use of heraldic symbolism also fulfilled a practical
the chapel. But heraldry was taken seriously by both Borromini
function. The bee imagery not only served to acknowledge
andthe
his patrons. An element from the coat-of-arms, such as the
Barberini but also to flatter them in a way that would help ini-
Barberini bee, was considered to embody the moral qualities of
tiate and maintain their patronage of the chapel.29 Borromini
the family and individual.31
must have been quite aware that his appointment as architect
Anof
enormous body of sycophantic literature of an allegorical
the Sapienza did not mean that the construction of the chapel
and pseudo-scientific nature published during the reign of Urban
was assured. Indeed, during the more than ten years that VIII
passed
has as its starting point the three Barberini bees and other
before work commenced, the architect had ample time to reflect
personal imprese of the pope.32 The authors of these works, who
were
upon the fate of Giacomo della Porta's design for the chapel.30 Incalled the "bees of Urban,"33 repeatedly asserted that the
this uncertain setting the groundplan in the Archivio di bee and its products, honey and wax, were symbols of Divine
Stato
must be seen as a presentation drawing prepared as a proposal
Wisdom.34 This literature was not without a scholarly founda-
for patronage. This accounts for the enticing sun and bee tion,
imag-for no less an authority than Vergil in the fourth book of the
ery and the biblical inscriptions with their clear allusion Georgics
to the had said, "some have taught that bees have received a
iconography of the pope and his nephews. share of the divine intelligence, and a draught of heavenly
ether."35
Establishing the authenticity of the bee imagery is essential for Macedo's statement that the bee was "a symbol of the
understanding the much-debated iconographic significance of
ancients"36 must refer to Vergil's passage. Bee symbolism is also
sanctioned by a venerable Christian tradition. Among relevant
scriptural citations are Wisdom's own words from Ecclesiasticus
27. See L. Benevolo, "I1 tema geometrico di S. Ivo alla Sapienza,"
"For my spirit is sweet above honey: and my inheritance above
Quaderni dell'Istituto di Storia dell'Architettura, III, 1953, figs. 22, 25,
honey and the honeycomb" (24:27). Ambrose's reference to the
and "I1 problema dei pavimenti borrominiani in bianco e nero." Qua-
derni dell'Istituto di Storia dell'Architettura, xIII, 1956, 9-I2.
28. Hexagons and other honeycomb-like configurations are exceed-
ingly common in Barberini buildings. A groundplan of an early project 3I. A. Cellonese, Specchio simbolico overo delle armi gentilitie,
for Palazzo Barberini, attributed to Pietro da Cortona, consists of a 1667, 46: "Li corpi dell'Armi sono Imprese Simboliche, cioe
Naples,
network of octagons. Wittkower, 1973, 234-235. The design has Imagine
also scolpite, o pur dipinte nelli Scudi: le quali altro mostrano alla
been attributed to Borromini. K. Noehles, "Pietro da Cortona," vista, Ency- & altro all'intelletto significano. E come che Simboli, alle virtud
clopedia of World Art, London, 1966, xi, cols. 360-364. In a similar della Famiglia alludono."
vein Pietro Ferrerio's engraving of the palace groundplan indicates 32.an
See, for example, the following works dedicated to various mem-
unusually prominent hexagonal cistern at the base of the square bers of the Barberini family: I. Bracci, La occulta corrispondenza tra
stair-
case. P. Ferrerio, Palazzi di Roma de' piu celebri architetti . . . , l'arme,
Rome, e'l cognome de'Barberini, Rome, I623-an etymological study
I655, pl. 8. An engraving of 163 1 commemorating the construction demonstrating
of six reasons why bees were called "barbare" by the an-
the palace includes along with numerous curiosities of Barberini cients;
iconog-F. Cesi, "Apiarium," Rome, I625-a quasi-scientific work con-
raphy a groundplan of the building, not as it was built, but as sisting
it was of a wealth of lore related to the origins, manners, physical parts,
and The
ideally conceived by the author of the engraving, one Orazio Busini. history of the bee; M. Greuter, "Melissographia..." Rome, 1625-
geometric configuration superimposed over the plan consists of aancircle,
engraving with a microscopic analysis of the three heraldic Barberini
triangle, and square all inscribed within a hexagon. To judge from beesthe
and various amputated bee parts; C. Giarda, Apis religiosa . . .
inscriptions, the harmonious proportions of the plan are based Milan,upon a1625-the community of the beehive is seen as the image of the
Christological interpretation of Plato's Timaeus. Vatican Library, perfect religious society; F. da Belvedere d'Iesi, Symboliche conclusioni,
Stamp. Barb. x. I. 3 I, fol. 25. For all that is known about Busini,Ancona,
and an I628-ten engraved emblems with various Barberini imprese
illustration of the engraving, see P. Waddy, "Palazzo Barberini: and lengthy explanations; C. M. Monaldo, "Apiarium," Vatican Li-
Early
Projects," Dissertation, New York University, 1973, 158-I65. brary,
In aBarb. Lat. I 2 3-numerous original drawings of bee emblems in
forthcoming study of the fresco decoration of Palazzo Barberinipraise
I will of the Barberini. Pastor hypothesized that this phenomenon-
fully analyze this engraving. The Casino Barberini at Palestrina which
(ca. we might designate with the neologism "apimania"-began in
i650), by Francesco Contini, consists of an hexagonal superstructure1628 with the publication of F. Bracciolini's epic poem on the election of
Urban
resting on a triangular podium. As in S. Ivo, a hexagon is at the core of anVIII (L'Elettione di Urbano Papa VIII, Rome, 1628), since that
equilateral triangle. P. Portoghesi, Roma barocca, trans. B. L. Lawork
Penta,had some bee images at the ends of the cantos. L. von Pastor, The
Cambridge, Mass., 1970, 278, fig. 463. See also Fagiolo-Carandini, History
II, of the Popes, trans. E. Graf, 40 vols., London, 1923-53, xxIx,
fig. 88. These examples demonstrate that Borromini's bee-hexagon 429-430. This literary genre was parallel to the proliferation of bees in
the visual arts. Gregorio Leti reported in 1667 that more than Io,ooo
groundplan at S. Ivo was not merely the caprice of a fantastical imagina-
tion but, on the contrary, belonged to a tradition establishedpaintedunder and sculpted bees had been counted in Rome and the Papal
Barberini patronage. States. G. Leti, II nepotismo di Roma, 2 vols., Amsterdam, 1667, I, 228.
29. Connors has perceptively pointed to Borromini's use of opulence33. L. Allacci, Apes urbanae, sive de viris illustribus, Rome, 1633.
34. J.
at S. Carlo alle Quattro Fontane as a "lure" for aristocratic patronage. Belvedere d'Iesi, i6-2o.
Connors, review of L. Steinberg, Borromini's S. Carlo alle Quattro 35.Fon-Publius Vergilius Maro, Georgics, trans. H. Rushton, in The Loeb
tane, in JSAH, xxxvIII, 1979, 285. Classical Library, London, I930, 219-227.
30. Wasserman, 501-5 0. 36. Macedo, 12.
well-ordered society of the beehive37 and the encomium to the

bee contained in the medieval Exultet text read at the blessing of
the Paschal candle38 are also characteristic of this tradition. The
moral probity of the bee was therefore affirmed not only by the
ancients but also by the Church Fathers and the Scriptures.
The Barberini seem to have collected literary works in praise
of the bee. Cardinal Francesco's library contained a manuscript
copy of the izth-century work by Thomas de Cantimpre pro-
claiming the virtues of bees.39 Not surprisingly, this genre enjoyed
a resurgence in the I7th century. In his treatise entitled Christi-
ana hierarchia apum moribus adumbrata (The Christian Hier-
archy Outlined in the Customs of Bees), published in 1641 and
dedicated to Cardinal Francesco Barberini, Andrea Torelli cites
Homer, Xenophon, Plato, Pindar, Petrarch, Ambrose, and Au-
gustine to the effect that the bee, its cell, honey, and wax embody
Divine Wisdom.40 The Solomonic injunction, "Go to the ant, O
sluggard, and consider her ways, and learn wisdom" (Proverbs
6:6) was replaced with the variant, "Go to the bee, 0 sluggard,...
and learn wisdom."41 Since antiquity the bee had been admired for
its industry, frugality, chastity, intelligence, religiosity, and the
organization and architecture of its hive.42 It was therefore emi-
nently appropriate for a sacred context such as the Archiginnasio
chapel.
Returning to the engraving of the groundplan (Fig. 7), we
cannot fail to recognize the reference to Urban, the principal
patron of the chapel, who was called by his admirers the "King of
Fig. 9. Palladio, Il Redentore, Venice, begun 1576. Bronze figure of
the Bees."43 The bee thereby provides a flattering link between Christ by Girolamo Campagna, I789-I590. (photomontage, Timofie-
the Barberini patron and Divine Wisdom, just as it had in Sac- witsch, fig. 45).
chi's fresco where the throne of Divine Wisdom was adorned
with Barberini bees (Fig. z). The structural and decorative sym-produced by the candle is a symbol of Christ, who is the light of
bolism of S. Ivo, so closely related to this literary tradition,the world and Divine Wisdom become flesh.44 Poulsson suggests
should be appreciated as a kind of architectural encomium in
that the statue referred to in the inscription on the drawing in the
praise of the papal patron and his family. Archivio di Stato must have been a statue of Christ.45 The pas-
The bee imagery of the groundplan is also related to the altarsage from Proverbs inscribed on the drawing-"She hath set
image as it was originally envisioned. Torelli, whose book ap-
forth her table... / Come, eat my bread, and drink the wine ...."
peared in 1641 at the time when Borromini was involved with(9.2-5)-is generally interpreted as a reference to Christ's sacri-
designs for the groundplan of the chapel, notes that bees producefice offered on the altar in celebration of the Eucharist.46
wax for the candles used in the Christian rite and that the light It is likely that the earliest idea for the altar statue was a
crucified Christ. The formal source for the colonnaded exedra
behind the altar in the drawing supports this supposition. Palla-
37. St. Ambrose, Hexaemeron, trans. J. J. Savage, in The Fathers of dio's colonnaded exedra in II Redentore47 in Venice also serves
the Church, New York, I961, XLII, z21i2-6. as a backdrop for a statue of the crucified Christ (Fig. 9).48 At the
3 8. B. Capelle, "L'Exultet pascal oeuvre de Saint Ambroise," Miscel-
lanae Giovanni Mercati, Vatican City, 1946, I, 219-246.
39. Vatican Library, Barb. Lat. 666. The work had also been pub- 44. Torelli, 50-5z. This symbolism is derived from the medieval Ex-
lished in the i6th century: Thomas de Cantimpre, Liber apum aut de ultet text. See Capelle, 219-246.
apibus mysticis, sive de proprietatibus apum, seu universale bonum ..., 45. Poulsson, 22-23.
Paris, 1510. 46. W. Strabus, Glossa ordinaria, in Patrologiae cursus completus,
40. A. Torelli, Christiana hierarchia apum moribus adumbrata, Bo- series latina, Paris, 1879, cxIII, cols. I091-1092. Poulsson, 22-23, ex-
logna, 164I, 39-44. amines the I7th-century sources for the Christ/Divine Wisdom equation.
41. Belvedere d'Iesi, 5-9. 47. Portoghesi has noted the formal similarity of Borromini's apsidial
42. See Giarda. colonnade to that of Il Redentore. P. Portoghesi, The Rome of Borro-
43. See the "Canzone in Lode del Re delle Api" in Bracci, 46-48. The mini, trans. B. L. La Penta, New York, 1968, 151. Ost, III.
King of the Bees also appears in Cesi. 48. The over life-size bronze figure of the crucified Christ, with flank-
jl" r"^
!i f
- . ii : ^ ,
' . : * 1 j A
Fig. 11. Borromini, S. Ivo. Drawing of lantern

Albertina 510 (Vienna, Albertina).
Fig. I0. Borromini, S. Ivo. Lantern tower, (G. F. N.).
early stage of the design represented dom

by the drawing
naturally in the to
occurred Ar-the architect and
chivio di Stato the intended dedication of the chapel-to
lar iconographic judge
program appears in the fr
from the inscription-was to Divine Wisdom.
family Following
chapel of Palazzothe
Barberini and th
room with
Pauline text-"We preach Christ crucified..., theSacchi's
power offresco.
God Pietro da Co
and the wisdom of God" (I Corinthians i : zI-4)-the
crucified image of
Christ (1631-1632) on the alt
Divine Wisdom is the crucified Christ.chapel was painted as the New Testamen
chi's
It has been logically suggested that the Old Testament
statue allegorical
might have been personifi
a direct representation of Divine Wisdom,49 but givenon
dom represented the lack
the of
ceiling of the prec
any tradition for statues of this Oldcisely
Testament personification,
what point the dedication of the new
least of all as an altarpiece, a statue to
ofDivine
Christ crucified
Wisdom waswould
dropped is uncertai
of the
have been more appropriate. A remnant ofBarberini Pope in 1644 the wisdo
this Christological
program appears in the stucco medallions
element with the to
pleasing chi rho
the lo-
patron would have
cated above the drum windows on the exterior of the chapel (Fig.
The Lantern Tower
o0).
The association between a crucified Christ and Divine Wis- Most iconographic analyses of S. Ivo have been directed toward
the helical tower with its flaming terminus rising above the dome
lantern (Figs. I-I I). This tower has become the conundrum of
ing statues of SS. Mark and Francis, is by Girolamo Campagna (1589-
90). The original visual relationship between the Christ figure and theSeicento studies. Eight major interpretations of the meaning of
columns of the exedra was disrupted in I679-I680 when a massive the tower have been published since the tercentenary of Borro-
Baroque tabernacle was erected on the altar. W. Timofiewitsch, Giro- mini's death in i967.51 All of them relate the tower to the theme
lamo Campagna, Munich, I972, 253-254, figs. 44-45. Figure 9 repro-
duces Timofiewitsch's photomontage reconstruction of the original al-
tar group. 50. Scott, 35-37.
49. Fagiolio dell'Arco, I967. 51. Portoghesi, Linguaggio, 157; Ost, 127-134; Battisti, 262-265;
of Divine Wisdom, as established by the location of the chapel One particularly persistent type of interpretation is based on
within the Sapienza and by the quotation from Proverbs on the themes of secular learning and refers to Ripa's allegorical repre-
Archivio di Stato drawing. Scholars, however, sharply divide on sentation of Philosophy. In the I603 edition of Ripa's handbook
the nature of that wisdom. Philosophy is depicted with her robe divided by a spiraling flight
The interpretations can be placed into three main groups: of stairs, and the figure of Intellect is represented with a flaming
those based on scriptural passages from the Old Testament Wis- crown symbolizing "the natural desire to know."66 Following
dom Literature,52 those which begin with a visual prototype of a this theory, the tower of S. Ivo thus consists of a combination of
theological nature,53 and those offering prototypes related to two elements, the spiral steps and the flaming crown, both of
secular learning.54 All interpretations take as their starting point which refer to the educative function of the Archiginnasio.67
and focus the spiral form of the tower, assuming it to have, as There is also the tradition of the Tower of Grammar or the
Wittkower said, "an emblematic meaning."55 Tower of Wisdom, which is based on the Boethian principle that
In a pioneering article on Borromini, Paolo Portoghesi ob- the student must pass through seven successive stages repre-
served that the tower of S. Ivo is ornamented with jewels and sented by the seven Liberal Arts in order to ascend to the summit
consists of three complete turns around a central core. He there- of learning, which is Philosophy.68 Such a humanistic interpre-
fore interpreted the tower as the three crowns of the papal tiara tation of S. Ivo has a long history. In his book on bells and bell
transformed into a continuous spiraling band.56 Portoghesi also towers published in i 806 Francesco Cancellieri commented that
hypothesized that the formal idea for the spiral came from na- the flames atop the spire of S. Ivo "allude to the effect of the
ture-from a spiral sea conch Borromini is known to have pos- sciences which illuminate those who cultivate them."69 This no-
sessed.57 In his subsequent monograph on Borromini, Portoghesi tion was repeated by Moroni in I857,70 and, at the end of the
emphasized the spiral walkway of the tower as a space to be Igth century, by Francis M. Crawford who saw the tower as a
metaphorically traversed by man.58 He read the steps of the realistic representation of the "arduous path of learning."71
exterior dome vault and the walkway of the spiral as the difficult The number and variety of the sources and meanings put forth
path along which man is led to Divine Wisdom, symbolized by in the interpretations of the iconography of S. Ivo indicate a
the flaming crown at the apex. Portoghesi's apparently intuitive persistent uncertainty about the symbolic elements of the tower.
interpretation, however, has not found general acceptance in the There has, however, been no attempt to establish what terms
subsequent literature, as evidenced in the myriad prototypes sug- were used by contemporaries to describe the tower, and no sig-
gested for the tower: the Old Testament Pillar of Fire,59 the nificant use has been made of the construction documents in the
Tower of Babel,60 the Lighthouse of Alexandria,61 the Pillar of Archivio di Stato.72 This material contains the key to the mean-
the Universal Church,62 Dante's Mount of Purgatory,63 an ing of the spiral tower. It indicates that the iconography of S. Ivo
Augsburg table clock,64 and even Mount Olympus.65 is dependent on one fundamental theological truth. Wisdom is a
gift of God. It is a spiritual condition, not an intellectual quality.
Furthermore, the chief attribute of wisdom is charity, symbol-
Fagiolo dell'Arco, 1967, 156-157; Hauptman, 73-79; Poulsson, 36-
38; Steinberg, 394-396; and Malmanger, 245-246. ized by flames, and the papal charity manifested in patronage of
52. Portoghesi, 1955, 28-29, I964, 49-52, Linguaggio, 149-158; the Sapienza exemplifies the highest wisdom.
Malmanger, 237-249. At the death of Innocent X in 65 5 the chapel was essentially
53. Ost, 101-142; Hauptman, 73-79; Steinberg, 374-396; Pouls-
complete on the exterior but remained unfinished inside. At this
son, 36, 57-58.
54. Battisti, 263-265; Fagiolo dell'Arco, I967, I56. stage Martinelli likened it to a "body without a soul, the inside
55. Wittkower, 1973, 2Io. lacking ornaments and religion."73 A papal avviso dated i6 June
56. Portoghesi, 1955, 28.
57. Ibid. The conch is recorded in the inventory of Borromini's pos-
sessions taken at the time of his death. See Portoghesi, 1964, 385-400;
Del Piazzo, 167, 169. 66. C. Ripa, Iconologia, Rome, I603, 164, 238.
58. Portoghesi, Linguaggio, 157. 67. Battisti, 263-265; Fagiolo dell'Arco, I967, 56.
59. Malmanger, 245. 68. For a similar "ascent" theory see M. Rivosecchi, "Dinamismo
60. W. Born, "Spiral Towers in Europe and Their Oriental Proto- ascensionale nella architettura del Borromini," Studi sul Borromini,
types," Gazette des Beaux-Arts, ser. 6, xxiv, 1943, 234, 244; Ost, Rome, 1967, II, i22: "... Borromini vi ha ideato e atuato il Tempio del
I27-134. sapere umano, sempre in ansia di ascesa."
6I. R. Wittkower, "Un libro di schizzi di Filippo Juvarra a Chats-
69. F. Cancellieri, Le due nuove campane di Campidoglio, Rome,
worth," Bollettino della Societa Piemontese di Archeologia
I806, I77. e di Belle
Arti, III, 1949, I06; Hauptman, 73-79. 70. Moroni, LXXXV, 43.
62. Steinberg, 393-396. 7I. F. M. Crawford, Ave Roma Immortalis, London, 1898, 326.
63. Poulsson, 36, 57-58. Poulsson's study is particularly valuable
72. Poulsson for
made use of some of the material but specifically rejected
the critique of the literature on the iconography of the
its chapel.
value for establishing the iconographic significance of the tower.
64. Born, 244-245. Poulsson, 91, 131.
65. Battisti, 264, n. 26. 73. Martinelli, 276r-277r.
terms appear leaves no doubt that Borromini himself conceived

+r of the spiral as bejeweled crowns. Martinelli, whose words must
echo those of the architect, says that the spiral is decorated with
"ornament which has the guise of a crown."77 The cut jewels
appear in the stucco decoration of the spiral bands, while the
projecting "knobs"-as they are sometimes called-around the
upper rim of the bands represent mounted pearls. Since the spiral
makes three complete turns,78 the crowns must be three in num-
ber. The document therefore confirms Portoghesi's remark that
the tower is meant to recall the triple-crowned papal tiara.79 A
simple logic underlies the architect's use of the tiara on the tower.
This part of the chapel would itself be called the corona of the
building. Furthermore, the edifice was a papal commission for a
papal institution-a fact that officials of the Archiginnasio were
proud to emphasize. Moreover, the tiara, as a heraldic element,
was an appropriate terminating device for a structure that incor-
porated heraldic symbolism into its very foundation and fabric.80
In his design for the tower the architect drew upon a local
tradition for tiara-topped structures. The dome of the catafalque
of Paul V by Sergio Venturi, erected in 1622 in Santa Maria
0
Maggiore, had the general shape of the papal tiara.81 The cata-
falque of Gregory XV, erected in 1623 in St. Peter's, was crowned
with a fully elaborated papal tiara (Fig. i2).82 The catafalque of
Innocent X, erected in the Chapel of the Holy Sacrament in St.
Peter's in I655, also had a tiara top.83 In 1645, at the time work
Fig. z1. Giacomo Lippi, Catafalque of Gregory XV, St. Peter's,

1623. Engraving by 0. Gatti, alle
Rorne,
corone che giraGabinetto Nazionale
attorno a tutta strada quale van a diminuire ...," delle
fols.
(author). 44v-45r. Albertina 51o (Fig. iI) shows the spiral still without its jew-
elled decoration. This omission Portoghesi adduces to the "practical
necessity of simplification." Portoghesi, 1968, 5 I. Albertina 5 I I repre-
of that same year informs that Alexander VII had ordered the sents a somewhat later phase in the development of the tower design (ca.
completion of the chapel.74 Preparatory to recommencing con- 1649-1652), but is unfinished, with only two of the mounted pearls
indicated on the spiral. Ibid., pl. LI.
struction Borromini was ordered by the then Rector of the Ar-
77. "Per tanto disegnata l'Ape sodetta col fondamento, sollev6 la
chiginnasio, Carlo Montecatini, to make a complete survey fabrica con angoli e linee in varie forme et ordini correspondenti l'un
(misura e stima) of the work accomplished up to that date. This all'altro, assottigliandola a guisa di padiglione sin all'imboccatura della
lanterna, la quale nel di fuori si trasforma in un tempietto, o torre, cinta
document, dated 22 July 65 5 and signed by the architect and
di loggia incoronata a chiocciola, et in essa una commoda scala per salire
his assistant, Francesco Righi, is with the material in the Archivio sin alla Croce, la quale viene nascosta agli occhi de reguardanti dall'or-
di Stato.75 It consists of a complete description of the chapel, as namento che a guisa di corona, cinge dette loggia per tutta la chiocciola."
Martinelli, 275v-276r.
of that date, written in the words of the architect and his assis-
78. In the upper right corner of a cross-section drawing of the tower
tant. The entries related to the spiral tower mention "jewels" and Borromini has written: "Si risolve di redurre tutte tre le girate...."
refer to the spiral as "crowns."76 The context in which these Albertina 510 (Fig. i ).
79. Portoghesi, 1955, 28.
80. For the heraldic use of the tiara, see D. L. Galbreath, Papal Her-
74. Vatican Library, Barb. Lat. 6367, at "z6 Giugno I655." aldry, Cambridge, 1930, I7-26.
75. Archivio di Stato di Roma, Universita 198, fasc. 123. This docu- 81. 0. Berendsen, "The Italian Sixteenth and Seventeenth Century
ment was first cited by Thelen, 1961, 298, n. 58. Also see Del Piazzo, Catafalques," Dissertation, New York University, 1961, 129-131,
233. 196-198.
76. Archivio di Stato di Roma, Universita 198, fasc. 123: "Per L'ag- 8z. The catafalque was designed by Giacomo Lippi and engraved by
getto rustico bozza e stucca delle facce che recingono le gioie delle corone0. Gatti. Rome, Gabinetto Nazionale delle Stampe.
...," fol. 43v; "Per aggetto rustico bozza e stucca dell'imbasamento 83. For an engraving of the catafalque, see G. Alitino, Relatione
orbicolato di sotto le requadramenti delle corone che recinge attorno ...,"dell'ultima malatia, e della morte della felice e s.ta memoria di Papa
Innocentio Decimo ..., Rome, i655, 8. Also, F. F. Mancini, Compendio
fol. 44r; "Per la mura rustica con l'aggetto bozza e stucca delle gioie e fiori
no. 22 nelli requadramenti che forma fregiatura alle corone ...," fol. 44v;della vita, et gloriose attioni del sommo pontefice Innocentio Decimo
"Per la mura aggetto bozza e stucca delle gioie e ornamenti che fan i razzi. ., [Rome], [i655], 7-8.
I?-W " *' . I< ?
I, 4
I ajC.:
(/ *
?Y
A1'
Fig. 14. Borromini, S. Agnese, Rome. Detail of cross-section drawing of

dome and lantern tower, I653. Albertina 59 (Vienna, Albertina).
Fig. 13. Borromini, Detail of Baldacchino project for S. Maria a Cap-

pella Nuova, Naples, 1645. Albertina, Napoli z (Vienna, Albertina).
of the design for the campanili of St. Peter's and the lantern spire
of S. Ivo, both produced under Pamphili patronage, shows strik-
at S. Ivo was proceeding, Borromini himself produced under ing similarities (Figs. 16-17). The difference is that at S. Ivo the
Barberini patronage a design for a tiara-topped baldachin for the crowns are transformed into a continuous band connecting all
church of Santa Maria a Cappella Nuova in Naples (Fig. 13 ).84 In three in a single spiraling form.
I653, as work continued at the Sapienza, Borromini drew up a The documents indicate that work on the lantern was begun in
detailed cross-section of his design for S. Agnese (Albertina 59), April 65 Z87 and that the ironwork superstructure finial with the
another Pamphili commission only a few meters from the Sapi- open onion dome, orb, flat metal Pamphili dove, and lily-pointed
enza (Fig. I4).85 This indicates a tall narrow pedestal-the Pam- cross were put in place above the spire of the chapel in the
phili lily-rising above the lantern of the dome. The architect summer and early fall of the same year (Fig. Io).88 Since the
planned to mount this pinnacle with a papal tiara and thereby common practice was to add stucco ornament working from the
designate S. Agnese, like S. Ivo, a papal edifice. top downward, the jeweled stucco bands would have been added
A design proposal submitted by Santi Moschetti for the cam- in the immediately subsequent period. In any case, the dated
panili of St. Peter's, dated i645, consists of three superimposed project for the campanili of St. Peter's pre-dates the tower of S.
crowns in reference to the papal tiara (Fig. 5).86 A comparison Ivo by several years, since Albertina 510 (Fig. 1) of circa I649
shows that Borromini had not yet arrived at the final form for the
design of the ornament.89 Although he need not have been in-
84. Albertina, Napoli z. P. Portoghesi, Disegni di Francesco Borro-
mini, Rome, 1967, 24-z5.
8 5. Of October 165 3. G. Eimer, La fabbrica di S. Agnese in Navona, 2 87. Archivio di Stato di Roma, Cartari-Febei 76, fols. I3v, I7r, 239v.
vols., Stockholm, 1970, 309-313, esp. 310, n. 123, figs. I43, I67. Transcribed in Del Piazzo, I34.
86. Vatican Library, Vat. Lat. 13442, fol. 14. The reverse of the sheet 88. Archivio di Stato di Roma, Universita 109, 42r-47r. Also see E.
is signed "f. Santi Moschetti." The light open-work superstructure was Re, "La Palomba della Sapienza," Capitolium, xvIII, I943, I75-I80.
conceived as a solution to the weakened foundation of the tower. See 89. H. Thelen, 70 disegni di Francesco Borromini dalle collezioni
Eimer, 134. dell'Albertina di Vienna, Rome, 1958, i8, no. 3z.
RITRATTO I)ELLA tAMOSISS.t" F,ABRICA I)ELLA CHIESA

DI S.PIETRO DI ROGMA IN VATICANO
RAPRESENTATA CONLE SVE MISVRE PROPORTIONATE . TANTO NLLA PARTE FATTA SECONDO IL DISEGNO
DEL FAMQSISSIMO MICHEL ANGELO BONAROTI QV.\NTO NELLA P- PARTE A(CCVNIA CIIE (ONTIFNE PANIrE DELLA CHIESA SACRESTIA
CORO mPER ICLERO PORTKO LOGGIA PFA LI, BENEDITTIO[ CA(ANILI E. FACATA DISEGNAIA L FATT DA CAR.O MAA) DEI ARt i-TrTTO NEL. FL E PONIFICTO
DIl . N_SL ;i.l S .j PP3 PA OLO V
Fig. i 5. Santi Moschetti, Project fo

the campanili of St. Peter's, Rome,
1645. Drawing superimposed over
the Greuter engraving of Maderno
elevation of St. Peter's, 1613
(Vatican Library).
spired by Moschetti's rather awkward design,general

Borromini knew
maintenance without the necessity of erecting scaffold-
of it since both architects were members of the
ing-acommittee to
practical convenience not provided in a design such as the
which the project was submitted on 9 October
onei645.90 The
for the St. two
Peter's campanili.93
architects were drawing upon a common current
The tradition of
spiral form of the lantern tower also emerged logically
papal structures topped with the pontifical crown.
from the idea of the spire as a tiara, for spirality is inherent to the
Borromini's great novelty was to make the bands of the
symbolic three
essence of the papal triple crown. The crowns in the
crowns into a single continuous one. This extraordinary
tiara representinnova-
the,three spheres of papal authority-priestly,
tion has three explanations. The spiral has a practical value.
royal, and As is
imperial.94 Taken together, they assert the universal-
evident from the wording of entries in the I655
itymisura e stima,
of papal sovereignty.95 The tiara is therefore a symbol of the
Borromini intended the spiral frieze of jewels to serve as a "para-
93. Access up to the base of the spiral is provided through a hollow
pet" for a walkway circling up to the top of thepier
spire.91 Martinelli
of the lantern tempietto.
94. B. Sirch,
calls the spiral "a commodious stairway for climbing upDerto
Ursprung
the der bischoflichen Mitra und pipstlichen
Tiara, St. Ottilien, 1975, i66, I8o-i8I.
cross."92 This allowed easy access for purposes of repair and
95. "Tres potestates, hoc est imperatoriam, regiam, & sacerdotalem,
plenariam scilicet, & uni-versalem totius orbis auctoritatem." A. Rocca,
go. F. Ehrle, "Dalle carte e dai disegni di Virgilio Spadapontificarum
Thesaurus (d. i66z) sacrarumque antiquitatem necnon rituum
(Codd. Vaticana lat. Iz57 e I 258)," Atti della Pontificia Accademia ... znd ed., Rome, 1745, II, 178. This was
praxium ac caeremoniarum
also the
Romana di Archeologia, ser. III, mem. ii, I9z8, 21-28, opinion
esp. of G.
22, n. o05.Leti [G. Lunadoro], Relazione della corte di
9g. "Muro della corona che fa parapetto che gira attorno
Roma, a detto
Rome, 1728, zz6: "Urbano V fu il primiero, che usasse la corona
finimento e lascia detta strada per poner salir alla tripartita,
corona che statiara,
chiamata su laper dimostrare, che il sommo pontefice ha la
sommita...." Archivio di Stato di Roma, Universita potenza
I98, fasc. 123, fol.
ponteficale, imperiale, e reale ...." Leti's book was first pub-
42v. lished in 1635, and this interpretation seems to have been prevalent in
92. Martinelli, z76r. the 17th century.
WK, P ~ I ~ g + Ii . ,
Fig. 16. Moschetti, Detail of project for the campanili of St. Peter's
(Vatican Library). Fig. 17. Borromini, S. Ivo. Lantern tower
unity of three authorities in that it combines into one the three

crowns representing those powers. By unifying the crowns into a
single spiral band Borromini carried the standard symbolism of
the tiara one step further. While the three crowns maintain their
separate identities within the spiral they are made one in a three-
as-one trinitarian synthesis that can only have been all the more
pleasing to the papal patron.
The purely formalistic suggestion that Borromini must have
gotten the idea for the spiral from a conch shell has not been
well-received.96 This is perhaps because it presupposes the link-
ing of two objects, the papal tiara and the conch, that apparently
have nothing in common. There is, however, a family of spiral
conches with Latin names alluding to the papal mitre and tiara.
The mitra papalis (Linne classification, family mitridae) is one of
the most characteristic of this group (Fig. I8).97 In the I7th
century shells similar to this one were known as corona papale,
because "the volutes of its cone look like the turns in the crowns
placed on the papal tiara."98 As Buonanni's treatise attests, such
96. Portoghesi, 1955, z8.

97. E. Rogers, The Shell Book, Boston, 1951, 88.
98. F. Buonanni, Ricreatione dell'occhio e della mente nell'osserva-
Fig.
tion' delle chiocciole, Rome, i68I, I98. 18.type
This Mitra
is Papalis,
"tacheteConch shell, Red S
de rouge
C A R I T A.
-,-
i?k
-.Y
% A
'
,.fI
i:
. .s. - I
9
I ex 4 -, I
Fig. I9. Ripa, Charity. Iconologia, Rome, I603, 74 (author
objects were widely admired and collected. They were

merely as curiosities of nature but as natural emblem
power, wisdom, and providence.99 The influence t
conch might have had on Borromini's design for the
Ivo remains hypothetical, but the association betwee
and the papal tiara was not unique.
Yet, except for the jewels and mounted pearls aroun
Fig. 20. Andrea Orcagna, Chari
of the spiral, the tower isTabernacle,
not fully shaped like1349-13
Florence, the pa
This too perhaps accounts for the lack of critical ac
the tiara thesis. But most detailed photographs and eng
the tower are from of the
vantage tower.'00
points thatStanding in
can hardly
intended by the to the chapel,
architect-often from however, the o
the roofs v
buildings (Fig. pression. From this vantage

io). These images have distorted our p
star in the pavement-the sp
fect tiara (Fig. 5).101
assez regulierement sur un fond blanc, avec une tete a trois e
The flaming travertine ter
de petites pointes, s'apelle la Thiare." A. J. Dezallier d'A
Histoire naturelle eclaircie spiral
dans crown
deux de sesmust also
parties be ac
princip
logie et la conchyliologie flames
..., Paris,has been
1742, 68,interpreted
pl. IzE.
99. "Se i Cieli enarrant gloriam
thereDei, ancor'esse
is no [conchiglie
tradition in the v
mento di Dio, che nelle Creature vilissime ostendit thesaur
wisdom, but a crown of fla
tenza, e Sapienza sua, e in modo particolare pubblicano agli o
la Providenza di lui ...." tional attributes
Buonanni, of
I68I, 104. charity.
Borromin
friend and collaborator at the Oratorio of the Filippini, Vi
was an avid conchologist. For his
ioo. collection
Many of theof shells and
readily-ava
osities, which he left to the from
Oratorians, see E.
the cortile Pinto,
are made La Bib
with
celliana in Roma, Miscellania della
tions ofR.theSocieta
tower Romana
(Fig. I). di S
o10. Borromini's
viii, Rome, 193 , 8z. Spada served as Innocent intention
X's advisorthat i
tural matters and maintained a similar
principal oneposition under Ale
is also indicated by
His intervention in the approval
on the ofBook theoffinal
Wisdom decoration
(Fig. 5)
recorded in the pope's diary. R. Krautheimer
observer positioned andin R.
theB.vici
S.
Diary of Alexander VII," Romisches
pavement Jahrbuch
in front fur
of theKunstge
entran
I975, zoo, ziz, no. 365. Spada o02.and Borromini
Portoghesi, must19,
Disegni, hav n
some of the technical problems 103.inherent to church
The tradition towers
of Charity f
was head of the St. Peter's campanili
traced by committee to which
R. Freyhan, "The Bor
Evo
belonged. Ehrle, 21-28. Seashells
teenthandandbell towers were
Fourteenth evid
Centurie
the common interests of the two friends.xi, 1948, 68-86.
Institutes,
Fig. 22. Giovanni and Cherubino Alberti, Charity. Detail of fresco, Sala
Clementina, Vatican Palace, I596-I600 (Musei Vaticani).
nated by Pietro da Cortona in 1660 and finished by his student

Fig. 21. Piero Pollaiuolo, Charity, Detail, tempera on panel, Uffizi, Giovanni Ventura Borghesi in i683,107 depicts S. Ivo, dressed
Florence, 1469-1470 (Fratelli Fabbri, Milan). in the robe of a Consistorial Advocate, in the charitable act of
receiving petitions from orphans, widows, and poor people (Fig.
exemplifies this type (Fig. i9).104 Crowns of fire, too, 23).108
are Since the senior Consistorial Advocate was given charge
common in representations of Charity, such as Andrea Orcagna's
of seeing to the legal defense of the poor and held the title "Ad-
relief (1349-1359) on the tabernacle of Or San Michele vocate
in of the Poor,"109 the flaming crown also refers to the
Florence (Fig. zo) and Piero Pollaiuolo's panel of I469-I470governors
in of the Archiginnasio.
The association between the flaming crown and S. Ivo was
the Uffizi (Fig. z2). The figure of Charity in the Sala Clementina
at the Vatican, painted by Giovanni and Cherubino Alberti
(I596-600o), carries this iconographic type up to the I7th
cols. 997-I00z. P. Chevet, Vita, e miracoli di S. Ivo, sacerdote e con-
century (Fig. zz). Borromini drew from well-established visual
traditions when he designed the tiara and crown of flamesfessore,
for avvocato de'poveri, vedove, & orfani, Rome, 1640, 17-20.
107. Cortona personally presented the design to Alexander VII for
the lantern of S. Ivo.
approval on I April i660. Krautheimer and Jones, 213, no. 399. Only
The flaming crown, as a symbol of charity, surmountsthe thetop half of the painting had been finished by the time of the artist's
death in 1669. G. Briganti, Pietro da Cortona o della pittura barocca,
spire of the Archiginnasio chapel because charity is the chief
Florence, 1962, 265; E. Waterhouse, Roman Baroque Painting, Oxford,
virtue of S. Ivo, patron saint of the College of Consistorial Advo-
1976, 56. It was put in place in i683. Del Piazzo, I43. Cortona's original
cates (the governors of the Archiginnasio) and the saint to whom
drawing for the altar canvas is in the Uffizi, Gabinetti dei Disegni, Sant.
the new chapel was to be dedicated.'05 St. Yves Helory 3022.
de A. M. Tempesta et al., Disegni italiani della collezione Santarelli,
sec. XV-XVIII, Gabinetto Disegni e Stampe degli Uffizi, No. 25, Flor-
Kermartin of Brittany (1235-1298) was trained in law and
ence, i967, 73, fig. 8z. Also see W. Vitzthum, review of Giuliano Bri-
theology and often represented the cases of orphans, widows,
ganti, Pietro da Cortona o della pittura barocca in Master Drawings, I,
and other poor people who could not defend themselves or I963,
pay 51.
Io8. For the ceremonial dress of the Consistorial Advocates, see F.
for their defense. For this reason he became known as the "Ad-
Buonanni, La gerarchia ecclesiastica considerata nelle vesti sacre, e civile
vocate of the Poor."106 The altar painting of the chapel, desig-
..., Rome, 1720, 478, pl. 136. The saints in the fictive tapestry above
are, from left to right, St. Luke (patron of the Archiginnasio), St. Panta-
o04. Ripa, 1618, 74-75. leon (patron of medical doctors), St. Leo the Great (patron of theo-
Io5. The chapel was co-dedicated to St. Alexander, since the bones of
logians), St. Alexander (relics given by Alexander VII), and St. Fortuna-
that saint were given to the chapel by Alexander VII. Archivio di Stato
tusdi(bones transferred from the old Archiginnasio chapel).
Roma, Universita 297, fols. 67r-8or; Del Piazzo, I37-138. 109. "Advocatorum Consistorialum senior Advocatus Pauperum ap-
Io6. Bibliotheca sanctorum, ed. F. Caraffa, 13 vols., Rome, 1966,pellabatur."
vii, Cartari, 134.
Fig. 24. G. B. Paolucci, Engraved frontispiece, Speculare charitatis

incendium ..., Rome, I649 (author).
This same miracle was referred to in an oration in praise of S.

Ivo delivered on I9 May, the saint's feast day, of the following
year. Such orations were part of the traditional ceremony in
which a young student of law at the Archiginnasio presented a
Latin oration in praise of S. Ivo before the assembled Sacred
College of Cardinals and the College of Consistorial Advo-
Fig. 23. Pietro da Cortona and Giovanni Ventura Borghesi, S. Ivo As-cates: 111
sisting the Poor, oil on canvas, S. Ivo alla Sapienza, Rome, 1660-I683
(G. F. N.). He was once performing the sacred mysteries when a fiery globe
fallen from Heaven surrounded the head of this most blameless
current at the time Borromini was designing the new Archigin- priest so that he was crowned with the shining diadem of its rays.
nasio chapel. In 1640, Pietro Chevet, priest at the parish church

Or perhaps the most Serene Prince of the elements [fire],
bending himself into a curve, inserted himself in the regal diadem
of S. Ivo dei Brettoni in Rome (in Vicolo della Campana), pub-
in order to promise to Ivo to reign over the elements? Here I
lished a biography of S. Ivo, Vita, e miracoli di S. Ivo, sacerdote e venerate these crowning flames....112
confessore, avvocato de'poveri, vedove, & orfani, and dedicated
it to Cardinal Antonio Barberini. He speaks repeatedly of the
Io. Chevet, 39-40.
fire of divine love, that is, charity, which consumed S. Ivo, and
i i i. This ceremony was held in the parish church of S. Ivo dei Bret-
recounts the miracle of the ball of fire that once descended from
toni until the Archiginnasio chapel was completed. C. B. Piazza, Euse-
Heaven and stood over the head of the saint as he was saying vologio romano ..., Rome, 1698, trattato xII, chap. III, p. Ixx; Moroni,
IX, 139, Lxxxv, 49-50.
mass. It was as if "S. Ivo had become fire, in order to go up to
I z. "Sacra semel ille mysteria peragebat, cum igneus e Coelo globus
Heaven, or as if God would crown the stupendous deeds [of ita Sacerdotis integerrimi caput ambiuit, ut splendido radiorum suorum
Ivo] with that glorious ornament and divine fire."'10 diademate coronaret. An ut IVONI regnum in Elementa promitteret
Fig. 25. Borromini, Stucco Emblem, S. Ivo, dome interior, I659-1660

(Portoghesi, Roma barocca, pl. 137).
Fire imagery is exceedingly common in the orations, and the

Fig. 26. Coat-of-Arms of Alexander VII Chigi. Chacon, Iv, col. 708
virtue of charity figures in almost all of them. The engraved
(author).
frontispiece of the oration delivered in 1649, entitled Speculare
charitatis incendium seu oratio de S. Ivone pauperum patrono
time Borromini was designing the chapel and construction was
(The Reflected Fire of Charity or Oration about S. Ivo Patron of
underway. The patrons, governors, professors, and students of
the Poor) and dedicated to Cardinal Francesco Barberini, depicts
the Archiginnasio were intimately familiar with this iconography.
the rays of the Barberini sun being reflected from a mirror,
Borromini may not have had direct knowledge of these specific
igniting a taper, and in this way alluding to the charity of both
orations, but they must represent the immediate iconographic
Ivo and the Barberini (Fig. 24).113 The column, block of stone,
tradition from which the architect drew the crowning imagery of
and architectural instruments held by the putti allude to Cardi-
the lantern tower of the chapel where the feasts of S. Ivo and
nal Francesco's charity as a patron of architecture at the Sapi-
orations in his praise would henceforth take place. The flaming
enza where, even after the death of Urban, he maintained an
crown of S. Ivo may have become an enigma for subsequent ages,
interest. The orator of 1648 refers to "immense fires of divine
but it can hardly have been so for those who taught, studied, and
charity" and declares that "the earth was for Ivo only a school of
worshipped at the Sapienza.
charity... ."114
There is a second dimension to the meaning of the lantern
These orations give us the living iconography of S. Ivo at the
tower, for the flaming crown must also be seen in conjunction
with the spiral. The spire thereby becomes a flaming tiara. This is
elementorum ille Serenissimus Principis in Regium sese diadema sinua- especially evident when viewed from directly in front of the
vit? Veneror hic ego coronarias flammas...." G. Grisendi, Thaumatur-
chapel (Fig. 5). That Borromini conceived of the tower in this
gus gallicus sive de S. Ivone pauperum advocato oratio habita in eiusdem
templo, Rome, 1641, 6. The printed oration is dedicated to Taddeo way is confirmed by one of the stucco emblems on the dome
Barberini. These orations were regularly printed and many of them from interior (Fig. 25). This stucco decoration was among the finish-
the I 7th century are preserved in groups in the Archivio di Stato di Roma
ing touches completed in i660 under Alexander VII.115 By su-
(Universita zoI) and in the Vatican Library (Barb. Stamp. v. vII. Ioo).
Many have Barberini dedications, e.g., I627, 1629, 1633-1641, I643, perimposing the three crowns of the papal tiara over the heraldic
I644, 1649, I657, etc. Chigi monti with the star above (Fig. 26), Borromini created a
II3. G. B. Paolucci, Speculare charitatis incendium, seu oratio de S.
Ivone .. ., Rome, I649. Paolucci's frontispiece is a conflation of two
adjacent images in Ripa (I6I8, 385-387). I15. The contract for the dome stucchi is dated 13 July 1659. Archi-
I 14. F. de Rossi, Ivo Divinitatis hospes oratio ..., Rome, 1648, 5-6, vio di Stato di Roma, Universita II4, fol. 419; Del Piazzo, 136; Pouls-
1O. son, 2.
Fig. 28. Borromini, S. Ivo, dome interior (Arte Fotografica, Rome).
commemorated each year by the professors and students of the

Fig. 27. Giannini, S. Ivo. Cross-Section. Opera, pl. VIII (author). Archiginnasio in an anniversary requiem mass for Leo X. The
Medici Pope had been a great benefactor of the Sapienza and had
device alluding to the papacy of Alexander VII, the last patron of built the old Archiginnasio chapel.18 In the I7th century it was
the chapel. This device was not new. It had belonged to the mistakenly believed that he had founded the institution. 19 This
iconography of Sixtus V, whose coat-of-arms also included star- function of the chapel was second in significance only to the
topped monti, and appears as a decorative element in fresco feast of S. Ivo and included the erection of a catafalque and the
work carried out under Sistine patronage at the Lateran Palace delivery of a Latin oration in praise of Leo X by a professor of the
and the Vatican Library.16 Borromini, however, has added one Archiginnasio.120 Leo's importance is also shown in Cortona's
scarcely noticeable yet important detail. The top-most crown is a altar painting where his namesake, Pope Leo the Great, crowned
flaming crown which transforms the device into a flaming tiara with a tiara and reading Scripture, occupies the central position
analogous to that of the lantern tower, only without the spiral.117 directly beneath Christ. Only three of the orations in praise of
The Archiginnasio, from its founding by Boniface VIII to the Leo X have been preserved, but all three speak of Leo's liberality
completion of the chapel and library under Alexander VII, had in providing for the Sapienza.121 The images of the flaming
always been dependent on papal patronage. That patronage was tiara therefore represent the papal charity which brought the
Archiginnasio into existence and provided for its maintenance.
16. It also appears in an engraving of Domenico Fontana commem-

orating the erection of the Sistine obelisks. D. Fontana, Della trasporta-
tione dell'obelisco vaticano ..., Rome, 1589, opp. 75. The engraver is 18. Dedicated to SS. Leo and Fortunatus. Ratti, 6; Del Piazzo, o20.
Natale Bonifaccio. Portoghesi, I955, 29. The monti of Sixtus V (Per- 19. Macedo, Io. This error was noted by Ratti, 51.
retti), however, are only three in number. Izo. The catafalque with baldacchino is mentioned in the annual
II117. The cross-section view of the lantern in Albertina 51o (Fig. ii) expense accounts for the ceremony. Archivio di Stato di Roma, Univer-
shows that Borromini had originally intended to project in stucco this sita 198, fol. zz8r-zz8v. For the ceremony itself, see Piazza, trattato xn,
same crown of flames, with a laurel wreath base, onto the inner facing of chap. inI, p. XII; Moroni, LXXXV, 8-10, 49-50.
the lower part of the lantern, but when this section was finally stuccoed izI. Archivio di Stato di Roma, Universita zoo. See especially G.
under Alexander VII the alternating oak and monti of the Chigi coat-of- Carpani, De laudibus Leonis X Pont. Opt. Max. romanae archigymnasii
arms supplanted the crown of charity (Fig. z7). restitutoriis oratio, Rome, 1646.
SCOTT: S. IVO ALLA SAPIENZA 3I3
The Interior Stucco Ornaments The interior decoration of S. Ivo thereby abstractly recreates the
archetypical wisdom-bringing event.
The interior decoration of the chapel (Figs. 27-28) has re- A passage in the misura e stima of July 165 5 verifies that the
ceived much less critical attention than the lantern spire. It ba- dove is coming from Heaven "with its rays which make a splen-
sically reflects the same themes of wisdom and charity seen in the dor around it of tongues of fire in the form of the coming of the
groundplan and exterior decorations, with reference to the inter- Holy Spirit which brings the true Wisdom... ,126 The location
ests of the patrons and governors of the Archiginnasio and to the of the dove in the lantern vault is traditional, and the idea that the
major ceremonial functions of the chapel. The dove of the Holy Holy Spirit brings wisdom is a theological commonplace,127 but
Spirit in the vault of the lantern was the first element of the it is noteworthy that this is the only passage in the 133-page
interior stucco decoration to be completed. This dove (which has document where the language departs from a purely technical
since fallen from its place) carried an olive branch in its beak, description to make a direct iconographic statement. The archi-
thus identifying it with the Pamphili dove from the coat-of-arms tect apparently wished to emphasize at this point what he con-
of Innocent X, under whose patronage the interior of the lantern sidered to be the key iconographic element carrying the essential
was decorated in I653.122 The remaining dome decoration, symbolic message of the entire decorative program.
completed I659-1660, consists of angels, stars, and two types If the true wisdom is the divine illumination brought to man by
of emblems alternating above the pointed and round-headed the Holy Spirit, then human wisdom, i.e., secular learning with-
windows piercing the dome. The oak of the over-window em- out reference to the higher truths of Christian doctrine, must be
blems (as well as the stars and monti) are elements from the of a lesser order.128 This is the unstated but everywhere apparent
coat-of-arms of Alexander VII (Fig. 26). counter-theme. The symbolism of Borromini's church functions
A document signed by Borromini and Righi states that the as an antidote to the worldly intellectual activity of the Archigin-
glory surrounding the dove of the Holy Spirit in the lantern has nasio. Cortona's altar painting (Fig. 23) encapsulates this theme
15 "flaming tongues" ("lingue infiammate").123 In the ora- as Christ (Divine Wisdom) gestures commandingly toward the
tion given on the feastday of S. Ivo in 1638, entitled Lingua book held by St. Panteleon-visual affirmation that "all wisdom
ignea, the speaker recalled the miraculous descent of the dove of is from the Lord God" (Ecclesiasticus I: ).129 The lower half of
the Holy Spirit upon S. Ivo as he was praying. The dove, the the painting depicts the proper use of the true wisdom imparted
listeners were told, was surrounded by tongues of fire like those above-S. Ivo in the charitable act of administering to the poor.
which descended upon the Apostles and informed them with the Charity is a manifestation of true wisdom. 130
divine word. By a similar tongue of fire Ivo was imbued with a The same attitude is confirmed in the library of the Archigin-
"fiery tongue" of eloquence in defense of the poor.124 Borro- nasio, designed by Borromini, where the ceiling fresco by Cle-
mini's use of the term "flaming tongues" leaves little doubt that
he had in mind here the Pentecost, for this is precisely the termi- z6. "Con sui raggi che fanno splendori attorno con lingue di fuoco in
nology used in the Bible (Acts 2:3) to describe that event. This guisa della venuta dello Spirito Santo che porta la vera Sapienza...."
likelihood is all the greater since the architect specified that the Archivio di Stato di Roma, Universita I98, fasc. 123, fol. 52v.
127. Based on Isaiah 11:2. A Vacant, E. Mangenot, and E. Amann,
flames were 15 in number, the traditional number of recipients
eds., Dictionnaire de theologie catholique, 15 vols., Paris, I903-1950,
of the divine fire. Because there were only z wall niches below, IV, cols. 1728-1781. Wisdom is the first of the seven gifts of the Holy
Borromini was unable to develop the theme with absolute theo- Spirit. In Ecclesiasticus (I:9-Io) Divine Wisdom is equated with the
Holy Spirit: "He [God] created her [Wisdom] in the Holy Ghost...."
logical accuracy; yet, there can be little question that Ost's read-
Under "Sapienza Vera" Ripa ( 618, 456-457) says, "Non e la sapienza
ing of the lines of stars descending along the dome ribs as contin- numerata fra gli habiti virtuosi acquistati con uso & esperienza; ma e
uations of the flames of the Holy Spirit is essentially correct.125 particolar dono delle Spirito Santo, il quale spira dove gli piace, senza
accetatione di persona."
128. This theological truth was succinctly stated by Aquinas: "The
gift of wisdom differs from the acquired intellectual virtue of wisdom.
122. It was finished before May 653 when it is reported to have been The latter comes through human effort, the former 'comes down from
gilded. Misura e stima of zo May I653. Archivio di Stato di Roma, above.' The gift of wisdom presupposes faith." Summa Theologiae, 60
Universita 117, unpaginated. See Del Piazzo, 238. The 1655 misura e vols., London, I964-I976, xxxv, trans. T. R. Heath, za, zae, 25, I.
stima documents the presence of the olive branch: "Per la palomba fatta i29. For the identification of the saints in the painting, see above n.
nel campo in mezzo a detta corona che porta il ramo d'olivio agg. bozz. e io8. The only labeled book on Ivo's desk is the "Bibblia Sa.," indicating
stucca...." Archivio di Stato di Roma, Universita 198, fasc. 123, fol. the source of the saint's wisdom and charity. Although Borghesi fol-
I7r.
lowed Cortona's original drawing for most of the details of the lower,
z3. Archivio di Stato di Roma, Universita I 17, pt. iv, unpaginated. unfinished half of the canvas, he significantly eliminated the scene in the
124. C. F. Ceccarello, Lingua ignea sive S. Ivone pauperum patrono left background where Cortona had envisioned a view into a secular
oratio ..., Rome, 1638, 5-7. The miracle of the dove is also reportedlibrary.
in
Chevet, 5 . Poulsson, 67-69, also interprets the dove in the lantern in 130. This venerable Christian ideal is confirmed by Aquinas, who
relation to the cult of the saint.
observes that wisdom presupposes charity. Aquinas, Summa, za, zae,
125. Ost, 115-119, z13-124. 45,4-
Fig. 3o. Borromini, Stucco Emblem, S. Ivo, dome, interior, i659-i66o
Fig. 30orrominghesi, Roma barocco Emblem, . 134).Ivo, dome, interior, 659-66

(Portoghesi, Roma barocca, pi. I34).
Fig. 29. Clemente Maioli, Triumph of Religion, Ceiling fresco, Biblio- The emblems above the round-headed windows of the chapel
teca Alessandrina, Rome, i660-i665 (Bibliotheca Hertziana). (Fig. 30)-the wreath, crown, palm fronds, and lilies-are sym-
bols of Christian virtue, martyrdom, and immortality.l34 They
mente Maioli (i66o-i665)131 depicts Religion-not Wisdom- recall in hieroglyphic fashion for the worshipper the rewards
holding sway over the Four Evangelists and the Fathers of the attained by Sts. Fortunatus and Alexander, the two martyrs
Church (Fig. z9). The Evangelists and Church Fathers, pens whose remains had just been buried beneath the altar of the
poised, look upward toward Religion and the dove of the Holy chapel. 135 But these objects are also symbols of wisdom and the
Spirit for inspiration. Matthew's angel, on the left, carries a scroll wise man.136 The Chigi oak wreath that encircles the central
to remind the viewer to "seek ye therefore first the kingdom of elements thereby alludes to the wisdom of Alexander VII and
God, and his justice" (Matthew 6:33).132 As in the chapel, doc- establishes an emblematic association between the martyred
trine takes precedence over learning. Along the cornice at the saints buried in the chapel and the papal patron. Thus, the two
lower edge of the fresco are the three Theological Virtues. These types of emblems above the windows reiterate the two principal
are the virtues which, like Borromini's "true wisdom," are in- themes of the chapel iconography-wisdom and charity-and
fused in man rather than acquired through intellectual effort.133 link them with the papal patron and the saints to whom the
They are gifts of God and represent precisely those virtues that
cannot be obtained through book learning but are characteristic I34. L. Reau, Iconographie de l'art chretien, 3 vols., Paris, I955-
I959, I, 425; E. Kirschbaum, Lexikon der christlichen Ikonographie, 8
of the highest wisdom. Of the three, Charity is placed foremost in
vols., Freiburg, I968-I976, III, cols. oo-10z2.
conformity with St. Paul's dictum (I Corinthians 13:13). Like the I35. The remains of St. Fortunatus were transferred from the old
symbolism of Borromini's chapel the adjacent library fresco es- Archiginnasio chapel and the relics of St. Alexander were donated by
tablishes that the practice of religion and the Christian virtues Alexander VII. Ratti, 6, 30. These two martyr-saints also appear carry-
ing palm fronds on the right side of the upper register of the altar paint-
constitute true wisdom.
ing. See the preparatory drawing (Uffizi, Sant. 3022) illustrated in Tem-
pesta et al., fig. 8z. St. Fortunatus is represented as a young priest and St.
I3I. Del Piazzo, I40--I4. To judge from the artist's request for the Alexander is the Roman centurion just below. Bibliotheca sanctorum, I,
inscription in the fresco, Carlo Cartari seems to have helped with the cols. 770-776, v, cols. 978-979.
program of the painting. Archivio di Stato di Roma, Universita I09, Borromini had already used a similar configuration of elements
io8r, II8r; E. Re, Biblioteca Alessandrina, Rome, 1945, 9-II. The (crown, palms, lilies) in reference to another martyr, St. Cecilia, in the
iconography, however, closely follows Ripa's entry for Religione. Ripa, pediment above the main portal of the Oratorio dei Filippini. Connors,
I618, 441. I980, 223. An engraved illustration of the portal is contained in S.
132. "Quaerite primum regnum dei et iustitiam eius." The tablets Giannini ed., Opus architectonicum equitis Francisci Borromini, Rome,
held by the putto to the right of Religion are inscribed with the Ten 1725, pl. VII.
Commandments. I36. Ecclesiasticus 1:22; 24:18; 39:19. See also the remarks of Por-
133. Aquinas, Ia, 2ae, 62, I; Vacant, xv, pt. 2, col. 2782. toghesi, Linguaggio, 156- 57.
31
chapel was to be dedicated. Just as he had earlier done w

Barberini bee imagery in the groundplan and the Pamph
in the lantern vault, Borromini exploited Chigi heraldry
broader associative values. Such symbolic usage paral
rhetorical devices of written panegyrics of the perio
are extrapolations on imprese and heraldic elements-an
of the chief characteristics of Borromini's symbolic langu
The z angels in the dome also tie into the iconographic
tem. Borromini states that the six in the window pedim
Cherubim.138 According to Danieli's treatise on angels,
means "full of science" because they are the angels who
plate God's wisdom.139 The six-winged angels encircling
tern opening are Seraphim, the next and highest order of
They are equated with the ardent fire of charity.'40 Th
therefore continue the dual theme of wisdom and charity
In the oration of 1640, Sydus caeli gallicani, S. Ivo was
as a fiery star of Heaven, because heavenly flames had des
to ignite his breast.141 Chevet also relates Ivo's vision o
rounding Seraphim.142 In addition to being a general all
the Pentecost, the flaming descent of the Holy Spirit, the
and the angels can also be understood in terms of th
iconography.
The basic formal and decorative arrangement of the in
cupola makes reference to the dome of St. Peter's,143 the
decoration of which was designed by Cesare d'Arpino a
cuted under Sixtus V in 1590 (Fig. 31). The stars encirc
lantern, the
which
Fig. 31.thenSeraphimsurround
Cesare d'Arpino, the stars,
Interior Dome Decoration, t
St. Peter's, Rom
mosaic, ca. 590 (Bonechi Editore,
order of angels in the roundels, and the descending lines Florence).
are all repeated in stucco in the cupola of S. Ivo (Fig.
reference brands S. Ivo as a imagery
kind in of miniature
the Archiginnasio chapel is St. Peter's,
difficult s
to establish. T
ing that the chapel is part of a
orations are papal
filled withinstitution.144 He
similes and metaphors that recall
correspondence between visual
the exterior
imagery of the chapel. lantern tower
Crowns, flames, stars, suns, dov
dome interior is that of papal
angels, tiara and abound
and even bees145 cupola of St.
in the orations Peter
just as they do
The precise nature of thetherelationship between
imagery of the chapel. Since the
Borromini knew or
little Latin
delivered in praise of S. Ivo
unlikelyand Borromini's
that he drew imagery directly fromuse
specific of sy
orations,
most probably he was informally advised in such matters by t
I37. For a panegyric of this patrons

type or see
an individual in their charge.
F. Carrera y The documentsEl
Santos, sug
sacerdote panegyrico alegorico a N.was
that Cartari SS. P. in
involved Alexandro
this capacity. VII, Rom
where biblical references to stars, mountains, and oak trees ab
The dome stuccoes, moreover, seem to have served a du
a comparable panegyric based on Pamphili heraldry see T.
function. They not
Della esaltatione di papa Innocentio only recall forRome,
decimo, the viewer the virtues ofSe
1644. S.
above for the Barberini the Consistorial
panegyrics. Advocates, and the papal patron, but are
I38. Archivio di Stato di Roma, Universita
the starting 198,
point for new encomia in theirfasc. 123,
praise. The first f
Cerubini che guardano in Chiesa che sono nelli frontispezii
fenestre per di dentro...." of S. Ivo to be celebrated in the new Borromini chapel wa
139. F. Danieli, Trattato I661. At
della the beginning
divina of his speech the student
providenza, Milan,orator posi
I6
Also see St. Gregory the Great, XL between
connection Homiliarum inoration:
the chapel and his evangilia li
Patrologia latina, LxxvI, col. z5 2.
I40. Ibid. This new and illustrious structure, Eminent Fathers, require
141. A. Radicchi, Sydus caeligallicani..., Rome, 1640, II-I2. new and illustrious kind of oration; the majesty of the p
I42. Chevet, 39.
I43. Portoghesi, I964, I82.
I44. Steinberg has demonstrated that Borromini devised a similar 145. M. Griffioni, "Ivo sub imagine apis, oratio .. .," Vatican
conceit for the interior of S. Carlo alle Quattro Fontane. Steinberg, brary, ms., Barb. Lat. I735. This manuscript carrying a dedication
397-410. Cardinal Francesco Barberini seems not to have had a printed editio
certainly demands equal majesty in speaking. But truly I am able

to employ no appearance of genius or eloquence of similar bril-
liance to the form of the walls, and so, unless I am mistaken, I will
gather there opportunely the material for speaking....146
The chief conceit of the oration is that the chapel of the Sapienza
has been rightly dedicated to S. Ivo because he is a model of
virtue, and his virtues are reflected in those of the Roman Curia
(a reference to the Cardinals who participated in the annual feast
of S. Ivo). While the orator does not base the speech upon the
specific imagery of the chapel, it is clear that he views the new
building as analogous to his oration. Borromini's symbolic or- Fig. 3 z. Giuseppe Morone, Medal of Alexander VII, I66o (Del P
fig. 32).
nament is thereby perceived as the visual counterpart to the
rhetorical imagery of the oration.
but, as Connors has pointed out, a much more commonsense
The Nature of Borromini's Symbolic Language
version of the architect may be closer to reality.'15 The icono-
and the Meaning of S. Ivo
graphic components of S. Ivo-seen in their I7th-century con-
Borromini attached greater importance to ornament and heral- text-are straightforward. The sun and bee imagery in the
dic symbolism than is generally supposed. Martinelli was only groundplan, the seven-column exedra, the attributes of Divine
repeating the architect's concern when he stated that a building Wisdom, the chi rho medallions on the drum, the tiara spire, the
without ornament is like a body without a soul.147 Moreover, as flaming crown of charity, the descent of the Holy Spirit, the
Portoghesi has observed, the symbolic content in Borromini's flaming monti-tiara, and the insignia of charity and wisdom are
works is often identical to the structure-thus the bee in the all derived from common readily available sources such as the
groundplan of S. Ivo.148 Heraldic imagery permeates the fabric Bible, the heraldry of the patrons, and Ripa's Iconologia. The
of the Archiginnasio chapel, from the bee in its foundation to the iconography of S. Ivo is more simple than recondite.
dove on the finial above the tower. Heraldry, too, was closely In terms of both formal and iconographic prototypes the ar-
linked to questions of social rank, and Borromini was pro- chitect drew upon traditions current in Rome at the time he
foundly absorbed in such matters of status.149 Connors has iso- designed the chapel. The imagery of the groundplan, lantern
lated the architect's fascination with the imagery of aristocratic tower, and interior decoration refers to the practical and icono-
architecture as he sought to introduce it into the Roman Ora- graphic concerns of the patrons, reflects the most important
tory, even in the face of the more humble preferences of the functions which were to take place in the chapel, and acts as an
mistrustful Oratorian padri.'50 At S. Ivo Borromini did not en- enticement for patronage of the building. We see reflected in the
counter such reticence on the part of the patrons. Indeed, every architectural and decorative symbolism of S. Ivo not a Borromini
effort to enfold the building with an appropriately aristocratic steeped in obscurantism, but the image of a much more down-to-
and papal cloak was welcomed. earth artistic sensibility.
The symbolism of Borromini's chapel at the Sapienza has been In I66o, to commemorate the completion of the Archigin-
generally interpreted in terms of exotic prototypes and recherche nasio chapel, Alexander VII had minted a medal depicting, on
iconographic sources. Such complex and learned exegeses are the reverse, the cortile facade of S. Ivo (Fig. 32).152 Above the
consistent with the popular view of Borromini as a mad genius, chapel an inscription reads OMNIS SAPIENTIA A DOMINO
(Ecclesiasticus I:I). This must be regarded as the final official
statement about the meaning of S. Ivo, and, not surprisingly, it is
146. "Nova haec, atque illustris aedificatio, Em. P. P. novum postulat,
in conformity with the old inscription above the entrance to the
atque illustre orationis genus; maiestas nempe loci parem desiderat in
dicendo maiestatem. Verum ego nullam adhibere possum, aut ingenii, cortile and with the architect's own key statement. That "all
aut eloquentis speciem tam luculentae parietum formae concolorem, wisdom is from the Lord God," that "fear of the Lord is the
adeoque nisi fallor, opportune inde loquendi materiam praecerpam ...."
beginning of wisdom," and that the Holy Spirit "brings the true
G. D. Belhomo, Aulae romanae exemplar oratio de sancto Ivone ...,
Rome, i66i, unpaginated. wisdom" are three ways of expressing the same fundamental
I47. Martinelli, z76r-277r. theological idea-wisdom is an other-worldly virtue that de-
148. Portoghesi, 1968, 156.
scends upon man, a passive recipient. Paradoxically, this is the
I49. See the observations in Connors, 1979, 285. Significantly, Bor-
romini was adorning S. Ivo with emblems of aristocratic, i.e. Pamphili,
patronage at the time he was knighted by Innocent X. The pope himself
inducted Borromini into the Order of Christ on z6 July 1652. Del Piazzo, 15i. Connors, 1979, 285.
i6i. 152. F. Buonanni, Numismata pontificum romanorum ..., vols.,
I50. Connors, 1980, 77. Rome, 1699, ii, 686-688, pl. xxxi.
principal statement of Borromini's S. Ivo as an allegory of wis- and is attained through mental exercise rather than as a divine
dom. Despite its location in an institution of secular learning, S. gift. It places the emphasis on man rather than God.
Ivo has nothing of the symbolism of secular wisdom. Quite the Even in the ceiling fresco of the library of the Archiginnasio,
opposite, it stands as an admonition to heed that which is the where an iconography of secular learning might most logically be
true wisdom, not mundane knowledge, but religion and the fear expected, the main figure is not Wisdom, but rather Religion.
of God. 153 Where the iconography of wisdom does appear at the Sapienza,
The idea that the spiral tower of the chapel could represent in the chapel, it has no connection with book learning or intellec-
anything like the "arduous path of learning" suggests a secu- tual endeavor. Borromini's S. Ivo rising within the cortile of the
larized post-Enlightenment understanding of the nature of wis- Archiginnasio is like a memento mori within a flattering portrait.
dom. Such wisdom rests at the summit of worldly achievement. It serves not to exhort the viewer to attain worldly wisdom, but
It is a humanistic rather than a Counter-Reformational notion rather to remind him that "the wisdom of this world is foolish-
ness with God."154
153. Chevet's homily on the subject makes precisely this point. Che-
vet, I o-I II. 15 4. I Corinthians 3: 9.

S. Ivo Alla Sapienza and Borromini's Symbolic Language

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S.

Ivo alla Sapienza and Borromini's Symbolic Language

University of California Press, Society of Architectural Historians are collaborating with

JOHN BELDON SCOTT University of Iowa

manuscript in the Barberini Archives states that the subject of th

,. f .e a . v9,:-. (j < ?A- .

Ec Ottr Comrx R -A* ' ii

i'. ?a. ' ? ' 1 : :

This interpretation is confirmed by the marble plaque on t

OPT. MAX. / OB SAPIENTIAE / GLORIAM / ET PATRO-

sun and bees symbolize Divine Wisdom and Barberini patronage

Among the last elements to be added to the chapel, possibly in

14. C. Ripa, Nova iconologia, Padua, I618, 457-60. H. Ost, "Borro-

The chief controversy concerning the groundplan is the relia-

demarcated from the central space by lines of gray marble.27

well-ordered society of the beehive37 and the encomium to the

Fig. 11. Borromini, S. Ivo. Drawing of lantern

early stage of the design represented dom

terms appear leaves no doubt that Borromini himself conceived

Fig. z1. Giacomo Lippi, Catafalque of Gregory XV, St. Peter's,

I?-W " *' . I< ?

Fig. 14. Borromini, S. Agnese, Rome. Detail of cross-section drawing of

Fig. 13. Borromini, Detail of Baldacchino project for S. Maria a Cap-

RITRATTO I)ELLA tAMOSISS.t" F,ABRICA I)ELLA CHIESA

Fig. i 5. Santi Moschetti, Project fo

spired by Moschetti's rather awkward design,general

unity of three authorities in that it combines into one the three

placed on the papal tiara."98 As Buonanni's treatise attests, such

96. Portoghesi, 1955, z8.

Fig. I9. Ripa, Charity. Iconologia, Rome, I603, 74 (author

objects were widely admired and collected. They were

buildings (Fig. pression. From this vantage

nated by Pietro da Cortona in 1660 and finished by his student

Fig. 24. G. B. Paolucci, Engraved frontispiece, Speculare charitatis

This same miracle was referred to in an oration in praise of S.

nasio chapel. In 1640, Pietro Chevet, priest at the parish church

Fig. 25. Borromini, Stucco Emblem, S. Ivo, dome interior, I659-1660

Fire imagery is exceedingly common in the orations, and the

Fig. 28. Borromini, S. Ivo, dome interior (Arte Fotografica, Rome).

commemorated each year by the professors and students of the

16. It also appears in an engraving of Domenico Fontana commem-

Fig. 3o. Borromini, Stucco Emblem, S. Ivo, dome, interior, i659-i66o

Fig. 30orrominghesi, Roma barocco Emblem, . 134).Ivo, dome, interior, 659-66

chapel was to be dedicated. Just as he had earlier done w

I37. For a panegyric of this patrons

certainly demands equal majesty in speaking. But truly I am able

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