BOOK REVIEW

Submitted by
C DHIVYA SHRI
M.A. IRAM(2021-2023)

REG NO: 210810038368

THE CHINA WAVE: RISE OF A CIVILIZATIONAL STATE: ZHANG

WEIWEI

Zhang Weiwei, in the interview with Al Jazeera used the phrase, ‘neutral
government shaping national consensus’ to describe the China model.
As leading intellectual from China, Zhang Weiwei in his seminal work
‘The China Wave’ provides an authoritative account of China’s distinctive
developmental model and the rise of the ‘civilizational state’.

In the very first instance, Weiwei objects to the westernised crystal ball
gazing of China’s future and its imminent downfall. He reflects that how
in the past 3 decades the westernised narrative against the Chinese
state had fallen flat on its face. He accuses such intellectual endeavors
as imprisoned in ‘ideological hangups.’

China, as per Zhang, had beaten narratives such as: ‘regime would
collapse after the Tiananmen event in 1989; China would follow in the
footsteps of the Soviet Union in its disintegration; chaos would engulf
China after Deng Xiaoping’s death, etc. These forecasts turned out to be
wrong and the narrative of China’s collapse had itself “collapsed”.

One reason for China and its developmental model to succeed was
associated with it being a ‘civilizational state.’ It has ‘exceedingly strong
historical and cultural traditions.’ All nation state face difficulties and
encounters challenges but a ‘civilizational state’ has its own ‘intrinsic
logic of evolution.’ It draws on the strengths of other nation while
maintaining its uniqueness.

Zhang distills eight distinguishing features of this civilizational state,

which he frames in groups: a super large population; a super vast
territory; super long traditions; and a super long culture and unique
language; unique politics; a unique society; and a unique economy.

Zhang asserts that the greatest wisdom of a civilizational state is

perhaps its long tradition of “seeking common ground while reserving
differences”, and this wisdom is first of all reflected in the modern geo-
strategic and geo-political dealings and interactions of China with the
world.

In his understanding of Chinese political evolution and development,

Zhang is uncharacteristically cryptic when he says,” The transformation
of the Chinese state will continue, driven by China’s economic reform,
social change and integration with the outside world. But China’s political
transition is likely to continue its present cautious approach and its top-
down and gradual process.” The phrase political change brought by ‘top-
down and gradual process’ is a misnomer. He goes onto say that
China’s economic reform would bring in political reform. Such conclusion
is inept as we have seen that the breakneck speed at which China grew
in the 30 years had broken many necks.

Then Zhang goes onto list the 3 principles of political reform: firstly, it
should continue to be a gradual reform and it would be highly dangerous
to engage in political romanticism for a ‘civilizational state’ like China;
secondly, reform should be demand-driven; thirdly, primacy given to
people’s livelihood. The fundamental flaw in these principles is that the
overhanging nature of the state is negated. If the state itself closes the
avenues for rightful protest and freedom of speech how can there be a
scenario where demands are fearlessly voiced and expressed. If the
mechanism for raising demand is throttled, any demand-driven reform is
a pipe dream.

With regards to human rights, Zhang quicky wears his defensive gear
and directs his ire at the supposed non sensical accusation against
China. He equates elevating 400 million Chinese out of the poverty as
the greatest act of human rights which the west cannot comprehend. In
this regard it is suffice to say that Xianjiang province has one of the
highest poverty rates, in fact it is higher than Tibet, Gansu, Yunan.
Zhang draws a dangerous equivalence in reducing poverty rates with
human rights. China’s refusal to sanction the African dictatorship is
because strong state is required for alleviating millions out of the poverty
line. Such reason cannot be further from the truth.

Then he begins a length critique of India’s political set up and its

democratic nature. He goes on to say India’s weakness can be
‘summarized as the double P’s (politicization and populism) and the
triple S’s (soft state, short-termism and schisms). But any system that
unleashes two decades of terror and starvation before spreading
questionable prosperity alongside ruinous pollution and brutal social
dislocation seems 'inefficient' too.

Having built the uniqueness of Chinese model and its distinctiveness as

a civilizational state, Zhang throws himself at the lopsided data which
heavily criticizes the western model. He points out that there is a
fundamental breach of trust between the western model of governance
and its citizen. He supports his argument by insisting how China did well
both socially and economically. The number 400 million is a refrain that
is oft-repeated and a meta-argument to defend any form of accusation
levied against the state.

To conclude, even though the rational for China’s rise directly associated
with it being a civilizational state is insightful but the quick polemical
rhetoric to vilify any other form of government or developmental model is
a misrepresentation of Zhang’s erudition. In the Interview to Al Jazeera,
Zhang claimed that his understanding based on objective criteria but the
later half of the book says otherwise.