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Nashim: A Journal of Jewish Women's Studies & Gender Issues
FEEDING AN IDENTITY -
Foodways are cultural highways. They reveal social and economic systems
while communicating historical, local, and global narratives. Explorations
into patterns of food preparation and consumption, meal formats, eating
fellowships, nutritional notions, favorite recipes and delicacies, symbolic
associations, and national habits yield wonderful information about all
aspects of human civilization. It is a biological fact that people must eat.
The infinite variants of the human attempt to satisfy that requirement
expose the social construction of all aspects of our lives. Food patterns
communicate symbolic meanings and contain cultural codes. Recent
studies disclose the significance of food in maintaining ethnic and national
identities. From communal celebrations to personal preferences, our
dietary habits reveal much about who we are and how we live.
Judaism is replete with foodways in the forms of dietary restrictions and
rituals of eating. There is a short account of all Jewish holidays: They tried
to kill us, we won, let's eat! This witticism reveals a great deal about the
nature of celebration and ritual feasting. Food is not merely what you do
while you are celebrating or worshiping. It is the ritual core of most of our
ceremonies. Just think of holidays such as Passover: Food is central, not an
incidental or supportive element. This special issue of Nashim dedicates its
ethnographic focus to the Jewish kitchen and to women as the ritual
experts in that location.
Historians have often noted the shift in Jewish ritual practice that took
place with the destruction of the Temple two thousand years ago. One
shorthand reference claims that the sacrificial altar was replaced by the
shulhan arukh, the set table and the eating fellowship. If this mythic model
Nashim: A Journal of Jewish Women 's Studies and Gender Issues, no. 5. © 2002 7
is in any way useful, then examinations of that table culture and its high
priests must be explored and developed. Many social, economic, political,
and ritual functions surrounded Temple procedure and worship. Thus, the
inherited table is not "merely" the location of physical nurture or intake. It
is, itself, located within a cultural lexicon of ethnic continuity, gender
distinctiveness, and generational patterning.
Consider the ways in which food provides a mechanism for preservation
of tradition. This is more than mere nostalgia. Food contains the language
of memory - fully embodied. It seems especially important, considering
food's sensory presence, to note that the memory stimulation is not of the
mind alone. Eating enables simultaneous participation in the past and the
present; it is a strong link between generations. As food is ingested, the
eater partakes of all its symbolism instantly, becoming one with a tradition
seemingly without effort. Engaging all the human senses, food establishes
or confirms social groups and interpersonal guardianship. It is filling and
fun, and it can be experienced as a sign of caring and affection. And in
most communities, especially those that retain traditional patterns and
values, women own it, do it, and glory in it.
So I wonder at the way in which we downgrade the gastronomic com-
ponent of our lives, especially our religious lives. Why do we talk disparag-
ingly of "kitchen Judaism"? Why do we look disapprovingly at those whose
Jewishness is displayed at mealtime? Is eating too physical? Have we
accepted an ascetic ideal, even if we don't practice it? We make jokes about
our eating and worry about our overeating, but do we recognize or appre-
ciate our indisputable praxis? Moreover, is it coincidental or consequential
that the food preparer - the neglected or invisible ritual expert and
participant - is female? Food appears to play a profound part in Jewish
communal identity and religious life, but the woman's responsibility for
this domain has not been seen as critically influential. Her productive
power is lost to the observer's gaze.
Our ethnographic descriptions of food culture have been severely lim-
ited. Some classic studies of religion (Max Weber, Emile Durkheim)
examined food only in the context of ritual sacrifice. Others, such as those
of Claude Lévi-Strauss, sought a structural link between dietary habits and
worldviews. Mary Douglas looked at food as a way to define the boundaries
of social interaction. For many, references to food were used to investigate
social, political, and religious correlations.
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