THE CONCEPT OF SUFFIX IN THE NIRUKTA

Author(s): Saroja Bhate

Source: Annals of the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute , 1979, Vol. 60, No. 1/4
(1979), pp. 237-239
Published by: Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute

Stable URL: https://www.jstor.org/stable/41692310

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 THE CONCEPT OF SUFFIX IN THE N IRU KT A
By
MRS. SAROJA BHATE

Every etymology in the Nirukta (N)* presupposes analysis of a word

into stem and suffix. Although the term pratyaya is absent in the N, Yãska
( Y ) uses other terms like nãmakarana and upabandha to refer to the concept
of suffix and clearly mentions the suffixal element in at least six derivations.1
The term nãmakarana literally meaning ť noun-making ' stands for both
primary and secondary suffixes, while these two categories of derivatives ar
denoted by the terms krt and taddhita respectively.2 The term upabandha
occurs in the context of a secondary suffix.3 Y also shows awareness of th
dffierent cases caturthi , pancamî etc. and of all the three numbers ekavacan
etc.4 References to various categories of verbal inflexion such as kãrita
carkarita and cikirsitaf to morphological categories like nivrttisthãna and to
the concept of a finite verb by the term ãkhyãta suggest Y's knowledg
of the elaborate classification of verbal formation. However, there is no
reference to tense and mood classification.

In addition to these references showing various kinds of suffixes in

general the N evinces Y's knowledge of certain highly technical concept
regarding suffix. The concept of zero-morpheme is implicit, for instance, in his
remark on the derivation of the word anu from anu : anur anu sthaviyämsam
upasargo luptanâmakaranah : ť anu means that which (comes) after big
( here ) the preposition ( anu ) has its suffix dropped ' ( N. VI. 22 ). The us
of the word go ť cow ' in the sense of milk or skin or a part of the body of
cow is justified by regarding go as a taddhita formation in the statement
athapy asyãm tãddhitena krtsnavan nigamä bhavanti : ' Further there are

* For the text please refer to The Nighentu and the Nirukta , ed. L. Sarup, Second
Reprint, Delhi 1967
1 N 1.17 : avater gatyarthasya aso namakaranah , N II. 2 : kakso gahateh ksa iti nã-
makaranah ; II. 5 ; gauh

tehy ghaservero nãmakaranah ; VII. 29 : mithu

thu iti nãmakaranah , thakaro vã. nayatih para
nãmakaranah antasthantaropaliùgï.
2 N. I. 14, II. 2 etc.
• N 1.8 : adhvaryuh ... api vãdhiyane yur upabandhah ; I. 7 : símatas .. api vâ
8%metyetad anarthakam upabandham ãdadita panGamikarmãnar/i; VI. 16 t
agriyã ... api vãgram ity etad anarthakam upabandham ãdadita.
4 N I. 7, 8, 17; IV. 2, V. 23 etc.
* N II. 1.

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238 Ànnah BORI, LX ( 1979 )

occurrences of this word ( in the Veda ) where ( the word denotin

whole is used in the derivative sense ' ( N. II. 5 ). This is another i
where we have to assume the addition of a derivative suffix and its
elision. On the other hand, the addition of an anarthaka : ' m
suffix is described by Y in a few formations such as agriyã ( N. V
slmatas ( N. 1. 7 ). In the latter, the suffix ( tas ) is, however, des
anarthaka and at the same time pañcamíkarmati : ' function
ablative. '6

It is clear from the above discussion that Y was equipped w

grammatical concept of suffix with its highly technical impli
is interesting to see how he employs the concept in his etymologies

On the whole, the suffix forms the final part of a word in th

the grammar. However, at a few places Y ascribes the function of
the initial part. He explains, for example, the word praskanva as
putrah kanvaprabhavo v a : ' offspring of Kanva or ( that which is
from Kanva ' ( N. III. 17 ) and comparing this formation with ano
prãgra, tacitly ascribes the meaning tasya putrah : ' his son ' o
bhavah : ' produced thereof ' to the prefix pra. His paraphrase of
višcakadra as cakadrati kadratiti sato 'narthako 'bhyãsah, tadas
višcakadrah : ' cakadrãii is derived from kadrati with meaningless
tion ; višcakadra is that which contains it ( cakadrã ) ' ( N II. 3 ) al
the meaning tad asmin asti : ' that is in that ' to the upas
Such etymologies remind one of the generally accepted theo
evolution of suffixes from prepositions and postpositions which were o
independent but later compounded with the words with which th
connected.7 Except the singular case of bahuc ( P. 5. 3. 68 ) all
Panini's grammar as well as in other grammars are added after th
Moreover, instances of upasargas expressing meanings of secondary
are missing.
Y derives the word mithuna as minotih šrayatikarma thur iti noma-
karànas thakãro vã nayatih paro vanirvã : ' the root mi meaning to depend,
thu or lha suffix followed by the root ni or van ' ( N VII. 29 ). This pheno-

• 6 For further discussion on this word see M. A. Mehendale : Niruhta Notes, I,

Poona, 1965, pp. 47-49. Although Y. speaks of anarthaka upabandha at two
places, generally he invests them with meaning. In fact, the very concept of
suffix has arisen in order to account for the additional meaning with the help
of the additional element in a formation. Y's positive statement anarthaka
upajanã bhavanti ( N IV. 7 ) clearly points out the meaningless character of the
augments.
• K. Brugmann : A Comparative Grammar of the Indo-Germanie Languages , tr. by
R. S. Conway and W. H. D. Rouse, Varanasi, 1972, II. pp. 3-8,

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 Bhate : The Concept of suffix in the Niruhta 239

menon of the derivation of a word with two roots is peculiar to the N and
here we can compare Y with Šakatayana who, as quoted by him, derived the
word satya from the roots as and /.8 A similar, rather more awkward, process
of derivation is found in Y's explanation of the word bala : balo vã prati -
sedha-vyavahitah : ' Or ( it is derived from ) bala with the intervention of the
negative ( particle ) ' ( N IX. 10 ). According to this statement the word
bala is composed of two elements : bala and the negative particle a. The
latter is not added after the former but inserted within it, thus ba+a+la
produces bala.
The etymology of the word kva : € happiness ' offers another interesting
case. Y says, while deriving the word : šisyateh vakäro nãmakaranah
antasthantaropaliñgí : ' ( It is derived from ) sis. va is the derivative suffix
which replaces the final letter ' ( N. X. 17 ). Here the confusion between the
substitute and the suffix is obvious. One does not know why he does not
perceive the loss of the final s before the suffix va.9

The position of the affixal elements in the derivations mentioned above

makes it difficult for one to give a uniform structural analysis underlying Y's
etymologies. Although the basic structure in general can be represented as
stem+suffix, the cases mentioned above stand as exceptions to this. More-
over, they imply different structures. For instance, in derivations like
praskanva the underlying structure is suffix + stem, while in formations like
mithuna it is of the type stem+suffix-f suffix. The identification of the suffix
with the substitute of the final part of the stem is a glaring example of Y's
confrontation of different grammatical elements.
It is again very hard to reconcile this inconsistency of structural
analysis with the highly advanced concept of suffix reflected in his work. Y
has thus adopted the concept of suffix from grammar in his scheme of
derivation, but has exploited it, at the cost of the uniformity of underlying
structure, so as to suit his principles of derivation and with due regard to
his own principle : na samskãram ãdriyeta : ť One should not pay regard to
grammatical operation '. ( N. II. 1 ).

« N. 1. 13.
» Incidentally, Y. has never explicitly referred to a substitute although it is implic
in operations denoted by terms like vikãra , vyãpatli and guna . One does not know
whether Y. intended substitution in all these operations in the sense in which
Pacini did. However, Y does think of as substitute on the semantic level : nir
ity esa sam ity etasya sthãne ; * nir is ( used ) in the place ( sense ) of sam * ( If
XII. 7).

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