Blueprints for Writing Building Essays

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Blueprints for Writing Building Essays 1st Edition Pam Mathis Solutions Manual

Instructor’s Manual

Blueprints for Writing

Building Essays

Pam Mathis
North Arkansas College

Prepared by

Pam Mathis
North Arkansas College

Monique Wilson
North Arkansas College

Australia • Brazil • Japan • Korea • Mexico • Singapore • Spain • United Kingdom • United States

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Table of Contents
Preface to Instructor’s Manual 3
Sample Syllabus for a Developmental Course 4
Sample Syllabus for Comp. I 8
Sample Syllabus for ALP (Accelerated Learning Program) 12

Part I: The Writing Process 15

Chapter 1: An Overview of the Writing Process 16
Chapter 2: The Thesis and Simple Blueprint 17
Chapter 3: The Topic Sentence 19
Chapter 4: Supporting Your Points 22
Chapter 5: Coherence 23
Chapter 6: Unity 26
Chapter 7: The Introduction: The Icing on the Cake 27
Chapter 8: The Conclusion: Wrapping it Up 30
Chapter 9: Revising, Editing, and Proofreading 31

Part II: The Modes of Writing 33

Chapter 10: Narration 33
Chapter 11: Description 36
Chapter 12: Illustration 38
Chapter 13: Process 40
Chapter 14: Definition 42
Chapter 15: Comparison/Contrast 43
Chapter 16: Cause/Effect 47
Chapter 17: Classification 49
Chapter 18: Persuasion 51

Part III: Critical Reading and Dealing with Writing Prompts 53

Chapter 19: Reading Critically and Responding to a Writing Prompt 53
Chapter 20: Planning and Writing Your Response to a Reading 55
Chapter 21: Drawing from Two Sources 56
Chapter 22: Writing about a Complex Reading 57

Part IV: The Parts of Speech 58

Chapter 23: Nouns and Pronouns 59
Chapter 24: Verbs 67
Chapter 25: Adjectives and Adverbs 79
Chapter 26: Prepositions 86
Chapter 27: Verbals and Verbal Phrases 90
Chapter 28: Clauses 93

1
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position, to fulfil its obligations towards us, and it therefore finds a
support in Germany. Any other Government which may seize power in
an irregular way may possibly seek its salvation by sacrificing to
popularity the treaties concluded with us, and in that manner force us to
renew the war. We have, therefore, not only an interest in the
maintenance of the present Government, but also the right to withhold
our recognition from any violent change in the form of government,
however brought about, and to make our decision dependent upon the
guarantees provided for our treaty interests. It must, furthermore, be
remembered that everything calculated to disturb order, which is scarcely
restored as yet, must prejudicially affect the power of France to meet its
obligations towards us within the periods laid down in the treaty,
whoever may be at the head of affairs, and that we must therefore desire
to avoid every crisis which would lead to a renewal of civil war. You will
please express yourself in this sense to the French Government, and
make it clear to them beyond all question that in those portions of the
country which we occupy we shall recognise no alteration in the form,
and no change in the principal holders of power, which does not arise out
of the existing situation in the regular way, and in accordance with the
laws now in force. We are giving evidence of the confidence which we
repose in the present Government by rapidly reducing the German forces
in the occupied districts. Should new movements in France force us to
doubt the maintenance of the peace which has been concluded, your
Excellency is aware that within fourteen days we could again put the
same army in the field which we had in France last winter.”
June 11th.—Fabrice telegraphed the day before yesterday to the
Chief stating, inter alia, that the rapid withdrawal of our troops outside
Paris and elsewhere before the payment of the first half milliard was
obviously exercising an influence upon the temper and behaviour of the
population, whose attitude would grow more and more confident, if not
hostile, as the evacuation proceeded. Washburne had confidently advised
prudence, and in speaking to Holstein had described the sentiments of
the Parisians towards the Germans as doubtful, adding that the
Government lacked the power, and perhaps the will, to counteract this
tendency, and that the protection of the Germans in Paris depended
solely upon the German garrisons still in the neighbourhood. No reliance
could be placed upon the future development of affairs in France. The
first two milliards would be paid in order to give Germany a sense of
security. The balance of three milliards, however, would not be paid—as
had been openly stated by personages in authority, not soldiers—while,
on the other hand, there was a determination to recover the ceded
territories.
The Chief thereupon telegraphed to the Saxon General yesterday that
neither were we bound nor did we intend to reduce the zone of
occupation, and that we should certainly not evacuate the forts before the
date specified in the Treaty of Frankfurt. If we reduced the number of
our troops in the occupied districts, it was not that we trusted France, but
only that we had confidence in our own rapidity of mobilisation. It was
possible that the French would not carry out the treaty of peace in full,
and even that they intended to attack us, but as soon as the mobilisation
of the French forces rendered the latter eventuality probable, or if there
were a wilful delay in the payments to be made, a force of 600,000
could, within a fortnight, be put into the field between Metz and Paris.
He, Fabrice, should permit no doubt to exist upon this point. It was
cheaper to strengthen our forces outside Paris as required than to leave
them there for an indefinite period. There was no disposition to conceal
the possibility of a renewal of the war, but on the other hand such a
renewal was not feared.
June 19th.—This morning read a number of telegrams which have
been exchanged between Waldersee and the Chief, from which it would
almost seem as if it might come to hostilities if the French only had
sufficient power. On the evening of the 15th instant their troops stationed
near Lilas pushed forward their outposts to within twenty-five paces of
ours, and on ground that belonged to us. The Chief, upon advices to this
effect from Waldersee on the 16th instant, immediately instructed him to
demand the punishment of the officers who had been guilty of this
breach of existing arrangements, adding that our men had received
instructions to attack the French troops posted within rifle range of them
if the latter did not withdraw in the course of the day. He would also
immediately advise the King to withdraw the orders for the recall of all
our troops until satisfaction had been received. A telegram to the like
effect was at the same time despatched to Favre. It concluded as follows:
“Les protestations du commandant allemand contre cette violation des
stipulations en vigueur sont restées infructueuses. Je regrette vivement
un incident qui trouble les relations de confiance mutuelle qui
commençaient à naître.” The Frenchmen were greatly frightened by this
Quos ego, particularly MacMahon, who immediately ordered the
withdrawal of the troops from a position in which they had no right to
be.
Favre has declared that Pouyer-Quertier cannot pay the first half
milliard before the 15th of July, as the Ministry of Finance has been
destroyed (by the Communists). Moreover, the restoration of order,
mentioned in Article 7 of the treaty, has not yet been completed. In a
telegram sent to Waldersee the day before yesterday the Chief described
these observations as “impudent,” and instructed Waldersee to tell Favre
that if the money is not paid on the 1st of July, France will have failed to
fulfil its obligations under the article in question.
Waldersee further reported the day before yesterday that he had
presented his credentials to Favre, and was then received by Thiers. His
reception by both gentlemen was exceedingly polite and amiable. A 6
per cent. voluntary loan of two milliards, with a 15 per cent. payment on
account, was to be placed on the market on the 26th of June. With the
money raised by this means, and with some other funds at the disposal of
the Government, a payment of 375 million francs would be made. Thiers
assured him that with the best will in the world he could not promise him
the complete payment of the first half milliard before the 10th of July, as
nobody could foresee at the present moment how the subscriptions
would go. He, Waldersee, had, however, insisted upon the 1st of July, as
otherwise we should be driven to question the good will of the French,
and moreover—owing to certain financial arrangements—we required
the money at that date. Thiers replied that he both desired and hoped to
be able to begin the payment on the 1st, but it was a physical
impossibility for him to collect the whole sum before the 10th.
Waldersee had not stated that the proposal would be accepted in Berlin.
The Chief thereupon telegraphed the same day that the proposal of
M. Thiers was incompatible with the 7th Article of the Frankfurt Treaty
of Peace, and could not, therefore, be accepted without counter-
concessions. The telegram continues: “Besides, the understanding at first
was that the occupation of Paris should be taken as the term for this
payment, and it was only in consequence of a concession made by us out
of complaisance that the expression ‘rétablissement de l’autorité’ was
inserted in the French draft of the treaty. Furthermore, through an
oversight, the payment of the following 125 millions was fixed in the
French draft at sixty days after the payment of the 375 millions, instead
of thirty days, or sixty days after the occupation of Paris, as M. Pouyer-
Quertier himself had proposed. In the presence of the unconciliatory
attitude which the French negotiators now manifest, we see no occasion
to show them any favour without counter-concessions. If, therefore, the
French Government does not make the payment provided for by the
treaty on the 1st of July, we must regard it as a failure to fulfil its
obligations under Article 7. I beg your Excellency to leave M. Favre in
no doubt upon this point.”
June 20th.—Again an amusing interlude provided by the diplomatic
world. Von K., a Russian envoy abroad, has addressed to the Emperor
Alexander a long memorial dated the 25th of May, or the 6th of June
according to our calendar. This document, which deals with the Socialist
parties and agitation in Germany, includes the following, among a
number of other extraordinary whimsicalities: “Wuttke (Our Leipzig
Professor and Puzzlehead), un des piliers républicains en Saxe, a dit
dernièrement assez haut pour être entendu à Dresde: ‘Dans cinq ans il
n’y aura plus de princes.’” Most wonderful and admirable knowledge of
affairs and men! Wuttke, a pillar and prophet of Saxon Republicanism!
And this is the sort of stuff which a diplomatist reports with a serious
face!
June 22nd.—Under instructions from the Chief utilised in the press
the main ideas of a memorandum written by Bucher on the Paris
Commune, and the reasons why it was not supported in the provinces.
This document, which was dated the 17th instant, was forwarded to
Vienna. (...)
The following appears in the Volkszeitung to-day: “We have been
requested to publish the following letter: ‘Desiring an audience of his
Serene Highness Prince Bismarck, I addressed him as he was passing in
the street, for the purpose of obtaining permission to present myself.
Hardly had I spoken to the Prince before two detectives laid hold of me
by both arms and wanted to arrest me. In spite of my protest that I was
under no obligation to accompany two civilians, and moreover that I had
committed no offence, I was dragged through the streets to the police
station in the Taubenstrasse. I was then taken in charge of a policeman to
the Molkenmarkt, where I was kept in custody for the whole night, being
liberated at 11 o’clock next morning, with the remark that my arrest was
doubtless due to a misunderstanding. I leave the whole affair to the
judgment of the public. H. L. Back.’”
June 23rd.—Called this morning to the Chief, who showed me the
above letter. He was in good humour, and while dressing he gave me the
following account of the incident. “As I was leaving the Reichstag on my
way home an exceptionally greasy individual, evidently a Jew, came up
and said he wished to have an audience of me. I declined, but he
remained at my side and kept on talking to me, I would surely not refuse
a German writer such a request, as he had something of importance to
communicate to me. Yes, but I do though, I replied, I never give
audiences to German authors. He continued to follow me, however (with
the fly-like persistence, obtrusiveness and foolhardiness of the young
Jew), and while he kept on talking he pressed so close to me that he trod
on one of my spurs, breaking it off. I wheeled round and was about to
chastise him physically, when the two policemen took him in charge. He
really was exceptionally greasy, one could have scraped the pot-house fat
off him.” Wrote a paragraph on the subject for the papers.
Called again to the Minister later on, and received instructions for an
article on certain pretended revelations of a M. de Vallon in the
Versailles Assembly, which had been commented upon in the National
Zeitung. He read through and corrected this article before it was sent off.
In giving me the information, he said: “Favre has here made several
erroneous statements. He gave an inaccurate account of the facts in his
speech of the 19th instant, in which he referred to Vallon’s assertion that
he, Favre, had told him I had been disposed at Ferrières to conclude
peace on the cession of Strassburg and its environs. He declared that at
that time there had been no negotiations respecting peace, though M. de
Bismarck had, indeed, told him that it would be possible to negotiate on
the conditions indicated by M. de Vallon in the National Assembly. Say,
with reference to that point, that the French Minister for Foreign Affairs
had thereby given evidence of a defective memory. Or, better still, say: It
is quite conceivable that all the details of several long interviews have
not been retained with equal clearness by all those concerned in them.
According to the reports now before us, the question of the armistice
occupied the first place, as a means of preparing the way for peace
through the convocation of a National Assembly; but the peace itself was
also discussed. M. Favre himself says this in his report of September last
to the Government of National Defence, describing the occurrences at
Haute Maison. There we read: ‘After I had made known the intentions of
the French Government by means of a circular, I desired to ascertain
those of the Prussian Minister. It seemed to me out of the question that
two nations, without first ascertaining each other’s views, should
continue a war which, notwithstanding its advantages for the victor,
would be a cause of great suffering. Brought about by the will of one
individual, this war had no longer any raison d’être when France had
again become her own mistress. I vouched for her love of peace, and at
the same time for her resolve not to accept any conditions which would
transform this peace into a short and threatening armistice. M. de
Bismarck replied that if he were convinced of the possibility of such a
peace, he would sign it immediately.’
“On this occasion M. Favre also ascertained the conditions put
forward by Germany, and these were by no means restricted to the
cession of Strassburg and its environs. M. Favre’s above-mentioned
report goes on to say: ‘On my pressing him very strongly with respect to
the conditions, he told me plainly that the security of his country
imposed upon him the necessity of retaining the territory which would
guarantee the same. He repeated several times: Strassburg is the key of
the house. (I said our house.) I begged him to speak still more plainly.
That is useless, he replied, as we cannot come to an understanding; that
is a matter that can be settled later. I requested him to do so immediately.
(The following is given in italics in the article.) He then said to me that
the departments of the Upper and Lower Rhine and a portion of the
Moselle department, with Metz, Château Salins, and Soissons (incorrect,
it was Saargemund which was mentioned) were indispensable to him,
and that he could not forego them.’”
About the same time, probably shortly before the above article was
written, the following communiqué was prepared for the Norddeutsche
Allgemeine Zeitung under instructions from the Chief, who also saw and
corrected it before it was sent to the press. He struck out the portions
within brackets, although they were almost literally his own words:
“Reports reach us daily of bad treatment and serious prejudice to their
rights to which the Germans in France, and particularly those in Paris,
are subjected. Bankers dismiss German clerks who have served them
long and faithfully; manufacturers announce that they will no longer
employ German workpeople; even academies and institutions, centres of
French learning (and, as one would wish to think, of French wisdom),
indulge in anti-German demonstrations, and decline in future to elect any
corresponding members from among the German citizens of the
Universal Republic of Letters. All these, more or less petty expressions
of bitter resentment, may be merely regarded as symptoms of a feeling
which is of significance for the future, and against which we must secure
ourselves. But the French, and particularly the Parisians, have gone
further in the petty warfare, which they carry on in continuation of the
great war now concluded. Incited by an unbridled press, they have
permitted themselves to adopt towards those Germans who have returned
to France, either to put their affairs in order, or to reopen business, an
attitude which would be regarded by civilised nations as improper, even
in time of war. They have prevented Germans from opening their shops,
and have wrecked German establishments. They have prohibited other
Germans from attending the Bourse, and have arrested harmless German
subjects, simply because they were Germans. That is not an affair of the
future, but of the immediate present, and demands immediate redress.
We have concluded peace, and we honestly and sincerely desire to
maintain it, but of course, on the assumption that the French people
preserve this peace, which was sought for and demanded by their
Government. If the offences in question are not (speedily and
thoroughly) checked, and if the French Government does not protect
peaceful and law-abiding Germans, we must, in the interest of German
subjects, and in view of the honour of Germany, decide upon the
reprisals to be exercised. We should not be surprised if, then, for every
German illegally arrested and not released immediately upon
representations being made, arrests of French citizens were ordered in
those districts of France which we temporarily occupy. We should not
consider it out of order, if the evacuation of certain departments were
postponed until these passions had calmed down, and indeed, according
to circumstances, these regrettable occurrences might lead to fresh action
against Paris, which is the seat of the evil.”
June 24th.—Wrote the following article for Brass from materials
supplied by the Chief, whose attention was called to the matter by an
article in the Schlesische Zeitung, on “Napoleon and the Men of the 4th
of September”: “Trochu’s attempt to exculpate himself before the bar of
public opinion has failed conclusively. His speech only confirmed the
fact that he had betrayed the Emperor by using, in order to bring about
his fall, the forces entrusted to him. It was principally through the men
on the 4th of September that he came to the head of affairs. He was
chiefly responsible for the continuation of the war from that date. And in
addition to his treason came his incapacity. He was constantly giving
assurances that he had plans which would infallibly succeed, and yet
when they were carried out not one of them was really successful. When
he finally, however, with brazen impudence charges the Prussians with
having supported the Commune and with complicity in the scenes of
terror enacted since the outbreak of the Socialist conspiracy, it may be
pointed out (1) that German policy would have incurred no reproach
before Europe if it had shown a certain readiness to meet the Commune
during the first weeks following the 18th of March, when it had not as
yet disclosed its true nature, particularly as there appeared to be very
little good will and very considerable equivocation on the other side; (2)
that there has been no question of any kind of complaisance on the part
of the Germans towards the Commune, to say nothing of an
understanding or of support, and that, on the contrary, everything which
was permissible in the circumstances was done to assist the Versailles
Government in its preparations to suppress the rising, and during the
fighting itself. It is therefore to be expected that the members of the
French Government, who are better informed, will contradict the
assertions of the General, which if not mendacious are at least utterly
erroneous. We still await such a correction. If this disavowal were not
made we should consider it desirable that the matter should be taken up
on the German side and that those diplomatic documents should be
published which show that assistance was really given and in what
manner, and that this was done at the wish and request of the Versailles
Government.”
June 30th.—During the last few days again read a number of
interesting documents despatched and received. Tauffkirchen, the
Bavarian representative at the Curia, reported from Rome on the 21st
inst. that the Pope had spoken to him on the previous day of the danger
by which society was threatened by the Communists. “They are,” he
said, as he drove away some flies from his table, “like these insects. It is
no use to kill a few, still less to drive them away. General measures must
be taken to prevent their entrance and propagation.” Respecting the
removal of the Italian Government to Rome, a recent despatch says that
if the King proceeds thither the foreign representatives will follow him in
accordance with diplomatic custom. If the Minister for Foreign Affairs
were to reside there without the sovereign, it would then depend upon
the requirements of business whether, and for how long, an envoy would
go to Rome for purposes of personal communication. France and Austria
had instructed their representatives to follow the Minister to Rome,
irrespective of the circumstance whether Victor Emmanuel went there or
not; in that case, however, they were to take leave of absence, leaving a
substitute in charge. A despatch from Waldersee, dated the 25th instant,
contains the following sentence: “It is not in the interest of the Empire
that the different Federal States should maintain separate envoys abroad.
We may, however, await their gradual disappearance as a work of time,
and as the result of the Budget debates in the several States.” According
to a report from Tauffkirchen, Prince Löwenstein-Heubach, who has
gone to Rome on behalf of the Clericals, threatened Cardinal Antonelli
with the consequences of any disavowal of the Centre party in the
Reichstag.
July 2nd.—The Chief asked me yesterday if I had not, in accordance
with his instructions, informed Brass[4] that he should cease his attacks
upon the French Government. I replied: “Yes, several times, both by
letter and verbally.” He then said: “That must be put a stop to. But I
believe he is paid by Napoleon.” To-day he wished me to send Brass the
following article, for which he gave me the ideas. “There has been much
discussion of the question, whether the war indemnity imposed upon
France by Germany is too high, and whether the former will be able to
bear the burden of those five milliards. Some answer the question in the
affirmative, some in the negative, while others remain in doubt. Now,
however, we may consider the point as settled, by the programme which
M. Thiers has submitted to the National Assembly, first, as regards the
loan and the financial position of France, and then with respect to the
future of the country in general. Undoubtedly France is obliged to
exercise greater economy than she has hitherto done. She must increase
the productiveness of her resources, and administer them with the utmost
care. Notwithstanding this, M. Thiers has no idea whatever of reducing
the army or the navy, which nevertheless offer the largest field for
economies. On the contrary he desires to bring both up to the highest
figure they have yet reached, and to keep them at that point, and what is
more, he wishes to have the army reinforced by a reserve of 900,000
men. This clearly proves to us that the idea of France being entitled to
dominate Europe has by no means been given up in Government circles
at Versailles, and that now, as formerly, they hold fast to the statement in
which M. Thiers during his autumn tour expressed the hope and self-
confidence of the French politician: ‘L’Europe ne veut pas changer de
maître.’ Indeed, now that the French Government thinks of submitting
the same military Budget, and the French seem to consider that they can
bear their old military burdens even under more unfavourable conditions
than prevailed formerly, the indemnity demanded must be regarded
rather as too low than too high. Moreover, France is nowhere endangered
or threatened, and these formidable armaments can therefore only betray
aggressive aspirations, the expression of which must be looked upon as a
direct threat to her neighbours. On both these grounds there ceases in our
opinion to be any moral obligation to show indulgence in the matter of
the indemnity.”
July 5th.—This afternoon Keudell brought down from the Chief an
article which appeared in the Norddeutsche Allgemeine Zeitung of the
2nd inst., which began with the words “Der Telegraph.” The Chief had
written on the margin, “This article is contrary to the instructions given.
The Minister of the Interior is to be written to respecting a warning to the
editorial staff, or the withdrawal of all favours. Strict daily supervision
necessary.” Keudell said the Chancellor was furious with Brass, and
almost believed that he was paid by Napoleon to make mischief between
ourselves and Versailles. He then begged me to write the necessary letter
to the Minister of the Interior.
The article of the 2nd of July was the last which I wrote for the
Foreign Office from the direct personal instructions of the Chancellor.
From that time forward the direct intercourse with the Chancellor, which
I had hitherto enjoyed, was transferred to the new “Press Councillor,”
Aegidi, who had been here for some weeks, but had not been received by
the Prince until eight or ten days after his arrival, and who, even then,
was not employed immediately.
I did not know at the time what was the reason of the change, and
Bucher also was unable to explain it. He was afterwards of opinion that
Aegidi was introduced by Keudell, who intended to leave the Foreign
Office and take an appointment abroad, in order that he might be kept
informed of what was going on here. It would be his business also to see
that the press men should not cease to accord him that recognition which
he, as Personal Councillor, Treasurer and Administrator of Pensions, was
accustomed to receive from time to time, but that it should, on the
contrary, continue to flow in a stronger and deeper stream. I cannot say
whether the former surmise was correct. I will show later on, when I
come to deal with Herr von Keudell himself, that the other point did not
remain any mere suspicion. For the present I will only remark that the
censer, which used to be swung before the latter in the press, was much
more frequently in use after the arrival of his protégé in Berlin, and that
the smoke of the incense recalled in a very suspicious way Aegidi’s own
style. (...)
James Ludwig Carl Aegidi, a Protestant, son of a doctor in
Freienwalde, was born in 1825. He studied law at Königsberg,
Heidelberg and Berlin, and was married to a Fräulein von Senden, a
cousin of Keudell’s.... A few days after Aegidi’s arrival Keudell,
speaking of him to me, credited him with “exceptional scientific
knowledge, relations with almost all literary circles, and the tact which
was desirable for mediating between the Chief and the daily press.”
The following chapters will show the nature of those relations and
this tact. Let one proof suffice for the moment. Some months after the
appointment of the new Councillor the following was to be read in the
Spenersche Zeitung, with which he had exceptionally intimate relations:
“A Berlin correspondent of the Pester Lloyd, recalling the circumstance
that the Norddeutsche Allgemeine Zeitung, which is regarded as a semi-
official organ, received some sharply worded démentis during the
summer of the present year, draws attention to the fact that for a short
time past the journal in question has again come to be considered as
official in the highest sense. The correspondent writes that, ‘Since
Professor Aegidi, who is at the same time one of the most eminent and
respected of German professors of law and a spirited publicist, has been
in charge of the press department of the Foreign Office, much more
attention has again been paid to the newspapers. He has taken care, in
particular, to maintain a certain continuity of views in the official press.
The Norddeutsche Allgemeine Zeitung has again become the principal
official organ, and since the 1st of December all the leading articles
published under the heading “Political News of the Day,” dealing with
foreign affairs, the affairs of the Empire, the relations of the Federal
States to the President of the Council, as well as those on Church and
State, may be considered as the direct expression of the views held by
the highest officials of the Empire.’ The correspondent states he is
informed, on trustworthy authority, that for the most part Professor
Aegidi himself edits the ‘Political News of the Day,’ utilising for the
purpose the information which he receives direct from the Chancellor.”
The Chief was beside himself at this article. Aegidi was summoned
before him, and returned—as a gentleman in the Central Bureau
remarked—looking quite crestfallen and red in the face. He denied that
he had prompted the communication in the Pester Lloyd. We soon
ascertained, however, that it had emanated from one Julius L., a writer of
the lowest rank and the most unenviable reputation, who had formerly
served Keudell, and was now intimately associated with Aegidi.
I ought, perhaps, to have now tendered my resignation. Certain
considerations, however, prevented my doing so for some time. There
was still something for me to learn, and I soon observed that I could yet
do good service. It was also conceivable that my old relations with the
Prince might be restored, as a man of Aegidi’s character, with his self-
seeking, mercurial exuberance of zeal, and his almost Jewish vanity,
would sooner or later render himself impossible. I therefore remained,
and fell in with the wish of the Councillor to “enter into friendly
relations with him,” so far as that was possible. Subsequently, however,
when he attempted to give me instructions, as a kind of superior, I once
and for all entered an energetic protest against such presumption, and
declared that I could only carry out such instructions as he could assure
me were the direct expression of the Chief’s desire, thus taking up a
position towards him, not of subordination, but of equality. I did well in
deciding to remain yet a while. I learnt a great deal more, as I still had
access to the documents received and despatched, and became more and
more intimate with Bucher. The hoped-for opportunities of serving the
Chief at the same time as the representative of Keudell’s interests, and
without his knowledge, occurred more frequently than I had expected,
although my personal intercourse with the Chief was not renewed for the
time being.
 CHAPTER III
THE LAST TWENTY MONTHS IN THE FOREIGN OFFICE—DOCUMENTS
RECEIVED AND DESPATCHED

July 28th.—Count W. recently sent papers marked “Contracts,” adding,

“these have been fetched on the instructions of Herr von Düring, and are
intended for Herr von Meding in Thun.” I suspected immediately that the
gentleman referred to was the ex-Government Councillor Meding,
formerly in charge of press affairs under the Guelphs at Hanover, the
patron of the Situation in Paris, who had now given up the cause of
George V. in consideration of a respectable douceur, or a pension from
the Guelph Fund. I thought to myself that it is doubtless to him and to his
comrades that v. R. referred when he inquired the other day whether he
should pay their money to the Hanoverians in Thun.
In this supposition I was on the right track. I see to-day among the
latest correspondence received a letter from Government Councillor O.
Meding to the Imperial Chancellor, dated from Thun, on the 22nd of
July, in which he reports that non-commissioned officers and men of the
Hanoverian Legion in Africa, which has now been disbanded by the
French Government, have arrived at Geneva in charge of the former
Hanoverian Lieutenant Kreiss. According to Meding they wish to go to
Austria, in order to take service there, as they were told in France that
Austria was preparing for war. Meding further reports that they were
employed last year by MM. Malortie and Adelebsen for the formation of
a volunteer corps, but were first interned in Rouen by the French
Government, and afterwards shipped on board a vessel for Algeria under
an escort of gendarmes.
I here add some extracts from other documents dealing with the same
matter. On the 27th of July the same true friend of King George reports
that those people are in Zurich, and manifest great bitterness against the
King, who—as may well be the case—had not kept his promise to
provide for them. Kreiss had received from Hietzing an assurance of a
pension of five hundred thalers and an appointment as groom of the stud
of the Archduke William, but desires, nevertheless, to remain at
Romanshorn for the present. Commissary Ebers has gone to Zurich to
collect any documents in the hands of these people respecting their entry
into the French service. The communication concludes as follows: “I
have given the address of the Hanoverians in Paris, which has been
previously mentioned, to Beckmann, the writer, in order that he should
hand it over to the Councillor of Embassy von Keudell. The other papers
formerly in Paris have been brought here by Commissary Ebers, and I
will shortly report on the historic material contained in them, and request
your Serene Highness’s orders on the subject.” Later, on the 16th of
September, von R. telegraphed from Berne, asking whether the next
quarterly instalment should be paid to the “Hanoverian pensioners in
Switzerland.” On the 28th of the same month an affirmative answer was
sent, signed by Thile, who added, however, that those gentlemen should
return to their homes, and assist there in influencing the population in
favour of the Government. The Parisian papers have been received. The
first contract with them was signed as early as the 24th of September,
1870, v. R. should report whether Count Mengerssen was to be included
among the pensioners.
Wollmann told me this morning that the widow of the painter
Bouterweck, a Prussian lady, has written from Paris to the Foreign
Office, stating that several pictures owned by her late husband, which
she had had in her house at Bougival, and which did not even belong to
her, had been taken away by the Prussian troops. They were paintings by
old masters, among them a Hobbema. She had ascertained that a Captain
K., of the 47th (doubtless the 46th) Regiment, had packed them up and
sent them away, and she now requested that they should be returned to
her. They are certainly not in the possession of Captain K., but it may be
that First Lieutenant —— has them, as the story goes that he has been
sent packing on account of a consignment of flotsam and jetsam in the
way of furniture, which he forwarded to his mistress....
August 23rd.—The following suggestions for the semi-official press
were sent by the Chief to Thile, who handed them over to me: “The
domestic complications in the cis-Leithan half of Austria-Hungary give
rise to frequent misconceptions abroad, too much importance being
given to the national aspect. The issue turns upon governmental and
constitutional questions, and the relations of the various parties, rather
than upon the struggle between the Germans and the Slavs. It is mainly a
fight between the Conservative and Liberal elements. The German
landed proprietors support the Slavs because they themselves are
conservative or reactionary; and among the leaders of the Slav party and
those who are promoting the compromise there are a great number of
prominent aristocrats who do not understand a word of Bohemian or any
other Slav language. Men like Thun and Hohenwart are in the first place
conservative, and are only Bohemian in so far as they regard the Slavs as
useful tools for advancing the views of the aristocracy and of the Church.
That they further the Slav national movement at the same time, and even
apparently adopt its principles, is due to the fact that the Slav peoples
prove themselves to be more capable and willing instruments of
aristocratic, absolutist and clerical tendencies than the German element.
The latter, owing to its entire education and to the circumstance that it
includes the real bourgeoisie and prosperous middle classes of Austria,
gravitates unmistakably towards Liberalism. It is in this way that the
struggle assumes a national character. This condition of affairs will be
more readily understood by comparing it with similar occurrences in
Germany and elsewhere, where the reactionary as well as the democratic
and revolutionary groups, irrespective of nationality, have thrown in their
lot with kindred parties in other countries (Poles and Frenchmen) for the
purpose of forwarding their party schemes against their opponents at
home.”
“The Federalist-Conservative party in Austria has selected two other
elements as allies and—as it hopes—tools. Both of these are in
themselves equally hostile to Liberalism and Conservatism, and desire
for their part to use the Conservatives as instruments, hoping ultimately
to out-general them. These elements are Ultramontanism on the one
hand, and Socialism on the other. The latter, in the person of the Minister
Schaeffle, has been able to extend its ramifications even into the present
cis-Leithan Cabinet, and from that point of vantage democrats like May,
Frese and others, who are opposed to every form of national as well as
State organisation, will be utilised for momentary party purposes. From
its nature Ultramontanism is equally hostile to every national element,
and particularly to the German. The attitude of their organs in Germany
and abroad shows clearly that the German nation cannot conclude any
honourable peace with them. On the contrary, both elements, the
Ultramontane and the Socialist, are the born foes of Germany.”
August 30th.—Abeken, under instructions from the Chancellor, has
sent Thile a résumé, dated the 20th inst., of the conversation that took
place between the Emperor William and the Emperor Francis Joseph on
their journey between Welk and Ischl, from the particulars furnished by
the former. The abstract runs as follows:—
“When their Majesties had taken their seats in the carriage the
Emperor of Austria began immediately by expressing the satisfaction
with which he followed the great and successful achievements of his
Majesty the Emperor and King and of his armies. The conversation then
turned on the distracted internal condition of France, and from that to the
danger with which all Governments were threatened by the International
and by the communistic and socialistic movements with which it was
associated. His Majesty mentioned the last communication on this
subject from the French Government, dated the 16th day of July, with
which the Emperor of Austria also seemed to be acquainted. When his
Majesty remarked that in addition to a number of fine phrases it also
contained one practical suggestion, namely, that the Powers should if
possible meet in conference to consider the causes of, and come to an
understanding as to the means for averting, the threatening danger, the
Emperor of Austria replied that this was a good idea, which must be
carried into effect. The Emperor Francis Joseph referred to the domestic
difficulties with which he was confronted, but expressed the hope that he
would be able to overcome them. He hoped shortly to be able to bring
about a compromise with the Czechs. Everything was ready, and the
proclamation was to be made on his birthday, the 18th of August, which
it was hoped would satisfy Bohemia. He did not give any further
particulars of the measure.
 “The Emperor Francis Joseph observed that the excessive demands
of the Germans in his Empire gave him a great deal of trouble. Towards
the close of the conversation the Emperor William took an opportunity of
telling him that if he succeeded in meeting the legitimate demands of his
German subjects, their thoughts would certainly not turn away from
Austria towards Germany. He had made a similar remark to the Emperor
of Russia with respect to the Baltic Provinces. The Emperor of Austria
considered that his Majesty had every cause to be satisfied with the
attitude of the Imperial and State Diets in recent times, to which his
Majesty assented in general, although some few differences had arisen.
His Majesty then recalled the circumstance that the Emperor Francis
Joseph had once said to him at Teplitz that in twenty years’ time
Constitutions would be things of the past. Ten years had now passed by,
and it did not look as if his prophecy would be realised within the next
decade.
“The question of the Roman Church was also incidentally referred to.
The Emperor Francis Joseph said it was to be regretted that the Pope had
brought the question of infallibility before the Council, whereupon his
Majesty replied that if a Catholic Sovereign expressed himself in that
sense it was all the easier for himself, from his own standpoint, to agree
with him. The Austrian Emperor did not say what his Government
proposed to do in the matter.”
His Majesty was highly pleased with the cordiality of his reception
by the Emperor Francis Joseph. The Archduchess Sophia had previously
left Ischl, as had also the Grand Duchess of Mecklenburg-Strelitz, who,
as his Majesty remarked, had just completed her cure.
August 31st.—At noon to-day, Aegidi handed me the following, as
coming direct from the Chief, who urgently desired its publication in the
Kölnische Zeitung. “In the vehement attacks to which General von
Manteuffel was formerly subjected, and even in the articles first
published by the Frankfurter Zeitung, it was possible to credit the
writers, although partisan and hostile, with honest conviction. It is
obvious, however, that in the latest attack (Frankfurter Zeitung, No. 214)
we have to deal with an absolutely unprincipled calumniator, who knows
nothing whatever either of General von Manteuffel, or of any of the facts
at issue. Nor can it be any longer supposed to have emanated from some
malcontent officer with an official or personal grudge against General
von Manteuffel, after the writer has made himself ridiculous by the
puerile insinuation that the attraction of oysters or women induced the
general to undertake his expedition to Dieppe. Every one who has even a
slight knowledge of the general knows that he is, we might almost say,
lamentably ignorant of the pleasures of the table, and that so far as the
fair sex is concerned, even before marriage his conduct was always of
such an ascetic character as to render suspicion ridiculous. From the
latest article in the Frankfurter Zeitung it would seem probable that the
writer belongs to a class which does little credit to the press, namely, the
broken-down officers who had to be cashiered during the 1848 period.
His judgment in military affairs is no better than his knowledge of
oysters; for, with regard to the latter, he is not even aware that among
gourmets the Dieppe oyster is known as the poorest of European
crustaceans—big, leathery, and bitter, like the brazen audacity of his own
calumnies.”
September 8th.—According to a report from London —— are very
much annoyed that the visit of the Crown Prince has taken place in
London, and during the London season, and especially that his reception
was marked by such unmistakable signs of good will on the part of the
population. Even society and the press recognised the importance of the
Prince. The Crown Princess also made a pre-eminently favourable
impression.... The Prince of Wales and his Danish consort were
themselves more civil this time, and even put in an appearance at the
German Legation.... The Royal Family is once more beginning to be
afraid of France, and inclines toward Napoleon, who has always been
“England’s friend,” whereas the House of Orleans for some unknown
reason is looked upon as hostile.
September 21st.—Aegidi said to-day he understood that Waldersee
had been “blundering,” having accepted from the French bills of
exchange as of equal value to ready money in the payment of the war
indemnity. He added: “We have lost in this way more than a hundred