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The nomads, the settlers and the in-betweens:

Nordic clergymen on Sámi livelihoods in the early
nineteenth century

Otso Kortekangas

To cite this article: Otso Kortekangas (2020) The nomads, the settlers and the in-betweens:
Nordic clergymen on Sámi livelihoods in the early nineteenth century, History and
Anthropology, 31:4, 510-525, DOI: 10.1080/02757206.2020.1830386

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HISTORY AND ANTHROPOLOGY
2020, VOL. 31, NO. 4, 510–525
https://doi.org/10.1080/02757206.2020.1830386

The nomads, the settlers and the in-betweens: Nordic

clergymen on Sámi livelihoods in the early nineteenth
century
Otso Kortekangas
Division of History of Science, Technology and Environment, KTH Royal Institute of Technology, Stockholm,
Sweden

ABSTRACT KEYWORDS
This article analyzes the published journals of two Lutheran Sámi history; nomadism;
clergymen active in the Sámi areas of the early nineteenth agriculture; civilization;
century Nordic countries, Petrus Læstadius (Sweden) and Jacob Petrus Læstadius; Jacob
Fellman
Fellman (Finland). The article focuses on the ways Læstadius and
Fellman described the transition from nomadism to agriculture
that many Sámi individuals undertook in the nineteenth century,
following a couple of centuries of agricultural colonization of the
Sámi areas of Sweden and Finland. The aim of this article is to
illuminate and examine the various degrees between the
categories ‘sedentary settler’ and the ‘nomadic Sámi’. What kind
of in-between positions did this seemingly binary pair of
concepts conceal? The article contributes to our understanding of
the ways indigenous peoples were perceived in the early
nineteenth century and how their livelihoods were coded in
relation to dominant ideals of national economy and civilization.
The focus on the in-between positions between ‘settlers’ and
‘nomads’ reveals important complexities in the views of the
clergymen. It uncovers various, at times contradictory definitions
of culture and civilization. The article also concludes that while
the priority of agriculture as the main livelihood of both Sweden
and Finland was clear, this view was challenged by the notion of
the sustainable Sámi livelihood of large-scale reindeer herding.

Introduction
This article analyzes the published journals of Petrus Læstadius (Sweden) and Jacob
Fellman (Finland1), two Lutheran clergymen active in the Sámi areas of the Nordic countries
during the early nineteenth century. The article focuses on the ways in which Læstadius and
Fellman described the transition from nomadism to agriculture that many indigenous Sámi
individuals undertook in the nineteenth century, following a couple of centuries of agricul-
tural colonization of the Nordic Sámi areas (see e.g. Nahkiaisoja 2006; Lehtola 2012; Lehtola
1996; Elenius 2006). The nineteenth-century Lutheran churches of Sweden and Finland

CONTACT Otso Kortekangas otso@kth.se

© 2020 The Author(s). Published by Informa UK Limited, trading as Taylor & Francis Group
This is an Open Access article distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives License
(http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/), which permits non-commercial re-use, distribution, and reproduction in any
medium, provided the original work is properly cited, and is not altered, transformed, or built upon in any way.
 HISTORY AND ANTHROPOLOGY 511

were integral parts of state administration. The journals of Fellman and Læstadius reflect
the attitudes and views that Nordic governmental officials in general, and clergymen in par-
ticular, held about the Sámi during this time period. There is no previous comparative work
on these journals, even though they stand out as lengthy descriptions of areas inhabited by
the Sámi population in the nineteenth century written by people living and working in the
area, and not only travelling through.2
Agriculture as the cultural marker that separated the nomadic Sámi from the civilized
Swedish and Finnish settlers in the eyes of state authorities has been the subject of a
number of previous studies. The nomad/sedentary line of demarcation, and the crossings
of it, has a long and global history treated by many anthropologists and global historians
(Khazanov 1994; Brantlinger 2003; Purcell 1998; Salzman and Sadala 1980; Stuurman 2013;
Lundmark 2008; Lehtola 2012; for criticism of the settler/Sámi binary, see Bergman and
Hörnberg 2015 and Lähteenmäki 2006). New lessons can be learned by paying close
attention to how this seemingly binary pair of concepts has played out in concrete
cases throughout history and throughout the world, and what kind of in-between pos-
itions it conceals.
The aim of this article is to illuminate and examine the various degrees between the
category ‘sedentary settler’ on the one hand, and ‘nomadic Sámi’ on the other. In so
doing, the article follows the example of studies such as Bergman and Hörnberg (2015)
and challenges the tendency of much of previous research and public discourse of
taking the binary settler/Sámi at face value.
Siep Stuurman (2013) has examined the nomad/settler distinction in a wide geographi-
cal and temporal context, comparing the Mediterranean world with China in a time period
spanning ambitiously from the fifth century B.C.E. to the fourteenth century C.E. Stuurman
labels the distinction between agricultural and nomadic populations as the ‘sedentary-
nomadic frontier’, identifying it as an important marker of cultural difference through cen-
turies and around the world. James C. Scott (1998) argued in his seminal book Seeing Like
a State that governments need(ed) to make nomads sedentary for reasons of legibility (e.g.
taxation and control). Bruno Latour (1993), Patrick Brantlinger (2003) and Stuurman (2010)
all postulate that the division between civilized and uncivilized peoples is also a temporal
limit: ‘savage’ customs cannot pass into a civilized Western modernity.
According to historian Maria Lähteenmäki (2006), the ‘Finnish settler’ category
included in the nineteenth century a number of Sámi, and applying settler and Sámi as
fully separate categories is historically incorrect. In a wider international context, as
pointed out by Homi K.Bhabha (1994), binaries such as civilized/uncivilized or seden-
tary/nomad are never exclusive categories. They always allow for and in fact generate a
gray zone of hybridity, where the positions of the dominant and the dominated popu-
lations are negotiated. Applying these ideas in a Sámi context, Bergman and Hörnberg
(2015) point out that the essentialization and stereotyping of the Sámi as nomadic rein-
deer herders has, especially in Sweden, led to an ignorance of evidence for and notions of
centuries-old Sámi agriculture, both by the research community and by the Nordic
(including Sámi) general public. It is therefore pertinent to study the processes through
which these essentializations and stereotypes have been produced, and examine what
kind of in-between positions can be uncovered in the sources.
The analysis of the journals of Læstadius and Fellman is structured according to the
following set of questions:
512 O. KORTEKANGAS

In what ways did the clergymen describe the expansion of agriculture into the Sámi
areas?
In what different terms were the settler farmers and the Sámi described?
To what extent did the categories Finn/Swede and Sámi correlate with the livelihood
categories settler and nomad?
How permeable was the line of demarcation between Sámi livelihoods and agriculture,
and between the categories Sámi and Finn/Swede?
Under what conditions, and through what kind of process, could this line be crossed?
What was the connection between nomadic and sedentary livelihoods and the concur-
rent ideals of national economy and civilization?

Petrus Læstadius and Jacob Fellman

The journals of Petrus Læstadius (first published in 1831) and Jacob Fellman (first pub-
lished in 1844), give a unique insight into the life and culture of the Sámi in the early
years of the nineteenth century, filtered through the words of the two clergymen.
Fellman published the first part of his journals in Helsingfors Tidningar, a Helsinki-based
semi-weekly, in 1830, and as a book in 1844. The publication of the complete journal
had to wait until 1906 when his son Isak Fellman edited and published the complete
works of his father. The aim of Fellman’s journal was partly to keep track of his travels
and daily life in the North, and partly to report his discoveries regarding nature. This
was perhaps the greatest topic of interest for him: apart from his pastoral duties,
Fellman was a world-class botanist and one of the first scientists to catalogue the
Arctic and Subarctic flora of his parish. Læstadius’ journal was more directly related to
his experiences as a missionary in the Sámi areas. He nevertheless included lengthy dis-
cussions of the nature and the livelihoods of these areas, as one of the main aims of the
publication of his journal was to distribute knowledge about life conditions in the north-
ern parts of Sweden (Panelius 1978; Nordberg n.d.; Väre 2011).
The lack of earlier comparative research of these two works can be a result of the per-
sistent methodological nationalism within Sámi studies: the fact that Fellman was active
in Finland, and Læstadius in Sweden, has possibly rendered such a comparison less inter-
esting than a comparison of texts within one of the countries (see e.g. Kortekangas
[2017a]). Whatever the reasons for the lack of research are, the two works are highly suit-
able for comparison, not despite their being from two different national settings, but pre-
cisely because of that. The transition of Finland from an integral part of the Kingdom of
Sweden into an autonomous Grand Duchy under Russian rule during the Napoleonic
Wars resulted in a border right across an area that until that point was simply called
Swedish Lapland. This division into a Swedish and a Finnish part was not older than a
decade or so when the two clergymen wrote their journals. The fact that the geopolitical
division of the area was so recent makes a comparison of the views these men had on
Sámi culture and Sámi livelihoods ever more interesting. Are the recent geopolitical
developments in some way reflected in the journals and the views on Sámi livelihoods,
or do longue durée attitudes more accurately explain the depictions of Sámi and their
way of life?
Both Læstadius and Fellman came from clerical families with a long pedigree of clergy-
men working among the Sámi in the parishes of Northern Sweden (including, until 1809,
 HISTORY AND ANTHROPOLOGY 513

Finland). This made them typical Lapland clergymen. According to Sten Henrysson (1989),
the clergy in the north of Sweden and Finland was characterized by intermarriage
between the families of the clergymen. It was also typical that the families sent their
sons to study theology at the universities in Uppsala and Turku (in Swedish: Åbo), to
later on return to the North to continue the work of their fathers. The two men rep-
resented two different national Lutheran churches. Petrus Læstadius, educated at
Uppsala university, was a clergyman in the Church of Sweden. Jacob Fellman, educated
at the Royal Academy of Turku, worked for the Evangelical Lutheran Church of Finland.
The latter branched off from the Church of Sweden when Sweden ceded Finland to
Russia in 1809 under conditions that, among other concessions, granted the mainly
Lutheran population of Finland the freedom to continue practicing their religion.
Fellman and Læstadius were typical nineteenth century Nordic clergymen also in the
sense that they had a strong interest in advancing agriculture in the northern parts of
Sweden and Finland. They included detailed descriptions of the physical landscape, the
often-non-existent infrastructure, and the livelihoods of the areas they visited. Both cler-
gymen were also very much interested in the culture of the Sámi, and they spoke one or
several of the Sámi language varieties. Læstadius was also partly of Sámi origin.3
The Sámi culture the clergymen came in contact with was experiencing changes due to
both external and internal factors: in the forest regions of central-northern Sweden, Læs-
tadius came into contact with a forest Sámi culture coexisting with the culture of the
settler farmers. This culture was rather different from the large-scale reindeer herders
of Utsjoki and the fishermen of the Lake Inari area that Fellman observed and described
in his journals. However, both men contrasted the various Sámi livelihoods first and fore-
most with the Swedish and Finnish settler farmers. Small-scale farming was mainly prac-
ticed by Swedish and Finnish settlers, even if farming was in no way a completely novel
livelihood for the Sámi.4 Since the sixteenth century, the Swedish crown had granted
certain tax benefits to farmers clearing new agricultural land in the ‘wilderness’, including
areas inhabited by the Sámi. In the nineteenth century, an increasing number of Sámi also
settled and became small-scale farmers (Nahkiaisoja 2006; Elenius 2006; Lehtola 2012;
Lundmark 2008).
When writing their journals, the two men held different positions within their respect-
ive Lutheran churches. Fellman was the vicar of the Utsjoki parish, the northernmost in
Finland, and the only one with a majority-Sámi congregation. Læstadius would also,
later on, become a vicar (in the Vibyggerå parish on the Bothnian coastline), but when
writing his journal, he held a position as missionary in the Sámi areas. He was an active
educator and he planned a reform of the education of the Sámi, but this reform was
implemented only years after his untimely death in 1841 (Nordberg n.d.).

Mission and agricultural colonization. The Lutheran church and the Sámi
The relationship between the Lutheran churches of Sweden and Finland and the Sámi go
back a long time. In the seventeenth century, intensified missionary activities led to more
frequent contacts between Lutheran clergymen and the Sámi subjects they wanted to
convert. At the same time, the church founded missionary schools to educate young
Sámi persons (normally men, but in some cases women) to become missionaries
among their own people. Parallel to these missionary activities, the Swedish crown
514 O. KORTEKANGAS

implemented agricultural policies that promoted farming and agricultural colonization in

the forest areas of northern Sweden, while protecting the reindeer-herding livelihood of
the Sámi of the mountain areas that governmental officials deemed unsuitable for agri-
culture. The two livelihoods (reindeer herding and farming) coexisted in the seventeenth
and eighteenth centuries, alongside other Sámi livelihoods such as fishing and hunting.
From the late eighteenth century on, however, settler farmers gained an upper hand
both de jure and de facto in large areas, and agriculture spread to parts of the zone
earlier reserved for reindeer herding. This gradual process also involved a number of
Sámi that took up farming as their primary livelihood (Lindmark 2019; Lundmark 2008;
Lehtola 2012).
The general context of agricultural development in Sweden (including, until 1809,
Finland) during the decades preceding the period that this article studies included a
strengthening ideology underscoring agriculture as the core of the national economy.
As Nils Edling (2003) has discussed, this ideology included elements from the European
physiocratic school. The physiocratic impulses did not arrive in a Nordic vacuum of
ideas. Rather, they conjoined with and strengthened already existing ideas about the
primary role of agriculture within the national economies of the Nordic countries. Scien-
tific societies emerged in order to administer and implement these ideas of agricultural
development. In Sweden, agricultural issues were widely and frequently debated, first
at the Royal Swedish Academy of Sciences, then at the Royal Patriotic Society, and
finally, after its establishment in 1813, at the Royal Swedish Academy of Agriculture
and Forestry. In Finland, the activities of the Finska Hushållningssällskapet (est. 1797)
played a key role both in theory and in practice in developing agriculture in Finland (Zil-
liacus 2002). It is important to highlight, however, that in Sweden, the idea that large-scale
nomadic reindeer herding was a sustainable5 livelihood in the mountain areas of the
country existed in parallel with the theory of agriculture as the primary livelihood up
until the twentieth century. In Finland, agriculture had a clearer hegemonic role also in
the Sámi areas (Lehtola 2012).
The Swedish and Finnish clergy were, since the eighteenth century, actively engaged in
various projects promoting agriculture in the rural areas. Cultivating the country was a
Lutheran calling and a Christian duty, and most clergymen saw no conflict in combining
the preaching of the Gospel with the more pragmatic work of informing the congregation
of more efficient methods of agriculture and forestry. In many cases, the clergymen con-
sidered it a part of their pastoral duty to enlighten the local people about the most
efficient use of the soil and landscape they regarded as a part of Creation (Henrysson
1989; Frängsmyr 1971/1972; Adolfsson 2000; for an international context see Warde
2018 and Worster 1994).
The geographical area studied consists of the northern parts of modern-day Sweden
and Finland. I refer to it as Lapland.6 This area is an interesting case since in the nineteenth
century, it was still, after a couple of centuries of Lutheran mission and agricultural colo-
nization, considered a liminal space between sedentary farmers and nomadic or half-
nomadic Sámi, at the time called Lapps. This is also reflected in the journals studied for
this article. It was, more than anything, their livelihoods that set the Sámi apart, even if
the clergymen also reproduced certain cultural and racial hierarchies in their texts.
Within Sámi studies, scholars should avoid using the terms Lapp and Sámi as syno-
nyms. Depending on the temporal and geographical context, Lapp could be anything
 HISTORY AND ANTHROPOLOGY 515

from a cultural term for the populations nowadays called Sámi, or a simple reference to a
non-sedentary livelihood regardless of the cultural background of the individual referred
to as a Lapp (see e.g. Kulonen 2005). In the case of the sources of this article, however, it is
apparent that both clergymen use the word Lapp for the Sámi; that is, they use it as an
exonym for the ethnic Sámi, to put it in contemporary terms. This article uses Sámi
instead of the pejorative term Lapp.

The nomads, the settler farmers and the in-betweens

The journals of Jacob Fellman and Petrus Læstadius include discussions of the possibilities
of Sámi individuals becoming settlers. This transition constitutes the main focus of the
current study. In Læstadius’ journal, the settler farmer population was Swedish (to trans-
late it to modern ethnic terms), since the area where he was active did not include any
larger Finnish-speaking minorities, as the more northern Swedish Sámi areas did. In Fell-
man’s writing, the division into nomads and farmers demarcated the division between
Sámi and Finns (again put in modern ethnic terms), with the exception of the mixed popu-
lation that will be treated in detail later on. Both authors give testimony to the rather
common process of Sámi individuals leaving behind their traditional livelihoods and
taking up farming. The opposite process, a farmer turning to nomadic Sámi livelihoods
was, however, depicted in very different ways in Læstadius’ and Fellman’s accounts.
Writing in a rhetoric typical of his time and accepting the ideas of the primacy of agri-
culture among other livelihoods of the country, Petrus Læstadius labelled farming in
Lapland as the core of the economy of the region. According to him, the most valuable
assets that a society could ever possess were a ‘cultivated country’ and ‘able, strong citi-
zens’. The prime example of the latter was, according to Læstadius, ‘the Lapland settler’ of
Swedish origin. Læstadius was well acquainted with settler farmer life. He was the
offspring of a family of Lapland clergymen, even if his own father, Carl, could not
afford theology studies. Instead, Carl Læstadius was a specialist in mineralogy and
worked as a bailiff within mining, combining this livelihood with settler farming. Petrus
Læstadius grew up partly on his parents’ small farm in the Arjeplog area, and partly,
after the family economy deteriorated, with his older half-brother Carl Erik Læstadius,
who was the curate (komminister) of Kvikkjokk, some 100 kilometres north of Arjeplog.
Petrus Læstadius later returned to Arjeplog as a missionary after studying in the university
town of Uppsala. Læstadius depicts his early life as a tough struggle against nature, from
which struggle his settler family nevertheless emerged victorious (Læstadius 1836, 57–59;
Nordberg n.d.).
Læstadius described settler life in a genre of heroics: The settler farmers, including Læs-
tadius’ own parents, had seen tough times surviving in Lapland. It was, however, extre-
mely rare to see Swedish farmers turning into beggars, Læstadius noted. Læstadius
designated leaving the sedentary settler life for an itinerary livelihood of begging as
the ultimate failure of the settler farmer. He reported never having heard of any individ-
uals of the ‘free, vigorous and tireless Swedish people’ who would have sunk as low as to
beg for their survival. Quite the contrary was true of the ‘Lappish nation’, noted the mis-
sionary, making reference to ‘a whole number’ of Sámi beggars not only in Lapland, but
also on the coastal areas of the County of Västerbotten in northern Sweden. In Læstadius’
reasoning, the Swedish settlers were strong enough to resist the humiliation of having to
516 O. KORTEKANGAS

rely on others’ mercy for subsistence. The Sámi, however, were quickly drawn to this
option when faced with difficulties (Læstadius 1836, 139).
Læstadius’ contrast between the Swedes and the Sámi demonstrates a clear condes-
cending attitude towards the Sámi. He did not, however, fully follow the line of argumen-
tation that it would be a racial or cultural difference between the Swedes and the Sámi
that rendered the latter more prone to fall into begging, even if such a difference is
implicitly reproduced in the text. Læstadius pointed out that the Swedes should have a
certain understanding of and empathy for the precarious situation of those Sámi that
had fallen into wretchedness, since it was at the cost of the Sámi that Swedes had
found success as settlers in Lapland in the first place: Læstadius reminded the settlers
that they had set up their farms on Sámi lands and drawn important lessons about life
up north from the Sámi (Læstadius 1836, 140).
From the paragraph above, it would be easy to conclude that Læstadius considered
Swedish farmers and the Sámi as completely different types of human beings: the
former group was strong and able to resist the hardships of northern life, whereas the
latter readily resorted to begging, the lowliest of livelihoods, whenever their traditional
livelihood was under threat. It is hard to imagine how a transition from Sámi to Swede
could materialize. Through what process, and under what circumstances, could a Sámi
become a Swede, a nomad a settler?
Læstadius had a very low opinion of the Sámi church teachers, the catechists. These
Sámi youngsters received a certain amount of education and were then sent to Sámi vil-
lages to teach basic Christianity and literacy. Læstadius described these teachers as ‘in-
between creatures’. It was for him impossible to decide whether these in-betweens
were ‘Lapps’ or ‘Swedes’, as they tended to take Swedish surnames, wear Swedish cloth-
ing and sometimes even ‘curl their hair’. This state of hybridity made the catechists,
according to Læstadius, very lowly creatures that no human being, high or low, could
have any real appreciation of. Læstadius generally disliked the itinerant school system
with the catechist teachers, and it is difficult to say whether his critique of that system
was a result of his low opinions of the catechists, or the other way around. In either
case, there was something in the mixture of Sámi and Swedish attributes that appalled
Læstadius, an uneasiness regarding the in-betweens that is easily comparable to
Bhabha’s theorizing on the elusive, and thus threatening, zone of hybridity (Læstadius
1836, 190–191; Bhabha 1994).
After this depiction, it would be logical to assume that Læstadius, in a fashion similar to
twentieth-century racial biologists, would have viewed the ‘pure’ mountain reindeer
herders as the best of the Sámi, given that the degree of mixing with Swedes was lowest
in these groups inhabiting the remote mountain areas. Læstadius preferred, however,
the way of life of the Sámi in the forest lands of Arvidsjaur, situated between the high
fells of the Scandes and the Bothnian coastland. He doubted whether there existed a
better ‘nomad people’ in the whole world than the Arvidsjaur forest Sámi. They were orga-
nized, clean, and often literate. Differently from the Sámi of the mountain regions, they
were also, according to Læstadius, sober and knew their Christianity well. Læstadius
argued that one of the important differences between the forest Sámi and the mountain
Sámi was the fact that the highly nomadic lifestyle of the mountain Sámi made it almost
impossible to instill Christian and cultivated values in them, whereas this task was substan-
tially easier among the more stationary forest Sámi. Læstadius was, in either case, clear on
 HISTORY AND ANTHROPOLOGY 517

the point that nomadism was the true core of the Sámi way of life, and most attempts at
trying to leave behind the nomadic lifestyle would result in misery, notably a life of
poverty and begging. Another example of Læstadius’ appreciation of the nomadic Sámi
is the fact that he did not consider the Sámi that had fishing as their main livelihood to
be real Sámi. Læstadius labelled the Sámi fishermen, together with the Sámi that had
sunk into being beggars, simply and rather bluntly as ‘refuse’. Nomadism, paired with
regular contact with the Christian civilization, was the combination that Læstadius
viewed most favourably (Læstadius 1836, 200–201, 214).
Læstadius claimed that transitions from the ‘Lappish way of life’ to the ‘Swedish way of
life’ occurred ‘sometimes’ whereas Swedish farmers ‘never’ turned into full-time reindeer
herders, fishermen or hunters. The boundary between Sáminess and Swedishness was
porous from Sámi to Swedish, but impermeable in the opposite direction. This highlights
Læstadius’ high opinion of farming in general: once an individual took the step from
nomadism to farming, there was no going back. The transition from a nomad to a
settler was gradual, according to Læstadius. The first step was impoverishment. When a
Sámi man disposed of too few reindeer for subsistence, he turned to either fishing or
begging. A fishing Sámi then often acquired a small number of goats, and this was the
beginning of the transition. When the Sámi received his first cow, the transition was
‘more than halfway through’. He then normally set up a cowshed, and harvested hay
during the summer. The number of cattle tended to increase, and if this actually occurred,
he was now a ‘de facto settler’ (Læstadius 1836, 47–48). But was he now also Swedish?
Læstadius described the transition above as a rather uncomplicated process. In
another part of the journal, he expressed significant reservations about the possibilities
of a Sámi becoming Swedish through switching livelihoods. In Læstadius’ view, one gen-
eration was not enough for a Sámi to leave behind his Sáminess, at least not if measured
by the prospects of exogamy. Læstadius, describing the situation in Arjeplog, noted that
whereas the Sámi and the Swedish populations of that area generally held a rather
neutral, neither high or low opinion about each other, it was impossible for a Sámi
man to marry a Swedish woman, at least as long as he ‘remained a Lapp’. Even if he
‘became Swedish’, and adopted the Swedish language, Swedish clothing and the
Swedish ‘way of life’, including becoming a settler, he was still hard pressed to find a
Swedish wife. The same was true, according to Læstadius, about Sámi girls: ‘full scale’
Sámi had no chance of marrying a Swedish settler, whereas Sámi girls who since child-
hood had served in a Swedish family and adapted to their customs, could in some
cases find a settler to marry.
There was a clear line of division between the Swedish settlers and the Sámi, yet it was
permeable in one direction, from Sámi to Swedish, from nomad to settler, under certain
conditions. The assumed power of agriculture was remarkable even in this regard: a
second-generation settler from a Sámi background was already ‘completely Swedish’,
and in the third generation, even physical traits like body form and facial features no
longer revealed the Sámi origins (Læstadius 1836, 157). Agriculture, then, was a vehicle
through which the Sámi could, after a generation or two, become Swedish.
So far, I have not discussed the fact that Læstadius was a Lutheran missionary in the
Sámi areas, and himself partly of Sámi origin, a fact he openly discussed in his journal.
Even if Læstadius often called the Sámi with labels such as ‘wild’ or ‘half-wild’, due to
residing far away from civilization, this term (civilization) gained a different meaning
518 O. KORTEKANGAS

when viewed through religion and the faith of the missionary. After relating an encounter
with an old Sámi woman who was moved to tears when Læstadius served her commu-
nion, he questioned the modern notion of civilization. This notion, Læstadius lamented,
excluded Christianity and highlighted science. Læstadius wondered whether or not real
civilization in fact resided among the Sámi and their real faith. Distorted as this Sámi Chris-
tian culture was with certain superstition, it was nevertheless better than the empty
rationality of modern Swedes (Læstadius 1836, 133, 197). In these lines, Læstadius
departed from the definition of civilization as mainly connected to livelihood and pre-
sented a different notion of civilization: a Christian, internal civilization rather than one
that could be evaluated by way of life, livelihood, clothing or other outer attributes.
Læstadius had not one but several notions of civilization, just as he expressed some-
what varying identities as an enlightened government official, a devoted missionary,
the son of settler farmers, and the offspring of both Swedish and Sámi families. This
aligns well with Bhabha’s identifying the in-between zone as a zone that enables a rene-
gotiation of subject/object positions. There is, to be sure, the question of Læstadius’ own
in-betweenness, or hybridity. He was a descendant of Swedish and Sámi families. His
identification as a Swedish government official highlighted his Swedishness contra Sámi-
ness, downplaying his own Sámi heritage. The religious identification was more flexible,
and the fact that Christianity among the Sámi was a hybrid between Lutheran doctrine
and older traditions was not a problem for Læstadius. It is also relevant to point out
that Læstadius’ brother Lars Levi Læstadius was active as a clergyman in the Sámi
areas. The popular lay (but intra-church) revival movement that Lars Levi Læstadius
started underscored the personal experience of Christianity and it continues to be a
strong social and religious force in northern Scandinavia to this day. Juha Pentikäinen
(1997) has shown that Lars Levi Læstadius’ theology included many Sámi elements.
Given that Petrus and Lars Levi grew up together, it is reasonable to assume that they
shared at least some religious upbringing and interpretations. It was possibly for this
reason that the religious mixing among the Sámi was, for Petrus Læstadius, something
familiar rather than threatening.
Given this religious background, and Petrus Læstadius’ positive depiction of the reli-
gious life of the Sámi, it is somewhat surprising that he ascribed no intrinsic value to
Sámi language. The Lutheran doctrine of teaching each people in their own mother
tongue seemed not to hold any greater value for him. ‘I cannot see any loss for the
world if this language altogether died out’, Læstadius wrote. Sámi language, being
recorded in a number of religious texts, was accessible for any ‘philologist’ who wanted
to ‘entertain himself’ with the study of it. Læstadius compared the Sámi language to a
‘dwindling fell birch’ that could still survive for some years if supported by clergymen,
but he saw no greater point in such palliative endeavors. Many Lutheran clergymen
held the view that Sámi should be used within the Church as long as it was needed,
i.e. as long as it had the function of conveying the instruction of the Church as efficiently
as possible. When assimilation to another language, such as Swedish, occurred, the func-
tion and need for Sámi disappeared. This was also Læstadius’ view (Læstadius 1836, 223;
see also Kortekangas 2017b, 115, 122).
By way of conclusion, while Læstadius had several notions of civilization and had a gen-
erally positive view of Sámi Christianity, he nevertheless ascribed to agriculture an enor-
mous power that would, sooner or later, wipe out the Sámi livelihoods. The force of
 HISTORY AND ANTHROPOLOGY 519

agriculture was powerful enough to even alter physical traits, turning Sámi nomads into
Swedish farmers also in terms of their body form and looks. Læstadius labelled the tra-
ditional Sámi livelihoods of fishing and hunting as degeneration from the ‘true’ Sámi live-
lihood of reindeer herding.
From the outset, it is clear that Jacob Fellman’s rhetoric regarding the settlers and the
Sámi was more flexible than Læstadius’. Fellman portrayed the line of division between
the Sámi and the Finns as permeable in both directions: it was not altogether impossible
for a Finn, or a Norwegian, for that matter, to be assimilated into Sámi culture. Also, the
vocabulary Fellman used when describing the two groups is not as clearly negative
towards the Sámi as Læstadius’ description is. In either case, he made the same clear
definition that the line of demarcation between a Finn and a Sámi followed primarily
the different livelihoods of the two groups. Whereas many Sámi had been farmers for a
long time, Fellman wrote about the settler as a Finn, and the nomad as a Sámi, thus repro-
ducing existing stereotypes. There was, according to Fellman, a ‘considerable difference’
between the ‘quality and way of life’ of the sedentary Finns and the nomadic Sámi. In a
manner reminiscent of Læstadius, Fellman portrayed agriculture as the most appealing
livelihood. Consequently, when farming and cattle farming developed and expanded
to a certain area, many Sámi adopted those livelihoods, pushing the ‘Lapps who stayed
Lapps’, that is, the Sámi who continued their nomadic livelihoods, northwards. Just as
Læstadius did in his journal, Fellman also wrote about the physiological differences
between settlers and nomads. The settler, wrote Fellman, was bigger than the nomad,
but the nomad was more agile and lightweight. There was also an intra-Sámi difference
that reflects the idealization of the nomadic reindeer herding livelihood when compared
to e.g. fishing that is also visible in Læstadius’ reasoning: according to Fellman, the Sámi
who lived off nomadic reindeer herding were bigger than the Sámi who were fishers.
Fellman nevertheless accepted fishing as a ‘true’ Sámi livelihood whereas Læstadius dis-
carded it as degeneration, or a temporary hybrid existence between the two poles of
‘nomadism’ and ‘agriculture’. In terms of Christianity, Fellman made a similar observation
to that of Læstadius, namely that the nomadic reindeer herders, due to a somewhat less
frequent contact with the church and the clergy, had inferior knowledge in both Christian-
ity and literacy when compared to the more sedentary Sámi. Fellman nevertheless
admitted that ‘brilliant exceptions’ to this rule existed among the nomadic reindeer
herders (Fellman 1906b, 116–119).
When it comes to the transition where a nomadic (or semi-nomadic, as the fishermen
for instance) Sámi person turned into a sedentary Finn, Fellman’s description of the inter-
generational assimilation process was, interestingly, almost identical to Læstadius’
description. The Sámi became Finnish when they took up agriculture. Just as Læstadius
pointed out, also Fellman noted that this transition did not normally occur over just
one generation. The Sámi who became a settler began wearing Finnish clothes and
started using the Finnish language instead of Sámi. The grandchildren of the first
settler were already so Finnish, that it was hard to distinguish them from ‘real Finns’. In
fact, the only way to uncover the Sáminess behind these ‘new Finns’ was to study the his-
torical records documenting the gradual, intergenerational transition from nomadism to
agriculture (Fellman 1906b, 109–110, 117).
So far, the descriptions of Læstadius and Fellman follow a very similar pattern. With
regard to agriculture as the conveyor of civilization and prosperity the two Lutheran
520 O. KORTEKANGAS

clergymen produced very similar depictions. Whereas a cultivated country was, to Læsta-
dius, the best asset a society could ever possess, Fellman dreamed up future ‘good cattle
pasture land’ everywhere in Lapland except for the very northern, barren regions.
Fellman envisioned Finland possibly establishing prisoner settlements in this area. The pris-
oners would be released on the condition that they establish new farms in Lapland. This
action could serve two purposes at once: to reintegrate the prisoners into society, and to
clear ‘wilderness’ for farmland. The argument for agriculture as the prioritized livelihood
is clear, whereas the areas used by the Sámi for centuries is labelled as ‘wilderness’.
(Fellman 1906a, 225)
In terms of the transition between settlers and nomads, there is an important difference
between the two authors. Fellman, like Læstadius, concluded that nomadism was the core
of the Sámi way of life. ‘Proper Lapps’, that is nomadic Sámi, were ‘nowadays to be seen’
only in northernmost Lapland, according to Fellman. The Sámi way of life in these northern
areas was, in fact, so strong that both Norwegians and Finns who moved there had gradu-
ally turned into nomads (Fellman 1906b, 109, 116). This departs starkly from Læstadius’
reasoning, according to which Swedish settlers ‘never’ turned into nomads.
Whereas the line of demarcation between settler and nomad was, for Læstadius, per-
meable only in one direction, that from Sámi to settler, the processes of assimilation
worked in both ways in northernmost Finland and Norway, according to Fellman. In
fact, the transition from ‘one nationality to another is rather easy’, Fellman wrote. The
feasibility and the uncomplicated character of this transition was partly explained by
the linguistic relationship between the Finns and the Sámi. Fellman made his observation
some years before the ground-breaking work on the connections between Sámi and
Finnish by the linguist M.A. Castrén7 (being Fenno-Ugric languages, in contrast to the
Indo-European Scandinavian languages, Finnish and the various Sámi language varieties
are related, but not mutually intelligible). Yet Fellman noted a traditional and practical
understanding about this relatedness of the languages and the peoples between the
Sámi and the Finns in the north: the Sámi considered the Finns their ‘kinsmen’, and the
Finns did not deny this relation. Fellman reported knowing of several Sámi in Finnish
Lapland who had Finnish ancestry, but had assimilated to the Sámi culture to such a
degree that only an extremely observant and informed person could ever notice their
‘foreign origins’. The language kinship hypothesis is not exhaustive, however, as it does
not explain Fellman’s observation that also Scandinavian-speaking Norwegians had
assimilated into the nomadic reindeer-herding Sámi in northernmost Finland. It was,
first and foremost, the economical sustainability of the livelihood in the area hardly suit-
able for agriculture that attracted both Finnish and Norwegian settlers to take up large-
scale reindeer herding, according to Fellman (Fellman 1906b, 110).
With the exception of large-scale reindeer herding in Finland’s northernmost areas,
Fellman viewed agriculture as the key to a sustainable subsistence. For that reason, he fol-
lowed with contentment the development in Lapland where more and more Sámi bought
cows to complement their other livelihoods. Fellman’s hope was that the fishermen of Inari
would follow suit, since with cattle they would ‘no longer go hungry’. But for Sámi language
and culture, farming was a Trojan horse. Fellman concluded that with a shrinking popu-
lation and the ever-expanding agriculture, the days of the Sámi were soon numbered. Fell-
man’s rhetoric was, again, mellower than Læstadius’, who saw no harm in Sámi language
altogether disappearing. Fellman was more elegiac, calling the fate of the Sámi ‘sorrowful’,
 HISTORY AND ANTHROPOLOGY 521

yet concluding his notes with the statement that soon enough, the ‘existence of this nation
lives on only as a memory’ (Fellman 1906a, 624–627).

Conclusions
Changing livelihoods from nomadism to agriculture was a key transformation that
entailed other cultural and even physiological transformations among the Sámi in the
early nineteenth century. This is the conclusion this article draws of the views of Petrus
Læstadius and Jacob Fellman, two nineteenth-century clergymen active in the Sámi
areas of Sweden and Finland. The clergymen describe the power of agriculture as
immense: the expansion of agriculture to the Sámi areas was a greater good for the
national economies of both countries, as well as for the subsistence of the Sámi.
However, the transition from nomad to settler included several in-between positions
that lay bare important complexities in the views of each of the clergymen.
The transformation from nomad to settler did not occur overnight, or not even over a
single generation. The Sámi who took up farming and began adapting to Swedish or
Finnish culture, including speaking Swedish or Finnish, lived in an in-between state for
two generations, until finally in the third generation, even the physiological differences
between nomads and settlers had disappeared. The descriptions by Fellman and Læsta-
dius of this process of assimilation through certain phases are identical to an astonishingly
high degree: both clergymen considered agriculture as the key mechanism through
which nomadic Sámi could pass into a Swedish or Finnish modernity, but this transform-
ation was a three-generational process.
Whereas Læstadius described the transition nomadism-agriculture as a one-way
process, Fellman included examples of the opposite transition, that from settler to
nomad. This difference is explained by two factors: First of all, both Læstadius and
Fellman considered nomadic reindeer herding as the only truly sustainable Sámi liveli-
hood. Fellman wrote of transitions from settlers to reindeer herders in Utsjoki, where
the livelihood of extensive reindeer herding was dominant. He reported both Finnish
and Norwegian settlers turning into reindeer herders and assimilating into the Sámi
culture. Fellman also implied that the language and cultural kinship experienced
between the Sámi and the Finns made this transition easier (Finnish and the various
Sámi varieties are related although not mutually intelligible). The example of Scandina-
vian-speaking Norwegians assimilating into Sámi culture renders this language kinship
interpretation insufficient, and highlights the argument of sustainability.
Amardeep Singh (2009) has noted, discussing Homi K. Bhabha’s theories of hybridity,
that instead of using hybrid and hybridity as universal labels, scholars should specify what
types of hybridity they actually study (e.g. cultural, racial, or religious hybridity). This
notion can be applied to the various in-between positions discussed by Læstadius’ and
Fellman. The racial (or physiological) in-between position was, above all, a state of tran-
sition en route from nomadism to agriculture. The second-generation offspring of Sámi
individuals became Swedish or Finnish even physically if they settled down and
adopted Swedish/Finnish customs and habits. The transitory state of the generation in-
between the ‘full-scale nomad’ and the ‘full-scale settler’ did not evoke strong emotions:
it was merely a necessary step towards full assimilation.
522 O. KORTEKANGAS

In Læstadius’ depiction of the teachers of the itinerary catechist schools, being cultu-
rally in-between the Sámi and the Swedes was a thorn in the missionary’s flesh. Læstadius
had a hard time placing and defining these teachers of Sámi origin, and it seemed to
annoy him immensely that these Sámi teachers dressed up in a ‘Swedish manner’, thus
becoming some kind of half-gentlemen. This depiction of cultural in-betweenness is in
line with Bhabha’s (1994) theorizing on the threatening, unplaceable middle ground
between the civilized and the uncivilized worlds.
Læstadius was, himself, in some sense an in-between, or a hybrid, the offspring of
Swedish and Sámi families, a fact he openly discusses in his journal. In a sequence
about the Christianity of the Sámi in his book otherwise characterized by a deep faith
in the force of agriculture as the path to civilization, another voice breaks out. Seemingly
abruptly, the missionary and civilizer comes across as a critic of Swedish civilization, com-
paring the ‘empty’ rationality of the Swedes to the deep and ‘true’ spirituality of the Sámi,
even if this spirituality was a religious mix between Sámi traditions and Lutheran doctrine.
Was it Læstadius’ own experiences, brought up as he was between the Swedish and Sámi
cultures, that also led to his acceptance of the Sámi religion that in some ways was a
hybrid? On the other hand, his disdain towards the Sámi catechist teachers who tried
to navigate between Sáminess and Swedishness, adopting certain Swedish customs
without being fully willing to give up Sámi cultural attributes, could also be explained
by a certain personal uneasiness between the Sámi and Swedish identifications. Were
the catechists trying to bypass the three-generation rule of assimilation and thus, in Læs-
tadius view, taking a fast lane to Swedishness that rendered them ridiculous in the eyes of
the missionary? While these questions will remain unanswered, it can be pointed out that
Fellman, who claimed no Sámi ancestry, had a very positive conception of Sámi catechists
(Fellman 1906a, 25).
It is, to be sure, not surprising that the two clergymen considered the penetration of
Christian values and concepts into the Sámi culture as a positive development.
Whereas other elements of civilization could be contaminating to nomadic Sámi
culture, Christian civilization was not. Both Læstadius and Fellman regarded nomadism
as the core of Sámi culture. They nevertheless complained that it was difficult to instill
Christian values in the reindeer herders of the most inaccessible areas, who spent the
summer months in their pasture lands, relatively detached from the rituals and norms
of the Christian calendar and congregation.
Both Læstadius and Fellman saw themselves as documenters of a vanishing culture.
Læstadius valued the Christian civilization of the Sámi, in opposition to the Swedish mod-
ernity ignorant of Christian core values. He did not, however, code negatively his obser-
vation that the Sámi language was disappearing and giving way to Swedish. Fellman, on
the other hand, was more nostalgic about the prospect of a linguistic extinction of Sámi,
even if he also viewed it as an inevitable outcome of the forces of modernity. Patrick Bran-
tlinger (2003) notes in the context of the British colonial world that the conclusion that the
‘primitive races’ were peoples of the past, that is, races becoming extinct, is ubiquitous in
the texts of colonial administrators regardless of whether the rhetoric concerning these
populations is negative or positive. The more blatantly negative rhetoric on the cultural
extinction of the Sámi in Læstadius’ journal and the more romantic and elegiac depictions
of Fellman support this conclusion in the context of Nordic contacts with the Sámi. Bran-
tlinger states that ‘any combination of savage customs could imply a temporal limit […]
 HISTORY AND ANTHROPOLOGY 523

beyond which those trapped in such customs could not progress’. In the case of Læsta-
dius’ and Fellman’s depictions, the transition from nomadism to agriculture was such a
limit, a threshold dividing people into a nomadic, Sámi past, and a sedentary, Swedish
or Finnish future. Agriculture was also a threshold to be overstepped in order to reach
a sustainable future, for the two countries, and the Sámi individuals. The only exception,
for the time being, was the reindeer herders of the areas judged as unsuitable for agricul-
ture. Læstadius and Fellman believed that only agriculture could, in the long run, offer a
solid foundation for sustenance, and the disappearance of Sámi language and culture was
a price worth paying for such an economic uplifting of the Sámi population.
The focus of this article on the positions in between ‘settlers’ and ‘nomads’ reveals
important complexities in the views of the clergymen. It uncovers various, at times contra-
dictory definitions of culture and civilization. While the ideal of agriculture as the main
livelihood of both Sweden and Finland was clear, this view was challenged by the
notion of the sustainable nomadic livelihood of reindeer herding. The findings based
on the subtleties of the transition and its in-between positions are an important reminder
to scholars studying the relationship between sedentary and nomadic livelihoods not
only in the Nordic region but also globally. These positions between the concepts
settler and nomad reveal various types of contacts between populations, and offer the
opportunity of examining how the different livelihoods and cultures coexisted and
influenced each other. This is useful in continuing to challenge Eurocentric and modernist
notions of the expanding agriculture simply wiping out ‘non-Western’ livelihoods and
cultures.

Notes
1. Finland was an autonomous Grand Duchy under Russian rule between 1809–1917. It had an
autonomous Lutheran ecclesial and educational organization, for which reason it is treated as
an autonomous political entity in this article.
2. For short comparative notes on the two works, see Pyne (2012) and Henrysson (1989); for
travel accounts of the Sámi areas, see e.g. Sörlin (2002) and Ahlström (1966).
3. In terms of linguistics, ‘Sámi language’ is an umbrella term for several related language
varieties.
4. In Sweden, reindeer herding was codified as an exclusively Sámi livelihood in the reindeer
herding laws of the late nineteenth century. In Finland, non-Sámi reindeer herders continue
practicing a livelihood that has a long history among many Finnish-speakers of northern
Finland.
5. I.e. capable of sustaining the reindeer-herding Sámi population and beneficial for the state as
a whole. Here I follow the early modern conception of sustainability as lined out by Warde
(2018).
6. The 19th century name for the area was Lappmarken on the Swedish side, and Lappi/Lappland
on the Finnish side.
7. Castrén was Fellman’s nephew. He believed, like Petrus Læstadius, that the ‘true Sámi’ were
reindeer nomads whereas e.g. the fishing Sámi were hybrids between nomadism and the
sedentary life of agriculture. Lähteenmäki (2006, 203–204).

Disclosure statement
No potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).
524 O. KORTEKANGAS

Funding
This work was supported by the Royal Swedish Academy of Sciences and the Royal Swedish
Academy of Agriculture and Forestry.

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