STUDI BIZANTINI E NEOELLENICI

A CURA DI SILVIO GIUSEPPE MERCATI

VOLUME NONO ~-======~

SILLOGE BIZANTINA
IN ONORE DI

SILVIO GIUSEPPE MERCATI

ASSOCIAZIONE NAZIONALE PER GLI STUD! BIZANTINI

ROMA, 1957
THE TRANSFER OF ILLYRICUlVI, CALABRIA,
AND SICILY TO THE JURISDICTION OF THE
PATRIARCHATE OF CONSTANTINOPLE
IN 732-33 (')

M. v. ANAS'fOS

'l'he brevity of the present article is not to be taken as a measure of my

devotion to Professor Mercati, who is esteemed throughout the world for
his vast erndition, generous disposition, and unfailingly jovial tempera-
ment. In paying tribute to him here, I wish to express my gratitude for the
many friendly and 1111gmdging services of which I, like countless others,
have been the beneficiary.
It has long been believed that the Emperor I,eo III transferred Illyricum,
Calabria, and Sicily from the ecclesiastical jurisdiction of the Roman papacy
to that of the patriarchate of Constantinople in 732-33 (') in reprisal for

(1) I should like also to ackno\vledge here 111y great indebtedness to the Co1nmis-
sione Americana per gli Scainbi cultu1 a1i con !'Italia for the award of a Fulbright fel-
1

loVi'Ship (I954-1955), and to the Johll Si111on Gugge11hehn J.\ie111orial 'F.:iundation for a
similar grant, which has enabled n1e to pursue n1y studies outside of Italy.
'fhis paper owes 1nuch to I-Iis B~1ninence, Cardinal Giovaru1i Mercati, and. the
Reverend Prefect Ansehno Albareda, 0. 8. TI., of the Vatican Library, to tbe Reverend
Professor ..\. Raes, S. ]., of the Po11tificiu1n Institutu111 ()rientalitJm Studiorum, and
to the Reverend Drs. August Schuchert and I,udwig VOlkl of the Campo Santo
Teutonicc, all of Vi'ho111 have generonsly 111ade available to me the treasures of the
libraries of which they are the custodians.
( 2 ) Georg 0S'l'ROGORSKY, Geschickte des byzantiniscken Staates, z d ed. (Munich,

1952), .r32; Louis BREHIER, l~e rnondr b·yzantin, l (Vie et 1nort de Byzance [Pa1·is, 1947]),
80; I<~ranz DOI,GHR, Regesten der J{aiserurl~unden des ostr61n-ischen Ret'ches, l (Municb-
Berlin, 1924), n. 3or; J. HF,RGENRCi'rTIER, Pko!£us, .Patr£arch van Constantinopel, 1
(Regensburg, 1866), 236 f., 455 f. Por the ch1·onolC'gy of '"l'heophanes, see Os'l'RO-
GORSKY, IJie Chronolo{[ie des Theophanes im 7. und 8. ]ahrhundert. Byzantinisch-Neu-
griechische ]ahrbUcher, 7 (1928-1929), r-56.
'l'he Illyricu1n intended is tl1e praejectura Illyrici, one of the four principal divi-
sjous of the Empire instituted by Diocletian, C'on1prising the dioceses of Macedonia
and Dacia anc1 their provinces, of v•lhich the fo1·1ne1· was n1acle up of six (Achaia, Ma-
cedonia, Creta, 'rhessalia, Epirns vetus, Epirus nova, pars Macedoniae sa1utaris), and
the latter of five (Dacia n1editerra11ea, Dacia ripensis, Moesia prin1a, Darda11ia, Prae-
va1itana, pars Macedoniae salutaris). C:f. Ott.J Sn:ttcK, Notitia dignitatum (Berlin,
1876), 8-10; C. Srr.,VA-TAROUCA, 1:;pistularum Romanorum pontifi:;um ad vicarios per
Illyricum clliosque efJiscopos, Collectio Thessalonicensis (Pontificia Universitas Grego-
riana, 'I'extns et doctunenta, Series theologica, 23 [Ron1a, 1937]), v-vii. 'fhis is what
is known as " easteru Illyricu111 ", and in view of tln~ detailed list of provi11ces given
·hy Nicholas (p. 12 helow) see111s to have been the region affected by Leo's punitive
 'The tra11sfer of Illyricu111, Calabria, and Sicily 15
-----------··---· - - - - ··--·--··---

Pope Gregory ll's resistance to the iconoclastic decree of 726 (1). Illyricum
itself had been under the civil rule of the emperor of Constantinople ever
since the end of 395 or the beginning of 396, although it had been subject to
Rome ecclesiastically with only a few brief inten11ptions (in 42r and, per-
haps to some extent, during the Acacian schism, 484-5r9) (').

action of 732-3. My colleague, Ji'rancis l)VORNIK, hov;,'evet, has adduced sot11e iatercst-
ing evidence of Ryzantine control exerci:.:ed over churches in western Illyricu111; see
his La lutte entre .Byzance et Rome a jJropos de l'.Illyrlcu1n au I~Ye si?:cle, Milanges Charles
Diehl, I (Paris, i930), 68; teprinted with so1ne changes in IDHM, Les ligendes de Cons-
tantin et de Methode vues de Byzance, Hyzantinoslavica Supple1nenta, I (Prague, 1933),
262 f., 264 f., 268 £., 282.
On tJ1e evidence for including C'alahria and Sicily along with lllyricun1, see
pp. 12-13 below.
( 1) I ofler what I take to be conclusive proof that there was actually an ico110·
elastic decree in 726 in an article dedicated to the 1uemory of 1ny late revered collea-
gne, Professor Alexauder A. 'lASIT_,n~:v, The iconoclastic dec1 ee of 7z6, S;beculum, 32
1

(1957), probably to appear in· the January 11umber. OS'tROGORSKY, op. ed., 130 f.,
denies the existence of any for111al legislation on this subject before 730.
(2) On the partition of Illy1-icnn1, see: Entllienne DICMOUGEO'l', .11 prop(Js des
partages d'Iltyricum en 386-395, A.ctes du VJe Congres international d'dtudfs by.':i.intines,
l (Paris, 1950), 87-92; EADrtM, Note sur la polt'tique 01 ientale de Stilicon, de 405 d 407,
1

13yzantion, 20 (1950), 27-37; HADF,l\r, Les partages de l'lllyricum a la fin dH JVe siJcle
d. propos d'un livre rr!cent, Revue historique, 198 (1947), 16-31; EADJ-U,f, De l'unltd 4 la
division de l'empire romain, 395~4ro (Paris, 1951); Louis DUC'H!CSNE, J,'Jllyricum
eccldsiastique, BZ, l (1892), 531-550; l"i'rancis DVORNIK, La !utte entre Byzanco et Rome
d propos de l'Illyricum au JXe siJcle, Mllanges Charles Diehl, I (Pari~, 1930), 61-80
etc., as cited in n. 2 ahove; S. F'RiltDRICII, Ober die Sammlung der l{irche von Thessa~
loni:;h 1rnd das p/ipstliche Vicariat. /Ur Iltyricum, Sitzungsberichte der philosophisch-
philologischen und hi'storischen Classe der k. bayert'schen Ah. der W•:ss. (Munich, 1891),
771-887; s. r~. GRitF,NSI_,ADl!-;:, The I!lyri'an churches and the vicariate of Thessalonica.,
378-95, journal of theological studies, 46 (1945), 17-30; 1/, GRUMET_,, L'annexion de
f.'Illyricum oriental, de la Sicile et de la Calab1e au pat1'ia.rcat de Constatitinople. Le
timcignage de Thiophane le chronographe, Recherc_~es de science religieuse, 40, M6langes
Jules J_,ebreton, 2 (1951-1952), 19I-200; IDEM, Cause et date de l'annexion de l'Illyricum
oriental, de la Sicile et de la Calabre a-u patriarcat byzantin, Studi bizantini e neoellenici,
7 ('r953), 376; ID!tM, L'Illyrictt>m, de la mart de Valentinien Jer (375) a la mart de Stilicon
(408), Rev-ue des r!tudes byzantines, 9 (r951), 5-46; IDEM, Le vicariat de Thessalonique
et le preni1:er rattache1ne-nt de l'lllyricum oriental au Patriarcat de Constantinople, .An-
nuaire de l'dcole des lrJgislations religieuses. Institut Catholique de Paris, 1950-r95r,
(1952), 49~63; V. LAURJ:i~N'r, L'drection de la m6tropole d'AthJnes et le statut ecclisiastique
de l'Illyr£cu1n au T7 IJJe: s£Bcle, Etudes byzant£nes, l (1943), 58-72; P. LI<:PORSKI, Istoriffl
.Fessaloniksluzgo Exzarkhata do vremeni priscedinenie ego k l{onstantinopolskomu pa~
triar.~hatu (St. Petersbui-g, lgor); Athanasius MA'tANIC, De origine tituli .Dalmatiae
ac totius Croatiae primas (Rome-Subiaco, l95Z); A. Ch. MPUTURAS, Ileqt -ro\i :rtdA.o.L
n·o.i:QtO.QJ(.t%0\i U.~tcf:iµa-roc; i:-oij µ.'l']'tQ01~0Ali:-ou E>saaaAov(X'f\c;, I'griy6QtOc; 0
IlaA.aµ.d:c;, 4 (r920), 43~50; InnM, 11eQt -rflc; Enrovuµlo.c; ':rtetvu.ytc.Otai:-·oc;' i:oli
µ.'fj"t"QO:rtoAli:-ou E>eacto.AovC~ric;, ibid., 2 (19r8}, 405-4ro; 4 (1920), r99; Robert
VON Nos'tI'rZ-Rnt,NitCIC, Die papsttichen Urkunden /Ur Thessalonil~e unrl deren J(ritik
durch Prof Friedrich, Zeitschrift /Ur katholische Theologie, 21 (r897), 1-50; J. R.
 r6 JYL \T. J'<._NAS'l'OS

.But Vei1ance Gru111el, \vhosc Regestes arc recognized 1111iversally as ai1

indispensable tool of researcl1, and vvhose opinio11 alwa:ys co111111a11ds respect,
now advances the hypothesis that the change in ecclesiastical jurisdiction
took place between 752 and 757, clndng the pontificate of Stephen II, rather
than in 731 or 733 (1 ). He is preparing a large and greatly needed monograph
on Illyricnm, which will be welcomed by all, and in this paper I propose to
remind ]Jim, for possible consicleration in his book, of the grounds, which
still seem to be compelling, for accepting the earlier date.
Before considering Grumel's theory and the texts which in my jndgment
invalidate it, we sliall have to examine the tesi.-imony of Theophanes the
Confessor, onr chief authority for thls period (d. 818). He does not mention
the alienation from Rome of any of its ecclesiastical dependencies, hut merely
says that, when Pope Gregory Il of Rome (715-731) leamed of I,eo's legisla-
tion against the icons (726), he prevented the collection of taxes in Italy and
Rome and wrote I,eo that the Emperor had no right to intervene in matters
of faitl1 or to make innovations in dogma ('). Later, in describing the Pope's
ati.-itude towards I,eo's dismissal of the iconophile Patriarch Germantts (730)
in favor of the iconoclast, Anastasins, 'fheophanes says that Gregory severed
Rome, Italy, and all of the West from the political and ecclesiastical domain
of I,eo and 11is government ('). In order to punish the pope for this insub-

PAI,ANQUIC Colldgialitd et partages dans l'e1-npire roniain aux JJ7e et Ve sidcles, l?evite
des r!tudes anciennes, 46 (1944), 47-64, 280-298; IDEM, La prdfecture du prdtoire
de l'Illyricuni au !Ve s1:Ccle, Byza-ntion, 21 (r951), 5-r4; I~ouis PE1111•r, Les iv§ques de
Thessalonique, EO, 4 (r900-r9or), 136-145, 2r2-22r; 5 (1901-1902), 26-33, 90-97,
150-156, 212-224; 6 (1903), 292-298; Josip Pos.E:nEr,, Pitanje dalmatinshog temata u
prvoj polovici ix stolje6a, R'istorijski Zbornik, 3 (r.950), 217--z20; C. SIIiVA-TAROUCA,
Epistularum Rom.anorum pontificitm ad vicarios pe1 Illyricuni aliosque episcopos, Col-
1

lectio Thessalonicensis, Textus et documenta, ser1:es Theologica (H. on1e, 1937); Ernst
S'tr~IN, [fnlersuchu.ngen zur r,piitrOmi.sche-n Verwaltungsgeschichte, l, Die Teilungen
von Illyricum in den jahren 379 und 395, Rhelnisches Museurn, 74 (1925), 347-354;
Fritz S'l'RltICHHAN, Die Anfi:inge des Vikai irdes van Thessa.lonich, Zeitschr1ft der Sa-
1

vigny-Stiftung /Ur Rechtsgeschichte, 43, !{an. Abt. rz, (1922), 330-84; Sin1.eon VAir..IrI!~,
Anne::i:ion de l'Illyricuni au patriarcat oecunuJnique, EO, r4 (r9rr), 29-36; Vm.rC, PW.l{,
9 (r9r6), 1085-1088.
(1) Studi bizantini e neoellenici, 7 (r953), 376; RSR, 40 (r95r-r952), 191-200.
(2) .A. m. 62r7, ed. C. DE BOOR, I, 404. 3-9: 'tOUtq:i i:iQ Bi:et ~Q~CJ.'to 0 Buooef}~£ ~a­
otAe-lJi; AEoov "t"fJ£ xai:Ct i:ffiv U.y(oov xai. oert't(i'.i'V eL%6vrov xaflo.tqEoe(O£ AOyov :n:otslo1Jat. J{at
µo.thiJv 't'otii:o I'QT)y6Qtoi;, 0 .-tcino.i; 'PWµt1i;, 'toUi; cp6QOU£ i:iji; 'Ii:o.A(ai; %ai 'PWµTJ<; Exc.OAvoe
')'Q6.~~w; atQOi; A€ov"t"o. ihtto'toA~v Boyµa:tt%1}v, µ~ 6sLv Ba.01}.Ea. :n:BQL n(ai:ewi; ,.,Oyov :n:oteLot>o.t
xo.L xo.ivo"t"oµi::~v -i:Ct &Qx.at:a ()6yµo.'ta i:fii; 1h~%},11olai;) 't<l V:n:b i:illv O:yioov :n:a:t"EQW'V 8oyµo.TL-
oth~vt'a. ()n the reasons fot dating this in 726 rather than 725 see Geotg 0S1 ROGORSKY, 1

Les dibuts de la querellt des images, Milanges Charles Diehl, I, 240.

(3) 'rHEOPI-IANJJ;S, a. m. 6221, ed. DJ~ BOOR, I, 408. 23-25, 409, 17 f.: clnEO"'tTJO'B
'PU1µ11v 'tB xoJ 'l'tuJ..la..v xal :n:6.v'ta TU Ea:n:Eqta tfji; i:e ;n;o/,Lttxfji; xai. Ex-xA11crtao'lit'Xfji; U:n:axofji;
AEovtot; xa.t i:fji; -Un' cdirOv pacrtAdas .•. xal t1)v 'Pc61A'r"J'V aUv n&on •TI 'Ii:a'-.Cq. i;fj.,; ~aatl.elat;
aVt'ofi 6.nta't"'l') oev.
 ~l'he transfer of Illyric1un, Calabria, and Sicily I7
~~~~~~~~~

ordination, Leo sent out a fleet 1111der Manes, general of the Cibyrrhaeot
theme; and after the destruction of Manes's fleet in the Adriatic, the Emperor
(in 732-33) increased the capitation tax of Sicily and Calabria by one third,
confiscated the papal patrimo11ics in Sicily and Calabria, which amounted
a11mmlly to three and a half talents, and ordered the registration of all male
childreh (1 ). In summarizing the events of Lea's reign, 1'heophanes ascribes
the measures taken with regard to Sicily, Calabria, and Crete (which now
appears for the first time in this context) to Lea's avarice and desire for
money (').
Nowhere, Gmmel points out, does Theophanes allude to hishoprics for-
feited by Rome. As far as Rome was concenred, he contends, none of Lea's
retaliatory measures as described by Theophanes had any weight except
the confiscation of the papal patrimonies, no small loss for the papacy, though
a slight thi11g compared w.ith the apostasy of all of Italy, which Theophanes
says the Empire suffered as a consequence of Lea's hostility to the icons.
For the new taxes levied upon Sicily and Calabria, which formed part of
Byzantine territory in the West, could not in any way affect the popes, who
were in 110 position to dispute such questions with the emperors.
Actually, Grmnel maintah1s, Theophanes's reference to papal disaffec-
tion is based upon a misunderstanding. What happened, he argues, relying
npon the Liber Pontificalis, was that Pope Gregoty II stood in the way of
the imperial tax-collectors (presumably to safegnatd the revenues of his own
see and to protect the Italian churches from what he deemed .excessive taxa-
tion), before Leo's decree against the icons ('). On the other hand, as Theo-

(1) TIIF.OPRANES, a. m. 6224, I, 410. 4-16: 6 ()£ paat/..e-Ui; 8µaLvt'to xui:d i:oti :rccbta %0..i
-cfjc; &.:rtooi;liasroc; 'Pffiµ.'rjc; 'Kut 'lto.A.lo.i;, -xu.l 8'§o:ri:J..Loa.c; o-i:6Aov 1.u~yo.v O.atEoi:eiA.i:: xa:t' o.ii't&V Mci.vrrv,
'tOv ai:ga1711yOv i:&v ICipuQc:uro-c&v, :xi>cpuJ..1)v noL1iou.<; et<; o.t'lt"oV.:;. 'f1oxUvfhi 1511 0 µcb:o.ioi; vauo.-
r-fiaav-roc; 'tOii O't6Aou sl;; -cb 'Ai5QUJ.'X0v nEAa.yoi;. 'l'frtE 6 freoµ6.:x,oc; E:rtl :itAEiov ih~µ.o.vel.c; 'AQCl.-
j)L'X([J i:s cpQO'Vijµct'tL 'XQai;uv6µEvoi; <p6QOU£ 'XtocpuJ.. t-xoV<; i;tll '!:Qhq;i µEQBL 2:txe/..{ru; -xu.l KaAo.-
f)Q(u.c; 1."o\i Ao.oii E:n:Et)·fJ'X8V. ,;11. lii~ Aey6µevu. ato:tQLµ6vLa i:6:1v 6.y(rov ')1,0.1, '.>GOQ'lHpo.i'.rov Mo0'1:6Arov,
oWv Ev 'tft .UQeoiJui;BQq. ·po)µu -i:iµmµEvrov, i:oXi; ~'X-xA.110Latc; E-x:n:o.Aat 't~MrUµevo. XQ'llCJlou ,;6.A.u:vta
'tQ(a i}µtcru ·up 3't']µootcp A6y<p "t"€Aetofru.L :rrQOCJth:u."f;t>v, Snon-i;s'l.Jt-:tv ·ce %0.l &:vu.y(uicpeaOo.t i:U.
"tL%'t6µcvu. %1:.A.s'l.'.ioo.<; liQQB"Va ~Q£cp't'] 1 Wi; cDu.Qo.<li (f[O"tt-: -cU. -c&v "E~Qo.lmv.
tl'b.eophanes floes not specifically state that the patrimonia involved were located
in Sicily and Calabria, but this is n1ade clear by Pope Nicholas I (858-867), who i11
a letter to Emperor Michael III (842-867) criticizing the ejection of Patriarch Ignatius
and the elevation of Photius requests the retrocession to Rou1e of the ecclesiastical
di<Jceses and the patritnouies of Calabria and Sicily, which the Byzantine governn1ent
had seized. See p. 25 below; cf. Paul FABRE,. De patrimoniis Romanae ecclesiae usque
ad aetatem Carolinorum (Paris, i892).
(2) A. m. 6232, 1~HltOPIIAN.ItS, r, 413. 4-7: xo.l Ooo. µBv Ent AEov"to<; "toii 6.aepoii<;
"Xo.xcl. XQtO"'tLo.vot<; ovvE~'t'] 1tEQ£ 'te 't~V 6Q{}63o£ov :n(oi;iv "Xo.l nsQl i:&v :ri:oAt"ttxOO-v Btotx-fiasmv
a.tax.qoil xf:Q3ov<; xo,l qnli.a.QyvQla<; Sntvo(q. -xa"tci i:e Z:txeA.(o.v xo1 ICo.Aa.pQio.v -xo.l ICQr'\'t'l'}V •.••
(') Liber Pontificalis, ed. J,. Ducm,;sNE, T (Paris, r886), 403. 20-25: Illis diebus
ituperatoru111 iussione Paulus patricius qui exarchus fuerat eundem pontifice1u coua~

2
 1\1. '/. ANAS'ros

pha11es suggests, I.eo's fi11ancial exactio11s were purely fiscal in scope ancl \Vere
not punitive in origin (1 ). It was Theophanes, Grttmel believes, who erro-
neously linked all these measures and presents them in the sequence: l) Leo's
iconoelastic decree of 726, 2) Gregory's interferenee with the eolleetion of
the imperial taxes, 3) I~eo's' ill-starred naval expedition, and 4) the confisca-
tion of the papal patrimonies along with the imposition of new taxes hi Sicily,
Calabria, and elsewhere.
Grumel reinforces his argnment by showing that Theophanes, who was
strongly prejudiced against Leo, biames the latter for the falling away of
Italy from the Byzantine Empire, although in point of fact this did not take
place t111til a generatio11 ln.ter. J\1oreover, lie clain1s, it is incorrect to assun1e
that Gregory was really hostile to the Byzantine Empire. For, despite his
opposition to the Emperor's theological position, Gregory hoped for Leo's
conversion; and, when the Italians vvere proposing to choose a new e111peror
and lead him to Constantinople, Gregory urged them to remain loyal to the
Byzantine Empire ('). Later, Gregory not only resumed friendly relations
with Eutychins, the last Byzantine Exarch of Ravenna, who had been di-
spatched by the Emperor, according to the I"atin sonrces, to assassinate him('),
and had plotted with Lintprand against Rome (4 ), but even helped Entye11ins
suppress the attempted insnrrection of a nsurper named Petasius, who (ea.
730) sought the imperial throne under the name of Tiberius and was executed
by Eutychit1s with the Pope's aid (').
Fmthennorc, Grnmel remarks, Pope Gregory III (731 -741) continued
the conciliatory policy of his predecessor by indnciug Duke 'l'rasimond to
return the fortress Gallese to Byzantine snzerainty ('), and persuading the
Venetians, with whom the Exarch Eutychius had taken refuge after the
capture of Ravenna by the Lombards, to reconquer Ravenna (sometime
before 735, it would seem), restore it to Byzantinm, and convey F,utychius
to his capital ('). Pope Zachariah (741-752) followed in the same path, and

batur iutei-ficere, eo quod ce11sun1 in provincia ponere praepediebat et snfri opilHlS

ecclesias denndare, sicnt in ceteris act11111 est locis, atque alituu in eius ordjnare locu111.
404. 9-I r: Inssiouibus itaque post:nodu1n 111issis decreverat ilnperator ut nulla ilnago
cninslibet sancti aut 111artyris ant angeli haberetur: inaledicta eni111 0111nia asserebat.
(1) '!'1II{OPI-IANE:S, a, m. 6232, I, 413. 5ff., quoted in 11. 2 p. I7.
(2) Liber Pontifical-is, I, 404. 25-405, 3; cf. ib-id., r, 407. 2£.
(3) Ibid., I, 405.19-406.7; PAUI,US l)IACONUS, H'ist0ria Langobavdoru,.m, lVlonu-
menta Germaniae }Jistorica, Scriptores 1 eru·m Langobardica1 u1n et ltalicarun-i saec.
1 1

VI-IX, edd. I~. BE:'l'HM:ANN, G. WAI'l'z (Hannover, 1878), Book 6, 49, p. I8r.
('1) I~iber .Pontifical£s, r, 407.r9-40S.r2.
(5) Ibid., I, 408.I3--f09.3
(6) Ibid., I, 420.i3-421.r, v,rith l)UCHI{SNI<:'s note 32, 1:bid., 424.
(7) Charles DlltHI,, Etudes .>Ur l' administration byzantine clans l'E'l'archa.t de
Ravenne {568-75r), BibliothBque des Ecoles fi'anya·ises d'Ath.dnes et de I~otne, 53 (Paris,
1888), 377 n . .5, 388. It was probably out of gratitude for papal assistance of this
 The trai-1sfer of Illyricun1, Calabria, and Sicily Ig

in 742 recovered for Byza11titt1n tl1e cities of An1eria, I-Iorta, Poli111arti11m, and
Blera, which had been seized by I,intprand in 739 ('). Later on, he prevailed
upon Liutprand to lift the siege of Ravenna, and yield back Cesenate, together
with the part of the city of Ravenna itself which he had captured, to the
cxarchate (743-44) ('). Finally, in 749 he dissuaded Ratchis, who had become
King of the Lombards in the fall of 744 after the brief reign of Hildebrand,
J.,intprand's immediate successor, from continuing with the siege of Perusa (').
In addition, Gregory III was a Syrian and Zachariah was a Greek, and had
been raised to the papacy, Grumel conjectures, in a conscious effort to placate
the Byzantines. In view of all these circumstances, Grumel prefers to put
tbe transfer of Illyricnm from Roman to Constantinopolitan jurisdiction in
752-757, at the time in which Byzantium really was forced to abandon all
of Italy and the West except for Sicily, Calabria, Naples, and Venice (').
Grumel might even have cited the ninth centnry Notitia Basilii, accord-
ing to which the bishoprics of the prefecture of Illyricnm became subject to
the patriarch of Constantinople at a time when the pope of Rome was under
barbarian domination ('). This would accord well with Gnunel's date of
ea. 752-757, which marked the expulsion of the Byzantines from Ravenna
and the triumph in Italy of the Franks, whom the Byzantines might readily
have described as barbarians. A much earlier dttte for this papal reorien-
tation, however, is suggested by Georgius Monachus, Cedrenus, and Zonaras,
who say that it was Pope Gregory (presumably Gregory II) who cut himself
off from Byzantium and fanned an alliance with the Franks. This may be
an exaggeration, but we know that between 739 and 740 Gregory III appeal-
ed to Charles Martel for aid against the Lmnbards, and the Life of Stephen II
(752-757) in the Liber Pontificalis records tbe tradition that Stephen's three
predecessors (Gregory II, Gregory III, and Zachariah) all sought Frankish
intervc11tio11 agait1st the T,on1bards. 'l'his 1nay or. 111ay not indicate that the

sort that Entychius presented six splendid and richly orna111ented ouyx colnnu1s to
the Chui-eh of St. Peter: .Liber f>onti/icalis, I, -1.r7.5-9.
(1) Liber 1:.anti(ica./is, r, 426.6-429.8, 436 (n. 4), 437 (11. 22).
( 2) Ib1:d., I, 429.8-43r. IO.
(3) Ibid., I, 433.20-43+3.
('1') On the loss of the exarchate of Ravenna, see Charles ])I~HI,, op. cit.
(6) •ra.;ti;; :itQo-xa.-6'sbQlU.<; i;'i.l)V Ooto:rtcb:(l)v 1£0.'tQlaQ:;(&v, ed. I-I. GELZER, Georgii Cyprii
rlescriptio orbis f{otnani; a.cced,i:t J_eon..is iniperatoris diatyposis genuina adhuc inedita
(I.eipzig, xSqo), xiv f. (on the date of con1position), 27.520 ff.: etcrt &B %<J.L ot O.:n:oo:rco.-
crtl-Sv'ter; 8% i:fir; 'Proµ.a'txfir; &1.01.xfioeoor;, viiv &B ,;eA.oiiv,;er; VnO i:Ov {}Q6vov Ko:rvo-rav'ttvoun6Aeoor;
)t.'l'J'tQo:rco/..ti:cu xat U<p' £0.u-ro1Jr; Ov,;er; Enla%o:rtot· a. 0 0ecH:to.J.,ov£x'l']r;. p. 0 ~UQctxo-Uo11r;. y. 0
KQt'JTIJ£· &. 0 KoQlvftou. &. 0 i:oi:l •p11yL01J. G· 0 N1.xon6Aeror;. !;. 0 'Aihrv&v. 'YJ· 0 Ilct'tQOOv.
0Ui;o1. :JtQO<JG't~tl'l')Olf.'V l'fi cruv6&cp Krovo'to.vi:tvoun6/..eoor; &tO. i:O ii:rtO -rffiv itlvffiv xal'Bx.eo<frat -rOv
:n:rinav i;fir; 1tQBoPut'€Qa.i;; 'P00µ:11r;. OOo:a.&coi;; xo.t &.nO ,;ijr; dva.-ro/..txijr; blot%{iaemr; 6.:rcocm:acrttBli;;
0 ~c.Aeuxe~ar; 'lcrnuQlar; xai rJ.in:Or; i:eA€t {JnO ?:bv ICoovO''te'.lV'ttvoun6~,srnr; µ.E't0. -r&v Vn' aVi;Ov
Ovi-rov x<l' 8:rttox6nro-v.
20
------ _____ ____________
M. \T. A_NAS'l'OS
,,, _

popes had decided to abandon Byzantium long before the pontificate of

Stephen II, who actL1ally took this step; and there are many errors, omissions,
and inaccuracies in tl1e extant accou11ts of 1-vhat actually 11appe11ecl in these
years. But there is 110 doubt that Gregory III thrice sought aid from Charles
Martel (1 ); and this fact, distorted and magnified, would have been enough to
convince the Greek chroniclers that the Pope was then, as the Notitia Basil-ii
says, iu the hands of the barbarians.
Theophaues's conclusion that Gregory II put an end to Byzantine rnle
in Italy is consistent with what Georgius Monachns, Cedrenus, and Zonarns
say on this subject, despite his failure to mention Gregory's diplomatic nego-
tiations with the Franks. It shonld be added, also, that, given Theophanes's
preoccnpation with the veneration of images, it may very well have seemed
to him that I,eo's iconoclasm was the chief cause of the defection of the papacy
and the subseg_nent alienation of Italy, even if the rupture did not take place
until 755-756. We now know that the falling away of the West from By-
zantine allegiance cannot he traced entirely, or even primarily, to theological
origins, and that other facto~s, such as the deep-seated cultL1ral antagonism
between Greece and Rome, the political m1d territorial aspirations of the popes

(1) G~ORGIUS l\tloNACHUS, Chrotticon, ed. C. ug BooR, 2 (Leipzig, 1904), 744.4 ff·
(636): &tli -caU-ca oUv uu.t 0 -tfti; µey6./-."flc; 'Po'.:iµ11c; 1tQ6ebQoo; I'o11y6QtO<; -c1'rv -cfis o:fn:oil po.ot-
As{ac; U:n:oi:ayirv }'U'tt'\'O.~<L~urvoc; -r:O ftiQETL%b'V o.1ozoc; dnobt6Q6.0xet O'rrovcSO.r; iotQ'r)'\'t'XO.c; etc; -c·t1v
n:Ov IDQ6.yyrov Uno't"ayf1v sl.o()c~cifttvoc; O"Uv "1'da·ri Tft 'Ito),(q., 'Xal to-Uc; cp0Q01Jc; s\J'ft.Uc; uroA-Uoa.c;
i:Ov 'Avaoi:Uc:nov uo.t i:olii; mJv ulrtr1l dve{h~µ6:r.toev. Cedrenus, r.799.5-9: ofii:oc; 0 O'.ytoc; 1l10.
'tclc; dvoato11Qyla<; Afovt:oc; dcprivlaoe, 'Xal nQOc; i:O·v (l,Qci:yyo'V o:rcovb1)v stg'r)'Vt'X1\v :not110&.p.evoc;
'toVc; 'te cpOgolJi; 8%00!.voe xu.l ,Avo.a-c6.otov %a.L -i:o·Uc; o·Uv o:Ut<P d'Vt>-OBµ<i.'tlOE. 't0V ae BuotAFu.
Ot' entoi:o/..&'\• rd'n;oU :n:oA.f..&v no/J.otc; ~:yvroaµ£vrov &QL61'1Arnc; e,,eyx.ei. Zouaras, I5, 4, r and 8:
~La ta.frta 0 .:ftc; JtQeOPui:eQCJ.£ 'POOµric; i;O.-e i;1rv f;x%AT1alav tnVvmv rQ11y6Q1.oc; -ri]c; :1t(l0c; t'Ov Tf1c;
vliac; 'PWwr1c; nQod5QaUov'co. %u1 -co'\Jc; f-xFlvcp Op.6cpqovr.tc; &:itoo-ctic; -xo1;vrovlac;, E'Xslvo'll<; µ8v <n'.v
,;~ paatAeL auvo&uup -x0,{}un£paAev O.vrJ.{h~µa·n, -colic; ()f 1-ulX,Qt ,;6,;e -cij paaif..s(q. xoµitoµE·vouc;
t'.:xeltlev rp6QO'Uc; E:rc€ar,e, -r:o'Lc; <J)Qrf.yyou; 01fetociµevoc; .. , &rcoo-tu.t1'1aac; oUv, &c; eto1p;u.t-, tfi<;
-coll pacn/.Eroi; fi:rta')l,of1c; () nci:rcu.c; I'Q'llYl'>QLoc; ChrL t1)v tlxs{vou xu.xo()ol;lo:v b"otc; <1>06.yyo1c; Ea:in:(.
c:Htto, nQ6'teQOV 11:0/,A&r.t<; o:rceUcra; ()uL YQ<xµµci.trov tOv A£ovi;a 'tfg; µiao{)el:ai; µetsveyxsrv xul
pl'.r.u.;rre'Lau.1. tti<; teQ<Xc; etx6vo.c; oeB<i'i;EoHu.i . . . On this poiut these three chtouiclers a1·e
independent of Theophanes, \vho does not allude- to papal negotiations with the
Franks, hut nevertheless 1vas of the opinion, as we have seen, that Gi·ego1·y II had
withdi·awn Italy and the \Vest frorn the By?;antine Empire and that I,eo was tes-
ponsible for this grievous blow to the T1~n1pire (Tm::toPI-rANitS, a. 11n. 6221, l, 408.23-25,
409.14-18; a. rn. 6232, r.413.4-8).
See also Codex Ca11ol-inus, epp. r and 2, ed. "'\V. GUNDI,, MG·I-I, Epistolaru1n 3,
M·ero11ingici et Carolini /lev'i I (Berlin, 1892), 476-79; .liber Pontificalis, ed. LDu.is
DUCHESNE, l, ecxxiii, 420.16-21, 424 (11. 34), 444.6 ff., 4.57 (n. 17); cf. Henri HUBF.R'l',
Etude sur la formation des Btats de l'Eglise. Les Papes Gregoire II, Gregoire III, Zacha-
rie, Etienne II et leurs relations avec les empereurs iconoclastes (726-757), Revue historique,
69 (1899), 27-30; 'ivith citations of the pertinent western chroniclers; tl'homas HODGKIN,
Italy and her invaders, 6 (Oxford, r895), 476-479; ibid., 7 (1899), 58 !.; !<;rich CASPAR,
Geschichte des Papstturns, 2 (Tl'tbiugen, r933), 730.
 '.the transfer of I.llyric1un, Calabria, ancl Sicily 21
---··-----·-- ·---·-------

and of the rising western nationaliti.cs, and the inability of the Byzantine
Empire to send adequate military forces to protect their holdings in the West,
contributed greatly to the final cleavage. Still, Lco's iconoclastic decrees
did provoke the break in the first instance, and from this point of view Theo-
phanes can be justified for charging I,eo with responsibility for what be calls
the &"6amat£ of Italy, Rome, and the West.
Ent even if we repudiate these Byzantine authorities and their notion
of the significance of the pontificate of Gregory II, there remain serious and,
in my judgment, insuperable objections to the acceptance of Gnunel's
theory. What Grmnel says about the silence of Theophanes concerning the
bishoprics of Illyricum is perhaps correct. Nevertheless, there is, concei-
vably, 011e slight clew that 'l'heophanes may have been at least partially
aware of the realignment of 732-33 and actnally alludes to it. This is to be
f01111d in his smmnary of the damage done the Empire by Leo, in which he
descants upon " the evils suffered by the Christians with regard to the faith
and in the political administration, inspirecl by avarice and desire for wicked
gain, of Sicily, Calabria, and Crete" ('). The second half of this passage

(1) THHOPI-:IANES, r, i1.r3.4 ff., reprocluced in n. 2 p. 17. CT. also the treatise
on the :five patriarchates written in Sicily in 1142-1143 by Nrr.os DoxAPA'rRES (ed.
Franz Nikolaus I-1'rNCI{, .Des Nilos .!Joxapatres tcil;tr; -,;&v :rtU.'t(.HO.Qi(t%&V 'frQ6vrov ar-
nienisch und griechisch [1902]; MPG, 132, 1083 ff.), according to whon1 the ecclesias-
tical ad111inistration of Sicily, Calabria, and at least parts of Illyricntn (he specifies
Sicily, Calabria, Crete, and, possibly also i11 the same context, Thessalonike ai1d Corinth),
vvhich, like Crete, belonged to the diocese of Macedonia (see p. r above), was taken
over fron1 Ro1ne by C:onsta11tinople at the time of the capture of R_ome by the G-oths,
'ivhen the pope had been 111ade a prisoner. 'fhese privileges were retai11ed by Constan-
tinople, Nilos asserts, until the co111_ing of the Franks. 'l'his is a weird ju111ble, valueless
for dating, but worthy of rnention here as an exa1uple of the errors into which a ca-
reless, though erudite, con1piler n1ight fall. Cf. V. LAURltN'l', L'muvre gtographique
du 1noine sicihen Nil Doxapalris, EO, 36 (1937), 5-30. Doxapatres becomes slightly
111ore intelligible if we take his <I>Q6.y%ot as a reference, not to the Carolingian Franks,
but to the Nor111ans. If we cou1c1 assun1e that by Gothic tribes (Efrvri roi;fhx6.) he
111eant the Franks, his esthuate of the situation Virould not differ greatly from that
of the works quoted in notes 5 p, rg and 1 p. 20. 'fhe pertinent passages follow:
l~'TNCIC, 24.r ff.; MPG·, 132, 1100 CD: t5oiJ y&.Q :ITQocpav&i; b 'ito.vcbv olh:oi; 'tfji; U.yl(x<;
auv6501J cp1'Jal ChO. i:O i>ivo.t i:fiv 'P(Gµ:11v ~cu1lAtooo:v 1 Exetv 't·llv :itQodp.11atv· µE.z:Qt yr).Q i:O-te
%u.L Ent :n:oAAo1i; XQ6voti; (:lo.otAe·U<; 8xc1ae d.nO 1'.0iJ Krnva-co.v-.:tvou:n6Aero<; Bu.at1,E.roi; €nEµne-ro.
enal 5E E:rca:Uth1 tO etvcu ~aaLAioao. thO. i:O fndJ U.AAfHpUA.rov cdxµ.aAmtiaflfjvat xu.t ~aQpUQmv
~tlv&v ro-.:1'lix&v, xa.t vDv U:rc' E%e(vrov %0.trlxeo-O·a.t, 5fi-08V <ll<; E'it~teoolicfft 'tf)<; paatA.s(a.i; £%El·
v11i; Ex1tL:n:i;ct xrd. -r&v 1t"QOOtEfoJv ... l'.i'rNCK, 24,2off.; 1fPG, 132, IIOO Df.: E1rnl ofiv ~
·poJµ.ri E/;€:rcsos tfji; otxe(u.i; Pa1n/i.aL(i<; ~h' f]v xo.t :rtQoe-.:tµO.'t'o) xa.t viJv {JnO po.Qp6.Qo·ui; i:eA.e1 1
BxnEITTroxe ncivtroi; %0.L i:&v nQroteLrov. &<; yO.Q [Jo.aiAeUovou. -i;aiJi:o. etx;e xut Eµ.1>tvE :rtQili-toi; o
r.fj<; &.Ari-0·&<; paotAeuoUO'lli; l{mvm.'avi:i'\•011n6Aeoo<; -0Q6voi;, &<; 'toii :rtQd:n:ou :rtauiJEvtoi; puatAEVetv
µ.a.AAov 38 xat dnoo:x.irrOEvtoi; -i;&v Aotn&v -O·Q6vrov.
FINCK, 26.24ff.; MPG, r32, 1104 AB: ncl.A.iv &:nO 'ti)<; 3ut"1.-xfj<; 5totx11crBmi; 3Uo_E~aQ·
z:oi, 01-ioLmi; {Jn:E%1nvo.v i:Oi:e i:0 l{rova-ca.vi:ivou:n:6Aewi; :rrQoExovte<; t&v Aotn&v 1.1.11-rQo:noAii:&v
 22 11. V. ANAS'i'OS

may apply exclusively to the tax imposed by I,eo after the destmction of
Manes's fleet; bnt the exact meaning of these words defies exegesis, and the
inclusion of Crete (1) in this category may possibly be, by a kind of geogra-
phical n1etonyn1:y, a fah1t shadovv or re111i11isce11ce of Leo's innovation 'vith
regard to the prefecture of Illyricum, to which Crete belonged as one of the
six constituent provinces of the diocese of Macedonia (see page 14 above).
Similarly, Theophanes' statement that Pope Gregory " severed Rome, Italy,
and all the West from the political and ecclesiastical jnrisdiction of Leo and
his government" (') may in effect be a corollary of the new administrative
system established by I,eo for the chnrches in the prefecture of Illyricnm:
if Italy and the \Vest were cut off from the civil and ecclesiastical mle of the
B:r7.antine E:111pire, tl1e inference is that the reverse \vas true iri the East,
and that the cln1rches in t11e eastern .Provinces 'ivere t111der the do111inio11 of.
the patriarch of Constantinople.
This reasoning, though admittedly tortuous, seems to be borne out by
the facts. But even if we grant that Theophanes knew and recorded nothing
about Lea's new ecclesiastical administration of Illyricum; Calabria, and

tc:Dv 'U1tO tl1v O.'U'tCO'\' 3~olX.r]Ot'V, 0 Elsoau1,ovLx.tjo:; x.o.l 6 l(oqlv·tlou, %0.L 1'1xo,,olr011au.v to..lto~o:;
x.o.t ot {,:re' u.-Utoiii; µyt-.:Qo:ri:oA.ltcu xo.L &Qx;rnn:{o%onoL. -xat oii'tot VnO i:Ov l{oovoi:o.v'ttvounOAsror; ...
&A.AU -xa.L ~ l:~-xsAla. µsi:O. i:a.iii:a %U.L ~ l{aAa.pqla yf.yovsv VnO "t0v l{mvcn:u.vi:tvoun6Asrnr; xai.
~ 'Ayla. 2:spcQL'Vl) f1 %c.d NL-x6noALr; -xoJ.ouµE'V'Y] ...
F'rNCK, z7.23 iI.: MPG, 132, rro4 CD: nqoasi:f-01100.v yoiiv -xut 0 'tfj<; ::8uGeAlo.r; flQ6-
vor; %0.L 0 tjr; I\aA.a~Qlar; "Xa.t 0 -rfjr; 'Ayla<; ~e{JcQlvrir; i:([l l(rovcn:o.v'ttVou:rc6AFoor;, 6.:rcoorra-
0{1'£v1a:ir; 'tfjr; 'Pffiµrir;, 0'ts PcioPa.QOt -xa'tEO"xov ,;Ov :itci:nav) %0.t i::~v 'POOµr1v 'lixµo.A.Wi:1100.v "Xo.t
tBto:notfiao.v"o. flJ<J'l'tSQ %al {] ICQ{iT'tl V:nO ·n)v 'POOw11v oUoo. U'1:0 i::Ov l{rovcr-ca'V'ttvoun6Asror; yE-
yovs. :n).i}v nQO i:oVtcov 6 nci:n:ur; sUQ{or,etaL r.ntf:x,cov µEQT] ttvO. ei.n;sAfj -xo.t i::ri:tn'Xotcd<; i'X
es
µ.f:QO'U<; TL'Vdr; Ev :£t%s/i.LQ: xa.l ICa.A.apQl(f., Tdr; yO.Q µ'l']'tQO:it6A.str; -xa.t 't'Oiir; Ev a-UTu.ir; OA0%/v{1-
QO'U -xa.i::stxsv b l{mvo"t'ON'tL'VO'UJt6J,scor; µB;<Qt Tfjr; 't&'V <DQ6.y:.trov 8}.e{Jusror;.
I~INCK, 28,9 ff.; lVIPC:i-, 132, lJ04 D f.: 8:nsL yO.Q "t0 Bouxci.'t'ov :n:6.cr11r; Aoyytpu.QBlcJ<; 1
'tfj<; 100.Aat6.r; 'E;>.J,6.Bor; 0Ucr11r;, ~v UrrO 'tOV pacrL1,Ea l{mVO''(;'a.V'tLVO'U:rt6A.eror;, b Bil: n&nar; xsxCt1-
Qt1rµ.Evor; fiv 'Xal {m:O E-ceQa Ef}v'T] Bfj-frsv, BtO. 'toi1to xal 6 rta.tQ~6.QX11r; eixe i::U.r; }:'XnA11olar;, ..
µ.efl-' 0 aE &r; <l>Qlly:.tOL &i:pe0,ov,;o -cQ ,;oool.i'tOV boux6.'tOV 1 t6TE 0 'Pl0µt)r; €x,eLQO"t"6'\'t)OE J3'v :n:ci-
<JCU£ 'ta1i; 'tOLa'l'itatc;; En%A'f}alati;. Oa11v yU.Q xc.OQO'.V %ai::et:xev 0 paatAe·Ur; ICrovoi;avttVO'Utr6/..cms
11 µ1n:O. i;alti:a &rtO E'frv&v E~sxlvricrcv, d%6tror; -xc1.l 0 :n:ct1"Qt0.QX'TJ<; l{rov<JtO.'\''tLVO'UJt6A~;ror; Exet-
Qoi:6vet 3-xsL, Wi; tfli; 'Pc.6µ11r; &A.Ao'tQtrofh3(011r; :no.vi:e/.&i; -i:i]i; ICrovoi::o.vi::tvou:n:6Aeror; xo.t V.:1tO
U.A.Aour; yeyovu(ar;.
I<'INCK, ·28.28 ff.; MPG, 132, 1105 AB: JtcQi. bf; i:oli &vU. µEQor; %CJ.'t€Xel'V tOv ncircav
otvU. };v ~1xeA(q. .1tQ6tSQOV) 6fjAov ci:n:O 'LOU PLou 'tOii 6.ylou rQ'l'JYOQ(ou 'tOii E:n:t<J%6rto'U 'AxQa-
yciv-r;rov .. , &AAci i:6te oUnro 11 'POOµ'T] E;.::roQlcrfh-i ,;eAelroi; 'tfjr; I{rovcrtavttvoun6Acros. 'Xa.tstxiov
oilv fi !(oovcrto.vi:tvoVnoAtr; rcQO '"o/,/,oU &vU. µ€QO£ 'Xu.L 2:L~sA.Lav :.to:l Ka.AapQlo.v, -xa.t 0 :n:&nar;
OA.tyocri:<i i:tva. &cr:nsQ :.to:l Bv AoyyipaQOlq. Sror; 'tf]r; &AAotQLWcreror; toU :n:cirta. T6't'E yO.Q T]A/.o-
-r;Qtc61lri xat tOOv ToLoVtrov XCOQ&V 6 :rtri:rta.r;, Ernr; tf]r; 'tfoV 1>Qciyxmv BA.eVcrerni;., ,
(1) Cf. Nrr,os DoxAl'ATRTI:S (ed. FINCK, 27.23-30; J\1PG-, 132, r104 CD), quoted
in the previous note, whei-e Sicily, Calabria, and Crete are also discussed together.
'l'his collocation n1ay be of so111e significance.
( 2) 1'r:moPHANl<:S, I, 408.23-25, quoted in note 3 p. 16.
 'l'he transfer of Illy1·icun1, Calabria, ai1d Sicily 23

Sicily, we have decisive evidence from another quarter, wl1ich unambignonsly

puts the change of jurisdiction in 732-33. This is to be found in the letters
of Popes Hadrian I (772-795) and Nicholas I (858-867). Hadrian's letter,
in which Hadrian expounds to Charlemagne a defence of the theological
definition in favor of images formulated at the Second Council of Nicaea,
was written sometime after 787 \when the Council of Nicaea concluded its
deliberations) and either shortly before or after Hie Council of Frank-
fort (794) (').
Whatever its exact date, Hadrian's letter has great importance for the
chronology of Illyricnm. Hadrian says that at the time he wrote to Constan-
tine VI and Irene in hehalf of the images he also requested the restoration
to the Roman See of the bishoprics and archbishoprics which the first icono-
clastic emperors had removed from Roman control(').

When we appealed to them [i. e., to Constai<tine VI and Irene] on a previous

occasion [Hadrian writes] to restore tli.e holy images, we likewise referred
to the archbishoprics and bishoprics of the Holy Catholic and Apostolic
Roman Church and requested the restitution to the same Holy Catholic and
Apostolic Roman Church of the [rights and privileges appertaining to these
ecclesiastical units] of ·which they had deprived us at the same time that they
confiscated our patrimonies and deposed the holy images. But they have never

( 1) E111ile AMANN, L'dpoque caroling1:enne (l-listoire de l'Jlglise depuis les origines

f'usqu'ti nos fours, edd. A. Fr1ICI-IE and \ 1 • MAR'l'IN, 6 [Paris, r947]), 125-127; S. ilBEI,,
I>apst I-Iadrian I und die weltliche Herrschaft des rOmischen Stuhls, Forschungen tur
deutschen Gesch-ichte, I (1862), s3r-532; Karl HAMl"F., Hadrians I. Vertheidigung der
zweiten nicaenischen Synode gegen die Angriffe I<arls des Grossen, Neues Archiv der
Gesellschaft /Ur iiltere de-utsche Geschichtskunde, 21 (r896), 94-102; I-Iubei-t BAS'I'GEN,
Da.s Capitulare J{arls d. Gr. ii.her die Bilder oder die sogenannten Libri Ca.rolini, ibid.,
37 (r9r2), 490; Wolfra1n VON DEN S'I'EINEN, Entstehungsgeschichte de1' Libri Carolini,
Quellen und Forschungen aus italienischen Archiven und Bibliothehen, 21 (1929-30),
r-rr; Georg OS'l'ROGORSKY, J?.om und Byzanz in Kampe um die Bilderverehrung (Papst
.Hadrian 1. und das VII. Okunienische [(onzil von Nil?iia), Se'i'ninarium Kondako·uia-
num, 6 (1933), 73-87.
( 2 ) MG:CI, Epistolarum 5, .Ep·is!olae J{arolini Aevi, 3, ed. l{arl I-IA..111PE, (Berlin,

1899), 57.5-16; MANSI, 13, 808 D: Dudu111 quippe, quanclo eos pro sacris im.aginibus
erectione aclortavhnus, simili lnodo et de diocesi ta1n archiepiscoporu1n, qua111 et epi-
scoporLu-n sanctae catholice et apostolice Rornane ecclesiae, quae tune cum patrin10-
niis nostris abstulerllnt, quando sacras ilnagines deposuerunt, comu1011entes, testituere
eide111 sanctae catholicae et apostolicae Ron1ane ecclesiae quaesivi111us, et nee respon-
sunt qualibet exincle cledernnt. Et in hoe nitnis pala111 ostenditur, quia ex uno capitulo
ab errore reversi sunt, ex aliis duo bus in eode111 pern1anent errore. Si eni111 ubique Chri~
sti.anoru111 ecclesiae canouice intactas snas possident dioceses, quanto an1plius sancta
cath.olica et apostolica Rotnana ecclesia, que est caput 01nniun1 Dei ecc:esiarnnt, sua
diocesi, videlicet archiepiscopornrn et episcopo1·n111, ilnn10 et patrhuonia pro lun1ina-
riorun1 concinnatione atque alintoniis pauperu111 inrefragabili iure et tenere et possi-
dere 111odis ornnibus dehetur !
24 l\II. V . .ANASTOS
-----··--··--·

replied to this petition; and thus it is clear that, although they have reformed
their ways in one respect [in that they have restored the use of images], in
two other regards [in retaining the dioceses and. the papal patrimonies] they
persist in the same error. For if everywhere the canonical Christian c1111rches
keep their dioceses intact, how much more fitting is it for the Holy Catholic
Apostolic Roman Church, which is the head of all the churches of God, to
hold and possess indisputable authority in its own administrative sphere over
its own archbishops and bishops, and, above all, [to retain] its patrimonies,
[which are used] for the lighting of candles and the relief of the poor?
Hachian tl1en goes on to say that, if the Byzantines persist in their
refusal to return the archbishoprics, bishoprics, and patrimonies in question,
he will condemn them as heretics despite their orthodoxy with regarcl to
the images (1 ).
Hadrian had also made this same demand in a letter to Constantine and
Irene (dated October 27, 785). Bnt when his letter was read in Greek trans-
lation before the Council of 787, the sections dealing with this problem were
omitted togetlier with tliose in which Hadrian had expressed dissatisfaction
over 'l'arasius's clesignation of himself as ecumenical patriarch and over the
latter's rapid elevation from layman to patriarch ('). The original document,
however, was accessible to Anastasit1s Bibliothecarius ea. 873, when he was
translating the Acts of the Council of 787 from Greek into Latin, and is very
similar to the text translated above, except that it omits t11e clauses concern-
ing the date on which the events clescribed took place (').

(1) Ibid., 57.16-23: Uude si vestra annnerit a Deo protecta regalis excellentia,
eodem adorta111ur iluperatore pro sacris hnaginibus in pristine- statu erectione gratiam
agentes et de diocesi sanctae nostre Romane eccles.ie tan1 archiepiscoporun1, qua1n
episcoporun1 seu de patrimoniis iterum iucrepantes co111111011e1nus, ut, si noluerit ea
sanctae nostrae Ro1nane ecclesiae restituere, haereticum entn pro huius111odi erroris
perseverautia esse decernimus. Plus euhn cupin1us salutem ani111arn1n et recte fidei
stabilitate1n conservare, qua111 huius an1bitu1n 111undi possidere.
(2) MA!\fSI, IZ, 1071-1072; Charles Joseph I-IEFF,I,E, I-I. r~ncr,ERCQ, Histoire dr:s
conciles, 3.2 (Paris, l9Io), 748, cf. 752 f. (on the letter to 'l\1rasius); I{. 1\1ANN, 'J'he
lives of the popes in the early middle ar;es, I, pt. 2 (I-;1011don, 1902), 447-448,451-452,
457-458.
(3) MANSI, 12, 1073 CD: Po1-ro et hoe vestrum a Deo coronatu1n ac pii,ssin1u111
poscimus imperiun1: nt si Yeran1 et orthodoxa111 sa11ctae catholicae ecclesiae Ro111anae
nitimini amplecti fidem, sicut antiquitus ab 01-thodoxis imperatorib11s, seu a ceteris
Cb1·istianis fidelibus oblata atque co11cessa sunt patri111onia beati. Petri apostolorun1
principis, fautoris vestri, in integrnm nobis restituere dignen1i11i pro ln1uinariorum
conch111atoribns eiden1 l)ei ecclesiae, atque alhnoniis pauperum. I1umo et conse-
crationes archiepiscoporum, seu episcoporu111, sicnt olitana constat traditio, 11ostrae
dioecesis existentes penitus canonice sauctae Ro1nane nostrae restituautur ecclesiae, ut
11equaqua111 schisma inter concordian1 perseverare valeat sacerdotu111, sicut in vestra
serenissin1a. iussione exatatnn1 est.
 1'he transfer of Illyricu111, Calabria, and Sicily

Hadrian's prayer for restitutiou went nnheeded aud was repeated on

September 25, 860 by Pope Nicholas I (858-867) in a letter to the I~mperor
l'IIichael III (842-867), chiefly important in the present context because it
supplements Haclrian's by specifically identifying the ecclesiastical dioceses
which the Roman Chnrcl1 was seeking to repossess (1 ). Nicholas's list, which
confines itself to the prefecture of Illyricum, is presumably correct except
for what appears to be the accidental omission of Crete and the erroneous
addition of the word Illyricnm, referring as it would seem, to the diocese of
Illyricum iu the prefechtre of Italy, which was never subject to the bishop of
'l'hessalonike as papal vicar for the administration of this area. Furthermore,
he is silent about the dioceses of Sicily and Calabria, although further along
he asks for the return of tlie patrimonies of Sicily and Calabria, and then ad.ds,
" Together with these and the abovementioned [privileges], we request that
the consecration of the archbishop of Syracuse may depend upon our [i. e., the
Roman] see, lest the tradition inaugurated by the apostles be in any way
overturned in your reign" (2). This sentence makes it clear that the eccle-
siastical jurisdiction of Sicily was also involved; and it has always been con-
ceded, even by Grnmel, that, whatever its date, and despite the fact that no

(1) MGII, Epistolarum 6, Epi~tolae .l{arorini .1-eiii, 4, ed. E. PF.RJ:<~I,S (Berlin, 19·25),
438.25-439.11, 'vith bibliog1·aphies ail. lac.: Oportet eniln vestrum in1periale clecus,
quod in omnibus ecclesiasticis utilitatibus vigere audivimus, ut antiquun1 n1oren1,
quen1 nostra ecelesia habuit, vestris te1nporibus testaurare dignemini, quatenus vice111,
quam nostra sedes per episcopos vestris in paxtibus constitutos hahuit, videlicet
'I'hessalouicensem, qui 1Zo1nanae sedis vicen1 per Epe1·u111 veterem F,perun1q11e novn1n
atque T!lir.icu111, Macedouia111, 'l"hessalian1, Achaia1n, Dacian1 riperensem, Dacian1
111editerranea1n, Misia1n, J)ardanian1 et Praeva1in1 (te11ebat), beato Petro apostolorum
prh1cipi contradicere nullus praesu1nat; qnae antecessoru1r nostrorum ten1poribus,
scilicet Damasi, Siricii, Innocentii, Bonifacii, Caelestini, Xysti, I 1eonis, I-Iilari, Simpli-
cii, I~elicis atque I-Iorntisdae sauctorun1 poutificun1 sacris dispositionibus augebatur.
Quoru111 denique institutiones ab eis illis iu partibus destinatas per nostros missos,
ut rei veritatem cognoscere queatis, vestrae augustali potentiae dirigere curavimus.
Praeterea Calabritru1un1 patriinoniu111 Siculu111que, quae nostrae ecclesiae concessa
fuerunt et ea possidenclo optinuit et dispo11enclo per suos familiares regere studuit,
vestris co11cessionibus redda11tnr, quoniam irrationabile est, ut ecclesiastica possessio,
unde luminaria et concinnationes ecclesiae Dei :fieri debent, terrena quavis potestate
subtrahantnr; sed don1ui Dei restituta meritun1 redditoris niultiplicent et suscipientes
votn111 spiritalis desiderii lucris exerceatur. Inter ista et superius dicta volutnus, ut
consecratio Syracusano archiepiscopo nostra a secle impendatur, ut traditio ab apo-
stolis inE>titnta nullatenus vesttis· temporibus violetnr.
I use the text as given by C. Sn:,vA-TAROUCA (so far as it goes), qp. cit. (n. z
p. I4), V, and accept hi.s interpretation.
(2) Last sentence i11 text in n. I above. Cf. Do1nenico Gaspare I,ANCIA DI BROI.O,
Staria della Chiesa in Sicilia nei primi dieci secoli del Cristianesimo, z (Paler1110, I884),
145; Roccho PIRRO, Sicilia Sacra disquisitionibus et notitiis illustrata, I (Palermo,
1733), 610-612; Francis DVORNIK, l'he Photian schism, history and legend (Ca111bridge,
B~11gla11d, 1948), 75 f., 91.
26 M. \T . .t\NAS'i'.OS

text earlier than the Notitia Basilii of the ninth centnry, directly mentions
all three of these regions, the transfer of jurisdiction under discussion here
concerned the clmrches of Calabria, Sicily, and Illyricum, all three of which
were affected at the same time (1). The letter of Nicholas is decisive for
Illyricum and Sicily, and the addition of Calabria seems authorized by the
Notitia Basilii, which groups bishoprics from Illyricum (six in number) with
one from Sicily (Syracuse) and one from Calabria (Reggio) (').
In the absence of evidence of other losses suffered by Rome to the pa-
triarchate of Constantinople in the interval between the pontificates of Hadrian
I and Nicholas I, the conclusion is inescapable that Hadrian, who obviously
knew what the real facts were, associates the removal of these dioceses from
papal sovereignty with the forfeiture of the patrimonies to the Byzantine
crown at t11e beginning of the iconoclastic 1noven1e11t. Si11ce tl1e patrin1011ies
were seized by Leo in 732-33, as 'l'heophanes says, there is no doubt that
Illyricum, Calabria, and Sicily 1iasscd under the control of the Byzantine
patriarchate at the same time.
A few years later (ea. 871-872) ('), Anastasius Bibliothecarius, in his
preface to the Acts of the Cotmcil of 869, which the West once regarded as
the Eighth Oecmnenical Council('), although the Byzantine Church recognizes
only seven, refers to this jurisdictional dispute and says that, after it lost
its empire in the West, the Byzantine government altered the ancient b01111-
daries, subverted the privileges of the Roman See, took away almost all of
the administrative rights Rome possessed in this area, and wickedly bestowed
them upon the patriarchate of Constantinople ('). At first sight these words

{1) Note the titles of G·rn111el's papers in Mi!anges I.ebreton and Studi bizantini
e neoellenici (11. 2 lJ, 15). 011 Calabria cf. Giovanni MIKASI, .Le chiese di Calabria
(Naples, 1896); Jules GAY, l,es diocCses de Calabre rt l'dfJoq'/lte byzantine d'aprds un livre
Yicenl, Revue d'histoire et de littlra.tu.re religieuses, 5 {1900), 233-260; Francesco 1-tusso,
I~a 11ietropolia di S, S'everina, Archivio stori,~o per la Calabria e la Lucania, 16 (1947),
1-20; Ekkehard EICKHOFF, l'ema e ducato d1: ('alabr1:a (.Per la storia dell'orga.nizzazione
dell'ItaJia nwvidionaZe bizantin.a), ·ib·id., 21 (1952), io5-118.
{2 ) See text quoted ill 11. 5 1). rg; cf. also tbe -r.&~t.; T.ti1v no.T.Q~O.Q%~%fo'V
{)g(1V(J}V of Nrr.os DOXAPA'l'RltS (n. I p. 21), 26.24 ff., 26.27-2R.2, 28.28-29.9;
MPC~, 132, II04-1105.
( 8 ) Arthur J4AP6'T'RE, De Anastasio 1-Jibhotheran·a sedis apostolicae (Pa1·is, i885),

330. See t11e dedicati.011 to Pope I-Iadria11 II (867-872), 11ANSI, 16, I B: Don1ino sa11cto
et coangelico patri ]Jat.ru111 J.Iadriano su1n1no pontifi.ci et universali papae.
(4) On this question, see Francis DVORNIK, Photian scltisrn, 309-330.
(6) J\<IANSI, 16, ro B: Na111 tota Dardania, Thessalia, ])acia, et utraque Epirus,
atqne ceterae 1·egione,i:; ju.-Yta Istru111 fluviurn sitae, apostoUcae sedis vestrae 111ode-
1·a111ine antiquitns praecipue regebantur et Uisponebantur. Seel postqnan1 hnpera-
tores llo111anoru111, qui nnnc G·raeconuu appellantur, varioru1n fautotes vel incentores
effecti erroru1n, sanctan1 Christi ecclesia111 diver::,is haeresibus scindere 111ini1ne for1ni-
davern11t; sciclit Deus itnperium eorun1, i::-t in occicluis partihus paulathn regnare,
snpe:rno decernente jndicio, ressaverunt: c1011ec Ron1a11os rontifi"es suis pravitatibus
 1~he transfer of Illyricu111, Calabria, and Sicily 27

see111 to corroborate Grtt1nel's t11eory. But, soon thereafter, Anastasins ren1arl;;::s

that the Roman See had never protested the withdrawal of these privile-
ges ('). This inaccuracy invalidates the whole of what Anastasins has to say
on this subject, for it proves that he had either failed to read or to remember
the papal lctters quoted above. By the time of the pontificate of John VIII
(872-882), however, to whom he dedicates (ea. 873) his edition and transfation
of the Acts of the Second Council of Nicaea (787) ("), Anastasius had increased
his acquaintance with the papal archives and was able to rectify at least
the error he had made in his preface with regard to the history of papal ap-
peals for tl1e retur11 of t11ese dioceses. l 1~ori in the course of his researcl1es,
he came upon the passage in which Hadrian I had complained to Constantine
VI and Irene about these regions, and which, as Anastasius explains, the
Greeks had omitted from the Greek version read before the Cottncil itself (').
Perhaps his ignorance (ea. 87r-872) of these papal requests is proof that he
did not participate in the composition of Nicholas's letter of 860, as it had
once been believed('). In any case, his inexactitude 'here affords just one
more example of his general unreliability ('), and cannot be used to impugn
the testimony of Pope Hadrian quoted above.

incurvare conantes, nee valentes, ac per hoe 11111ltiplicibus poenis afficicntes, 1-Iesperiae
potestate1n ja1n prorsus an1itterent, occidcntis etia111 ainisso i111perio, nihil_o n1i11us
Ro1na11is pontificibus, quia ja1n jubere neqnennt, snadere nitnntnr; snis laesis favore111
sensibns acconunodanduru. Scd quia isti cn1n Petro super petran1 verae confessiouis
stantes pestiferatn suggestione111 a11dire possunt, obaudire 11011 possnnt, 1nox illi quonia111
aliter eos laedere nequennt, patrios et autiq11os tern1inos -t1·ansfern11i, privilegia sedis
apostclicae cor.n1111punt, et pene 01nnia jura d.ispo11en<larn1n diocceseou auferunt, atquc
snis haec fautoribus consentaneis et sectatoribus couferunt; cun1 quihus etiarn jus
quad sedes apostolica super praedictas regiones habuit, qnia iuxta se sitae videLa11tur,
usurpant, et Constantinopolitanae dioecesi, nequiter applicant, .. se(l his nee ipsi din
fruuntur, siquidcnt ja1u n1e1norata 'lnlgaroi-11111 gens protinus irruit, et universa circa
Danubiu111 occupat ...
(1 ) MANSI, 16, L2 R: super quibus ~i. e., tl1e provinceR nnde1· discussion] recipie11<lis
ideo apostolica secles nullan1 reperitur fecisse querela111, qno11ian1 111ox has, ut prae-
dictnn1 est, saepe 111e111orata \'Lllgflrotn111 natio adit, et sibi jure potcstatis o.n1nin
vinclicat.
2
( ) I,AP6'l'RE, op. cit., 330; l\iANSI, 12, 981-982 C: ·no111ino coangelico Joanni

pontifici snnuno et universali 11ape Auastaqius exiguus.

( 3 ) .MANSI, 12, 1073-1076: Ab hinc usque acl finen1 hujus epistolae codex Graecus
non habet. Graeci narnque, quia eoclen1 ten1pore ex laicis Juerat Constantinopoli
patriatcha factus, 11e pnblice ab Apostolica sede argui videretrr, et advetsns enn1
tarnqna1n repreheusione dignu111, haereticis re.pugnandi occasio praeberetur, ac per
hoe synorli, cui int.ererat, ntilitas exc1uderet11r: ea quae sive de non facienda laicoru111
prornotione, sive de caeteraru111 praesu111ptio11u111 redargutionibus subsequuntur, in
synodo hac nee recitari, nee actis i11seri passi su11t ...
(4) I~AP6'.t'Rn;, op. cit., 99 ff.; Erust PF,RF,I,S, I:Japst Nil1olau.s T. und. Anastasi'u,s
Bibl1'othecari'us (Berliu, 1920), 266, 268, 306.
(5) LAP61'RF., op. cit., I27-207, 254-272, 287 f.; PERCI,S, op. cit.
28 :il1. V. 1-iNAS'l'OS

Grumel's point about the loyalty of Popes Gregory II and III to the
Byzantine E111pire is an interesting one. But this bright side of the coin
had its reverse. Gregory II did hinder the Byzantine tax collectors (1 ) and
did lead the Italian states to rebellion against Byzantiu111 ('). According
to t11e Liber Pont-ificalis, "11e tool{ arn1s against the .E111peror as against a11
enemy "('); and forces sent by the Exarch Paul fro111 Ravenna were forcibly
excluded from Roman tenitory ('), while the Pope's allies slew a pro-By-
zantine official 11a1necl Exh.ilaratns, togetl1er ·with t11e latter's son, Hadrian,
in CamplmLt ("), blinded Peter, a pro-Byzantine general, and mttrdered the
Exarcl1 Paul("). The Emperor could hardly have been pleased by this turn
of events, nor would he have found satisfaction in the stout opposition offered
Itut~ychius, the ne\v (and last Ii~xarcl1 of Ravenna), wl10111 t11e Ro111ans ana-
then1atized and vvl1ose efforts to carry ottt tl1e 'F~111peror' s orders were stoutly
resisted hy a Romano-Lombard coalition ('). Still less would he have rejoiced
when I,iutprand, the J;omhard King, who had set out against Rome as an
ally of tl1e Exarch Entychius, defected to the Pope (').
It is doubtful also whether the Emperor Leo coulcl have distinguished
between dogmatic and political loyalty. Given the traclitional Byzantine view
of such matters, I,eo wonld have regarded the flouting of his iconoclastic
decrees by Popes Gregory II and III as a demonstration of infidelity; and
Gregory III's Ronrnn Council of 73r, which reaffirmed the Roman position
in favor of in1ages and exco1n1111111icated all iconoclasts, 'Yonld l1a\re bce11
interpreted ll1 Constantinople as an act of treason. Indeed, J-{eo's it1tra11sigence
on tltls subject was so well known that George the Presbyter, whom Gregory
III had sent to Constantinople with a letter urging tl1e re-establishment of
the icons, rettm1ed to Rome withont having dared to present the commoni-
toria scripta whicl1 he had been charged to deliver. Gregory was so incensed
by his snbordinate's timorousness that he wantecl to unfrock him (ab ordinc
saccrdotali privare). But a Roman syi10d refused to discipline George in
this way; instead, the latter was subjected to penance and ordered to set
out once again for Constantinople on the same mission that he had failed
to ca1Ty out on the previous occasion. 1\11is tin1e, the in1perial governn1ent

(') l~ibei· Pontifirnlis, I, .fo3.zo ff. (quoted in 11. 3 p. r7).

(I") J'bid., I, 404.5-·8.
(3) Ibid., I, 404.14-16: contra imperatorem quasi contra hoste111 se armavit.
DmHr,., op. cit. (see p. 18 above), 377 11. 8, in a note ad lac., atte1npts, u11successfully
.in 111y judgn1ent, to explain vrhy these 1vords should not be taken as indicating real
hostility on the part of the Pope.
(4) l~iber .Pontificalis, 1, 404.1-8.
(') Ibid, T, +05.,5-IO.
(") Ibid., I, 405.ro-15.
(7 ) Ibid., I, 406.1-20.
( 8) Ibid., I, 407.19-+08.12.
 The transfer of lllyricurn, Calabria, and Sicily 29

forced George to re1nai11 ii1 Sicily, and th.e en1perors \VOltld not per111it tl1e
documents he carried to leave the Sicilian shore. In acldition George was
exiled for nearly a year. 'l'he Roman iconophile Council of 73r then sent a
similar set of papers (alia sim.iliter scripta) in care of Constantiniis the defensor.
But this messenger was likewise threlltened mid detained in Sicily for almost
a year. Next, when the whole province of Italy wrote to Leo, their messages
vvere seized by Sergi11s Patricitts, the con1111ander of Sicily, 1.vho in1prisoned
the bearers for eight months before allowing them to return to Rome. Finally,
another packet of letters was addressed to the Patriarch Anastasius and. the
emperors via Peter the defensor. The fate of this attempt to dissuade I,eo
from continuing his iconoclastic policy is unknown. But I,eo was clearly
displeased by the papal attitude, as his decision to send out .a punitive
naval expedition under Manes and his subsequent conduct clearly show(').
It is true the Emperor Constantine V (74r-775) bestowed the rich estates
of Ninfa and. Norma upon Pope Zachariah (741-752) (') (ea. 745) after the
formcr's victory over the usurper Artavasdus, who had made himself emperor
with the aid of the pro-image party and had held sway in Constantinople
from 11ie midsummer of 742 (after June) to November 2, 743 ('). But this
act of generosity is no doubt to be explained as a Byzantine attempt to pla-
cate the West and to influence the Pope and the Italians to support the By-
zantine position in Ravenna and elsewhere in Italy that was then gravely
menaced by the Lombards. The Liber Ponti(icalis, to be sure, rejected Ar-
tavasdns as a traitor('), but it was obviously written after the conflict between
Artavasdus and Constantine V hacl been folly resolved and had become a
matter of history. In point of fact, the Roman See apparently recognized
Artavasdus as emperor soon after his usurpation of the throne. Papal do-
cuments of 743 and 744 (June 22 and November 5) (') designate Artavasdns

(1) Liber Pontiftcalis, I, 4-16.5-15.

(') Ibi:d., I, 4r5.r5 fl., <16.5, 4<7.L.
(') Ibid., I, 433.6-8.
(4) 1'I-If{OPHANF~S, I, 4r4.16-421.6 (a.111, 6233-6235).
(5) l~iber Pontificalis, I, 432.rS-433.4.
!G) P. jAF'FE:, w. WA'£1::r:tNBACI-I, s. LOI<~WHNI<'B;I,D, 1''. J{AI,TltNBRUNNl•;R, P.
E"\.VAI,D, Regesta J>ontificum Ro'!nanorun1, I (zd ed., I.1eip:t.ig, 1885), 264 f.: nos. 2270,
2271; MGI-I, .Legunt Sectio III, Conc~'t1:a, ·z, Concilia aevi .f(arotin'i, I, r (Hannover, 1906),
8; MANSI, rz, 323 A., 325 B, 383 A; MPI,, 89, 925 CD, 927 I~C, 929; Die Briefe des hei·-
ligen 1-?onifatius und Lullus, ed. Michael 'I'ANGI,, .Episto!ae selecta.e in usunt scl;otarunt
ex monumentis Germaniae historicis separatini editae, I (Berlin . 1916), ep. 57, ro5.r8-·2J:
in1petante domno piissitno augnsto Artavasdo a Deo cotonato 111agno impetatore
anno III, post consulatu111 eius anuo ITT, sec1 et Niciphoto ruagt10 iin1Jeratore anno III,
jndictione X; ibid., ep. 58, ro8.ro·-r3: irnperante clon1110 piissimo augusto Attauasdo
a Deo cotonato 1nagno irnperatore ai1110 tertio, post consulatun1 eius anno tertio, sed
et Nicapharo 111agno hnperatore eius :filio anna tertio, indictione tertia decitna. C.f. M.
1.'ANGI,, Studien tur Neuausgabe der l.1oni/a.tius-Briefe, Neues Archiv der Gesellschaft filr
 11. \T, ANAS1'0S
------··

and his son Nicephorus as emperors; and the papal legate who visited Constan-
tinople during the period of Artavasdus's ascendancy probably gave adhesion
to him, although the same envoy seems to have found no difficulty in treating
1vitl1 Constantine as einperor in1111ediately upon tl1e latter's reco11quest of
Constantinople.
In these relations between the papacy and the Byzantine empire, the
apparent contradictions between what might seem to be pro-Byzantine and
anti-Byzantine policy can be reconciled, if the interests of the papacy and the
policy adopted by the Roman See to serve them are properly understoocl.
Occasionally, it is true, the popes opposed the Byzantine emperors for fi-
nancial or doctrinal reasons. But at the sarne tin1e Ro111e ca111e forward in
defence of its Constantinopolitrn sovereigns. For, while fending off all
imperial infringements upon the prerogatives of the Roman See in either
the theological or the economic sphere, the popes realized that an emperor
safely established at a distance in Constantinople was less likely to threaten
papal autonomy and freedom of action than a monarch resident in Italy.
Being shrewd administrators, they shifted their tactics to meet changing
conditions. Hence, they resisted the Byzantine tax-collectors, fulminated
against the iconoclasts, and led the Italian cities against the imperial forces
in Italy, but simultaneously repudiated schemes to set up usurpers as em-
perors, and. urged their people to remain loyal to the .Empire. When they
wrested cities from the I,ombards and restored them to the imperial govern-
n1entJ they \Vere protecting their ovv11 privileges it1 those cities, i111posing salu-
tar;.,. li111its upo11 vvha t 111ust have see1ned an ominous expa11sio11 of Lombard
povver at the expense of the Byzantine Exarchate of Ravenna, to V1.rl1ich they
had turned in the past for defence, and safeguarcling their indispensable line
of cornrnuuications with Ravenna. In short the popes knew well how to
maintain friendly relations with hoth Byzantium and the latter's foes, and
so to weaken the offensive strength of both.
At the conclusion of his article, Gmmel asks why Theophanes does not
allude to Illyricmn if it had really been severed from Rome at this time,
since Rome was always jealous of its privileges in this part of the Empire,
and mention of it would have been most pertinent at this point. But 'l'heo-
phanes's failure to treat of this matter here is not really significant. He

iiliere deutsche Geschichtsknnde, 40 (1916), 776~782; I•~rich CASPAR, Geschichte des

F'apsttu1ns, 2 (1933) 739.
I reptoduce the text and dates given by '.l'angl, who, ho,vever, 1nistakenly
asserts that the insurrection of Artavasdns began a fe>V days after the accession of
Cousta11tine V. Actually, the rebellion Uicl not begin until ea. June 27, 742, or slightly
n1ore than a year after his ascent of the throne, \Vhich had taken place on June r8,
741 (see 'l'HltOPIIAN.US, a.. ni. 6232, 6233, l, 412.26-414.20). I hope to re-exatuine the
chronology of these docun1e11ts in 1ny book; bnt the precise date does not, of conrse,
affect the argu111ent.
 'J'he transfer of IllyricnJn, Calabria, and Sicily 31

wrote his chronicle ea. 8r3-815 at a time when this transfer of jurisdiction
had long been an accomplished fact, but he does not describe it either under
the year 6224 (= 732-33) unless the reference to Crete, as suggested above,
is to be understood as an oblique indication of this administrative change,
or in his account of the years 752 to 757, where Grnmel would put it.
'l11e fact is that Theophanes, despite his merits and great importance, has
many faults and often, if not usually, ignores or confnses the most vital
matters.
In this instance, our infor111ation -co111es fro111 tvvo papal sources Vi<hich
are hardly to be impeac11ed. I am sure that Grnmel would not deem them
less trustworthy than the ambiguous silence of Theophanes.

Harvard University, Dtunbarton Oaks.