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1. What did South Carolina declare at a secession convention on December 20, 1860?
A) It would secede from the United States unless slavery was protected by the
Constitution.
B) It planned to form a new nation, the Confederate States of America.
C) Its justification for secession was not related to slavery.
D) Its union with the United States was immediately dissolved.
4. What measure did Kentucky senator John J. Crittenden propose to avert disunion?
A) A peace convention
B) Arbitration by European diplomats
C) Reinstatement of the Missouri Compromise of 1820
D) Compensated gradual abolition of slavery
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5. How did the Confederate states prepare for war prior to April 12, 1861?
A) Small groups of soldiers sabotaged northern cities.
B) State militias seized federal forts.
C) Double agents worked with abolitionists to incite slave rebellions in Washington,
D.C.
D) They sought alliances with European nations.
6. What did Abraham Lincoln say about slavery in his inaugural address in 1861?
A) A war between the states would be over quickly.
B) Abolition of slavery would be the primary purpose of any war.
C) He did not mention slavery directly but condemned "unfree labor."
D) He had no intention of interfering with slavery where it already existed.
7. On what fort did Confederate shore batteries first open fire on the morning of April 12,
1861?
A) Fort Anderson
B) Fort Fisher
C) Fort Sumter
D) Fort Moultrie
8. What prompted Virginia to agree to join the Confederacy after first rejecting the idea?
A) The War Department's decision to form the U.S. Colored Troops
B) John Brown's raid on Harpers Ferry
C) Lincoln's plan to abolish slavery in the South
D) Lincoln's call for a deployment of 75,000 militia to put down the insurrection in
South Carolina
9. Among the states that permitted slavery but remained in the Union during the Civil War
were Delaware, Maryland, Kentucky, and
A) Kansas.
B) Missouri.
C) Utah.
D) Tennessee.
10. Why were the Confederates confident that their side would prevail in the Civil War?
A) England relied on southern cotton.
B) They were fighting a defensive war.
C) Northerners would not fight a war over slavery.
D) They had a larger navy than the Union.
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11. Why did those in the Union believe they would win a quick victory against the
Confederate States of America?
A) The Union had twice as much manpower and material.
B) Slaves would revolt and engage Confederate troops.
C) Their military officers were more experienced than those of the Confederates.
D) They controlled the Mississippi River from the onset of the war.
12. Why did many whites reject offers of assistance from black volunteers as the Civil War
began?
A) They believed some blacks would prefer slavery to combat.
B) Black soldiers had a history of desertion in previous American wars.
C) They questioned the loyalty of black soldiers to the United States.
D) Armed blacks evoked thoughts of slave insurrections.
13. What did black leaders propose as the purpose of war with the Confederacy?
A) The complete abolition of slavery
B) Compensated gradual emancipation
C) Equality in free states but not abolition
D) Confederate states rejoining the Union
14. What did President Abraham Lincoln identify, at the beginning of the conflict, as the
purpose of the war with the Confederate states?
A) To end slavery gradually by compensating slave owners
B) To eliminate slavery in states west of the Mississippi River
C) To end the rebellion and preserve the Union
D) To force them to leave the United States if they refused to abolish slavery
15. What plan did President Lincoln develop to secure the loyalty of the border states that
sided with the Union in the Civil War?
A) Slavery would be protected there by constitutional amendment.
B) Slave owners would be compensated for emancipated slaves.
C) Union soldiers would patrol those states for fugitive slaves.
D) Black soldiers would not be recruited from states that permitted slavery.
16. What happened to the first slaves to escape to Union lines at the beginning of the Civil
War?
A) They were returned to their owners and reenslaved.
B) They were emancipated immediately and taken to the North.
C) They were sent to border states that permitted slavery.
D) They were designated contraband of war.
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17. What plan was designed to serve as a model for the transition from slavery to freedom
for African Americans enslaved on cotton plantations?
A) The Proclamation of Amnesty and Reconstruction
B) The Wade-Davis Bill
C) The Second Confiscation Act
D) The Port Royal Experiment
18. What Confederate port city was under Union control by the middle of 1862?
A) Charleston, South Carolina
B) New Orleans, Louisiana
C) Savannah, Georgia
D) Wilmington, North Carolina
19. Why did the United States seek to gain England's diplomatic favor during the Civil
War?
A) The United States wanted England to blockade southern ports during the war.
B) English abolitionists could help gain support for the war among the northern
public.
C) The Confederacy tried to restart the slave trade with Africa.
D) The Confederacy sought diplomatic recognition in Europe.
20. What did Lincoln's preliminary Emancipation Proclamation state when issued on
September 22, 1862?
A) All slaves within the United States, its territories, and the Confederacy were freed.
B) The Confederacy had one hundred days to rejoin the Union, or all its slaves would
be freed.
C) Slavery would be legal only in border states that already permitted it.
D) Slaves owned by masters in rebellion against the United States were freed.
21. How did the Confederacy respond to Lincoln's offer in the preliminary Emancipation
Proclamation?
A) No person or region ceased the rebellion and rejoined the Union.
B) It was initially accepted but then rejected only by the Virginia assembly.
C) Some state referendums were held in which voters rejected the offer entirely.
D) Some Confederates swore loyalty oaths to the United States.
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22. Who was freed by the Emancipation Proclamation on January 1, 1863?
A) All slaves in the United States and Confederacy
B) Slaves in the South but not those in border states
C) Slaves in states or regions in rebellion against the United States
D) Slaves in states or regions west of the Mississippi River
23. How did blacks in Confederate territories under Union control react to learning of the
Emancipation Proclamation?
A) Widespread celebration and expressions of joy
B) Disbelief and suspicion that it was a ruse
C) Fear of ending the only way of life they had ever known
D) Limited and often inaccurate understanding of its implications
24. How did the military hierarchy during the Civil War reinforce the racial hierarchy of the
society at large?
A) Black units were all led by white officers.
B) Black soldiers were considered property of the U.S. army.
C) Black soldiers were not permitted to become officers.
D) Black units were considered inferior and never saw combat.
25. What unit raised by abolitionists was the first black unit organized for wartime service?
A) The First South Carolina Volunteers
B) The Attucks Guards
C) The Fifty-Fourth Massachusetts Volunteer Infantry Regiment
D) The Louisiana Native Guards
26. What percentage of the Union army did black men in the U.S. Colored Troops
compose?
A) About 25 percent
B) Over 30 percent
C) Almost 10 percent
D) Under 5 percent
27. Who made up most of the black recruits who enlisted in the U.S. Colored Troops?
A) Former slaves from border states
B) Former slaves from Confederate states
C) Free blacks from Confederate states
D) Free blacks from Union states
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with living. This especial drawing of the belt at Harvard is an
admirably interesting example of the way in which the formal
enclosure of objects at all interesting immediately refines upon
their interest, immediately establishes values. The enclosure may
be impressive from without, but from within it is sovereign;
nothing is more curious than to trace in the aspects so controlled
the effect of their established relation to it. This resembles, in the
human or social order, the improved situation of the foundling
who has discovered his family or of the actor who has mastered his
part.
The older buildings, in the Yard, profit indeed, on the spot, to
the story-seeking mind, by the fact of their comparative exhibition
of the tone of time—so prompt an ecstasy and so deep a relief
reward, in America, everywhere, any suggested source of interest
that is not the interest of importunate newness. That source
overflows, all others run thin; but the wonder and the satisfaction
are that in College Yard more than one of these should have finally
been set to running thick. The best pieces of the earlier cluster,
from Massachusetts to Stoughton, emerge from their elongation of
history with a paler archaic pink in their brickwork; their scant
primitive details, small “quaintnesses” of form, have turned, each,
to the expressive accent that no short-cut of “style” can ever
successfully imitate, and from their many-paned windows, where,
on the ensconced benches, so many generations have looked out,
they fall, in their minor key, into the great main current of ghostly
gossip. “See, see, we are getting on, we are getting almost ripe, ripe
enough to justify the question of taste about us. We are growing a
complexion—which takes almost as long, and is in fact pretty well
the same thing, as growing a philosophy; but we are putting it on
and entering into the dignity of time, the beauty of life. We are in a
word beginning to begin, and we have that best sign of it, haven’t
we? that we make the vulgar, the very vulgar, think we are
beginning to end.”
That moreover was not the only relation thus richly promoted;
there could be no unrest of analysis worthy of the name that failed
to perceive how, after term had opened, the type of the young men
coming and going in the Yard gained, for vivacity of appeal,
through this more marked constitution of a milieu for it. Here,
verily, questions could swarm; for there was scarce an impression
of the local life at large that didn’t play into them. One thing I had
not yet done—I had not been, under the best guidance, out to Ellis
Island, the seat of the Commissioner of Immigration, in the bay of
New York, to catch in the fact, as I was to catch later on, a couple
of hours of the ceaseless process of the recruiting of our race, of
the plenishing of our huge national pot au feu, of the introduction
of fresh—of perpetually fresh so far it isn’t perpetually stale—
foreign matter into our heterogeneous system. But even without
that a haunting wonder as to what might be becoming of us all,
“typically,” ethnically, and thereby physiognomically,
linguistically, personally, was always in order. The young men in
their degree, as they flocked candidly up to college, struck me as
having much to say about it, and there was always the sense of
light on the subject, for comparison and reference, that a long
experience of other types and other manners could supply.
Swarming ingenuous youths, whom did they look like the sons of?
—that inquiry, as to any group, any couple, any case, represented a
game that it was positively thrilling to play out. There was plenty
to make it so, for there was, to begin with, both the forecast of the
thing that might easily settle the issue and the forecast of the thing
that might easily complicate it.
No impression so promptly assaults the arriving visitor of the
United States as that of the overwhelming preponderance,
wherever he turns and twists, of the unmitigated “business-man”
face, ranging through its various possibilities, its extraordinary
actualities, of intensity. And I speak here of facial cast and
expression alone, leaving out of account the questions of voice,
tone, utterance and attitude, the chorus of which would vastly
swell the testimony and in which I seem to discern, for these
remarks at large, a treasure of illustration to come. Nothing,
meanwhile, is more concomitantly striking than the fact that the
women, over the land—allowing for every element of exception—
appear to be of a markedly finer texture than the men, and that
one of the liveliest signs of this difference is precisely in their less
narrowly specialized, their less commercialized, distinctly more
generalized, physiognomic character. The superiority thus noted,
and which is quite another matter from the universal fact of the
mere usual female femininity, is far from constituting absolute
distinction, but it constitutes relative, and it is a circumstance at
which interested observation snatches, from the first, with an
immense sense of its portée. There are, with all the qualifications
it is yet open to, fifty reflections to be made upon the truth it
seems to represent, the appearance of a queer deep split or chasm
between the two stages of personal polish, the two levels of the
conversable state, at which the sexes have arrived. It is at all
events no exaggeration to say that the imagination at once
embraces it as the feature of the social scene, recognizing it as a
subject fruitful beyond the common, and wondering even if for
pure drama, the drama of manners, anything anywhere else
touches it. If it be a “subject,” verily—with the big vision of the
intersexual relation as, at such an increasing rate, a prey to it—the
right measure for it would seem to be offered in the art of the
painter of life by the concrete example, the art of the dramatist or
the novelist, rather than in that of the talker, the reporter at large.
The only thing is that, from the moment the painter begins to look
at American life brush in hand, he is in danger of seeing, in
comparison, almost nothing else in it—nothing, that is, so
characteristic as this apparent privation, for the man, of his right
kind of woman, and this apparent privation, for the woman, of her
right kind of man.
The right kind of woman for the American man may really be, of
course, as things are turning out with him, the woman as to whom
his most workable relation is to support her and bear with her—
just as the right kind of man for the American woman may really
be the man who intervenes in her life only by occult, by barely
divinable, by practically disavowed courses. But the ascertainment
and illustration of these truths would be, exactly, very conceivably
high sport for the ironic poet—who has surely hitherto neglected
one of his greatest current opportunities. It in any case remains
vivid that American life may, as regards much of its manifestation,
fall upon the earnest view as a society of women “located” in a
world of men, which is so different a matter from a collection of
men of the world; the men supplying, as it were, all the canvas,
and the women all the embroidery. Just this vividness it was that
held up the torch, through the Cambridge autumn, to that
question of the affiliation of the encountered Harvard
undergraduate which I may not abandon. In what proportion of
instances would it stick out that the canvas, rather than the
embroidery, was what he had to show? In what proportion would
he wear the stamp of the unredeemed commercialism that should
betray his paternity? In what proportion, in his appearance, would
the different social “value” imputable to his mother have
succeeded in interposing? The discerned answer to these inquiries
is really, after all, too precious (in its character of contribution to
one’s total gathered wisdom) to be given away prematurely; but
there was at least always the sense, to which the imagination
reverted, that in the collegiate cloisters and academic shades of
other countries this absence of a possible range of origin and
breeding in a young type had not been so felt. The question of
origin, the question of breeding, had been large—never settled in
advance; there had been fifty sorts of persons, fifty representatives
of careers, to whom the English, the French, the German
universitarian of tender years might refer you for a preliminary
account of him.
I speak of my keeping back, for the present, many of my
ultimate perceptions, but I may none the less recall my having
had, all the season, from early, the ring in my ears of a reply I had
heard made, on the spot, to a generous lady offering
entertainment to a guest, a stranger to the scene, whose good
impression she had had at heart. “What kind of people should I
like to meet? Why, my dear madam, have you more than one
kind?” At the same time that I could remember this, however, I
could also remember that the consistently bourgeois fathers must
themselves in many cases have had mothers whose invitation to
their male offspring to clutch at their relatively finer type had not
succeeded in getting itself accepted. That constituted a fatal
precedent, and it would have to be in the female offspring,
probably, that one should look for evidences of the clutching—an
extension of the inquiry for which there was plenty of time. What
did escape from submersion, meanwhile, as is worth mentioning,
was the golden state of being reminded at moments that there are
no such pleasure-giving accidents, for the mind, as violations of
the usual in conditions that make them really precarious and rare.
As the usual, in our vast crude democracy of trade, is the new, the
simple, the cheap, the common, the commercial, the immediate,
and, all too often, the ugly, so any human product that those
elements fail conspicuously to involve or to explain, any creature,
or even any feature, not turned out to pattern, any form of
suggested rarity, subtlety, ancientry, or other pleasant perversity,
prepares for us a recognition akin to rapture. These lonely
ecstasies of the truly open sense make up often, in the hustling,
bustling desert, for such “sinkings” of the starved stomach as have
led one too often to have to tighten one’s æsthetic waistband.
IX
If the Bay had seemed to me, as I have noted, most to help the
fond observer of New York aspects to a sense, through the eyes, of
embracing possession, so the part played there for the outward
view found its match for the inward in the portentous impression
of one of the great caravansaries administered to me of a winter
afternoon. I say with intention “administered”: on so assiduous a
guide, through the endless labyrinth of the Waldorf-Astoria was I
happily to chance after turning out of the early dusk and the
January sleet and slosh into permitted, into enlightened
contemplation of a pandemonium not less admirably ordered, to
all appearance, than rarely intermitted. The seer of great cities is
liable to easy error, I know, when he finds this, that or the other
caught glimpse the supremely significant one—and I am willing to
preface with that remark my confession that New York told me
more of her story at once, then and there, than she was again and
elsewhere to tell. With this apprehension that she was in fact fairly
shrieking it into one’s ears came a curiosity, corresponding, as to
its kind and its degree of interest; so that there was nought to do,
as we picked our tortuous way, but to stare with all our eyes and
miss as little as possible of the revelation. That harshness of the
essential conditions, the outward, which almost any large attempt
at the amenities, in New York, has to take account of and make the
best of, has at least the effect of projecting the visitor with force
upon the spectacle prepared for him at this particular point and of
marking the more its sudden high pitch, the character of violence
which all its warmth, its colour and glitter so completely muffle.
There is violence outside, mitigating sadly the frontal majesty of
the monument, leaving it exposed to the vulgar assault of the
street by the operation of those dire facts of absence of margin, of
meagreness of site, of the brevity of the block, of the inveteracy of
the near thoroughfare, which leave “style,” in construction, at the
mercy of the impertinent cross-streets, make detachment and
independence, save in the rarest cases, an insoluble problem,
preclude without pity any element of court or garden, and open to
the builder in quest of distinction the one alternative, and the
great adventure, of seeking his reward in the sky.