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I.

Ideology of Pakistan
Ideology of Pakistan Definition and elucidation, historical
aspects: Muslim rule in the Sub-Continent, its downfall and
efforts for Renaissance.
Q. Critically examine Congress Ministries of 1937. How far it is correct to suggest
that it paved the way for a separate Muslim homeland in India?
Q. Briefly describe the genuine factors which were responsible for the demand
of a separate homeland by the Muslims of the Sub-Continent.
. No. 4. Critically analyze the elections of 1937 and the sufferings and grievances
of the Muslims under the Congress rule in the provinces (1937-1939). How much
did it help in popularizing the idea of a separate Muslim state in India? (20)
Q. No. 4. What are the major provisions of Simla Agreement (1972) between
Pakistan and India? How it was helpful for establishment of durable peace in
the region? (20)
Q. No. 5. “The Simla Deputation, 1906 laid the foundation for the creation of
Pakistan”. Substantiate your view point with solid arguments. (20)
Q.No.4. What was the contribution of the Muslim Press in the struggle for
creation of Pakistan? Examine the role of prominent Muslim journalists in
this regard. (20)
and non-Muslims at the advent of British rule in South Asia. (20)
Q. No. 8. Critically evaluate the evolution of Muslim Separate identity in the
Subcontinent. (20)

Q. No. 3. Discuss the 3rd June Plan or Mountbatten Plan and also describe how
it was implemented? (20)

Q.3. “It was over-reaction of Hindus to the partition of the Bengal in 1905 that
widened the gulf between Muslims and Hindus”. Comment. (20)
Q.5. “Separation of East Pakistan, though a tragic part of History of Pakistan,
was not the negation of two nation theory”. Comment. (20)
Q. Highlight the factors which played significant role in the evolution and
growth of Muslim Society in the Sub-Continent.
Q. Trace the history of the Muslim conquests of present day Pakistan areas
highlighting their contributions in transforming the society and culture.
Q.No.2. Critically examine the Muslim shift from militancy to education with
a special reference to the educational movements launched during the 19th
century in South Asia. (20)

PAKISTAN IDEOLOGY

AIMS AND OBJECTS OF THE ESTABLISHMENT OF PAKISTAN

WHAT IS AN IDEOLOGY?
The term Ideology is a complex phenomena in the study of Social Sciences on which a great deal of
controversy exists among scholars on its meanings and definition. The French Philosopher Autoine
Destull de Tracy used the word ideologie during French Revolution and defined it as the Science of Ideas
meaning thereby as the study of the origins, evolution and nature of ideas. To Karl Marx ideology means
the ideas of the ruling Junta who seeks to perpetuate the prevailing order of Capitalism and their own
privileged position. Karl Manneheim, to some extent took a similar view of ideology by defining it as the
conservative, self-seeking and biased views of the dominant class in society.2

In view of the different approaches towards the meaning of an ideology, a working definition can,
however, be evolved to reach at a conclusion. Ideology is a different form of those comprehensive
patterns of moral beliefs about man, society and the universe in relation to man and society. Ideology is
often understood as a way of thinking about the cultural and social programme of a political movement
launched to emancipate a suppressed group from the exploitation of a more dominant social class. The
(ideologies) deal with idea or abstract speculations and are a systematic set of arguments and beliefs
used to justify an existing or desired social order. "A political ideology is a system of beliefs that explain
and justifies a preferred political order, either existing or proposed and offers a strategy (institutions,
processes, programmes) for its attainment".
The ideologies contain a set of proposals about human nature and society. These proposals explicitly
manifest human conditions, approaches and understanding of a social and political order and provide a
basis for the accomplishment of a desired social system. "An ideology offers an interpretation of the
past, and an explanation of the present and a vision of the future.

HOW IDEOLOGY EMERGES?


Ideologies often reflect the way of thinking of a nation or a social group who has been rejected a social
position which otherwise would have been its due place in the society. It grows amongst the dissatisfied
and disgruntled group of society as a challenge to the prevailing social set up. The ideologies are
propagated as a systematic programme of logical ideas, which convincingly explain the human destinies.
The ideologies are highly integrated around one or few pre-eminent values, such as salvation, equality
or ethnic purity. They lay emphasis on their form, distinctiveness and never intend to follow outlooks,
creeds and other ideologies existing in the same society.

Ideologies tend to arise in times of crisis and social stress. They originate and get support among those
sections of society who have rejected the prevailing conditions. "An ideology emerges when people feel
strongly that they are being mistreated under an existing order, when their status is threatened by
fundamental changes occurring in the society, and when the prevailing ideology no longer satisfies
them". This state of affair drives the ignored and maltreated groups towards other ideologies, which
show them a new horizon of better life.

IMPORTANCE OF AN IDEOLOGY

Ideology is a motivating force for a nation, which is striving hard to bring stability and homogeneity to its
nationhood. It provides the cement-binding base to the scattered groups in a society and brings them
closer to each other on a common platform. Ideologies impel their adherents to follow a joint line of
action for the accomplishment of their goal. Ideologies give shape to the revolutions and give birth to
new cultures and civilizations. They stress on their adherents to insist on the realization of their ideals
through total transformation of society.

Absolute and firm individual obedience is demanded of those who accept it and an unquestioned
agreement with each other on the ideals is the most vital pre-requisite of an Ideology.

BASIS OF PAKISTAN IDEOLOGY

Pakistan Ideology is based on the ideals of the Islamic system. It was a reaction to the Hindu and British
exploitation of the Muslims of the sub-continent. It was a revolt against the prevailing system of India
where the Hindu Nationalism was being imposed on the Muslims and their culture. It contained a
strategy to save the Muslim culture from total elimination.

PAKISTAN IDEOLOGY

DEFINITION AND EXPLANATION

The creation of Pakistan was unique in the sense that it was based on an ideology which sought its roots
from the religion of Islam. The famous slogan "Pakistan ka matlab kiya, La ilaha illallah" became the core
of the freedom movement and the basis of Pakistan.

TWO-NATION CONCEPT

Pakistan ideology was based on the fact that the Muslims were a separate nationhaving their own
culture, civilization, customs, literature, religion and way of life. They cannot be merged in any other
nation because their philosophy of life is based on the principles of Islam. As the Muslims of India found
it difficult to live according to the principles of Islam in the United India, they were forced to demand a
separate homeland to safeguard their national and religious identity.

Pakistan Ideology was erected on the Two-Nation Theory which meant that Hindus and Muslims were
two separate and distinct nations whose understanding of life was glaringly different from each other.
Sir Syed Ahmed Khan, the pioneer of the Two-Nation Theory used the word Two-Nation for Hindus and
Muslims after being convinced of the Hindu and Congress hatred and prejudices for the Muslims. The
Muslims were a separate nation who always adhered to their religious identity. The Muslims of the sub-
1 continent did not want to see their image as a distinct nation being tarnished and therefore strictly
adhered to it. The British and the Hindus, in spite of their great efforts, could not put a wedge into the
Muslim unity and love for their national character. The creation of Pakistan owes much to this feeling of)
adherence to their national image by the Muslims of the sub-continent.
1

As far as the meanings and definition of Pakistan Ideology is concerned, it basically means that Pakistan
should be a State where the Muslims should have an opportunity to live according to their faith and
creed based on the Islamic principles. They should have all the resources at their disposal to enhance
Islamic culture and civilization because this was the sole purpose of demanding separate homeland for
the Muslims.

AIMS AND OBJECTS OF THE ESTABLISHMENT OF PAKISTAN

Following factors can be said to be the objectives of the establishment of Pakistan.

1. Enforcement of the Sovereignty of the God Almighty The Islamic State is built up on the

concept of the sovereignty of the God Almighty. The prime objective of the demand for Pakistan was the
establishment of a State where Almighty God's supremacy could be enforced and where a government
based on the Islamic principles could be instituted. The Quaid-i-Azam said "We did not demand Pakistan
to acquire a piece of land, but we wanted a homeland where we could introduce Islamic principles".

2. Establishment of Islamic Democracy Islam has given an ideal concept of democracy which is
distinctively different from the western concept. In Islamic democratic system everyone is equal and no
one enjoys a privileged position on the basis of his social status, colour or creed. The Khalifa, the Naib of
God on earth, strictly follows the principles of Islam and Sunnah in the administration of the state
affairs. The Khalifa has dual accountability ...... on earth he is responsible to the people and in heaven to
the God Almighty.

One of the main objectives of the freedom movement was that the Muslims of the sub-continent
wanted a country where the ideal system of Islamic democracy could be installed. The Muslims
demanded Pakistan solely because they desired to live according to the principles of Islam. The Two-
Nation Theory, which became the basis of the freedom movement for Pakistan also implied that the
Muslims of the sub-continent wanted to mould their lives according to the Islamic principles. It was
because of this reason that the famous slogan, Pakistan ka matlab kiya La ilahaillallah, came on
everybody's tongue. The Quaid-i-Azam said on 14th February, 1948 at Sibi "It is my firm belief that our
salvation lies in following the golden rules of conduct as given by our great law-giver, the Prophet of
Islam. Let us lay the foundations of our democratic system on Islamic ideals and principles. The Almighty
has taught us that our decisions in the state affairs shall be guided by mutual consultation."

3. Revival of Muslim Image and Identity In the United India the Muslims were dominated by the Hindus
in every social field.

The Muslims were not in a position to compete with the Hindus because of their backwardness in
education and politics. The Hindus had adopted a prejudicial attitude which blocked all channels to
prosperity and progress for the Muslims. The national image and identity of the Muslims was in great
jeopardy because of the Hindu hatred and antagonism. If the British would have left the country as a
United India, the Muslims would have fallen a humble prey to the perpetual Hindu domination and
caprice. The demand for Pakistan was aimed at protecting the Muslims from Hindu domination and
subjugation and also at the revival of the Muslim identity and national image which was in disastrous
jeopardy in the United India.
4. Protection of Muslim Culture and Civilization

The Muslims were always a separate nation because of their distinctive cultural values and patterns.
They were easily distinguishable from other nations on the basis of their social behaviours. The Muslim
culture, civilization and literature were the living and proud symbols of the Muslims identity as a
separate and distinct nation. Although the Muslims lived with Hindus and other nations for centuries,
yet they proudly maintained their separate image. The Muslims and other nations of the sub conti
remained distinct with an emphasis on their separateness.

The Hindus always desired to crush the Muslims as a nation and ultimately to merge them into Hindu
society. Several attempts Iwere made by the Hindus to erase the Muslim culture and civilization. Hindi-
Urdu controversy, Shuddi and Sanghtan movements are the glaring examples of the ignoble Hindu
mentality. These attempts were aimed at the total elimination of Muslim culture in order to merge it
into Hindu Culture and Nationalism.

One of the great objectives of the Pakistan movement was the protection of Muslim culture and to save
it from Hindu domination. The Muslims were not prepared to accept Hindu superiority over them.
Theywere very much alive to their sense of supremacy as a separate and distinct nation. In fact this
feeling of separateness was motivating element of the Pakistan movement. The Muslims wanted to give
stability to their nationhood which was not possible in the United India under the Hindu hegemony. The
Muslims, therefore, decided to separate themselves from the Hindus in order to safeguard their cultural
values.

5. Two-Nation Theory

The entire freedom movement revolved around Two-Nation Theory which became the basis of demand
for Pakistan. It meant that the Muslims were a separate nation with their distinct culture, civilization,
literature, history religion and social values. Islam, the religion of the Muslims, was based on the concept
of Tauheed and, therefore, could not be assimilated in any other system or religion.

Sir Syed Ahmed Khan was the first Muslim leader who propounded this theory. In the beginning he was
a staunch advocate of Hindu-Muslim unity. Later on while observing the prejudiced Hindu and Congress
attitude toward the Muslims, he came forward with his Two-Nation concept and declared that the
Muslims were a separate nation having their own culture and civilization.

The establishment of Pakistan further strengthened the Two-Nation concept which meant that Pakistan
would be a country where Islamic principles would be followed. With the creation of Pakistan it became
possible for the Muslims to mould their lives according to the principles of Islam.

6. Emancipation from the prejudicial

Hindu majority The Muslims came to India with conquering armies and permanently settled there in the
Indian society. though maintaining their separate identity. The conversion of Hindus to Islam, in the later
stages, caused the population of India to undergo a gradual change. With lapse of time the Muslims
came to form one-fourth of the total population of India.
The Muslims belonged to all walks of and understandably dominated in all sphere of social life during
their rule. The Ara conquest was a blessing for the sub-continen which attained maximum economic
prosper during Muslim rule. The Muslim dominatio aroused Hindu jealousy who had to live unde the
Muslim hegemony in spite of the numerical majority.

With the advent of the British rule the Muslims lost their empire and politica supremacy. The British
extended favours t the Hindus in view of their numerical strength in order to win their co-operation. The
Hindus who were eagerly looking for an opportunity to settle their old score with the Muslims were very
happy on the turn of the events They quickly snatched the golden opportunity, offered to them by their
new masters, and joined hands with the new rulers of India for the elimination of the Muslims from the
Indian society.

The British and the Hindus adopted a cruel policy of mass elimination against the Muslims in order to
erase them as a nation and subsequently merge them in the Hindu nationalism. This policy created great
difficulties for the Muslims in their social life. The Congress ministries further strengthened the Muslim
suspicions who were now fully convinced that there was no other way than separating themselves from
the Hindus in order to avoid total elimination. The demand for Pakistan was based on this very feeling
that the Muslims should be emancipated from the clutches of the eternal Hindu domination.

of

7. Establishment Economic System

Balanced

The economic condition of the Muslims, before partition, was deplorable. The Hindus had monopolised
commerce and trade. The Muslims were not in a position to enter in the business and trade because of
biased policy of government. After the war of Independence of 1857, the British Government had
banned Muslims entry into government service. All high civil and military positions were reserved for
the Hindus. The Muslims were considered eligible only for peon's and low ranking jobs. The Government
had confiscated estates and properties of the Muslims to punish them for their involvement in the war
of independence. The agricultural land was mostly owned by the Hindus who fully exploited the Muslim
cultivators. The Government policy provided no shelter to the Muslims for earning their sustenance in a
respectable manner.

The Muslims also lagged behind in the field of education. The Hindus on the other hand had advanced in
modern knowledge and were in a better position. The ignorance in education also played havoc with the
economic condition of the Muslims as they were not capable of getting any reasonable job.

These measures and biased policies of the government badly affected the condition of the Muslims.
Their future as a nation was destined to be ruined and they reached at the lowest ebb of their social and
economic life in India. The inexorable economic exploitation of the Muslims at the hands of the British
and Hindus, compelled them to think about a separate homeland for their economic security. They
wanted a country where they could erect a social and economic system free of exploitation and which
could pull them out of despair to show them a new horizon of life.
The major objective of the creation of Pakistan was the establishment of a balanced economic system
based on the economic principles of Islam which could ensure a happy and stable economic life to every
individual. The demand for Pakistan was motivated by the desire of Muslims to have a homeland of their
own where everyone had enough opportunities to earn his sustenance and where every individual was
self-sufficient in his economic matters.

The economic system of Islam is based on the balanced principles which do not permit an individual to
keep wealth and economic resources more than one's needs and requirements. By the systems of Zakat
and Ushr, extra wealth is extracted from the people and distributed amongst the poorer

and more needy persons of the society to maintain economic balance. The Quaid-i Azam, while
inaugurating the State Bank of Pakistan on 1st July, 1948, said, "The bank symbolized the sovereignty of
our people in the financial sphere. The Western economic system has created many problems for
humanity. The Western economic system I would not help us in setting up a workable economic order.
We should evolve an economic system based on Islamic concept of justice and equality."

Pakistan Movement

81

The Government announced to hold elections to the provincial legislative assemblies in 1936-
37. There were 1771 seats of the provincial assemblies which were to be filled by these
elections. Although both Muslim League and the Congress had rejected the Act of 1935, still
they decided to contest the elections.

Both Muslim League and the Congress

issued their manifestoes. The Muslim League

laid down two main principles on which its

elected representatives would work:

1. The present provincial constitution and proposed central constitution should be replaced by
system of self a government. 2. In the meantime the representatives of the Muslim League
would sincerely I work to get the maximum benefits out of the present Constitution.

The Congress, too, came forward with somewhat similar slogans of public welfare, freedom and
liberty and for the release of the political prisoners.

The results of the elections were shocking for the Muslims of India and the Muslim League as
well, which could not get mentionable support from the voters. Congress achieved a big victory
and managed to get clear majority in five provinces. It, however, manoeuvered to form coalition
government in few other provinces to form its ministries in eight provinces, Congress got clear
majority in Madras, Bihar, Orissa, United Provinces and Central Provinces. In Bombay the
Congress won some independent groups to form a coalition ministry. The Muslim League
managed to get few seats in the Muslim minority provinces but failed in the Muslim majority
areas.

Formation of Congress Ministries

The Congress adopted rigid attitude after winning the elections in majority. The Congress
leaders behaved in a dictatorial manner and imposed their own will. On 1st April, 1937 the
Governors of Bombay, Madras, Central Provinces, United Provinces,

Orissa and Bihar invited the leaders of the Congress parliamentary groups in their respective
provinces to form ministries. In reply to these invitations the Congress leaders put a condition on
the Government to give assurance that the Governors would not use their special powers of
interference granted by the constitution for the protection of the minorities rights. This otherwise
meant asking the Government functionanes not to perform their duties. The Government clearly
expressed their inability to give such an assurance. However, Lord Linlithgow, the Viceroy,
issued a statement on 21st June, 1937 in which he clarified that the Governors would use their
special powers in matters of utmost urgency and that the Ministers would be allowed to work
freely. After this statement the Congress Working Committee on 7th July, 1937 passed a
resolution permitting the Congress to accept the office.

The Congress took office in eight provinces. In Punjab the Unionist Party of Sir Sikander Hayat
formed ministry. Muslim ministry was formed in Sindh which was dissolved because of the
Congress conspiracies. A coalition was formed in Bengal with Maulvi Fazal-ul-Haq of Krishak
Praja Party as the leader of the coalition. Muslim League could not form Ministry in any
province. Congress formed its ministry in N.W.F.P. as well which brought the number of
Congress ruled provinces to six. In Bombay and Bengal the Congress formed coalitions with
other groups.

As Muslim League had got sizeable success in the Muslim minority provinces, it was hoped that
the Congress would include Muslim League in the Government in the Muslim minority
provinces. But the Congress was reluctant in sharing the power with the Muslim League and
laid down degrading conditions for the Muslim League to be included in the Ministry.
Discussions were held between the Congress and Muslim League leaders. Maulana Abu-al-
Kalam Azad, a member of Congress high command communicated to Chaudhri Khaliq-uz-
Zaman, the leader of the Muslim League, the following terms on which the Congress was 22 82

Pakistan Affairs

prepared to let the Muslim League enter the provinces. This committee was to guide and
provincial government:

1. The Muslim League group in the U.P. Legislative Assembly shall be dissolved.

2. The members of the Muslim League in the U.P. Assembly shall join the Congress and would
come under the party discipline.

3. The Muslim League members who will join the Congress shall carry out the instructions
issued by the Congress Party leaders pertaining to their work in the Assemblies.

4. The Muslim League Parliamentary Board shall be dissolved.


The above-conditions proposed by the Congress clearly exhibited the rigid and dictatorial
attitude which the Congress had adopted after winning the elections. No party with a slightest
feeling of self-respect would have accepted these degrading terms. The Muslim League,
therefore, rejected these terms and a pure Congress ministry was formed in the United
Provinces.

CONGRESS ATROCITIES ON THE

MUSLIMS

Congress had formed its ministries in the eight provinces. The Muslims living in these provinces
under Congress rule, were subjected to most inhuman treatment and made to bear the
oppressive and tyrannical rule of the Congress for two and a half years. The Congress adopted
every means to completely obliterate the Muslim population of the provinces under its rule.

had adopted

Congress an unconstitutional method to rule the provinces and its administration did not
conform to the parliamentary system as laid down in the Act of 1935. The Congress ministries
were not accountable to the Parliament. They received all instructions from the Congress High
Command and were answerable to it for all matters The Congress High command made and
removed the ministers. A parliamentary sub-committee was set up by the Congress to deal with
the work of legislatures in all

advise the legislatures in their functions. It consisted of Maulana Abu-al-Kalam Azad, Rajendra
Prasad and Sardar Vallabhai Patel. The provinces were distributed amongst the thred members
of the committee, Maulana Azad was given the charge of Bengal, United Provinces, the Punjab
and the Khyber Pakhtunkhawa Rajendra Prasad got Bihar, Orrissa and Assam. Vallabhai Patel
was allotted Bombay, Madras, the Central Provinces and Sindh. This sub-committee was given
enormous authority to deal with all matters in the Congress ruled provinces. The Congress
regime was an absolutist rule and was in fact an oligarchy dominated by Mr. Gandhi.

With the installation of Congress ministries the Hindus came out to impose Hindu Nationalism
on the Muslims. The Congress began its rule by imposing its will on the Muslim minorities in the
provinces under its rule. The Muslims were forbidden to eat beef. Severe punishments were
awarded to those who slaughtered the Mother Cow. Every effort was made to humble and
humiliate Islam the religion of the Muslims. A systematic policy was framed by the Congress to
erase the Muslim culture. Hindi was enforced as the official language in all the provinces under
the Congress rule. Azan was forbidden and organized attacks were made on the Muslim
worshippers busy in the mosques. Noisy processions were organized to pass near the mosques
at prayer times. If a Muslim had to kill a cow for sacrifice, hundreds of Muslims including their
children and women were to be killed as a reprisal Pigs were pushed into the mosques and
Azan was frequently interrupted.

Hindu-Muslim riots were maneuvered in various places to make a pretext for severe action
against the Muslims. The Muslims were openly and freely mauled and molested. The
Government agencies offered no protection to the Muslims who fell a prey to the Hindu
domination and high-handedness. If the Muslims lodged complaints with the authorities the
decisions were always against the Muslims. Pakistan Movement

83
1. Bande Matram

Bande Matram was a song in which degrading verses were used against the Muslims and their
religion Islam. The song was written by a Bengali novelist Bankim Chatterjee in his novel
Anadamath and urged all the non-Muslims to wage war against the Muslims in order to expel
them from Hindustan which meant for the Hindus only. In order to strengthen the Hindu
nationalism, the Congress members in the Assemblies, under the instructions from the
Congress High Command, insisted on commencing the day's beginnings by the recitation of the
song Bande Matram. Bande Matram was also adopted as a national anthem and was to be
recited before the start of official business every day.

2. Wardha Scheme

The Wardha Scheme was the outcome of Gandhi's philosophy. It preached the Hindu
nationalism and principles of non-violence. It aimed to develop a high respect among the young
minds about the Hindu heroes and religious leaders. The Wardha and Widdia Mander schemes
sought to isolate the young generation of the Muslims from their religion, culture and civilization.
The Muslims, therefore, rightly feared that the education policies introduced under these
schemes, were completely segregated from their religion, tradition and culture and would
subvert all what they (Muslims) loved so much. The main objective of these schemes was to
destroy the Muslim culture and secure the perpetual domination of Hindu culture. It aimed at
injecting the political ideas of one political party, the Congress, into the minds of. the Muslim
children. It completely ignored religion and favoured Hindi at the cost of Urdu.

3. Hoisting of Three-Coloured Flag

The Congress, after taking over the government in the provinces, immediately ordered the
hoisting of three-coloured flag with the British Union Jack to prove that there were only two
powers in India which were the British and the Congress.

4. Widdia Mander Scheme

Another attempt was made to erase the Muslim culture by introducing a new educational
system. The education policy was known as Widdia Mander Scheme and meant to convert the
non-Hindus to Hinduism. It was introduced in all schools, colleges and educational institutions
Under this scheme the students were asked to pay respect and homage to Gandhi's picture
every day in their assemblies in the schools. The students were asked to bow before Gandhi's
picture and sing hymns in his praise. Dr. Zakir Husain, a Congress Muslim, was the author of
this scheme.

5. Hindu-Muslim Riots

The Hindu-Muslim riots were usual during the Congress rule. Organized attempts were made on
the honour, property and lives of the Muslims by indulging in the communal. and religious feuds.
The Hindus were free to assault the innocent Muslims in any area. The Muslim houses and
property were set on fire and their women and children abducted. Muslim massacre and
plundering of their localities were the scenes of the day.

6. Muslim Mass Contact Campaign


The Congress started a Muslim mass contact campaign. The main objective of this campaign
was to crush the popularity of the Muslim League amongst the Muslims. It was Nehru's
imagination to destroy the image of Muslim League as the only representative party of the
Muslims. The campaign began by directly contacting the Muslim masses with a view to win
them over to the Congress.

MUSLIM LEAGUE'S ROLE DURING CONGRESS RULE

The Muslim League remained very active during the atrocious rule of the Congress. It continued
drawing attention of the masses, through its resolutions, to anti Muslim policies of the Congress
and appealing to the Congress to change its biased attitude towards the Muslims The Muslim
League protested against anti-Muslim policies of the Congress and openly condemned its
various steps like the recitation of Bande Matram as the national 84

Pakistan Affairs

anthem, Wardha Scheme, Widdia Mander Scheme and Congress's attitude against Islam. The
Muslim League expressed its grave concern over the communal riots in the United Provinces,
Bihar, the Central Provinces and Bombay. Quaid-i-Azam critised the Congress rule and
declared it as Hindu Raj which worked and existed to Congress. annihilate every other
community. He said that the Congress rule was a fascist and authoritarian set up which
uprooted all norms of democracy.

END OF THE CONGRESS RULE

The Second World War began in 1939. Britain declared war against Germany. The government
appealed to all political parties for help and assistance in this hour of need.

Congress convened its meeting to consider Government's appeal and put the following
conditions for assistance in war.

1. The British Government should explain the objective of the war.

2. The Government should announce that the elected legislature would draft the constitution of
India.

3. The members of the Viceroy's Executive Council should be those only who enjoy the support
of the Central Assembly.

The acceptance of these demands would have meant the transfer of power to the Congress as
these demands clearly showed that the Congress was asking for the right of constitution
making. The government I could not accede to these demands as it wanted to pacify both
Congress and the Muslim League. Viceroy declared that due consideration would be given to
the point of view of every party and that dominion status would be given to India after the war.

The Congress did not believe the promises of the government. The Congress leaders
expressed their utter disappointment on the decision of the government. The Congress with a
view of putting more pressure on the government refused to extend co-operation to government
in the war activities and announced to resign from the ministry. The Congress High Command
asked its ministers to tender resignations in 1939 the protest against the decision of the
government. In November. Congress ministries resigned from their office. The poor Muslim
population took a sigh of relief as they have been relieved of the most tyrannical and oppressive
rule of the

DAY OF DELIVERANCE

With the resignation of the Congress ministries the Muslims of India were relieved of the most
dreadful domination of the Congress and Hindu majority. The two and half years of the
Congress rule was a bitter and painful experience for the Muslims of India who bad seen the
real Hindu mentality. The Quaid-i-Azam appealed to the people to observe the Day of
Deliverance on 22nd December, 1939 and bow their heads before Almighty Allah who relieved
them from the yoke of the Congress. The Quaid-i-Azam appealed that the day should be
observed with peace. The Muslims of India, in accordance with the appeal of the Quaid-+ Azam
celebrated the day with happiness. Public meetings were held and thanksgiving prayers were
offered in token of relief from the tyranny, oppression and high-handed ness of the Congress
regime.

The Simla Agreement

resulting from the cease-fire of 17 December 1971, shall be respected by both sides without prejudice to
the recognized position of either side

The effect of the clauses of the Agreement relating to the withdrawal of forces and the ceasefire line in
Kashmir was that Indian troops would be withdrawn from 5139 square miles of Pakistani territory in the
Punjab and Sindh occupied during the war, and Pakistani troops from 69 square miles of Indian territory
in the Punjab and Rajasthan. In Kashmir. India would retain 480 square miles of territory west and north
of the former ceasefire line in the Poonch. Tithwal, and Kargil sectors, and Pakistan 52 square miles east
of the line in the Chhamb sector.

Following the ratification by Pakistan on 15 July and by India on 3 August, the agreement came into
effect on 4 August 1972,

The Ziaur Rahman Case

The opening of peace negotiations between India and Pakistan was delayed for some months partly
because of difficulties arising from Pakistan's refusal to recognize Bangladesh and partly because the
leaders of both countries made a number of visits to foreign countries in the first half of 1972 to obtain
support for their respective positions. Talks were held in the hill station Murree, near Rawalpindi, from
26 to 29 April 1972, attended by special emissaries from India and Pakistan, and a joint statement issued
on 30 April said that they had settled the modalities for a meeting between Bhutto and Mrs Gandhi
towards the end of May or the beginning of June.

The summit conference between Bhutto and Mrs Gandhi opened on 28 June 1972, in Simla, which was
selected in preference to New Delhi because of a heatwave in the Indian capital. In the absence of an
agreement (the main stumbling block being Kashmir) the talks, which had been due to end on 1 July
were extended for another day. An agreement was finally arrived at on 2 July and was signed shortly
after midnight.

All other provisions relating to the judicature including those of the Supreme Judicial Council were the
same as provided under the 1962 Constitution.

The agreement contained the elements of earlier Indian drafts, but the wording was considerably
modified to make it acceptable to Pakistan. In particular, the clause seferring to the ceasefire line in
Kashmir was rephrased to read: "The line of control

Soon after taking over power, Bhutto came down heavily an political opponents and the editors and
journalists who wrote against him. Muhammad Mukhtar Rana, a member of the National assembly from
Faisalabad, who belonged to the People's Party, fell out with Bhutto soon after his assumption of power.
He was charged with criminal offences under martial law regulations in February 1972 and sent for trial
before a special military court. Altaf Husain Qureshi, editor, and his brother Dr Ijaz Husain Qureshi,
printer and publisher of the monthly Urdu Digest and Mujib-ur-Rahman Shami, editor of the weekly
Zindagi were arrested and detained under martial law regulations in April 1972 for writing against
Bhutto and his policies. Similarly, Husain Naqi and Muzaffar Qadir, editor/publisher and the printer of
the weekly Panjab Punch respectively, were also arrested and detained under martial law regula tions.
All these men, were sentenced to various terms of imprisonment by special military courts under
various martial law regulations. However, writ petitions filed by them or by their friends or relatives
before the Lahore High Court challenged their detention and subsequent conviction. These writ
petitions were allowed by a Full Bench of the Lahore High Court on 6 July 1972.

The judgment of the Lahore High Court in these cases was challenged by the government before the258

The Interim Constitution of 1972

259

Constitutional and Political History of Pakistan

Supreme Court in various appeals which were all heard together and decided on 8 January 1973." It was
argued by the Attorney-General on behalf of the government that the judiciary could, in no way, be
concerned with the question of policy, nor could it exercise the power to strike down any provision of
the Constitution on the basis of any other document, however important or sanctified it may be. The
Constitution, he urged, being a fundamental and supreme organic law of the country from which all
functionaries of the State derived their existence and powers, its substantive provisions could not be
controlled by its preamble or even the Objectives Resolution. He argued that the position of the
Objectives Resolution in a system in which a Constitution had been subsequently framed, was no more
than what it described itself to be, namely, an enunciation or declaration of the guals sought to be
attained by the people, an expression of their aspirations and the ideal sought to be achieved. Its
position was no better than that of a preamble to a statute and that it could serve no higher purpose. He
urged that the Constitution once framed and adopted had become the organic law of the state and
there was no power or authority that could exist outside the Constitution. The judiciary, like other
organs of the state, was a creature of the Constitution and had to submit, like all other organs of the
state, to the limitations placed upon its jurisdiction.
The Supreme Court accepted this contention and held that it never claimed to be above the Constitution
or had the power to strike down any provision of the Constitution. The Court accepted its position that it
derived its powers and jurisdiction from the Constitution and that it had to confine itself within the set
limits by which it had taken oath to protect and preserve. It had, however, the right to interpret the
Constitution and could declare any legislation as unconstitutional and void. This power did not mean
that judicial power was superior in degree or dignity to legislative power but that the Constitution itself
had vested it with this power. It was held that the judiciary could not claim to declare any provision of
the Constitution as ultra vires or void under its power of interpretation.

The Supreme Court repelled the contention that it had already declared the Objectives Resolution as
grund norm for Pakistan in Asma lilani's cases and

in this way held that it stood above even the Interim Constitution or any Constitution that might be
framed in the future. The Court observed that it did not say that the Objectives Resolution was the
'grund Horm but that the grund norm being the doctrine of legal sovereignty accepted by the people of
Pakistan, consequences would flow from it.

It was also argued before the High Court and the Supreme Court that the Interim Constitution itself was
not a valid document because it had not been framed by a competent body as the majority of its
members, 160 out of 300 elected from East Pakistan, had not participated in its proceedings. It was also
contended that in view of the judgment in Asma Jilani's case, the 1962 Constitution still held the field.
These contentions were considered untenable. It was held that the National Assembly had the framing
of the Constitution as its first purpose and it had performed its first function in accordance with the
mandate given to it by the people. It was not for the courts to question the mandate of the people. The
court held that the National Assembly was validly constituted and that it had ratified the Interim
Constitution and the assumption of power by the President.

The Supreme Court also considered the effect of the Validation Clause under the Interim Constitution as
laid down in Articles 280 and 281. The government had taken the position that these Articles of the
Constitution had ousted the jurisdiction of the courts and they could not look into the orders made and
proceedings taken that had been validated under those Articles of the Interim Constitution. The Court
did not accept this blanket interpretation sought to be put on these provisions by the government and
held that the validity given by clause (2) of Article 281 of the Interim Constitution to acts done or
purported to be done in exercise of the powers given by martial law regulations and orders had since
been repealed or that even in the purported exercise of those power. their provisions did not have the
effect of validating acts done coram non judice or without jurisdiction or malafide.

The State Ziaur Rahman case brought rationalized some of the findings and observations made by the
Supreme Court in Asma Jilani's case thus bringing the law within the limitations of the recognized legal
and constitutional confines. The judgment put in

place the role and the constitutional position of the Objectives Resolution and upheld the Interim
Constitution, thus saving the country from constitutional anarchy. It also placed a progressive
construction on the Validation Clause thus opening the way for the courts to examine and review those
orders and proceedings which were malafide, coram non judice, or without jurisdiction and thus
widened the scope of the judicial review.
Dismissal of the Provincial Government in Balochistan and Resignation of the Provincial Government in
NWFP

It has been mentioned above that Bhutto reached an accord with the NAP-JUI leaders in February 1972
under which he agreed to appoint NAP nominees, Arbab Sikandar Khalil and Ghaus Bakhsh Bizenjo, as
Governors of NWFP and Balochistan respectively. The accord also allowed NAP-JUI governments to be
formed in these provinces. In return, NAP-JUI agreed not only to the continuation of martial law until 14
August 1972 but also to vote in favour of a motion of confidence in Bhutto as President when the matter
came up in the National Assembly, and agreed not to uppose the central government's emergency
powers.

This three-party agreement, as it was called, ran into trouble within days of its conclusion. It seems that
Wali Khan and his colleagues in the NAP developed serious misgivings about the continuance of Martial
Law when Bhutto removed hundreds of public officials without giving them access to courts, Martial law
had been used to restrict fundamental rights, judicial authority, and the due process of law. In so far as
many of the dismissed civil servants belonged to the provincial governments, Bhutto's move could also
be construed as an invasion of provincial authority. In view of these considerations, Wali Khan
announced that his party would not vote for the continuance of martial law in the National Assembly
and that the NAP-JUI government would review the cases of provincial civil servants removed under
martial law regulation 114.

Wali Khan's change of stance, however well intentioned, amounted to a violation of the three party
agreement. Bhutto treated it accordingly and

withheld the appointment of the NAP nominees as Governors of NWFP and Balochistan. Following an
exchange of letters between him and Wali Khan in which suitable explanations were provided Bhutto
and his colleagues went to Peshawar to confer with the NAP-JUI leaders on 8 April 1972. After a morning
session, with the understanding that they would meet again in the evening. Bhutto went to have lunch
with Abdul Qayyum Khan and accepted his offer of an alliance as a result of which his party, the Qayyum
Muslim League (QML), agreed to support the PPP in the National Assembly and the NWFP Assembly
and, in return. Bhutto agreed to take Qayyum Khan as minister for interior in his Cabinet," Bhutto's
meeting with the NAP-JUI leaders in the evening failed to resolve their disagreement but it seems he
had already decided to withdraw martial law. At the National Assembly session on 14 April, he
announced this and, in return, received the assembly's approval of a provisional Constitution and a
unanimous vote of confidence in his government. On 28 April 1972, the NAP nominees assumed office
as Governors in NWFP and Balochistan and, on 1 May the NAP-JUI governments were sworn in

The NAP-JUI leaders spoke of traditional democratic values. They were interested in stability, tranquility,
respect for individual rights, and the rule of law. They said they would treat all citizens equally well and
work for complete harmony between the provincial and the central governments. Mufti Mahmood, the
new Chief Minister of NWFP, appealed to all citizens to remain within the bounds of law. He called upon.
landlords to stop ejecting tenants forthwith and asked the latter to pay the landlord his share of the
crop. The NAP-JUI governments invited investment in their provinces and assured prospective investors
that their properties would be fully protected. Ataullah Mengal, the Chief Minister of Balochistan, told
newsmen that he and his colleagues were working day and night' to make his province a shining
example of good government. None of the NAP or JUI leaders had held high public office before. They
embarked upon their new careers with considerable enthusiasm but they were not allowed to continue
for long.
Bhutto encouraged rival political forces in NWFP and Balochistan to disrupt the NAP-JUI governments.
He did not really need Qayyum Khan's support but260

Constitutional and Political History of Pattan

took him as his Interior Minister probably because the latter had been a foe of the NAP leaders for
twenty-five years and could be relied upon to use the resources of his office to harass the NAP-JUI
governments. Hayat Mohammad Khan Sherpao. minister for water and power in the central
government, became the leader of the opposition in the NWFP Assembly. As a central minister, he could
deny the province funds and co-operation and, as leader of the opposition in the Provincial Assembly. he
could denounce the NAP-JUI government for its failure or tardiness in solving the people's problems.
Militant socialists in the PPP camp were eager to create class conflict in NWFP and Balochistan and thus
worked in aid of Qayyum Khan's mission to destabilize the NAP-JUI governments.

Within weeks of his return from Simla, Bhutto began accusing the NAP-JUI government in NWFP of
seeking a confrontation with the central government. Qayyum Khan and other central ministers branded
the NAP leaders as traitors, foreign agents, puppets of capitalists and industrialists, and exploiters of the
Pakistani workers and peasants. Meraj Muhammad Khan urged the peasants in NWFP to spill the
landlord's blood and seize his lands. In some Instances federal ministers harboured individuals. against
whom the provincial governments in NWFP and Balochistan had issued warrants of arrest. At the same
time, they condemned the NAP-JUI govern ments for failing to maintain public order.

Some disruption of the public order also took place in Balochistan. First, the new NAP-JUI government
resolved to return to the provinces of their origin several thousand non-Balochi public servants to make
room for the local aspirants. The Bhutto regime denounced this plan as narrow parochialism that would
set one Pakistani group against the other. Later, in 1972, Marri tribesmen raided Punjabi settlements in
the Pat Feeder area and killed several men. The Balochistan Students Organization (BSO), an affiliate of
the NAP at that time, kidnapped federal railway officials in Quetta and interfered with the movement of
trains. Bhutto and his colleagues alleged that the Balochi NAP leaders, notably the Mengal and Marri
sardars, opposed the central government's efforts to bring modernization to the province, roads,
electricity, schools, clinics, irrigation, industry, rule of law, and impersonal administration. because they
wanted to hold their tribesmen as serfs,

In December 1972, the NAP-JUI government arrested the leaders of the Jamote tribe in Lasbela. The
Jamates, who had long been rivals of the Mengals, responded with an uprising, Pleading insufficiency of
regular police forces in the province, Ataullah Mengal, the Chief Minister, raised a private force, lashkar,
supplied it from government armouries, and despatched it to subdue the Jamotes. In the central
government's version, this lashkar killed 42 Jamotes, besieged 8000 of them in the adjoining hills, and
proceeded to starve them by cutting off their supplies. On 31 January 1973, the central government
called upon Mengal to halt his operation and, on 9 February it ordered federal troops into Lasbela to
disarm his lashkar and to relieve the Jamotes. Governor Bizenjo and Chief Minister Mengal opposed the
use of federal troops in their province and, on the night of 14 February, Bhutto dismissed them." The
NAP-JUI government in NWFP resigned in protest. A few months later, on 16 August, the central
government arrested Ghaus Bakhsh Bizenjo, Ataullah Mengal. and Khair Bakhsh Marri and sent them to
jail. These events brought on a mini civil war in Balochistan. which went on for more than four years and
resulted in thousands of casualties."
The NAP leaders disputed the central government's version. They claimed that they were patriotic
Pakistanis and that they were wholly committed to the nation's territorial integrity. They disowned Sher
Muhammad Marri and repodiated the suggestion that the arms found in the Iraqi embassy were
destined for them. They pointed out that the B50 kidnappers and the Marri invaders of Punjabi villages
had been arrested and jailed. They said that eight Jamotes, not forty-two, had been killed, and that no
one had been besieged or starved. Above all, they charged that the Bhutto regime had engineered the
Jamote rebellion and other acts of violence in the province to destabilize the NAP-JUI government. Khair
Bakhsh Marri told a newsman in May 1973 that Bhutto wished to coerce the NAP leaders into obeying
his 'commands, despite the fact that their coalition, and not his party, enjoyed majority support in the
provincial legislature. He had sent the army inte Balochistan to wipe out the support base of the
unyielding Mengal and Marri tribal leaders."

In November 1972, the NAP-JUI government issued a series of ordinances enabling it to cancel the

leaseholders mining concessions, and to operate the mines through a government agency or a public
corporation. The ordinances, if implemented, would have ruined the Zehris. On 4 December 1972, the
government arrested Nabi Bakhsh's son-in-law, Zafar Iqbal Zehri, on the charge of killing a worker. The
Zehris, thereupon, joined forces with Bhutto in his developing conflict with the NAP leaders. They also
sought Qayyum Khan's protection. The NAP leaders later charged that the Zehris and their allies, the
Zarakzais, had instigated and funded the afore mentioned Jamote uprising in Lasbela.

Nawab Akbar Bugti did not belong to the NAP but had supported its election campaign in 1970. He
believed that, in proper gratitude for his earlier assistance, the NAP leuders should have consulted him
before making a settlement with Bhutto, Instead, they drove a wedge between him and his younger
brother, Ahmad Nawaz, by appointing him minister for finance and mineral resources in their govern
ment. Nabi Bakhsh Zehri, whose daughter was married to Akbar's son, Salim, also visited the nawab in
London. His plea, and Bhatto's reassurances, persuaded Bugti to return to Pakistan." He supported
Bhutto allegations against the NAP leaders. He claimed that he, too, had been a party to their
secessionist conspiracy but that he had learned better and abandoned it. Thus, he strengthened Bhutto's
case for dismissing the NAP-JUI government. In return, Bhutto appointed him to succeed Bizenjo as
Governor of Balochistan." Bhutto stated that he knew Bugti and the NAP leaders had been "birds of the
same feather, that they had become opponents for tribal reasons and that he had taken advantage of
their recent rivalry,"

Even after the formation of the NAP-JUI government in the NWFP, Pakhtoon grievances relating to the
pre-empting of all the lucrative sources of revenue by the central government and its alleged
unwillingness to make amends for this through generous allocation of central revenues to the province
continued. Regional disparities were further heightened by the way the central government had allowed
industrialists to exploit the resources of Balochistan and the NWFP for the benefit of Punjab and Sindh.

The smaller provinces had certain legitimate grievances that were likely to be further accentuated by
the fact that after February 1973, these provinces

The Intart Constitution of 1972

261

were no longer functioning under their own popularly elected governments.


SIMLA DEPUTATION

Pakistan Affairs

country was formed under the leaders His Highness Sir Agha Khan.

Ever since its establishment in 1885 as a political organization, All India National Congress had been
actively striving for the Hindu cause. It had ignored its aims and objectives which said that the Congress
would work for the protection of interests of all communities of India irrespective of their religion and
nationality. It, however, could not pursue this lofty principle of looking after the interests of all
communities of India and very soon indulged in purely pro-Hindu activities. It became clear, by Congress
designs, that it was a forum meant to project the Hindu demands only.

The Hindu opposition to Urdu and partition of Bengal revealed it to the Muslims that the Hindus and
Congress would never allow them a respectable place in the Indian society The Hindu and Congress
agitation intensified these feelings and aroused Muslim suspicions about Hindu designs. Then the rise of
Hindu Nationalism awakened Muslims' feelings of separate identity. The movement launched by Swami
Dayanand and B.G. Tilak raised Muslims eye-brows who seriously pondered over their future plans to
safeguard Muslims their interests. The success of Hindu and Congress agitation against Urdu and
partition of Bengal proved to the Muslims that the Government responded to the organized point of
view. The political scene of India was affected with these events and particularly by Muslims. the
vigorous political activities of the Congress which had no rival in the political arena. The Muslims
believed that only an organized endeavour would lead them to success.

Liberal Party of England had won the General Elections under the leadership of Lloyd George in 1905. It
believed in giving adequate safeguards to the Indian people by introducing constitutional reforms. The
Liberal Party announced that it would soon introduce constitutional reforms in India.

The Muslim leaders decided to avail this opportunity in order to apprise the Viceroy of the Muslims
demands.. A delegation of prominent Muslim leaders, from all over the

The Viceroy was vacationing at The Muslim leaders asked for the of Mr. Archbold, the Principal of assi D
ge Inform College, to get an appointment with viceroy. Mr. Archbold got in touch Private Secretary of
the Viceroy Col Smith and requested him to appointment with the Viceroy and Archbold. The Muslim
delegation comp 35 Muslim leaders known Deputation, called on the Viceroy October, 1906 at Simla. as
on

inter The deputation apprised the Vicero the Muslim demands. They expressed need for the protection
of the Muslimi if representative form of the Government to be introduced in India. The deputa
expressed that the representation Muslims should be commensurate not with their numerical strength
but also their political importance and the valu contribution which the Muslims made to defence of the
Empire. Deputation aske separate electorate through which should elect their representatives for
municipalities, seats councils and provincial and central legisl councils. They demanded legislatures,
quota in Government ser and seats of judges in the courts for m

Lord Minto gave a patient hearing to demands of the Muslims presented by Simla Deputation. Minto
expressed complete agreement with the principle separate electorate. He promised to sympathetic
consideration to the deme and assured the deputation that he would all what was possible to accept the
deman

It was a great achievement of the S Deputation to have convinced the Vice about the genuineness of the
Musi demands. The Muslims were now conving that organized efforts were essential to p for the
acceptance of the demands. The m important demand of separate electorate accepted by the
Government and included

۲۶۱ Muslims Political Struggle

51

the Minto-Morley Reforms of 1909. At this time the Muslims had left the Congress and had no
political platform to project their demands. They badly needed a forum for the projection and
safeguard of their interests to counter the false propaganda of the Congress.

FORMATION OF ALL INDIA MUSLIM LEAGUE

The success of Simla Deputation made it imperative for the Muslims of the sub continent to
have their own political organization. The Congress's anti-Muslim activities too emphasised the
need of a political platform for the Muslims from where the interests of Muslims could be
projected. The Muslim leaders of the Simla Deputation after their meeting with the Viceroy held
consultations among themselves as to the possibility of forming a political association. They
were of the opinion that the time had reached when systematic efforts were to be made for the
protection of the Muslims interests.

The annual session of All India Muslim Educational Conference was held in 1906 at Dacca. The
prominent Muslim leaders from all over the country were attending this meeting. When the
meeting ended, Nawab Salim Ullah Khan of Dacca, convened a meeting of the Muslim leaders
at his residence. The objective of this meeting was to discuss the possibilities of forming a
political association for the Muslims. The meeting was presided over by Nawab Viqar ul-Mulk on
30th December 1906. Nawab Salim Ullah of Dacca had already circulated an idea of the
political organization known as All India Muslim Confederacy. Nawab Viqar ul-Mulk, in his
presidential address stressed the need for a political platform for the Muslims. He said that
Congress political activities were highly injurious for the Muslims for which Sir Syed Ahmad
Khan had asked the Muslims to keep away from the Congress politics. He said that the Muslims
form only one-fourth of the total population of India. It is very obvious that if the British leave the
country at any time, the Muslims will come under the domination of that nation which is

four times bigger than the Muslims. The other participants also expressed their views in favour
of forming a political organization for the Muslims.

Nawab Salim Ullah of Dacca, therefore, moved a resolution which was supported by Hakim
Ajmal Khan, Maulana Zafar Ali Khan and other participants. The resolution

declared:

"Resolved that this meeting composed of Muslims from all parts of India assembled at Dacca
decide that Political Association be formed styled as All India Muslim League, for the
furtherance of the following objectives:"
OBJECTIVES OF THE MUSLIM LEAGUE 1. To promote among the Muslims of India feelings of
loyalty to the Brition Government and to remove any misconception that may arise as to the
intention of the Government with regard to any of the measures.

2. To protect and advance the political rights and interests of the Muslims of India and to
respectfully represent their needs and aspirations to the Government.

3. To prevent the rise among the Muslims of

India of any feelings of hostility towards

other communities without prejudice to

other aforementioned objects of the

League.

Nawab Mohsin-ul-Mulk and Nawab Viqar-ul-Mulk were elected provisionally as Joint Secretaries
of the Muslim League. A Committee consisting of sixty members was set up to draft the
constitution of the Muslim League. The Constitution Committee Included all the members of
Simla Deputation. Maulana Muhammad All Jauhar, a distinguished student of Aligarh and
Oxford, was given the responsibility of drafting the rules and regulations of the League. The
rules and regulations drafted by Maulana Muhammad Ali Jauhar were contained in a brochure
called Green Book.'

1. Jamil-ud-Din Ahmad, Early Phase of Muslim Political Movement, p. 83. 52

The first regular session of the Muslim League was held at Karachi on 29th and 30th December,
1907 exactly after one year of its formation. Sir Adamjee Pirbhai, a prominent leader of Bombay,
presided over this session. The draft constitution prepared by the Committee was placed before
the session for approval. The constitution was adopted after a further scrutiny by the members
of the Constitution Committee present at Karachi session. The purposes and objectives of
League were re-shaped after the constitution was adopted which were as follows:

1. To promote among the Muslims of India feelings of loyalty towards the British Government
and to remove any misconception that may arise as to the intention of the Government with
regard to any of its measures.

2. To protect the political and other rights of Indian Muslims and to place their needs and
aspiration before the Government in temperate language.

3. So far as possible, without prejudice to the objectives mentioned under 1 and 2 above of this
section, to promote friendly feelings between the Muslims communities of India. and other

The Karachi session of the League adjourned after adopting the Constitution. The session
resumed after a few months and met again on 18th March, 1908 at Aligarh at the residence of
Nawab Muzzamil Ullah Khan, Joint Secretary of the Aligarh College. Justice Shah Din presided
over this meeting which conducted regular business. His Highness the Agha Khan was elected
as the President and Major Hasan Bilgrami as the Secretary. Nawab Mohsin-ul-Mulk had
expired by this time and Nawab Viqar-ul-Mulk was pre-occupied with his new commitments in
connection with the Aligarh College. It was also decided in this meeting that branches of Muslim
League shall be opened in the country. Syed Amir Ali had established Mohammadan
Association in London which was made London Branch of the Muslim League.

The Muslim League met with immediate success in the initial stages of its struggle. It

Pakistan Affairs

drew Government's attention towards Muslims' demands expressed by the Deputation. It


secured due share appointments for the Muslims and also in the legislative bodies on local,
proving and central level. It demanded appointment of Muslim judges in the coun also secured
adequate safeguards for educational interests of the Muslims getting due representation for the
Muslims the syndicate and Senates of the Ind Universities. The most important demand
separate electorate was conceded by, Government and incorporated in the Morley Reforms
1909. Many Muslims rose the judgeship of higher courts who were p Sharaf-ud-Din (Calcutta
High Court), Karamat Husain (Allahabad High Court) Mr. Shah Din (Punjab High Court)."
Muslim League endeavoured to get the Aug by Bill passed by which the management Auqafs in
the country was taken over Government. Mint

STEPS FOR TRANSFER OF POWER

Prime Minister Attlee declared in Parliament that India would be freed by 20th February, 1948.
He said in the House of Commons, "It is a mission, it is a mission of fulfilment."

Lord Mountbatten had been appointed as the last Viceroy of India who was to replace Lord
Wavell. Lord Mountbatten arrived in India on March 22, 1947. He came charged with the
mission to make a peaceful transfer of power from British to Indian hands by June 1947. 96

Pakistan Affairs

Minister in a letter directed the Viceroy to do whose people reject it. 3. Referendum shall be held
in Khyber Pakhtunkhawa

4. Province of Balochistan shall adopt

appropriate way to decide its future.

Lord Mountbatten was told by the Prime Minister Attlee to hand over the power to the Indians by
1st June, 1948. The Prime his utmost to keep the unity of India. The Prime Minister wrote that it
was the definite objective of His Majesty's Government to obtain a unitary Government for
British India in accordance with the Cabinet Mission Plan.

Upon his arrival in India, Lord Mountbatten had to face many problems regarding a peaceful
transfer of power. Muslim League was demanding partition of India and was not prepared to
accept anything less of Pakistan. On the other hand Congress was pressing hard for the
transfer of power to the Hindu dominated Constituent Assembly. Another set of problems was
created by the choice of June 1948, as the effective date for the transfer of power. The fifteen
months were too short a period for the innumerable political, constitutional and administrative
decisions involved.
Lord Mountbatten began negotiations with the political leaders of India. Having successfully
completed his task. Mountbatten entered into discussions with Indian leaders on the
constitutional problems.

JUNE 3 PLAN

After prolonged talks, Mountbatten had worked out a partition plan by the middle of April 1947. It
was felt that if the partition came it should be the responsibility of the Indians.

The Working Committee of Congress met on May 1, 1947 and gave its acceptance of the
partition plan. Muslim League also gave its approval to the final draft of the partition plan.

Mountbatten went to England to seek the approval of the British Government which was duly
accorded. The plan was issued on June 3, 1947 and is known as June 3 Plan. The main
characteristics of the plan are as follows:

1. The Legislatures of the Punjab and Bengal shall decide whether the provinces should be
divided or not.

2. The Indian people shall make the Constitution of India. This Constitution shall not be
applicable to those areas

5. States shall be free and independent to join one or the other country. 6. A Boundary
Commission shall be set up

after partition which will demarcate the boundaries of the two countries. 7. Both countries shall
have their own Governor-Generals who will be the

Executive Heads of their respective countries. 8. Military assets shall be divided amongst two
countries after partition.

RADCLIFFE AWARD

It was provided in June 3 Plan that as Boon as the legislatures of Punjab and Bengal decided in
favour of partition, a Boundary Commission should be set up to demarcate the boundaries.
Since the legislatures of Bengal and Punjab had voted in favour of partition, Boundary
Commissions were set up for Punjab and Bengal under the Chairmanship of Sir Cyril Radcliffe,
a prominent lawyer of London.

Each Boundary Commission was to consist of an equal number of representatives of India and
Pakistan and one or more impartial members. The claims of India and Pakistan were bound to
conflict and there was little chance that the representatives of India and Pakistan on the
Boundary Commissions would reach any agreement among themselves. There was a proposal
to put the problems of boundary demarcation into the hands of UNO which Nehru refused to
accept. The Quaid-i-Azam wanted three law Lords from the United Kingdom" to be appointed to
the Boundary Commission as impartial members, Mountbatten insisted on Radcliffe who would
have the power to make the award in case of the deadlock.

The members of the Punjab Boundary Commission were Justice Din Muhammad

So with Can Pakistan Movement


97

and Justice Muhammad Munir on behalf of Pakistan and Justice Mehr Chand Mahajan and
Justice Tej Singh on behalf of India. The members of Commission the Bengal Boundary were
Justice Abu Saleh Muhammad, Justice M. Akram and Justice S.A Rahman on behalf of
Pakistan and Justice C.C. Biswas and Justice B.K Mukerjee on behalf of India.

The Commissions were set up by the end of June, 1947. Radcliffe arrived in India on July 8,
1947. The two Commissions were assigned the responsibility of demarcating the boundaries of
the two parts of the Punjab and Bengal on the basis of the contiguous majority areas of Muslims
and non-Muslims.

India and Pakistan agreed to accept the award of the Boundary Commission and to take proper
measures to enforce it. Radcliffe did not take part in the public sittings of the Commission, in
which arguments were presented by the Muslim League, the Congress, the Sikhs and other
interested parties. He studied the record and proceedings of the meetings and held discussions
with other members of the Commission. As expected the members of the Boundary
Commission were unable to reach agreement on the boundaries. Lord Radcliffe, as a Chairman,
gave his award.

DIVISION OF BENGAL AND CALCUTTA PROBLEM

The Radcliffe award was unfair to Pakistan because it awarded many Muslim majority areas in
the Punjab and Bengal to India. In Bengal, the great city of Calcutta occupied immense
importance. It was the capital of the province, its only major port and the biggest industrial
commerce and educational centre. Being the centre of all activities Calcutta was the most
developed area of the province. The entire development of Calcutta was mostly based on the
toil of Muslim peasantry of Bengal. East Bengal próduced most of the raw material which had to
be sent to Calcutta because all the factories and mills were in or around Calcutta. Without
Calcutta Eastern Bengal would prove to be a rural slum. For Pakistan, separated by

one thousand miles of Indian territory, the importance of sea communications and hence of
Calcutta could not be ignored. For that very reasons the Congress leaders were determined to
deny Calcutta to Pakistan and insisted on retaining it in India. Mountbatten was in favour of
giving Calcutta to India. Radcliffe, in accordance with the desires of Mountbatten, awarded
Calcutta to India. despite the Muslim claim to it

Although the Muslims formed only a quarter of the population of Calcutta, but the hinterland on
which the life of Calcutta depended was a Muslim majority area. Calcutta had been built mainly
on the resources of East Bengal. Pakistan, therefore, had a strong claim upon Calcutta and its
environs. Mountbatten had entered into a secret agreement with the Congress leaders to get
Calcutta for India, Sardar Patel declared in a speech in Calcutta on January 5, 1950: "We made
a condition that we could only agree to partition if we did not lose Calcutta. If Calcutta is gone
then India is gone."

DIVISION OF PUNJAB

In case of Punjab the award was again partial and against Pakistan. The award that Radcliffe
gave in the Punjab chopped off a number of contiguous Muslim majority areas from Pakistan. In
case of India not a single non-Muslim area was taken away from her. In Gurdaspur district two
contiguous Muslim majority Tehsils of Gurdaspur and Batala were given to India alongwith
Pathankot tehsil to provide a link between India and the State of Jammu and Kashmir. The
Muslim majority tehsil Ajnaia, in the Amritsar district was also handed over to India. In Jullundur
district the Muslim majority areas of Zira and Ferozepur in the Ferozepur district, were also
given to India. All of these areas were contiguous to the Western Punjab.

Commenting on Radcliffe's award in a radio speech the Quaid-i-Azam said, "The division of
India is now finally and irrevocably effected. No doubt we feel the carving out of this great
independent Muslim State has suffered injustices. We have been squeezed inasmuch as it was
98

possible, and the latest blow that we have received was the award of the Boundary
Commission. It is an unjust, incompre- hensible and perverse award. It may be wrong, unjust
and perverse; and it may not be a judicial but a political award, but we have agreed to abide by
it and it is binding upon us. As honourable people we must abide by it. It may be our misfortune
but we must bear up this one more blow with fortitude, courage and hope."

INDEPENDENCE ACT OF 1947

On July 4, 1947, the Viceroy announced the Partition Plan on Radio. According to this Plan,
India was divided into two sovereign States of Pakistan and India and the British control over
India would come to an end on 15th August, 1947. The princely States were given the option to
join one or the other country. They were also authorized to have their independent legislatures,
constitutions and other administrative departments. The Act of 1935 was to remain in force until
both countries draft their own Constitutions. Both countries would have right to remain in the
British Commonwealth if they so desire. The agreements between the princely States and the
British Government would come to an end with the end of British control over India. The British
parliament approved the Independence Act on 14th July, 1947 by which Pakistan came into
existence as the biggest Islamic State of the world.

TRANSFER OF POWER Two sovereign States came into existence on 14th August and 15th
August, 1947 according to the June 3 Plan of Lord Mountbatten. Lord Mountbatten keenly

Pakistan Affairs

desired to become the joint Governor General of India and Pakistan. Congress had agreed to
this proposal knowing Mountbatten's soft corner for the Congress and Hindus. The Congress
approval to Mountbatten's appointment as the Governor General was based on the Congress's
designs to extract maximum benefits with Mountbatten's assistance in the division of assets and
the demarcation of boundaries.

The Quaid-i-Azam was fully aware of Mountbatten relationship with Congress leaders and
particularly with the Nehru family. He was also aware of pro-Hindu and pro Congress
sentiments of Lord Mountbatten. Apart from that the Quaid-i-Azam believed. that the partition of
India and the emergence of Pakistan should commence in an unambiguous manner and that no
pre conditions be laid down with this prime objective for which the Muslims had struggled so
hard. He, therefore, rejected the proposal of having a joint. Governor-General for Pakistan and
India. Muslim League also rejected this proposal and decided to appoint the Quaid-i-Azam as a
first Governor-General of Pakistan.
The Quaid-i-Azam reached Karachi on 7th August, 1947 where he was given a tremendous
welcome. Lord Mountbatten announced the establishment of Government of Pakistan on 15th
August, the 1947 in Assembly Building at Karachi. The Quaid-i-Azam took oath as the first
Governor General of Pakistan on 15th August, 1947 the last Friday of the holy month of
Ramazan. The National Flag with the Crescent and the Star was unfurled. Cabinet was sworn in
and Pakistan was born. Establishment of Pakistan

99

Chapter 5

ESTABLISHMENT OF PAKISTAN

INITIAL DIFFICULTIES AND IMPORTANT EVENTS

Pakistan was established as the fifth most populous and biggest Muslim State on 14th August,
1947. Lord Mountbatten, the last Viceroy of United India came to Karachi to hand over power to
the first Constituent Assembly of Pakistan. Lord Mountbatten addressed the Assembly and
briefly high- lighted the events which had led to the creation of Pakistan as an independent and
Pakistan. sovereign State.

The emergence of Pakistan, after a long and arduous freedom struggle, was in fact a great of
the democratic idea of life. The staunch faith of the people in the idea of Pakistan and their
ready acceptance of the dynamic leadership of the Quaid-i-Azam, made it possible and easier
to achieve Pakistan in the face of most stubborn opposition from the British and the Hindus. The
Muslims of India happily and valiantly laid down their lives and properties to achieve a
destination in which they saw the fulfilment of their dreams of living an independent life. The
Quaid-i-Azam won Pakistan for his people with his unflinching spirit and peoples' trust in his
sincere and dauntless leadership. The people were profoundly grateful to the Father of the
Nation. The Quaid-i-Azam, in his address to the Nation on 15th August, 1947, said "My thoughts
are with those valiant fighters in our cause who readily sacrificed all they had, including their
lives, to make Pakistan possible."

The Quaid-i-Azam had already been elected as the first President of the first Constituent
Assembly of Pakistan on 11th August, 1947. Mr. Justice Muhammad Sharif was assigned the
job of drafting the Constitution with certain modifications in the Act of 1935. The Quaid-i-Azam,
in his address to the first Constitutent Assembly at the time of transfer of power declared that
Pakistan wanted to have cordial and friendly relations with its neighbour India.

The Quaid-i-Azam had a stupendous task of building the structure of the newly born State of
Pakistan. A federal constitution, in the light of the recommendations made by Justice Sharif,
was enforced in which the five provinces were the federating units. The Quaid-i-Azam
immediately set himself to consolidating the administrative machinery of

INITIAL PROBLEMS

1. CONGRESS REACTION ON THE ESTABLISH-MENT OF PAKISTAN

The British and Hindus, at last, had to surrender before the exemplary struggle of the Muslims
of India. The Hindus and Congress, however, did not accept the partition and emergence of
Pakistan from the core of their heart. They always looked for opportunities to create problems
for the newly-born State of Pakistan. The Indian leaders had accepted the partition in the hope
of undoing it soon and re-establishing their hegemony over the whole of the sub continent.
According to Brecher, "Most of the Congress leaders and Nehru among them, subscribed to the
view that Pakistan was not a viable State politically, economically, geographically or militarily
and that sooner or later the areas which had ceded would be compelled by force of
circumstances to return to the fold." With these sentiments the Congress leaders had accepted
Pakistan as for them Pakistan was a transient phase, a tactical retreat that did not affect their
strategic aims. But the Quaid-i-Azam declared, "Pakistan had come to exist for ever and it will
by the Grace of God exist for ever."

The Congress leaders did their utmost to damage Pakistan. They adopted measures with the
connivance of the British, and particularly with the blessings of Mountbatten, Establishment of
Pakistan

101

demand for the division of military assets. On June 3, 1947, Field Marshal Auchinleck was
entrusted with the job of dividing the armed was given to her. forces and army assets.

were no means by which Pakistan could get its due share and had to be content with what

4. THE MASSACRE OF MUSLIM REFUGEES AND THEIR INFLUX IN I created many hurdles
in the division of the PAKISTAN

Congress and Indian Cabinet Ministers military assets. The assets were to be divided with a
ratio of 36% and 64% between Pakistan and India respectively. All the Ordnance Factories,
sixteen in number, were located in the Indian union. The Indian leaders were stubbornly
opposed to the transfer of any Ordnance Factory to Pakistan. They were not even prepared to
part with any piece of machinery which may have been given to Pakistan.

A programme for the transfer and division of army assets was chalked out. It was decided that
the army soldiers and men, who opted either for Pakistan or India, should report in their
countries of choice by the 15th of August, 1947. It was also decided that until the completion of
division of armed forces and military assets, the armed forces would remain under the control of
one Commander.

The armed forces personnel were given full liberty to opt for any country. It was decided that the
Muslim regiments would go to Pakistan while the Hindu and other non Muslim regiments would
go to India. No problem was faced with regard to the division of army men and soldiers. But the
Indian leaders created many difficulties in the division of military assets and equipment. The
equipment which were given to Pakistan were mostly in shabby condition. The machinery, was
obsolete and out of order. A financial settlement was arranged and Rupees 60 million in lieu of
Pakistan's share of Ordnance Factories was given to Pakistan. With this amount the Ordnance
Factory at Wah was established.

The British Commanders, supervising the division of assets, could not get rightful share for
Pakistan in the military assets. Field Marshal Auchinleck who supervised and conducted the
division of the assets, was bitterly criticised and compelled to resign. In the face of this
determined opposition, there
When the movement for Pakistan was going on, the Hindus and Sikhs, with the blessings and
connivance of the British rulers, had on many occasions, slaughtered the Muslim masses in
India. These communal riots before the partition of India, had been local affairs which erupted
for few days and then died down leaving no significant impact on the people. The 1946
massacre of Muslims of Bihar was the first organized attempt of extermination of Muslims.

At the time of creation of Pakistan, the problem of refugees became a serious and difficult issue
for the Government. The Hindus and Sikhs had chalked out a systematic programme for the
massacre of Muslim refugees migrating to Pakistan. The Punjab massacre planned by the Sikhs
were not only on a much larger scale, they also differed in kind from all previous disorders. They
had a defined political objectives, and to gain it, controlled violence and terror were used. The
Sikhs carried military offensive on the refugees that would end only when the objective was
accomplished. They had at their disposal the trained and armed forces of Hindu and Sikh States
and had planned the massacres at a time when the Government of East and West Punjab were
busy in the re organization and, therefore, least capable of paying an effective attention to any
other matter.

The Hindu and Sikh rulers of States played the most heineous and ignoble role in this horrible
tragedy in the history of mankind. They fully co-operated with the Hindus and Sikhs in the
ruthless slaughter of the Muslim refugees. In the Punjab the State troops of Patiala, Kapurthala,
Alwar and Bharatpur.. joined with Hindus and Sikhs bands in the systematic extermination of the
Muslim population. The State troops were employed in the massacre of Muslims with Hindus
and Sikhs who were allowed to kill and mutilate 102

Pakistan Affairs

Muslim men, women and children. The States of Kapurthala and Patiala provided secret bases
to raiding Sikhs and Hindus to operate from. Arms and ammunition were also provided by the
State Governments to Sikhs and Hindus for killing the Muslims.

The Muslim massacres were not only confined to the countryside, worse things were happening
in the cities. On August 15, 1947, the day of Indian liberation was celebrated very strangely in
the Punjab. A Sikh mob paraded a number of Muslim women naked through the streets of
Amritsar, raped them on the roads and then cut some of them to pieces with Kirpans and burnt
the other alive. In this way the revenge for the partition of India was taken from the Muslims.

The Sikhs were clearing East Punjab of Muslims, butchering hundreds daily, forcing thousands
to flee and burning Muslim villages. The Sikh Jathas always attacked the Muslim migrants on
their way to Pakistan. These raiding Jathas were given full protection by the authorities. The
Sikhs slaughtered the poor men, women, young and old in the cold-blood. The minor children
were killed in a ruthless manner in the presence of their helpless parents. Women were raped
and young girls were abducted.

Some migrants undertook their journey to Pakistan in trains under the protection of police and
army. They also met the same fate. The trains were stopped at certain places and Hindus and
Sikhs, armed with deadly weapons, will suddenly appear and begin killing the helpless refugees.
They looted everything and left the trains in most miserable and horrible conditions. The trains
reached Pakistan with large number of dead bodies and wounded persons to tell the tales of
terrible atrocities committed by Hindus and Sikhs.
These were very hard days for the Muslims and the government of Pakistan. The Pakistan
Government was in great difficulty to provide shelter and food to the refugees who were pouring
in large number. The Quaid-i-Azam was greatly perturbed over the miserable condition of the
refugees. He

vehemently protested to the Indian authorites over the atrocities committed on the Muslims The
Indian leaders did not pay any heed to these protests and quietly sat with the most inhuman and
atrocious mass killing of the Muslims of India.

The first and the immediate problem which invited attention of the Government was the
rehabilitation of the refugees who had to leave their homes to begin a new lile in Pakistan. The
refugees, in miserable conditions, were pushed in Pakistan to create difficulties for the
Government of Pakistan which was busy in establishing itself. Millions of mutilated persons, with
no sustenance, were made to leave their hearth and homes for Pakistan simply to create
economic problems for the newly-bom country and its Government. The sinister objective was
to overwhelm Pakistan with a torrent of uprooted and tormented refugees before the
Government of Pakistan had time to set up a workable administrative machinery.

Quaid-i-Azam met this challenge with courage and determination. He moved his headquarter to
Lahore to give his personal attention to the grave problem of refugees. Quaid-i-Azam Relief
Fund was created in which rich and wealthy people were asked to donate generously for the
rehabilitation of poor refugees.

The Quaid-i-Azam handled the situation arising out of the influx of refugees with vision, courage
and wisdom. He made stirring speeches to revive faith and confidence in the distressed
refugees. He said, "Do not be overwhelmed by the enormity of the task. There are many
examples in the history of young nations building themselves up by sheer determination and
force of character. You have to develop the spirit of Mujahids. you are a nation whose history is
full with tales of heroism and bravery. Live up to your traditions and add to another chapter of
glory." The Quaid-i-Azam also appealed to the people extend assistance to their brethrens. The
people every possible quickly responded to his call and came forward with every possible help
and assistance for the refugees. Establishment of Pakistan

103

5. DIVISION OF FINANCIAL ASSETS

The Indian leaders adopted every

that the

possible means to strangle Pakistan's economy So newly-born State should not survive as an
independent State.

At the time of creation of Pakistan there was a cash balance of Rs. 4 billion which was lying in
the Reserve Bank. This amount was to be divided proportionately amongst the two States by a
Committee. When the division was decided Pakistan was to get 750 million of rupees. The
Indian authorities refused to transfer the amount on one pretext or the other.

The first installment of Rs. 200 million was paid. The rest of the amount was stopped on the
advice of Sardar Patel who threatened that the amount shall not be paid until Pakistan
recognized India's right over Kashmir. Mr. Gandhi intervened by a threat of going to hunger
strike if the amount was not paid to Pakistan. On Mr. Gandhi's insistence Indian Government
gave another instalment of 500 million to Pakistan. The remaining amount of 50 million has not
been paid uptil now.

6.

CANAL WATER DISPUTE

The water dispute had its origin in the partition of Punjab. It came to light on April 1, 1948, when
India cut off the flow of canal waters to West Punjab in Pakistan, causing dire threat of famine
and loss of crops in West Punjab. As it has already been stated in the early pages that the
Indian leaders were bent upon strangling Pakistan's economy at the very beginning of its
existence, the stoppage of canal waters, therefore, was a dangerous move on the part of the
Indian leaders to satisfy their ignoble designs of damaging Pakistan's economy.

West Pakistan was a fertile soil but hot and dry climate. The rainfall is scanty and
undependable. Agriculture, the mainstay of Pakistan's economy is, therefore, dependent almost
entirely upon irrigation by canals drawn from the Indus and its five tributaries. The three western
rivers, the Indus, the Jhelum and the Chenab, flow into Pakistan

from the State of Jammu and Kashmir and the eastern rivers, the Ravi, the Beas and the Sutlej,
enter Pakistan from India.

In fact Pakistan's agriculture vitally and entirely depends upon the Indus water system which is
really a source of life for West Pakistan. On the other hand India has many river systems which
smoothly flow and fall into the sea unhindered. Much of Indian territory also gets enough rains to
support agriculture without irrigation.

It was decided at the time of partition that the canal Headworks would be given to India which
enabled India to cause a serious shortage of water. It also built dams over those rivers which
flow into Pakistan from India. Before partition India planned to build Bakhara dam on the river
Sutlej with a storage capacity of 4 million acre feet. But before it could be completed, the
downstream province of Sindh complained that the operation of Bakhara dam would adversely
affect the functioning of its link canals.

The partition of Punjab cut across the rivers and canals, making India and Pakistan upper and
lower beneficiaries of water. India promised not to interfere with the waters of those rivers which
were very vital for the irrigation of West Pakistan. But only after six months of partition, India
stopped the waters of the rivers Ravi and Sutlej which was a grave blow to the agriculture of
West Pakistan.

Pakistan, however, managed to overcome its problem arising out of blockade of water with the
assistance of the World Bank. Pakistan also purchased water from India on payment to avoid
economic disaster. The canal water dispute remained the main source of trouble between the
two countries and had adversely affected their mutual relations.

On September 19, 1960, an agreement was concluded between the two countries which is
known as Indus Basin Water Treaty. President Ayub Khan represented Pakistan while India was
represented by her Prime Minister Pandit Jawahar Lal Nehru. According to the treaty the waters
of the river Beas, the 104
river Ravi and the river Sutlej would be used by India while the waters of the river Chenab, the
river Jhelum and the river Indus would be given to Pakistan. It was also decided that to make
the best use of the waters of these rivers, two dams, 5 barrages and 7 link canals would be
built. India would pay 200 million rupees of the total cost of this project while the remaining
amount would be paid by the friendly countries of Pakistan. Pakistan to a greater extent
overcame its irrigation problems by this Treaty.

7. THE ACCESSION OF PRINCELY STATES

The Indian princely States, numbering 562 comprised of 1/3 of the Indian territory and a quarter
of population. These States were not the part of the administrative set up of British India. They
were ruled by the Indian princes who had agreed to come under the paramountcy of the British
Empire. These States were internally independent but came under the British hegemony with
regard to their defence and foreign affairs.

When the country was divided the division of the princely States was also considered. On May
12, 1946, the Cabinet Mission advised the princes to extend co operation for framing of
constitution so that their interests should also be safeguarded. The Cabinet Mission also urged
the rulers of the princely States to conform to the wishes while deciding the accession of their
States with one dominion or the other. The Cabinet Mission informed the States that the British
control over States would come to an end with the partition of India and all treaties between the
States and the British Government would cease to exist from that

date.

The British Government announced on February 20, 1947, that the British paramountcy would
not be transferred to any government of British India. The British Government reiterated that
British paramountcy over India and princely States would end in June, 1948, the date set for the
partition of India. The Government left it to the will of the States to decide whether they was a

Pakistan Affairs

wanted to remain independent or p Government after partition.

By 15th August, 1947, all princely except Janagarh, Kashmir and Hydr had announced their
accession with India or Pakistan. These States were victim to Indian aggression later on.

(a) Junagarh

Junagarh was a small maritime 300 miles down the coast from Karachi t an area of 3,337 sq.
miles and a populate about 700,000. It was ruled by a Musimu while the majority of population
compr Hindu and non-Muslim residents. independence the State announced t accession to
Pakistan because it maintain its links with Pakistan by sea Muslim ruler of Manavadar, a smaller
S contiguous to Junagarh, also acceded: Pakistan. The accession of Junagarh Manavadar were
accepted Government of Pakistan and the Ind by Government was accordingly informed.
Governor-General of India. Lord Mountbat telegraphed to the Governor-General Pakistan and
said; "Such acceptance d accession by Pakistan cannot but regarded by the Government of
India as a encroachment on Indian sovereignty and territory and inconsistent relations that
should exist between the tw dominions. This action is in utter violation d with friendy principles
on which partition was agreed upon and effected."
the Indian With these protests Government took steps to solve the problem by force. Junagarh
was surrounded by the Indian troops. The Jam Sahib of Nawanagar a leading Hindu prince of
the area, urged the Indian Government to take immediate steps to ensure protection of
Kathiawar States which had acceded to India and which were regarded as threatened by
Junagarh's accession to Pakistan. An economic blockade of Junagarh was imposed and
communication with India was cut off. In consequence Janagarh's revenue customs and
railways dwindled and there serious shortage of food. provisional Government of Junagarh, with
rail from The Establishment of Pakistan

1050

Gandhi's nephew Shamaldas Gandhi ás President, was set up at Bombay. The provisional
Government moved its headquarter to Rajkot near Junagarh, recruited volunteers and carried
out raids on Junagarh.

The Government of Pakistan offered to settle the dispute by negotiations. The Government of
India was, however, bent upon settling the matter by force. The blockade and raids had created
such choatic conditions in Junagarh by the end of October, 1947 that the Muslim ruler had to
leave hurriedly for Karachi with his family.

On November 7, 1947, the liberation army of 20,000 men with armoured cars and other modern
weapons entered Junagarh. Two days later India assumed control of the entire State. The
Government of Pakistan strongly protested on illegal occupation of Junagarh by Indian army
and urged the Indian Government to withdraw its forces. The Government of India paid no heed
and held a referendum after two months under the supervision of its armed forces. Majority of
voters cast their votes, as expected, in favour of accession to India. Pakistan took up the matter
with the UNO which is still undecided.

(b) Kashmir

The State of Jammu and Kashmir was the most important State in the sub-continent. It is
situated in the northern part of Indo-Pak sub-continent. It was the biggest State in India and
occupied 84,471 sq. miles of territory. It has its boundaries with Tibet, China, Russia and
Afghanistan which have placed it in a great strategic position.

The total population of the State, according to 1941 census, was about 4,000,000, which
comprised majority of Muslims in every province of the valley.

The State of Jammu and Kashmir was ruled by a Dogra ruler Ghulab Singh. The Dogra dynasty
had purchased the State from the British Government in 1846 for 7.5 million of rupees. The
State was sold to Ghulab Singh by the Treaty of Amritsar.

Ghulab Singh and his successors had established a despotic regime and ruled the

State in an autocratic manner. The Muslims, in particular, were ruthlessly subjected to the most
inhuman treatment. They were heavily taxed and made to live a very poor life. The Hindus were
given preference in Government jobs over the Muslims. Cruel punishments were awarded to the
Muslim inhabitants for a simple and minor breach of law.
The first battle for the freedom of State was fought in 1930. It was in consequence to the
repressive and arbitrary rule of Dogra dynasty. The movement was organized and led by Sheikh
Abdullah and Ch. Ghulam Abbas from the platform of Kashmir Muslim Conference.

The movement was quelled with the assistance of the British Government. The Maharaja, as
usual, adopted repressive and tyrannical measures to suppress the movement. There were
large scale arrests and firings. Muslims from the neighbouring areas entered Kashmir to help
their Muslim brethren. A Commission under Sir Glancy was appointed which recommended lew
constitutional reforms.

Geographically the State is a continuation of the plains of West Pakistan into mountains. The
rivers Indus, Jhelum and Chenab, which are the source of life for Pakistan, flow into Pakistan
from the State of Jammu and Kashmir making it a whole geographical unit. The State had its
road and rail links with Pakistan. Its imports and exports moved through Pakistan. Timber which
was State's most important and lucrative source of revenue, was exported by being floated
down the rivers into Pakistan. The cultural connections between the Muslims of the State and
that to Pakistan are so close as to make them virtually identical. The destiny of Kashmir and
West Pakistan is linked together by nature and by all possible interests such as economic,
religious, cultural and strategic.

When the sub-continent was divided, the State was ruled by Maharaja Hari Singh who too was
a tyrannical ruler. The people of Kahsmir, at the time of partition, felt that in view of Muslim
majority population the State 106

ruler would accede to Pakistan and they would soon be relieved from the oppressive Dogra rule.
The Maharaja came under immense pressure from the public to announce the State's
accession to Pakistan at an early date.

The Hindu ruler did not want to accede to Pakistan. In fact he wanted to accede to India in spite
of all the factors favouring State's accession to Pakistan. When the public pressure increased,
the Hindu ruler, in order to divert the attention of the people, concluded a treaty with Pakistan.
The Government of Pakistan, through this treaty, was assured, that efforts shall be made to
keep the State situation normal and that cultural and religious connections with Pakistan would
be maintained.

With the conclusion of this treaty, a large scale Muslim massacre was planned to turn the
Muslim majority into minority. The poor Muslim inhabitants were subjected to the most tyrannical
rule. The people revolted against this mass killings of the innocent people and the despotic
policies of the Hindu ruler. More than 2,37,000 innocent Muslims were executed and nearly
5,00,000 were made to leave their homes and seek shelter in Pakistan.

The Hindu Maharaja could not control the uprising and made an appeal to the Indian
Government to extend assistance to control the situation. The Indian Government put a
condition and first asked for the accession of the valley with India. The Hindu ruler immediately
complied and announced the accession of Jammu and Kashmir with India. The Indian
Government at once landed its armed forces in Kashmir. The Quaid-i- Azam, the Governor-
General of Pakistan, ordered General Gracy, the then C-in-C of Pakistan Army, to attack
Kashmir which he (Gen. Gracy) refused to carry out on the pretext that he could not take such
action without the orders of the Supreme Commander of Indo-Pakistan armed forces.
The people of Kashmir fought in a valiant manner against Indian forces. The volunteers from
tribal areas entered Kashmir to help and

Pakistan Affairs

assist their Muslim brethren and bravely fought by their side. Most of the area was liberated
from the Indian occupation. As the Indian forces had entered Kashmir, the Pakistani borders
were in danger. Pakistan had to move its army for the protection of t frontiers. A war between
India and Pakistan began. Indian forces suffered heavy casualties and the Indian position in the
valley aggravated. Pakistan got hold important posts and places.

India, in view of its bad military position in Jammu and Kashmir, made a frant appeal to the UNO
on 1st January, 1948 India complained that Pakistan had committed aggression by sending its
force to Jammu and Kashmir as the State had already acceded to India. Pakistan rejected
India's plea and said that only the people of Kashmi had the right to decide the fate of valley.

The Security Council passed to resolutions on 3rd August, 1948, and 5 January, 1949, and
urged the belligerent States to stop fighting forthwith. It was decided by the UNO that there
would be boundary line drawn under the supervision d UNCIP (United Nations Commission for
Inda and Pakistan). Both the countries should withdraw to their previous positions so that the
verdict of the people of Kashmir, for accession either to India or Pakistan, could be ascertained.
Pakistan, in spite of her better military position, accepted cease-fire because she wanted the
settlement of issue in a peaceful manner.

The Indian Government, on the other hand, did not want to lose Kashmir. Sheikh Abdullah, who
by now, had been influenced by Gandhi and Nehru, also did not want to see Kashmir going to
Pakistan. In a Press statement in Delhi on October 21, 1947 Sheikh Abdullah said, "Due to the
strategic position that Jammu and Kashmir holds, i this State joins Indian Dominion, Pakistan
would be completely encircled." By getting hold of Kashmir. India would be in a commanding
position against Pakistan. India. therefore, immediately accepted the cease fire. Establishment
of Pakistan

107

After the cease-fire India did not hold plebiscite in the valley of Kashmir as was decided by the
resolutions of the UNO. The problem is still unsolved and has created a perilous situation in the
region. There have been several efforts to solve the Kashmir problem which all proved futile
because of the stubborn attitude of India. Many UN Commissions have visited Pakistan and
India to sort out solution of the problem, but so far there have been no success.

The Kashmir problem could not be settled in spite of the best efforts of UNO. India rejected
UNO proposals about Kashmir in 1949. In 1950 a delegation under Sir Dickson came but Indian
Government did not accept its recommendations. In 1951 and 1952 Dr. Graham came with a
Commission whose proposals were rejected by the Indian Government.

In 1954 India held a so-called plebiscite in the valley under the supervision of its armed forces.
A bogus assembly was set up which confirmed Kashmir's accession with India. Pakistan
refused to accept these elections. The Kashmir problem is the main hurdle in the way of good
relations between Pakistan and India. This problem caused armed conflict between India and
Pakistan in September, 1965.
(c) Hyderabad

Like Kashmir, Hyderabad was also a very important State of the sub-continent. It had an area of
82,000 sq. miles and a population of 160,000,000. It was a rich State and its annual revenue
were 260 million rupees. It had its own system of currency and postage stamps. The population
comprised of both Hindus and Muslims. The Hindus and non-Muslims were in majority, while its
Ruler, the Nizam, was a Muslim. The Nizam had the title of "His exalted Highness" and was
very popular amongst his people, both Hindus and Muslims. He was a generous and kind ruler
and looked after his people like his own children. He was considered as a faithful ally of the
British Government.

Hyderabad, being a prosperous and populous State and because of its prestige

and importance, felt justified in maintaining an independent status of a sovereign State.


However, the Viceroy Lord Mountbatten made it clear to the Nizam that it was not possible for
the British Government to agree to the dominion status for the State. Mountbatten also referred
to the geographical location of the State and was of the opinion that the State could not remain
independent for long as it was surrounded by the Indian. territory from all sides. He impressed
upon the Nizam to accede to India.

Being a Muslim, the Nizam of Hyderabad, would have desired to accede to Pakistan if ever
need arose. The Indian. Government, knowing the intention of Nizam. began pressurizing him
for acceding to India. Lord Mountbatten, the Governor-General of India, did his best to bring
Hyderabad in India's fold. The Nizam was not willing to sign the document for accession to
India. He was: willing to enter into a treaty with India in respect of defence, foreign affairs and
communications. The Government of India. however, insisted on accession and did not agree to
anything else.

A standstill agreement between India and Hyderabad was concluded on November 29, 1947.
The Nizam also gave a secret promise to Mountbatten not to accede to Pakistan. K.M. Munshi
was appointed India's agent in Hyderabad. He was a staunch believer of united India. After
taking charge he began inciting the Hindu population. Allegations of violating the standstill
agreement were levelled against Hyderabad. Nizam was asked to arrest Kasim Rizvi, a
nationalist leader of Ittehadul Muslimin. Threats of military action against Hyderabad were given
by Nehru.

On August 24, 1948, Hyderabad filed a complaint before the Security Council of the UNO. But
before the Security Council could arrange the hearing of the complaint, Indian armed forces
entered Hyderabad. After a brief resistance the Hyderabad army surrendered on September 17,
1948. In due course the State was dismembered and incorporated into the different provinces of
the Indian Union. The complaint of 100

Pakistan Affairs

Hyderabad before the Security Council is still pending.

8. ECONOMIC PROBLEMS

As already mentioned, the Hindus and Congress had not accepted the establishment of
Pakistan with sincerity. They always looked for opportunities to undermine and harm Pakistan.
They adopted every possible means to strangle Pakistan's economy besides creating other
problems like massacre of refugees, accession of princely States which have already been
discussed in the preceding pages.

In order to destroy Pakistan's economic conditions, India denied Pakistan equitable share in the
financial and military assets. False propaganda was made about Pakistan's viability in the
economic sector in order to create doubts among the people about Pakistan's unstable
economic conditions.

When Pakistan came into existence, it mostly consisted of those areas which were economically
backward and under developed. These areas were mostly producers of raw material which
could not be utilized locally because related processing industries were located elsewhere. The
British Government had not paid any attention towards the economic uplift of these areas. The
agricultural system was obsolete and outdated which added to the economic backwardness of
the areas forming part of Pakistan.

The geographical location of Pakistan too, created economic problems for Pakistan. Pakistan
was divided into two parts, each located one thousand miles away from each other with India's
territory lying in between them. The two wings of the country had no geographical links between
them.

Before partition, the Hindus, with the blessings of the British Government, had acquired
complete monopoly in trade and commerce. The entire capital was in the hands of the Hindus.
The banks and other financial institutions were established in those areas which were located in
Indian territory. The major industries were also located in the

areas which are now part of India. Besides these factors, the technical experts and labourers,
who operated the industries were all Hindus because the Muslims extremely lagged behind in
education and financial capabilities.

Pakistan also suffered heavily because of Calcutta being awarded to India by Radclife. All major
jute factories were located in Calcutta which was produced and cultivated in East Pakistan and
was the most precious crops of the province. The only seaport of East Pakistan, Chittagong,
was not capable of handling export of the jute to the other countries as yet. Pakistan, therefore,
had no other alternative than to export her jute through Calcutta or sell it to India at a low price
offered by her.

The inadequate system of transportation and communication also made its adverse affect on
economic development of the country. The railway system and river transportation in East
Pakistan was in depleted condition. The roads were in shabby and irreparable condition. The
communication and transportation system in West Pakistan, comparatively, was in a better
condition. The power resources in the two wings were scarce and negligible which were
insufficient to meet the national requirement.

In spite of the adverse economic position, the Government of Pakistan took up the task of
economic development with determination. The Quaid-i-Azam immediately set himself to the
stupendous task of re-building the economic system of the new country, He had correctly
realized that Pakistan would not be able to overcome its economic problems by the assistance
of Reserve Bank of India alone. He, therefore, ordered that a State Bank of Pakistan be set up
immediately and entrusted the job of setting up of the bank to Mr. Zahid Husain. The State Bank
of Pakistan was established on 1st July, 1948 with a capital of three crores of rupees. The
Quaid-i-Azam inaugurated the Bank and said, "The Bank symbolized the sovereignty of our
people in the financial sphere. The western economic system has created many problems for
Establishment of Pakistan

109

humanity. This system will not help us in with an objective of taking appropriate steps setting up
a workable economic order. We for the agricultural development.

will have to evolve an economic system

based on the Islamic concept of justice and

equality".

The Government of Pakistan gave its first budget in 1948-49. It was a balanced budget which
confirmed Pakistan's stable economic conditions

9. LINGUISTIC RIOTS AND POLITICAL PROBLEMS

A number of other steps were also taken for the economic development of Pakistan. A
Development Board was set up in 1948 which was to do planning for industrial development. It
was an advisory body which gave expert advice to the Government on economic development.
When Goverment of India delayed the division of financial assets to Pakistan and denied its
equitable share in the capital to create economic crisis for the new country, the Quaid-i-Azam
immediately asked for setting up of 'Pakistan Fund. A large number of rich traders and people
generously donated to this fund which enabled the Government to overcome its economic
problems to a great extent.

In 1948 a concrete policy was devised for the industrial development of the country with an
emphasis on the use of raw material safeguard. available in the country. The electrical,
telephone, and wireless equipment industries were nationalized. Service conditions and wages
schedule for the labourers were drafted. The planning and control of the industry dealing in iron,
steel, heavy machinery, cement, mineral oil, sugar and tobacco were taken over. Concession in
taxes and lenient policy in credits were announced.

Agricultural sector is the backbone of Pakistan's economy. Eighty per cent of Pakistan's
population is dependent for their livelihood on the agricultural sector. The agricultural sector
provides raw material to a number of industries. The agricultural system, therefore, had to be
developed on stable footings.

The Government of Pakistan took various steps for the development of agricultural sector.
Lenient credit policy was announced. Effective steps were taken to control the menace of
waterlogging and salinity, Agricultural Corporation was set up

Before the partition of India, Urdu was the language of the Muslims of the sub the continent. It
was the interpreter of the desires and needs of the Muslims and was the symbol of their cultural
identity and image

Urdu played an important role in the demand of Pakistan during freedom movement. The
Muslims, in view of the importance and the role played by Urdu in the freedom struggle,
genuinely believed that Urdu would be the national language of Pakistan after independence.
The Muslims. therefore, found themselves associated and attached with the Urdu language and
diligently worked for its promotion and

After the establishment of Pakistan, the Quaid-i-Azam had declared on several occasions that
Urdu would be the national language of Pakistan. He declared that the regional languages
would also be promoted at the regional or provincial level but Urdu would be the medium of
communication on the national level. The separatist elements. who had become active from the
very beginning of the establishment of Pakistan, criticised the statement of the Quaid-i-Azam
about making Urdu as national language of Pakistan. They were however, snubbed by the
Quaid who rejected all objections against the Urdu being a national language.

The separatist elements, who were silenced by the Quaid-i-Azam, did not stop their subversive
activities against Urdu language. Consequently the linguistic riots erupted in East Pakistan
against, the enforcement of Urdu as a national language of Pakistan. The unwise and narrow
minded political leaders involved the stodent community in these riots resulting in the гомо

death of a number of students in the police firing.

The agitations on the language issue were aimless and based on political motives to destabilise
the Government. The two wings, East and West Pakistan, were the parts of the Federal system
of Pakistan in which one national language was prerequisite. Urdu being the language of the a
Muslims of the sub-continent, before partition, was rightly adopted as the language of two parts
of the country. Bengali or any other language enjoyed a regional or provincial character. The
demand to make Bengali as the other national language was politically motivated to serve the
designs of the separatist elements working on the behest of India.

10. POLITICAL PROBLEMS

Immediately after partition, Pakistan had to face great problems in the political sphere. Of the
many political problems, the issue of provincialism was the most alarming issue for the stability
and solidarity of the new country. The linguistic agitation added fuel to the fire in airing
sentiments of provincialism.

Geographically East Pakistan is situated at the farthest end of the sub-continent which furthered
its mental alienation from the rest of the country. Due to its geographical location the local
cultures of other parts of the sub continent could not make their roots in the cultural aspect of
East Pakistan. Consequently anybody coming from other parts was taken as a stranger and
looked upon with suspicion and a feeling of hatred.

A sense of insecurity and deprivation developed amongst the people of East Pakistan specially
because the capital was situates in West Pakistan. They always felt alienated which gave rise to
the feelings of separation and provincialism. The western part of the country was a more
developed region even before the partition. It naturally had acquired strength in the different
Government departments. The monopoly of West Pakistanis in the Government Departments
too strengthened the apprehensions of the people of East Pakistan

for that they were being ignored of their rights the national progress. They held the peopl of
West Pakistan responsible usurpation of their rights. The Quaid-i-Aza warned the people about
this grave tendency of provincialism. He addressed the nation an said, "In unity lies strength. So
long as we united, we emerge victorious and strong we are not united we shall become weak
and disgraced. We are all Pakistanis. None of us is a Punjabi, Sindhi, Baluchi, Pathana Bengali.
Everyone of us should think, feel are act as a Pakistani and we should feel prou of being
Pakistani alone".

The Quaid-i-Azam made personal tour of various provinces to attend to the problem He aroused
hope in the people of the courty and reminded them of their responsibilities as members of a
free and independent nation.

11. TEHRIK-I-KHATAM-E-NUBUVAT Pakistan was achieved on the basis d Islamic ideology


which meant that Islamic system would be introduced in Pakistan alter any independence. The
people of Pakistan therefore, were not prepared to allow other concept or faith to exist or
flourishin Pakistan which was not based on the principles of Islam or which was, in any way
detrimental to the tenets of Islam.

There is a complete agreement among all factions of the Muslims that the 'Qadiani were out of
the fold of Islam because they do not believe in the finality of prophethood which is the basic
tenet of Islam. The people of Pakistan have been demanding, from time to time, that 'Qadianis'
should be declared a non-Muslims.

The Tehrik-i-Khatam-e-Nabuvat w launched in 1952 with a prime objective d explaining the


finality of prophethood and curb the influence of Qadiani organisation.b March 1953, the
Qadianis once aga emerged with their nefarious propagandi which invited violent agitation by
the peopl of Punjab. Martial Law was proclaimed i Lahore by Major-General Muhammad Aza
Khan, G.O.G., to restore law and order. The prominent leaders of the movement Khatam-e-
Nabuvat, Maulana Abu-al-Al Establishment of Pakistan

111

Maudoodi and Maulana Abdul Sattar Khan Niazi were arrested. They were sentenced to death
by the Military Court. The order of the Military Court had to be withdrawn in view of the pressing
public demands.

The Qadiani movement did not extinguish completely and continued with the time. It once again
aroused deep public indignation in 1974 and aggravated the law and order situation. The
communal riots erupted causing great deal of damage to the public property and life. The
people more vehemently demanded that the Qadianis should be declared as non-Muslims. The
then Government of Pakistan, under Prime Minister Zulfikar Ali Bhutto, in view of the public
demand, declared the Qadianis as non-Muslims by specially amending the 1973 Constitution of
Pakistan. Pakistan Affairs

Chapter

THE ROLE OF STUDENTS, LADIES, ULEMA AND MASHAIKH IN THE FREEDOM


MOVEMENT

The history of Muslim freedom struggle is replete with heroic tales of different sections of the
Muslim society in the sub- continent. The Muslims, after failing in their sincere endeavours to
live in peace with the Hindu majority in India at last reached to the final conclusion that they will
not be accepted by the Hindu population of India. They, therefore, decided to separate
themselves from the Hindus and demanded a separate homeland by passing the famous
Lahore Resolution in 1940. The passage of Lahore Resolution gave immense impetus to the
freedom movement. The Muslims gathered under the dynamic leadership of the Quaid-i Azam
who gave new meanings and shape to their quest for independence. Consequently the
Muslims, accomplished their desired destiny within a short period of seven years after the
passage of Lahore Resolution which amply proves the just stand of the Muslims of the sub-
continent.

The amazing success of the Lahore Resolution, culminating in the shape of a separate
homeland for the Muslims, greatly owes to the staunch, selfless and dedicated efforts of all
walks of life who extended their unflinching and dauntless support to the Quaid-i-Azam to turn
their dreams into reality. In this respect the role played by the most revered Ulema and
Mashaikh is of great significance. They came forward with their spiritual strength to infuse
nationalism in the Muslim. They injected fervour and enthusiasm, with their preachings and fiery
speeches among the scattered Muslim masses, and brought them in a united form on Muslim
League platform.

The role of the students in the freedom struggle is equally important. The Muslim students
provided young blood and.energetic leadership to the freedom movement. The students proved
selfless workers of the

Quaid-i-Azam and Muslim League. They took the message of freedom to every corner of the
sub-continent and gathered invaluable support for the Quaid-i-Azam.

The Muslim ladies, too, did not lag behind in rendering meritorious and selfless services to the
freedom struggle. The respectable Muslim ladies came out of ther seclusion to put up the most
unfearing resistance to the British and Hind domination of the Muslims. The ladies worked day
and night in organization of the Women Wing of the Muslim League. In the following pages, the
role played by the Ulem Mashaikh, Students and Ladies would be discussed in details.

1. ULEMA AND MUSHAIKH

The services rendered by the Ulema and Mashaikh for the cause of Pakistan will go in the
pages of history in golden letters. These venerated personalities experiences innumerable
hardships in spreading the message of freedom. The Ulema and Mushaikh, with their
preachings enlightened their followers and disciples on the freedom issue. They had to undergo
lots of difficulties in personally contacting Muslims living in fa off areas. They held meetings and
convinced the people to support the Muslim League The Ulema and Mashaikh extended ther
profound assistance to the Quaid-i-Azam and made his task much easier. They attende the
annual meeting of the Muslim League & Lahore in 1940. They took active part in the
proceedings of the meetings where the famous Lahore Resolution was passed. The expressed
their whole-hearted support for the cause of independence. The Ulema, after the passage of
Lahore Resolution, worked wit greater zeal for the establishment Pakistan. The most prominent
of the venerated Ulema were Allama Shabb Ahmad Usmani, Maulana Ashraf Than

C The Role of Students, Ladies, Ulema & Mashaikh in the Freedom Movement

113

Maulana Hamid Badyuni, Pir Syed Jamaa't widely respected all over the sub-continent Ali Shah,
Pir Sahib Zakori Sharif and many for his vast religious and mystical knowledge. others.

The Ulema and Mashaikh remained with the Muslim League and the Quaid-i-Azam during the
election campaigns in 1936 and 1946. The Ulema always attended the annual meetings of the
Muslim League to assure the Quaid-i-Azam of their sincere support for his sacred mission. They
toured the whole of the sub-continent and informed the Muslims of the atrocious policies
adopted by the British and Hindus against the Muslims: Due to the untiring efforts of the Ulema
and Mashaikh, the Muslims shed off their sluggish attitude to come under the banner of the
Muslim *League.

A. Allama Shabbir Ahmad Usmani, a great theologian and sufi, was the first of the Deoband
school to extend his invaluable assistance to the cause of the Muslim League. He extended his
staunch support to the Quaid-i-Azam and sided with him against the volleys of attacks from
other Ulema against the Quaid-i-Azam. He had his profoundest belief in Quaid's honesty,
integrity and political skills and acumen. He advised his Muslim brethren to come under the
banner of Muslim League which was fighting for the establishment of Pakistan. Maulana
Shabbir Ahmad warned his fellow Muslims to beware of Hindu and Congress designs and not to
be swayed by their false propaganda. He exposed a number of Muslim leaders who had come
under the influence of Congress and who were misleading the Muslims. Allama Usmani asked
the Muslims to vote for the Muslim League. He declared that any Muslim who will vote for the
opponent of the Muslim League would ruin the future of entire Millat and would be answerable
before the Almighty on the Day of Judgment.

B. Maulana Ashraf Ali Thanvi, an eminent scholar and a renowned mystic of the Deoband
school rendered the most dedicated services to the cause of freedom movement. With Allama
Shabbir Ahmad Usmani he became the most trusted companion of the Quaid-i-Azam. He was

For most of the time he devoted himself to the impart of religious knowledge. However, he came
into politics to support the Muslim League after finding the Muslims being exploited by the
British and the Congress.

C. Pir Syed Jamma't Ali Shah was born in a small village known as Alipur. He received religious
education and learnt the Holy Quran by heart. He received further education from Maulana
Ghulam Qadir Bhervi, Maulana Fiaz-ul-Hasan Sharanpuri and Mufti Muhammad Abdullah at
Lahore. He entered the discipleship of Shah Fazal-ur Rehman Ganj Muradabadi from whom he
received mystical education.

Pir Sahib had performed Haj and was a loyal follower of the Holy Prophet (peace be upon him.)

Pir Jamma't Ali Shah rendered invaluable services to the freedom movement. He undertook
strenuous travelling throughout the country to muster support for the Muslim League. He
launched an extensive campaign in favour of Muslim League candidates during the Elections of
1946. He laboured hard to win support from the All India Sunni Conference for the cause of
Pakistan. Pir Jamma't Ali Shah was given the proud title of Ameer-I-Millat for sincerely leading
Masjid Shaheedganj Movement.

D. Pir Sahib Manki Sharif was born in the village Manki Sharif, district Peshawar. He was a
valiant fighter for the cause of freedom and rendered great services to the Muslim League. He
joined Muslim League in 1945 to counter Khan Abdul Ghaffar Khan's anti-Muslim and anti-
Pakistan activities. He organized the Muslim League in the N.W.F.P. with the help and
assistance of his followers. He attended the Sunni conference held at Benaras and spoke for
hours in favour of Pakistan and freedom movement. He was arrested by the N.W.F.P.
Government but he did not budge from his early stance. He was mainly responsible for
organizing the freedom movement in the N.W.F.P. He was the most 114
Pakistan Affairs

devoted and trusted companion of the Quaid i-Azam.

E. Maulana Abdul Hamid Badayuni was born in 1898. He began his career by teaching Islamic
education at Badayun. His political career began when he came out to curb the influence of
SHUDHI movement started by the Hindus to convert the Muslims to Hinduism. He exposed the
fallacy of this movement and asked the Muslims to keep away from it. He actively took part in
the Khilafat movement.

Maulana Abdul Hamid firmly believed in Two-Nation Theory and considered the Muslims as a
separate Nation. He severely criticised Nehru Report and undertook extensive tours to mobilise
public opinion against the Nehru Report. He participated in the Annual Meeting of the Muslim
League at Lahore in 1940 as a representative of the Maskaikh. He addressed the meeting and
expressed his support for the Pakistan Resolution.

Maulana Abdul Hamid was a trusted and selfless worker of the Muslim League. He toured
N.W.F.P. to promote the freedom movement. He also organized the freedom movement in
Balochistan. He was a close associate of the Quaid-i-Azam and accompanied him wherever he
went. Maulana Abdul Hamid's speeches were greatly instrumental in dispersing the influence of
Ehrars who had gained considerable ground. He played an important role in holding a meeting
between the Nizam of Daccan and the Quaid-i-Azam. He was always a great source of strength
and sacrifice for the Muslim League Council. He was able to bring a large number of Muslims
under the banner of the Muslim League.

ROLE OF ULEMA AND MASHAIKH IN THE PROVINCES DURING THE FREEDOM


MOVEMENT

1. N.W.F.P. The Province of N.W.F.P. was very important because of the fact that Congress
had gained a strong foothold

In the political affairs of this province. In 1927 the Muslim League had demanded that
constitutional reforms should be introduced in the province. In 1946 the nationalis Congress,
with the assistance of some local people and some Ulema, conspired to form a Congress
ministry in the province. The Congress ministry was formed in spite of the best efforts of the
Muslim League. It was the most critical period of the freedom movement as the pro-Pakistan
element was oppressed by the Government False cases were initiated against freedom-fighters
who were put into the jails to suffer the most inhuman torture. Congress through its Muslim
members did its best to curb the freedom I movement in N.W.F.P

At this critical juncture the religious leaders, Ulema and Mashaikh came forward with their
spiritual strength to guide the people of N.W.F.P. Among these selfless leaders, Pir Sahib of
Manki Sharif played the most important role. He along with other Ulema undertook tours of the
province to quell the Congress influence. They were able to bring the scattered people together
on the Muslim League platform.

SINDH The province of Sindh occupies an important place in the history because Islam, the
great religion, entered the sub-continent through this province. It is because of this reason the
province of Sindh is known as Bab-ul-Islam (gateway of Islam). Sindh is also very famous for
being the land of spiritual leaders. A number of mystics, sufis and reformers were born in Sindh
who rendered invaluable services for the spread of Islam.
The Ulema, Mashaikh and religious leaders of Sindh made valuable contributions in promoting
the freedom struggle in the province. The Sirhindi family of Sindh the descendants of Hazrat
Mujadid Alf Sani, played important role in organizing the freedom movement in Sindh. This
family extended all sorts of assistance to the Quaid i-Azam in his activities for the liberation of
the Muslim of India. Hazrat Ghulam Mujadid The Role of Students, Ladies, Ulema & Mashaikh
in the Freedom Movement

115

Sirhindi was a great roligious scholar who extended his sincere services for the cause of
freedom. Pir Ghulam Mujadid took active part in the Khilafat movement and courted arrested
along with Ali Brothers and other Khilafatists. Jamiat-Al-Mashaikh was set up in Sindh by Pir
Ghulam Mujadid Sirhindi, which was a great source of strength for the Muslim League in the
province. This great organization supported the Quaid-i-Azam with utmost sincerity and merged
into the Sindh branch of Muslim League.

Sheikh Abdul Majeed Sindhi was another highly respectd personality of Sindh whose services
for the cause of freedom cannot be ignored. Sheikh Abdul Majeed was born in a Hindu family.
He entered the fold of Islam at an early age after being convinced of Islam's golden principles.
After embracing Islam he became a staunch Muslim and worked for the betterment of the
Muslim India. He was a prolific writer and used his journalistic qualities against the Hindus,
Sindhi Vederas and the British. He took active part in the Pakistan movement with dedication
and devotion.

PUNJAB

The religious leaders, Ulema and Mashaikh belonging to Punjab took active part in the freedom
struggle. They prepared the people to fight the war for independence by injecting fervour
amongst them with their speeches and preachings. The people of Punjab stirred by these
speeches worked day and night in spreading the message of independence to every corner of
the province.

A large number of holy men, spiritual leaders, pirs and saints belonged to Punjab. They came
with the conquerors and settled down in the province to spread the light of Islam. Quite a large
number of these holy men spent their whole life in Punjab and were buried in Punjab's soil after
death. These respected personalities aroused political awareness among the people side by
side the religious education.

The Ulema and Mashaikh of Punjab particularly took active part during election

campaign in order to win support for the Muslim League. Maulana Shabbir Ahmad Usmani and
Maulana Zafar Ahmad Usmani toured several places in the whole of sub continent to muster
support for the Muslim League, The referendums in N.W.F.P. and Sylhet were looked after by
Maulana Shabbir Ahmad Usmani and Maulana Zafar Ahmad Usmani. They also impressed
upon the religious leaders and pirs to support the Muslim League whole-heartedly.

THE STUDENTS ROLE IN THE FREEDOM MOVEMENT

The role played by the Muslim students in the freedom movement is of momentous significance
in view of the invaluable services which they rendered to the cause of Pakistan. The Quaid-i-
Azam rightly observed in calling the Muslim students as The Arsenal of Muslim India. The
students made available the young and energetic leadership which was most direly needed
during the critical stages of the freedom movement. They were the most trusted companions of
the Quaid-i Azam who had great hopes in their strength, dedication and devotion for the noble
objective of freedom.

It was in fact the Muslim University of Aligarh which took lead in the students politics. The
students who were educated at Aligarh were very different from the students of conventional
educational institutions. They developed different approach towards all walks of life. They
ultimately became the harbingers of the Muslim Students struggle in the freedom movement.
The Aligarh students with their immaculate behaviour and conduct gave birth to a group of
determined and selfless workers which were to work for the glory of the nation and which were
to struggle for the final destiny of the Muslims of the sub continent. Aligarh produced men like
Maulana Muhammad Ali Jauhar, Maulana Hasrat Mohani and Maulana Zafar Ali Khan who
played a key role in the re-awakening of Muslim India. They also laid down the foundations of
political journalism amongst the Muslims. Maulana Hasrat Mohani published his Urdu-e-Mualla
which set the example of courageous journalism in India. Maulana Muhammad Ali Jauhar
started Comrade and Hamdrad which became very popular amongst the Muslims.

These prominent personalities, who were among the early graduates of the Aligarh, injected the
spirit of freedom amongst the students and young people who had graduated from the Aligarh.
Their thought-provoking articles stirred the Muslims and awakened them from their sluggish
behaviour. The students of Aligarh had already developed a sense of Muslim nationalism. They
were very much aware of the difficulties of the Muslim India. The cruel exploitation of the
Muslims by the British and Hindus, had cultivated deep sense of belonging amongst the
students of the Aligarh. When they came out of the University, they came with a scared mission
and a noble objective of ameliorating the condition of their downtrodden, helpless and
oppressed brethren.

The students of Aligarh were always ready to extend assistance to the Muslims in distress.
When Dr. Mukhtar Ahmad Ansari organized a medical mission to help the Turks in 1912, four
students of Aligarh, Chaudri Khallq-uz-Zaman, Abdur Rehman Siddiqui, Shoaib Qureshi and
Abdul Rehman Peshawari joined it.' The Aligarh students were very active during the Khilafat
Movement and quickly responded to the call of Hijerat.

The contributions of the Aligarh, in the freedom movement are enormous as the first brick of the
citedal of Pakistan was laid down the day the Aligarh movement was initiated. The students of
Aligarh did not stop their endeavours even after the death of Sir Syed. An important and
influential group of highly educated and enlightened Muslim students, well aware of their
national identity and fully conscious of their role, emerged from Aligarh to pave way for the
national freedom.

The Muslim students, other than of Aligarh University, too, did not lag behind in

1. Students Role in the Pakistan Movement, Mukhtar Zaman p. 10.

responding to the national call in the freed movement. The Quaid-i-Azam hed great b and
regard for the students community t always bestowed his profoundest confidera in the young
generation of the Muslims. Th students worked day and night in mobiliz support for the Muslim
League. The conveyed the message of freedom to eve corner of the sub-continent with utm
sincerity of purpose. Some students, living other countries during the freedom strugg project the
cause of Pakistan movement a presented a more clearer and magnif image of the Muslim
League. They very ab performed the job of national ambassadon moulding the public opinion in
the respecte countries they were inhibiting at the time.

The Muslim students worked as personal body-guards of the Quaid-i-Aza On several occasions,
when attempts w made to harm the Quaid, the students fol these ignoble attempts at the
personal risk their lives. During anal meeting at Laho in 1940, a scuffle had erupted in Laho
between the Khaksars and Muslim Leag workers. It was feared that the Khaksa might try to
harm the Quaid-i-Azam who wa to preside over the historic meeting. In ve of the tension
prevailing in the city, Muslim students, most of them were from Islamia College, Railway Road,
Laho escorted the Quaid to the place of meeti The Muslim students guarded the Quaid d and
night wherever he went. He special asked for the students of Islamia Colleg Railway Road,
Lahore, to be his personl guards at Lahore.

The Muslim students always attends the meetings of the Muslim League in lay number. The
students from all parts of t E sub-continent thronged the meeting place! the Muslim League. The
Quaid-i-Azam wa always happy to see the students taking p in the politics and attending the
Mus League sessions. The Quaid-i-Azam on ma Occasions remarked belonged to him and he
belonged to them. that the student advised the young students to keep on w their efforts until
they accomplish their goal E

E The Role of Students, Ladies, Ulema & Mashaikh in the Freedom Movement

117

Women of the subcontinent played an exceptionally vital role in the struggle against the British
Raj and the subsequent partition of the subcontinent. These women belonged to an era which
was far more religiously inclined than today, the society was far more conservative than it is
today and women were less exposed to the world as compared to the women of today. Even
then they proved their courage and showed the world that they odds. could rise and move
heaven and earth. In this critical time of today, when the country is facing internal as well as
external threats, Pakistan needs women to stand by their males and play their role in the
progress of this country. Since women are a 51% part of the population, what they strive to do
will make a difference

We have had a female Prime Minister, and now a large number of females in the parliament, but
until women of Pakistan don't help themselves no one can. Using a cliché, an educated mother
breeds educated children, unfortunately female literacy is quite low in Pakistan. If more money
is invested in the betterment of the females of today, not only can we improve society as a
whole, but a we can also erase the malaise of terrorism, corruption and the other rot that is
eating away the base of the country. Women empowerment should be taken seriously, since
this will lead to all round benefits.

Most people are aware of the pivotal roles that Mohtarma Fatima Jinnah, Begum Liaquat Ali
Khan, Begum Hidayatullah and Shaista Ikramullah played in the making of Pakistan. And
people are also aware of some foreign ladies liked Meera Ben whose real name was Madeleine
Slade and Sarla Ben, also known as Mohatma Gandhi's two English daughters.
However, history reveals the vital role women played in the freedom struggle as early as 1817
with Bhima Bai Holkar, who fought valiantly against Colonel Malcolm of Britain, defeating him in
gueerilla warfare. Also prominent among these early female freedom fighters was Rani
Channama of Kittur who resisted the armed assault of the East Indian Company.

To date, both in Pakistan and India, women are the marginalized portion of the population, but
when one reads about these gallant women regaled by history one cannot help but be proud of
them. Though there were thousands who played their part in the making of Pakistan, here are
the stories of a handful of courageous women who can teach the woman of today how to
survive against all

We have all heard of the Rani of Jhansi, whose name is now used to depict any courageous or
bold woman, Rani Lakshmi Bai of Jhansi, was married to Gangadhar Rao and after his death
the British didn't allow her to adopt a successor and she was annexed. After the outbreak of the
Revolt she fought against the British on the battlefield dressed as a man. She led her troops
from the front, fighting the British valiantly. Her army followed suit and gave the British a worthy
fight. Rani of Jhansi's prowess on the battlefield gained her the admiration and respect of her
enemy, and the British considered her to be the best and braves military leader of the rebels.
This brave soldier's death was befitting her valour.... and she was martyred like a warrior in the
battle field after she refused to surrender.

Another valiant female of the sub continent was a queen and wife of Nawab Wajid Ali Shah
Begum Hazrat Mahal Begum of Oudh who took active part in defending Lucknow against the
British. Despite leading a life of luxury she often appeared on the battlefield to boost the morale
of her troops. She excelled in the art of organization skills, and attended to the affairs of the
state after her husband was exiled to Calcutta.

In 1857, the first war of Independence, Begum Hazrat Mahal led a band of her supporters
against the British and even managed to seize control of Lucknow.

And then who can forget Abadi Bano Begum popularly know as Bi Amma, who became the first
Muslim woman of modern times to take active part in politics. She was married to Abdul Ali
Khan and had one daughter and five sons, two of whom became legends during the freedom
fight.... Maulana 118

Pakistan Affairs

Shaukat Ali and Maulana Mohammad Ali Jauhar. After the untimely death of her husband Bi
Amma strove to give her sons the best education, and after great personal sacrifices, she
managed to get them. educated at prominent educational institutions like Aligarh and Oxford.

Bi Amma was very active in the All-India Muslim League. In 1917 she delivered moving
speeches at the League sessions, which left a powerful impact on the Muslims. Even when her
sons were jailed she toured the country, keeping the fervour for the Khilafat Movement alive,
addressing large crowds. She inspired a large number of women to join politics and become a
force to be reckoned who continued her work even after she was no more.

Other women who played important roles in the struggle of the creation of Pakistan's
foundation, included Aruna Asaf Ali, a teacher who married Asaf Ali, a Muslim Congress leader
and became an active member of the Congrèes party in the 1930s. Being a Brahmin, Aruna
broke against tradition and married outside her religion, which detached her from her own
family. But her streak of determination had a different destiny written down for her. She
participated in public processions and was arrested during the Salt Satyagraha - which was a
campaign of a non-violent protest against the British salt tax in colonial India which began with
the Salt March to Dandi on March 12, 1930 on the charge that she was a vagrant and not even
released in 1931 under the Gandhi Irwin pact that stipulated the release of political prisoners.
Other female prisoners refused to be released until she accompanied them. Public agitations
were also held for her release. In 1932 she was held prisoner at Tihar Jail in Delhi, where she
protested against the indifferent treatment towards political prisoners and managed to procure
the improvement of conditions for the prisoners of Tihar Jail. However she herself was moved to
Ambala where she was rewarded with solitary confinement for her efforts.

Ten years later, on August 8, 1942 the All India Congress Committee passed the Quit India
Resolution at Bombay, which caused the government to react harshly and many congress
leaders landed in jail. The following day on August 9, Aruna Asaf A 1942 presided over the
remainder of the session. Police fired on the session. Aruna was dubbed as the Heroine of the
movement, and later in life she earned the name Grand Old Lady of the independence
movement. In 1964, Aruna Asaf Ali was awarded the International Lenin Peace Prize,

Pakistani women should learn from the efforts of these great women and take up their burden
and strive to build, protect and cherish their country. It is the duty of the women of Pakistan,
especially the mothers and teachers to fight against their country's enemy but rearing morally
strong, educated intelligent people who will not succumb and become the weapons of the
enemies of Pakistan.

WOMEN'S ROLE IN THE FREEDOM MOVEMENT

The Quaid-i-Azam was always very keen to see the Muslim women playing their important role
in the Pakistan movement. He believe that the women should come out of their conventional
confinement within the walls of the houses to struggle for their own welfare according to the
Islamic principles.

The Muslim women, on the call of the Quaid-i-Azam, came out of their seclusion and
contributed a great deal in the freedom struggle. The venerated Muslim ladies like Miss Fatima
Jinnah, Lady Abdullah Haroon, Begum Maulana Muhammad Ai Jauhar and Begum Ra'ana
Liaquat Ali Khan set the glorious example of the most dedicated services in the Pakistan
Movement by the Muslim women. The other ladies followed them in their footsteps and
rendered invaluable services to the Muslim League women wing, throughout the sub continent.
The Role of Students, Ladies, Ulema & Mashaikh in the Freedom Movement

119

The women's participation in the politics was initiated when the women's committee was formed
in the annual session of the all India Muslim League at Patna. The Muslim women quickly
responded to Quaid's enthusiasm. call with unprecedented

The Muslim women, after the establishment of women committee, joined the Muslim League in
large number to take part in the freedom struggle. They had come in the politics with a firm
determination to serve their nation. Two other organizations of the Muslim women were formed
under the auspices of the Muslim League women sub committee. They were the Muslim Girls
Students Federation and Muslim Women's National Guard.
The role of the Muslim women during civil disobedience movement was remarkable. A large
number of Muslim women faced the atrocious handling of the women workers by the
Government. They courted arrest and were put behind the bars. They came out with
processions and raised slogans against the repressive policies of the government. Miss Mumtaz
Shah Nawaz, a brave lady, hoisted the green flag on the top of the Jail building where she was
being locked up. It was a during act which infuriated the Jail staff who beat all the Muslim
women who were in Jail. It was a young brave girl who unfurled the Pakistan fag at the Punjab
secretariat building and pulled down the Union Jack. "The achievement of one girl student,
Fatima Sughra, will remain recorded in the annals of the Pakistan history in golden letters; she
hoisted the Pakistan flag on top of Secretariat after pulling down the Union Jack".

1. Quaid-i-Azam and Muslim Women (Saviour of Muslim Women), Salma Tasadduque Husain,
p. 26.

SOME PROMINENT MUSLIM WOMEN OF THE PAKISTAN MOVEMENT

1. Bi Amman

Bi Amman was the great mother of Ali Brothers, Maulana Muhammad Ali Jauhar and Maulana
Shaukat Ali, who set the daring example of Sacrifice in the politics. she impressed upon her two
brave and dedicated sons to give every sacrifice for the glory and sanctity of the caliphate.

2. Begum Jauhar

Maulana Muhammad

Ali

She was the woman member of All India Muslim Working Committee. She was a great orator
like her husband and addressed the public gatherings of the Muslim League. She was an active
member during the historic session of the Muslim League in 1940 at Lahore. She was one of the
participants who seconded the famous Lahore Resolution.

3.

Miss Fatima Jinnah

Miss Fatima Jinnah was a close associate of her brother the Quaid-i-Azam. She was the first
lady who took interest in organizing the women's wing of the Muslim League. She presided over
all meetings of the Muslim women. She was an active worker of all the women's committees of
the Muslim League. She was the member of the Bombay branch of the first women's sub-
committee of the Muslim League. In this capacity she rendered valuable services in creating
political awareness among Muslim women and carrying the message of Muslim League in every
home. Miss Jinnah accompanied the Quaid-i-Azam wherever he went for his political
commitments. She was a highly respected personality and loved by all sections of the Muslim
Community. She was given the most respected title of 'Madher-i Milat (mother of the Nation).

3. Lady Nusrat Abdullah Haroon


Lady Haroon was a prominent women of Sindh. She was a devoted worker of the Pakistan
movement. She was closely associated with the Quaid-i-Azam from whom she always received
guidance. 120

Pakistan Affairs

She was an active social worker and patronized a social club in Delhi established after her
name as Nusrat club. Nusrat Club soon became the centre of the activities of the Muslim
women where political matters were discussed. She was also associated with a number of
social organizations. She was elected as the President of all India Women Muslim Lesque in
1943. She was the Vice-President of All Pakistan women's Association founded by Begum
Ra'ana Liaquat Ali in 1945.

4. Begum Jahan Ara Shah Nawaz Begum Jagen Ara Shah Nawaz was the daughter of Man Sir
Muhammad Shafi, one countries. of the founders of the Muslim League and President of the
League in 1913 and 1927.

Begum Jahan Ara was one of the senior most members of the Muslim League. She was an
ardent fighter for women's rights and a great advocate for their emancipation. She had the
unique honour of attending the first and second Round Table Conferences as the only Muslim
woman member. She attended the Third Round Table Conference as the sole representative of
women for British India.

Begum Shah Nawaz took active part in a number of conferences held under the banner of
Muslim League. She was an active member of the several committees of the Muslim League
before the establishment of Pakistan.

She was elected to the Punjab Assembly in 1937 and rose to the status of parliamentary
secretary. In 1942 she was sent to the USA with a two member delegation by the Quaid-i-Azam.
She was to take part in a debate held by New York Herald Tribune on the Hindu-Muslim issue.
She made an elevated impression on the American people by her impressive presentation.

Begum Shah Nawaz was a vocal worker during the civil disobedience Movement against the
Unionist government of the Punjab. She was arrested by the Punjab government during the
Pakistan Movement in 1947. She was the member of the first constituent assembly of Pakistan
and

remained so till 1954. She was elected for the second time to the Punjab assembly in 1955 and
1961. She visited several countries to muster support for Pakistan movement.

5. Begum Ra'ana Liaquat All Khan She was the wife of Nawabzada Liaqu Ali Khan, the General
Secretary of All Inda Muslim League and Prime Minister of Pakistan after the creation of
Pakistan. She She was an active woman worker who was closely associated with Pakistan.
extended invaluable assistance to he husband. She held ambassadors assignments of Pakistan
in a number of

6. Begum Salma Tasadduque Husain Begum Salma Tasadduque joined Muslim League in
1937 Husain and meritoriously worked under the dynamic guidance of the Quaid-i-Azam for the
establishment of Pakistan. She was elected as member of the Punjab assembly in 1945 and
remained as such for 12 long years. She was the, member of the first Pakistan delegation to the
U.N.O.
In 1946 she did services in the riot stricken areas of Bihar. She helped the affected people along
with other women. workers. She was the secretary of Punjab Muslim women League from 1940
to 1958. She took active part in the civil disobedience Movement against the Khizar Ministry of
the Unionist Party in the Punjab. She courted arrest for her activities in the civi disobedience
movement. She had held responsible assignments in social and political organizations.

Begum Salma went on European tour in 1951-52. She was the member of the Pakistan
Parliamentary delegation to China in 1957. She was appointed Deputy Minister for Labour to the
Government of West Pakistan in 1958.

7. Begum Shaista Ikram Ullah Begum Shaista Ikram Ullah was the daughter of Sir Hasan
Suhrawardy, the Vice Chancellor of Calcutta University. The Role of Students, Ladies, Ulema &
Mashaikh In the Freedom Movement

121

Begum Shaista had a distinguished career in education and politics. She was the member of the
first constituent Assembly of Pakistan from 1947 to 1953. She was the member of the first
Advisory Board of Education, government of Pakistan from 1947 to 1956.

She was the member of the Pakistan delegation to the U.N.O. in 1948. She contributed in
drafting the constitution of Human Rights. She was the member of Pakistan delegation to the
U.N.O. in 1956 and was the deputy leader of the delegation. 122

PARTITION OF BENGAL

Bengal was the biggest province with a population of 78 million. It had a vast area and was an unwieldy
administrative unit. The whole province was under one Lieutenant Governor who could not look after
the administrative requirements of such a vast area alone. It was not possible for the Lt. Governor to go
around the province whenever there was a dire need of such tours. Consequently a major portion of the
province remained neglected due to its unwieldiness. In view of its size and enormous population it was
felt that the province of Bengal should be divided into two parts in order to facilitate the administrative
requirement of the vast area.

Lord Curzon became the Viceroy of India in 1899. He was an able and efficient administrator. He
undertook an extensive tour of the province of Bengal and felt that the province was too big to be
administrated effectively. The provincial Governors had already complained about the administrative
difficulties faced by them in the large province. They had recommended the

Pakistan Affairs

partition of the province in view of its size big population.

A number of partition proposals, viewed and discussed which, however, a not materialize. Lord Curzon
decided divide the province into two provinces. prepared a comprehensive plan of partition of Bengal in
1905 and senti Ben England for approval. The British Crown o approval to the partition plan and the
provi of Bengal was divided into two parts on t October, 1905 named as Western and Eastern Bengal.
The new province Eastern Bengal consisted of Dacca Capital, Memansingh, Chittagong, Ass Rajshahi,
Khulna, Rangpur and Bogra s constituted districts.

MUSLIM RE-ACTION TO THE PARTITION

The new province of Eastern Beng brought happier prospects of political economic life for the Muslims.
The Muslim overnight turned into majority by the creat of the new province. The Muslims were million
out of the total population of 31 mill in the new province. The partition of Beng provided chances of
great progress to Muslims who formed the majority group in t new set up. In the combined province
Bengal the Muslims were a suppressed dominated class of society. The Hindus monopolized trade and
Government service which aggravated the economic conditione the Muslims. The partition of Bengal
provid them with a chance to rehabilitate their soc position. They hoped that their social statu would get
a tremendous boost in the ne province. The Muslims, therefore, expresse their utmost happiness over
the partition Bengal. They offered their gratification in loyal way to the Government for taking a step for
their social, economic and political uplift. ha

HINDU RE-ACTION TOWARD PARTITION.

The Hindus reacted toward the partition of Bengal in a hostile and violent manner The Hindus could
never support a move which was to bring prosperity and happiness

So with Cand Muslims Political Struggle

49

to the Muslims. The reasons for Hindu opposition to the partition were as follows:

1. The Hindus believed that they would come under the domination of the Muslim majority in the new
province and their superior position would be downgraded to the inferior status.

2. As the provincial High Court and other judicial bodies were to be shifted to Dacca, the Hindu lawyers
feared that their legal practice would be affected.

3. Since Dacca was to become the centre of journalistic and other academic activities, the Hindu Press
and media believed that from now onward the Muslim point of view would be projected in the
newspapers and magazines. They also feared that their income would seriously be lessened.

4. The Hindu landlords, capitalists and traders did not like the partition as it was to put an end to their
exploitation of the poor Muslims.

5. Before the partition of Bengal the Hindus enjoyed dominant position in the political sphere of the
province over the Muslims. The new set up was to put an end to their superior political position and
their political dominance over the Muslims will end.

The Hindus, therefore, launched an intensive movement against the partition of Bengal. They termed
the partition as degrading and an insult to the national character of the Hindu population. Religious
colour was given to the agitation and the partition was termed as the dissection of the Sacred Cow
Mother, in order to arouse deep opposition by the Hindu masses. They considered the partition as an
attempt to sow the seeds of hatred and discontentment among the Indian people to weaken the
national movements for independence.

The day of 16th October, 1905, when partition was enforced, was declared as a national tragedy. Strikes
were held throughout the country. The Indian National Congress also jumped in to support the agitation
against the partition. The Hindu students put up violent demonstration against

the partition. The Congress severely criticised the partition in its annual session of 1906.

The Hindu agitation soon turned into a violent reaction. The people disobeyed Government orders by
refusing to pay taxes and rentals. Communal clashes erupted at a number of places which aggravated
the law and order situation in the country. Bombs were thrown and attacks were made on the lives of
the British people. Swadeshi movement was organized by which the foreign goods were boycotted. The
train carrying the Governor of the Eastern Bengal was derailed and an attempt was made on Viceroy's
life which failed.

The Muslims kept away from the Hindu agitation and adopted a humble and loyal posture. They
welcomed the partition and passed resolutions supporting the partition of Bengal. They impressed upon
the Government to maintain its decision of the partition of Bengal.

The vigorous Hindu agitation rocked the Government which could not withstand the extreme pressure
of the movement. The Hindus threatened the Government to boycott the forthcoming tour of India of
the King George. The threat proved successful and the British Government succumbed to the Hindus
agitation. The partition of Bengal was ultimately annulled on 12th December, 1911 at a Royal meeting
known as Delhi Darbar where the King George announced the decision of annulment to the extreme
dismay of the Muslims of Bengal.

The Hindus agitation against the partition reinforced the feelings of the Muslims about Hindu designs.
They realized that the Hindus would never allow the Muslims a prosperous and happy life. The Hindu
agitation against the partition furthered the Two-Nation Theory. This agitation also convinced the Mus
SIMLA DEPUTATION lim leaders of the need for a separate Muslim political organization which could
safeguard the interests of the Muslims of India and which could counter the Hindu and Congress
propaganda. 50

Pakistan Affairs

country was formed under the leaders His Highness Sir Agha Khan.

Ever since its establishment in 1885 as a political organization, All India National Congress had been
actively striving for the Hindu cause. It had ignored its aims and objectives which said that the Congress
would work for the protection of interests of all communities of India irrespective of their religion and
nationality. It, however, could not pursue this lofty principle of looking after the interests of all
communities of India and very soon indulged in purely pro-Hindu activities. It became clear, by Congress
designs, that it was a forum meant to project the Hindu demands only.
The Hindu opposition to Urdu and partition of Bengal revealed it to the Muslims that the Hindus and
Congress would never allow them a respectable place in the Indian society The Hindu and Congress
agitation intensified these feelings and aroused Muslim suspicions about Hindu designs. Then the rise of
Hindu Nationalism awakened Muslims' feelings of separate identity. The movement launched by Swami
Dayanand and B.G. Tilak raised Muslims eye-brows who seriously pondered over their future plans to
safeguard Muslims their interests. The success of Hindu and Congress agitation against Urdu and
partition of Bengal proved to the Muslims that the Government responded to the organized point of
view. The political scene of India was affected with these events and particularly by Muslims. the
vigorous political activities of the Congress which had no rival in the political arena. The Muslims
believed that only an organized endeavour would lead them to success.

Liberal Party of England had won the General Elections under the leadership of Lloyd George in 1905. It
believed in giving adequate safeguards to the Indian people by introducing constitutional reforms. The
Liberal Party announced that it would soon introduce constitutional reforms in India.

The Muslim leaders decided to avail this opportunity in order to apprise the Viceroy of the Muslims
demands.. A delegation of prominent Muslim leaders, from all over the

The Viceroy was vacationing at The Muslim leaders asked for the of Mr. Archbold, the Principal of assi D
ge Inform College, to get an appointment with viceroy. Mr. Archbold got in touch Private Secretary of
the Viceroy Col Smith and requested him to appointment with the Viceroy and Archbold. The Muslim
delegation comp 35 Muslim leaders known Deputation, called on the Viceroy October, 1906 at Simla. as
on

inter The deputation apprised the Vicero the Muslim demands. They expressed need for the protection
of the Muslimi if representative form of the Government to be introduced in India. The deputa
expressed that the representation Muslims should be commensurate not with their numerical strength
but also their political importance and the valu contribution which the Muslims made to defence of the
Empire. Deputation aske separate electorate through which should elect their representatives for
municipalities, seats councils and provincial and central legisl councils. They demanded legislatures,
quota in Government ser and seats of judges in the courts for m

Lord Minto gave a patient hearing to demands of the Muslims presented by Simla Deputation. Minto
expressed complete agreement with the principle separate electorate. He promised to sympathetic
consideration to the deme and assured the deputation that he would all what was possible to accept the
deman

It was a great achievement of the S Deputation to have convinced the Vice about the genuineness of the
Musi demands. The Muslims were now conving that organized efforts were essential to p for the
acceptance of the demands. The m important demand of separate electorate accepted by the
Government and included

۲۶۱ Muslims Political Struggle

51
the Minto-Morley Reforms of 1909. At this time the Muslims had left the Congress and had no
political platform to project their demands. They badly needed a forum for the projection and
safeguard of their interests to counter the false propaganda of the Congress.

FORMATION OF ALL INDIA MUSLIM LEAGUE

The success of Simla Deputation made it imperative for the Muslims of the sub continent to
have their own political organization. The Congress's anti-Muslim activities too emphasised the
need of a political platform for the Muslims from where the interests of Muslims could be
projected. The Muslim leaders of the Simla Deputation after their meeting with the Viceroy held
consultations among themselves as to the possibility of forming a political association. They
were of the opinion that the time had reached when systematic efforts were to be made for the
protection of the Muslims interests.

The annual session of All India Muslim Educational Conference was held in 1906 at Dacca. The
prominent Muslim leaders from all over the country were attending this meeting. When the
meeting ended, Nawab Salim Ullah Khan of Dacca, convened a meeting of the Muslim leaders
at his residence. The objective of this meeting was to discuss the possibilities of forming a
political association for the Muslims. The meeting was presided over by Nawab Viqar ul-Mulk on
30th December 1906. Nawab Salim Ullah of Dacca had already circulated an idea of the
political organization known as All India Muslim Confederacy. Nawab Viqar ul-Mulk, in his
presidential address stressed the need for a political platform for the Muslims. He said that
Congress political activities were highly injurious for the Muslims for which Sir Syed Ahmad
Khan had asked the Muslims to keep away from the Congress politics. He said that the Muslims
form only one-fourth of the total population of India. It is very obvious that if the British leave the
country at any time, the Muslims will come under the domination of that nation which is

four times bigger than the Muslims. The other participants also expressed their views in favour
of forming a political organization for the Muslims.

Nawab Salim Ullah of Dacca, therefore, moved a resolution which was supported by Hakim
Ajmal Khan, Maulana Zafar Ali Khan and other participants. The resolution

declared:

"Resolved that this meeting composed of Muslims from all parts of India assembled at Dacca
decide that Political Association be formed styled as All India Muslim League, for the
furtherance of the following objectives:"

OBJECTIVES OF THE MUSLIM LEAGUE 1. To promote among the Muslims of India feelings of
loyalty to the Brition Government and to remove any misconception that may arise as to the
intention of the Government with regard to any of the measures.

2. To protect and advance the political rights and interests of the Muslims of India and to
respectfully represent their needs and aspirations to the Government.

3. To prevent the rise among the Muslims of

India of any feelings of hostility towards

other communities without prejudice to


other aforementioned objects of the

League.

Nawab Mohsin-ul-Mulk and Nawab Viqar-ul-Mulk were elected provisionally as Joint Secretaries
of the Muslim League. A Committee consisting of sixty members was set up to draft the
constitution of the Muslim League. The Constitution Committee Included all the members of
Simla Deputation. Maulana Muhammad All Jauhar, a distinguished student of Aligarh and
Oxford, was given the responsibility of drafting the rules and regulations of the League. The
rules and regulations drafted by Maulana Muhammad Ali Jauhar were contained in a brochure
called Green Book.'

1. Jamil-ud-Din Ahmad, Early Phase of Muslim Political Movement, p. 83. 52

The first regular session of the Muslim League was held at Karachi on 29th and 30th December,
1907 exactly after one year of its formation. Sir Adamjee Pirbhai, a prominent leader of Bombay,
presided over this session. The draft constitution prepared by the Committee was placed before
the session for approval. The constitution was adopted after a further scrutiny by the members
of the Constitution Committee present at Karachi session. The purposes and objectives of
League were re-shaped after the constitution was adopted which were as follows:

1. To promote among the Muslims of India feelings of loyalty towards the British Government
and to remove any misconception that may arise as to the intention of the Government with
regard to any of its measures.

2. To protect the political and other rights of Indian Muslims and to place their needs and
aspiration before the Government in temperate language.

3. So far as possible, without prejudice to the objectives mentioned under 1 and 2 above of this
section, to promote friendly feelings between the Muslims communities of India. and other

The Karachi session of the League adjourned after adopting the Constitution. The session
resumed after a few months and met again on 18th March, 1908 at Aligarh at the residence of
Nawab Muzzamil Ullah Khan, Joint Secretary of the Aligarh College. Justice Shah Din presided
over this meeting which conducted regular business. His Highness the Agha Khan was elected
as the President and Major Hasan Bilgrami as the Secretary. Nawab Mohsin-ul-Mulk had
expired by this time and Nawab Viqar-ul-Mulk was pre-occupied with his new commitments in
connection with the Aligarh College. It was also decided in this meeting that branches of Muslim
League shall be opened in the country. Syed Amir Ali had established Mohammadan
Association in London which was made London Branch of the Muslim League.

The Muslim League met with immediate success in the initial stages of its struggle. It

Pakistan Affairs

drew Government's attention towards Muslims' demands expressed by the Deputation. It


secured due share appointments for the Muslims and also in the legislative bodies on local,
proving and central level. It demanded appointment of Muslim judges in the coun also secured
adequate safeguards for educational interests of the Muslims getting due representation for the
Muslims the syndicate and Senates of the Ind Universities. The most important demand
separate electorate was conceded by, Government and incorporated in the Morley Reforms
1909. Many Muslims rose the judgeship of higher courts who were p Sharaf-ud-Din (Calcutta
High Court), Karamat Husain (Allahabad High Court) Mr. Shah Din (Punjab High Court)."
Muslim League endeavoured to get the Aug by Bill passed by which the management Auqafs in
the country was taken over Government. Mint

Movements for reforms–


Shaikh Ahmad Sarhindi,
Q. How the reform movement of Shaikh Ahmad Sirhindi influenced the history
of Muslim India?

Shah Waliullah
Q. Give an account of the life and services of Shah Waliullah. How did he save
the Indian Muslims from political annihilation and religious degeneration? (20)
Sayyid Ahmad Shaheed
Aligarh
) . Q. No. 3. The Aligarh Movement was a pure educational venture but it had
deep impacts on Indian politics. Discuss. (20)
Q.2. “Sir Syed Ahmad Khan was in no way pro-British”. Agree or disagree,
answer your question with arguments. (20)
Q.4. “Khilafat Movement was an emotional movement”. Discuss. (20)

Deoband
Nadwah, and other educational institutions——-Sindh
Madrassah and Islamia College Peshawar.
IMAM RABBANI HAZRAT MUJADID ALF SANI (Sheikh Ahmad Sirhindi)
Hazrat Mujadid Alf Sani (the reformer of milleniunthe second millenium) was a great Muslim saint and
mystic of the Naqshbandia order. He challenged the might of Akbar, the Moghal emperor, to re-
establish the glory Islam which had been gravely threatened the anti-Islamic trends of Akbar. By 160
time was ripe for the great reformer to on the scene which inspired Sheikh known as Mujadid Alf Sani to
bring about second millenium of the Islamic era. app Ahma

Hazrat Mujadid Alf Sani, whose name was Sheikh Ahmad Sirhindi was descendant of the second pious
Cali Hazrat Umar Ibn Al Khatab for which he I also referred as 'Farooqi'. He was Mujadid- secon
prominent disciple of Khawja Bagi Billah, a eminent saint of the Naqshbandia spiritua order. He is
popularly known as i-Sani (Receiver of Islam during the Millenium). Sheikh Ahmad was born on Jun 26
1564 at Sirhind, the Capital of Easter "Punjab during Moghal rule. He receive education under the most
prominent an learned teachers at Sialkot and Sirhind," memorized the Holy Quran and then switche
over to the study of Hadith, Tat (commentary) and Ma'qul (philosophy). travelled from place to place to
benefit from the renowed scholars. During his wandering to quench his thirst for the mystica knowledge
he came into contact with the leading lights of Akbar's court Abu-al-Fay and Faizi. When Abu-al-Fazl and
Faizi leam of his brilliance and extraordinary mystica insight, they tried to draw him into the Cour of
Akbar. However, Sheikh Ahmad connection with the celebrated brothers Abu al-Fazl and Faizi did not
prolong because of Abu-al-Fazl's un-Islamic trends. H wa

Sheikh Ahmad wrote his famous book Isbat-un-Nabuwwat (affirmation of prophethood) in which he
gave an excellent explanation of the prophethood.

Baqi Billah's discipleship brought Sheikh Ahmad into close contacts with the leading Muslim nobles of his
days. He received spiritual training from Baqi Billah who encouraged him to utilize his tremendous
spiritual gifts by freeing of his creative qualities. Bagi Billah bestowed Khilafat on Sheikh Ahmad soon
after he joined his discipleship. Khawaja Baqi Billah, was greatly impressed by his mystical qualities and
wrote about him "Sheikh Ahmad is an individual from Sirhind, rich in knowledge and vigorous in action. I
associated him for few days and found truly marvellous things in his spiritual life. He will turn into a light
which will illuminate the world"

Sheikh Ahmad was drawn into mysticism by his father. Sheikh Abd-al-Ahad, who was a prominent suli
and scholar. He received Khilafat from his father in the Chishtiya and Suhurwardiya spiritual orders.
Chisht Scharwardyd SOCIAL CONDITIONS OF INDIA

When Sheikh Ahmad began his reform movement Muslim society was ridden with un-Islmaic practices
and trends. Under the Hindu influence, a firm and widespread belief in Karamat. (miracles of the saints)
had developed in the society which greatly misguided the innocent people. In sufism many means of
developing magical and supernatural powers, alien to Islam, had been developed. The mystics and sufis
of those days openly denied the authenticity of Sharia by declaring Sharia (the law of Islam) as
superficial and external. They even proudly manifested their indifference towards the Sunnah or
Examples of the Prophet (peace be upon him). The ulama and theologians ceased to refer to the Quran
and Hadith in their commentaries and considered jurisprudence as the only religious knowledge. By
these trends the religious spirit excessively diminished and gave rise to the juristic view of Islam.

During these days Akbar ruled the sub- continent whose anti-Islamic outlook had aggravated the social
environs. Akbar had no leanings towards Islamic principles and tenets. He promoted Hinduism by
marrying Hindu ladies and by allowing an astounding access to the Rajputs and Hindus in his court. He
also appointed Hindu Rajputs on higher civil and military positions. The introduction of Din-i-llahi by
Akbar was a grave attempt to distort Islam. He assumed the title of Mujadid-i-Azam and Imam-i-Adil and
issued orders pertaining to the religious matters which were to be considered as authentic and final. The
impact of Din-i-llahi greatly affected the Muslim beliefs and trends. It split the Muslim society into
several factions and promoted heretic attitudes and practices. SHEIKH AHMAD'S EFFORTS TO PURGE

MUSLIM SOCIETY OF ATHEIST VALUES

The task of reforming Islam and Muslim society on a spiritual and cultural pattern was really a
stupendous one which required sustained efforts. Sheikh Ahmad undertook the job of purifying the
Muslim society of un-Islamic tendencies by sending a number of his disciples in all directions to preach
the true Islam. He asked them to emphasis on Ittibat i-Sunnah (Examples of the Holy Prophet - peace be
upon him), and the commandments of Sharia in their sermons and preachings. The work was vigorously
pursued in India and other neighbouring Muslim countries. Sheikh Ahmad also began a correspondence
with the prominent scholars of all Muslim countries. In his letters he explained the religious doctrines
and put great stress on the Ittibat-i-Sunnah.

Sheikh Ahmad was greatly opposed to the atheism and openly denounced un- Islamic society. He
worked very hard to restore the original teachings of Islam and emphasised on the concept of Tauheed.
He exposed the fallacy of Din-i-llahi and came out with full vigour to curb the influence of this satanic
creed. He urged the Muslims to order their lives according to the principles of Islam. He declared that
mysticism without Shariat w/ was misleading and denounced those ulama who had questioned the
authority of Sharia.

Sheikh Ahmad stressed on the Muslims to revert to the purer Islam by giving up heretical customs and
practices. He laboured diligently to settle the differences between the scholars and the mystics. He
initiated the leading nobles near the emperor into his discipleship and through them exerted an
influence to bring about a change in the life of the Court. He was able to enlist Abdur Rahim Khan-e-
Khana, Khan-i-Azam Mirza Aziz and Mufti Sardar Jehan, the most influential personalities of Akbar's era
into his discipleship. He also persuaded the great men of Jehangir's period to take an oath of Allegiance
at Sheikh Ahmad's hands. In the time of Jehangir Sheikh Ahmad was successful to a greater extent to
extract a solemn undertaking from the Muslims that they would not obey any orders repugnant to
Islam.

Sheikh Ahmad persuaded the Muslims to adopt simple habits in life in the light of Islam and Sunnah. He
revealed the importance of Namaz on the Muslims and declared that Fasting protects the mankind from
many sins. His efforts contributed a a great deal towards the popularity of Islam in the sub continent.
SHEIKH AHMAD'S LETTERS Sheikh Ahmad adopted an effective

method of persuation by writing letters to the leading nobles of the royal court. He began "addressing
letters written in a language, which would move mountains, to leading nobles of the state, bemoaning
the sad state in which Islam had fallen in India, and reminding them of their duty. His letters are known
as Muktubat-e-Imam Rabbani and were addressed to, besides other leading nobles, Sheikh Farid, Khan-i-
Azam, Sadr-i Jehan and Abdur Rehim Khan.a.Khana

SHEIKH AHMAD IMPRISONED

Skeikh Ahmad also dealt with matters other than religious revival in his letters. This policy drew him into
serious difficulties. Asal Jah, the Prime Minister of Jehangir's Coud alerted Jehangir of the mounting
popularity of Sheikh Ahmad by inciting the Emperor that Sheikh Ahmad's anti-Hindu views were creating
unrest in the country. Jehangir summoned Sheikh Ahmad to his court and asked him to explain his
statements.

Sheikh Ahmed appeared in the royal court in a highly dignified manner and explained his statements in a
style. Someone pointed out to Jehangir Skeikh had not performed the act 'Prostration'. When he was
asked to panom the Sajdah he refused by saying that he not perform Sajdah before a human being He
declared that Sajdah was only due to Almighty God. Jehangir, infuriated over th blunt reply, ordered the
Sheikh to imprisoned in the Fort of Gawaliar. the courageou

Sheikh Ahmad did not shirk preaching of Islam during his imprisonment After two years, Jehangir feeling
repently released him from the fort and venerated him with a dress of Honour and 1000 rupees fo royal
his expenses. He was given the option going back to Sirhind or remain in the court. Sheikh Ahmad
preferred to stay in the royal court which provided him an opportunity to preach his views in the royal
court. his

SHEIKH AHMAD AND TWO-NATION CONCEPT

In order to popularize Islam a number Muslim reformers and revivers adopted liberal point of view in
their preaching so that a large number of people could be attracted toward Islam. They, however, were
successful to a great extent, but at the same time this liberal approach gave rise to the concept of joint
nationalism. This trend proved injurious to the separate and distinct national image of the Muslims. of

Sheikh Ahmad viewed this trend of the society with concern and reached at the conclusion that if the
Muslims were not alerted against this attitude they will be doomed for ever as a nation. To put an end
to this growing trend of joint nationalism, Sheikh Ahmad openly negated the philosophy of Wahdat-ul-
Wajud, He laboured to keep alive the national and religious identity of the Muslims

Sheikh Ahmad was a staunch advocate of the separateness of the Muslims and desired to maintain the
distinctive image of the Muslim Nationalism. He laid great emphasis on the separate identity of the
Muslims and adopted a very stern attitude against the Hindus. Sheikh Ahmad firmly believed in Two-
Nation Theory. He was in favour of maintaining the differences between Hindus and Muslims. He
wanted Jizya to be re- imposed on Hindus and demanded the destruction of Hindu temples.

WAHDAT-UL-WAJUD AND WAHDAT-UL-

SHAHUD

The philosophy of Wahdat-ul-Wajud was presented by some sufis of Akbar's time. They believed that
the entire Universe is the symbol of Almighty God and a source of revelation of God's sovereignty. The
advocates of Wahdat-ul-Wajud believed that there was no living difference between the Man and his
Creator God and both individual and God are not separated from each other. They also believed that
every particle of the Universe represented the presence of God and, therefore, the worship of God's
creature amounted to the worship of God.

philosophy and declared it as ultra vires to the principles of Islam. He presented his philosophy of
Wahdat-ul-Shahud' which, meant that the Creator and creatures were two different and separate
entities. THE INFLUENCE OF SHEIKH AHMAD'S EFFORTS

The efforts of Sheikh Ahmad to purify the religious and practical life of the Muslims left an indelible
impact on the history of Muslim India. Allama Iqbal, poet-philosopher of the East, has paid rich tributes
to Sheikh Ahmad in one of his poems for refusing to perform the act of prostration before the emperor.
Allama Iqbal considers him as the spiritual guardian of the Muslims of India. His movement for the cause
of Islam gave a new life to the Muslims and is regarded as the call back to Muhammad, which left far-
reaching impact in religious and practical fields.

Sheikh Ahmad, till the last breath of his life continued with the propagation of Islam. He drew a
distinction between Islam and atheism. He considerably prevailed upon Jehangir to alter his religious
view and abandon his father's religious policies. Jehangir, under the influence of Mujadid's
preaching, ordered Khutaba (holy sermon) to be recited and cow slaughter to be carried out as required
by Islamic principles. Jehangir also agreed to the construction of a big mosque on the advice of Mujadid.

Hazrat Mujadid Alf Sani was the most powerful religious personality in the history of India. He was a
widely read scholar and a magnetic rhetorician. He got an opportunity in a liberal atmosphere in
Jehangir's reign to use his powerful pen to denounce Akbar's religious innovations.

Mujadid Alf Sani was the only individual in the history of India who opposed Akbar and thereby invited
his wrath. He is considered as the pioneer of Muslim self-assertion by denouncing un-Islamic practices.

After living for three years with the emperor Jehangir, Hazrat Mujadid sought permission to leave for
Sirhind. He passed away on December 10, 1626 and was buried im sirhind
HAZRAT SHAH WALI ULLAH MUHADIS DELHVI
After the death of Aurangzeb, in 18th pe Time serious problems. The Moghal empire had for successors
of Aurangzeb who could not g Sxces because they indulged into luxurious life. With shor

century, the Muslim society faced some fallen into the hands of most incapable withhold the supremacy
of the Muslim rule ot the weakness of the Muslim empire, Islam, inte the religion of the Muslims, faced
serious problems. The un-Islamic trends and practices were flourishing and a general ignorance of Islam,
Quran and Hadith had created anguish amongst the religious saints. The time and situation was ripe for
the reformers and revivers to emerge to purge the Muslim society of these trends. Consequently an era
of religious regeneration began with the emergence of Shah Wali Ullah, a great Muslim thinker,
reformer and Muhadis.

Imam-ul-Hind Hazrat Shah Wali Ullah, a great saint, scholar and reformer is one of those great
personalities of Islam who, with his dedicated services had brought the Muslim society together on the
stable foundations. Ho continued the work of Hazrat Maadid Alf Sani and struggled for roligious cultural
political and social revival of the Muslims.

Hazrat Shah Wah Ullah was born in a pious family of Delhi on 21st February, 1703, four years before the
death of Aurangzeb, His real name was Qutub-ud-Din and later on came to be known as Wali Ullah for
his pious habits. His father Shah Abdur Rahim was. well-known for his piety and profound knowledge of
Islam. Shah Abdur Rahim was a sufi and theologian, He was engaged in the compilation of Fatawa-i-
Alamgiri by the emperor Aurangzeb.

Shah Wali Ullah received his early education in spintualism and mysticism from his father. He
memonized the Holy Quran in his childhood. He received education in Tafsir, Hadis and acquired
spiritual discipline from his great father. He also studied metaphysics logic and Ilm-ul-Kalam under his
father
Shah Wali Ullah excelled in every discipline of the Islamic learning. He completed his studies in the
fifteenth year of his age in all the prevalent customs and Sahih traditions of his country. He studied
Sahih-i Bukhari and often attended his father during the reading of the Holy Quran. Shah Wall Ullah also
acquired knowledge of various branches of jurisprudence (Fiqah). He Sraih i studied Sharh-i-Waqaya and
Hidaya and

wasome portion of Usul-l-Fiqah.


Shah Wali Ullah did not confine his apetite for knowledge to the study of theology but was equally well
versed in the humanities branch of knowledge as well. He studied Mujizal Qanun of Hikmat and Sharh-i-
Hidaya-i-Hikmat in the field of medicine and Qanun Tib. ‫ اب‬.‫ارد‬

He went to Arabia for higher studies and •Shah performing Haj. He received education under Hhe most
capable teachers of Makkah and Medina. He received his education from Sheikh Abu Tahir Bin
Ibrahim.of.Medina. He Tib also obtained the Sanad in Hadis from Sheikh Abu Tahir who possessed
extraordinary intellectual potentialities. Shah Abdur Rahim, his father, died, the age of 77 when Shah
Wali Ullah was j 17 years old. He transferred the Bal (authority in sufism) and Irshad (spiritu After Delh
education to Shah Wali Ullah at his deas bed and said, "his hand is my hand" the death of his father Shah
Wali Ullah began teaching at Madrassa Rahimiya of where he taught for 12 years. ju

SOCIAL CONDITIONS OF INDIA IN SHAH WALI ULLAH'S TIME

Shah Wali Ullah, as has been mentioned in the preceding pages, went to Hejaz for his higher education
and for performing Haj. "During his stay at Makkah Shah Wali Ullah saw a vision in which Holy Prophet
(peace be upon Him) blessed him with the tidings that he would be instrumental in the organization of a
section of the Muslim society".?

During these days political and social turmoil was rampant in the sub-continent. Life, property and
honour were not secure as there were a number of disruptive forces at work in the Muslim society. The
Moghal empire after the death of Aurangzeb, was in the hands of the incapable successors who were
unable to withhold the glory of the empire. The Moghul empire gradually began to collapse with
manifest signs of decadence. The religious groups were also claiming their superiority and the tussle
between the Shfa and Sunni sects was posing serious threats to Muslim nobility. The stability and
strength of Aurangzeb time was lacking in the political, social and religious sections of the society. The
Marhatas and Sikhs had gained a firm foothold, who usually raided the seat of the Government, Delhi,
sometime occupying the old city physically for short durations. The rise of Marhata might promoted
Hindu nationalism which intensified the social decay in the Muslim society.

SHAH WALI ULLAH'S MOVEMENT


He adopted a balanced approach and understanding towards religious matters. He thoroughly studied
all schools of thoughts and expressed what was right and just in a mild and sophisticated way Without
hurting anyone. He removed misunderstanding to a larger extent, between Shias and Sunnis and in this
way provided a spiritual basis for national solidarity and harmony. He presented Islam in a more rational
way to make it acceptable to the larger number of people. He himself states, "I was informed through
'Ilham' (inspiration) that I would have to undertake this responsibility. The time has come when every
injunction of the Sharia and the general instruction of Islam should be presented to the world in a
rational manner"

Shah wali Ullah got in touch with the rulers and impressed upon them to enforce islamic laws
their lives, according to the Islamic way. He educated Muslim soldiers the older on importance of Jehad
and asked them to go on on four for Jehad for the glorification of Islam. Ho asked the traders to adopt
fair principles of trade as preached and practised by the Holy Prophet (peace be upon him). He informed
principia the people about the sins of accumulation of wealth and asked them to keep as much wealth
with them as was required for their economic needs. Shah Wali Ullah is regarded as the founder of
modern Muslim India and as such the father of modern Muslim India. who rendered meritorious
services to the Muslims of India to draft their destinies.
POLITICAL SERVICES
Apart from imparting religious education to Muslims, Shah Wali Ullah also provided leadership to the
Muslims in the political field. He came out with his great wisdom- and, foresight to create political
awakening in the Muslims of India. The rise of Marhatas and Sikhs had posed serious problems to the
Muslim rulers. The Moghal rulers were no more in a position to withhold the supremacy of the Muslim
rule which was gravely jeopardized by the emergence of the Sikhs, Marhatas and other. non-Muslism
forces: Marhata forces raided Delhi, the capital of the Mohgal empire, at, will. The Marhatas wanted to
crush the Muslim rule for ever to put Peshwa's son Biswas Rao on the throne of Delhi.

Shah Wali Ullah came up to tackle this precarious situation. He had rightly noticed that if the Marhatas
are not checked effectively the political power of the Muslims would disappear for ever. He wrote letters
to the leading Mustim nobles and informed them of the critical situation hanging on the head of chicks
the Moghal rule. He asked for military assistance from them and was successful in bringing some of
Muslim chieftains to come around. He eventually won over Najib-ud Daula, Rehmat Khan and Shuja-ud-
Daula against Marhatas.
However, the Muslim chiels were unable to face Marhatas effectively. Their resources were inadequate
to crush the Marhatas power Shah Wali Ullah, therefore, looked towards Ahmad Shah Abdali whom he
persuaded to retrieve the Muslim rule in India. Ahmad Shah Abdali, on the call of Shah Wali Ullah came
to India and inflicted a crushing defeat on the Marhatas at the Third Battle of in 1761. The victory of
Ahmad Shah Abdali at Panipat blasted the Marhatas' power and paved way for the revival of Islam in
India. WORKS OF SHAH WALI ULLAH

Shah Wali Ullah wrote many books, fifty in all, on mysticism and other branches of Islamic leamings
which deal with religious, economic and political problems. His Outstanding work was his translation of
the Holy Quran into simple Persian language which 1237/38 Pie was the literary language of his days.
produced this masterpiece of literature in 1737-38 which invited great criticism from the orthodox
ulama who threatened him even 1787-32with death. Shah Wall Ullah's translation was an exceptional
act as there had never been a translation of the Holy Quran before in a foreign language, His translation
brought the knowledge of the Holy Quran within the reach of an average iterate person who found it
easier to read and understand the Holy Quran in a language other than Arabic After Shan Wel Ullah his
two sons Shan Raf-ud- Din and Span Abdul Qadir prepared Urdu versions of the Holy Quran.

Hujat-ullah-al-Baligha is another famous work of Shan War Uman. In this work Shah Seno has discussed
in detalls the reasons of te soole and religious decay of the Muslims. He has also scossed the importance
of application of litibad in this book and has mentioned the intellectual and scholastic requirements.cfa
fua prest Balight

In his time the Shias and Sunnis were aggressively hostile to each other and their very was damaging the
Muslim unity. Shah Wa Ulah wrote zalet-al-Akhifa and Khiefat-e-Khulafe in order to remove gbetween
Shias and the Suns. He refused to denounce Shies as heretics. Shah Wali Ullah adopted analytical and
balanced approach towa the four schools of thought of mysticism, order to create a balance between
the t schools, i.e. Hanafi, Hambali, Shaf Malaki, he wrote 'Al Insaf fi Bayan Sahab Ikhtilaf in which he
traced their histon background.

In Fuyuz-al-Haramain, Shah Wali U depicts one of his dreams during his stay Arabia. He describes that
the God Almigh chose him as an intermediary to establish new order in his time.
Besides the above-mentioned work Shah Wali Ullah wrote many other books different topics. They
include al-Nawadar. Min-al-Hadis, Aqad-al-Jaiyad-fi-Ahkam-al Ijithad wa-al-Taqlid, Tafhimat-i-llahly
These works and all of Shah Wali Ullah writings are produced in Arabic and Persian languages.

His Madrassa and other insti-tutions founded by him, imparted edu-cation in the light of his works. A
bunch of religious nationalist was prepared by these schools who interpreted Islam according to his
doctrines. Shah Abdul Aziz, the eldest son Shah Wa Ullah led these religious nationalists to wage jehad
for the liberation of Muslim India and ultimately to build edifice for e Caliphel state on the principles of
Islam as described by Shah Wall Ullah's doctrines.

SYED AHMED SHAHEED BARAILVI 17% The name of Syed Ahmed Shahee carries great importance with
regard to the revival of Islam in the history of the sub continent. Syed Ahmad Shaheed picked up the
course of the vigorous two-pronged struggle aimed at the purification of the Muslim society and the
destruction of the British power in India. His approach to freedom was based on the armed struggle and
confrontation against the foreign and non-Muslim forces.

Syed Ahmed Barailvi the inheritor of the mantle of Shah Abdul Aziz," was bom on November 29, 1786 na
respectable family of Rai Baraily. He was greatly impressed by the preachings and doctrines of Shah Wali
Ullah and was a staunch disciple of his son Shah Abdul Aziz. From the very beginning he had an
inclination of becoming a soldier rather than endeavouring to become a renowned scholar or mystic as
did his predecessors. PREPARATION FOR JEHAD AGAINST SIKHS

Syed Ahmed was extremely dismayed to see the decline of the Muslims in their religious and ideological
commitments He earnestly desired to see the restoration of the supremacy of Islam in India. The
purpose of his life and struggle was not confined to the spread of Islam by preaching only, but he
believed in taking practical steps for this purpose The main objective before Syed December, 1826

and established his

In the time of Syed Ahmed, Punjab was ruled by the Sikh ruler Ranjit Singh who was regarded as an
autocratic and tyrannical despot The Muslims heavily, suffered under his tyrannical rule and were
denied liberty and freedom to perform and practise their religion. Khyber Pakhtunkhawa had also fallen
to the sikh domination and was included in the Sikh regime. The holy places of the Muslims i.e.
mosques, shrines were turned into temples and stables, by the Sikh regime. Azan was forbidden and the
religious practices of the Muslims were interrupted frequently.

Syed Ahmed did not confine himself to Delhi but also visited the neighbouring places During one of his
visit to Rampur, some Afghans complained to him about the wide-scale persecution of the Muslims by
the. Sikh regime. Syed Ahmed decided to launch his Jehad movement against the Sikh regime on his
return from Maj. Syed Ahmed left for Makkah in 1821 along with Maulana Ismail Shaheed, Maulana
Abdul Haye and a large number of followers and admirers to perform Haj. Syed Ahmed performed haj
and remained absent for nearly two years. They returned to Delhi and the preparation for Jehad against
the Sikhs began.

DECLARATION OF WAR

Syed Ahmed believed if Punjab and Khyber Pakhtunkhawa were liberated of the Sikh domination, the
Muslims would regain their old position. He, therefore, picked up Punjab to begin his Jenad movement
against the Sikhs and selected Khyber Pakhtunkhawa to begin his operation for the elimination of the
non-Islamic forces. He directed Maulana Ismail and Maulana Abdul Haye to march with a party of six
thousand followers from Rai Barally. He himself set out via other parts of Punjab and Demi to muster
support for his movement. Syed Ahmed invited the people to join him in Jehad against the un-Islamic
regime to save the Muslims of the Sikh domination. Syed Sahib reached Nowshera in
headquarter. He sent a message to the Sikh ruler Ranjit Singh to embrace Islam or be ready to face the
Muajahideen in the battle- field Ranjit Singh turned down the offer scornfully and expressed a high
degree of disdain for Islam and the Muslims.

Syed Ahmed began his jehad against 7 Pc the Sikhs by challenging the Sikh army at Akora on 21st
December 1826. The Sikhs had gathered a strong force at Akora under General Budh Singh. The fight at
Akora was a night assault when nearly 900 Muslims pounced on the sleeping Sikhs. It was a successful
mission and heavy loss was inflicted on the Sikhs. Budh Singh being extremely demoralised decided to
withdraw from Akora. The Mujahideen fought second battle at Hazro which too was a great success.

The astonishing success of the Mujahideen in two encounters gave immense popularity to the Jehad
movement. People gathered in large number around Syed Sahib. Many pathan chiefs joined Syed Sahib
and took an uath of allegiance at the hands of Syed Ahmed Yar Muhammad the Governor Peshawar also
joined Syed Ahmed in his movement along with other prominent pathan leaders like Pir Hakman Khan,
Gradually the number of the Muslim forces rose to 80,000.

The Jehad movement went through the early stages of struggle with amazing success. At this time a
conspiracy was hatched against the Jehad movement. The Sikhs brought pressure on Yar Muhammad
Khan who tried to poison Syed Ahmed which he survived. Sardar Yar Muhammad was bribed to betray
Syed Sahib and join the Sikhs against Mujahideen. In 1829) Yar Muhammad was killed in an encounter
against the Mujahideen

French Genaro and Peshawar. The Sikhs under the French, ventura General Ventura saved Peshawar and
Harde Handed it over to Sultan Muhammad Khan

Syed Ahmed now set out for Kashmir to the brother of Yar Muhammad Khan. Syed Ahmed reached
Hazara Hills and attacked o the Sikh forces under Hari Singh and General Allard. This assault was
repulsed. However, Syed Ahmed made another assault Peshawar which was successful. Sulta
Muhammad Khan, who was fighting again the Mujahideen was arrested and pardone stablishm by Syed
Ahmed Syed Ahmed occupie Peshawar in 1830

ENFORCEMENT OF SHARIA of contral of After occupying Peshawar Syed Ahmed paid his attention
toward the introduction Shariat. By this time a large number Sardars and Khans had submitted to Syed
Ahmed and had taken an oath of allegiance at Syed's hand. It was decided at a general meeting of
Sardars, Khans and local people that every one should take an oath of baia at Syed's hand for the
staunch and strict adherence to the Sharia. Syed Ahmed was declared as a Caliph whose orders were
binding on all subjects. The establishment of Islamic system of Government greatly reduced the
influence of the tribal Chiefs. He also introduced social reforms and asked the local people to abandon
their old customs and life patterns. He urged them to adopt Islamic way of life and be refrained from
taking intoxicants of
In November, 1831, after nearly two months of occupation of Peshawar, Syed Ahmed withdrew from
Peshawar in favour of Sultan Muhammad Khan who promised to pay a fixed amount to the Mujahideen
as tribute.

After relinquishing Peshawar, Syed. Ahmed shifted to Balakot and began his movement from Rajauri in
1831. Balakot is a small town in the Mansehra division and falls in the Hazara district. The Mujahideen
were attacked by the Sikh army under the command of General Sher Singh A fierce battle was fought
between the Sikhs and the Muslims. The Mujahideen fought valiantly but could not stand the much
stronger and superior forces. The Muslims were defeated in the battle in which Syed Ahmed Shaheed,
Shah Ismail Shaheed and many other followers of Syed Sahib laid their lives and died as martyrs while
fighting for the cause of Islam. With the death of Syed Ahmed the Jehad movement fell into disarray and
could not be carried out with the old enthusiasm. The Jehad movement did not die after defeat at
Balakot. Some of his followers struggled to continue the movement and were successful to a certain
extent. But the movement extremely lacked in organized leadership after Syed's death and, therefore,
could not be conducted for a long time.

FRAIZI MOVEMENT

The Muslim sulis and mystics spread the light of Islam in Bengal in the 13th and 14th centuries. In the
beginning Bengal was very much receptive to the call of Islam but thereafter there had been a strong
Hindu revival which immensely infused a new religious spirit among the Hindus. This Hindu revival
converted many areas to Hinduism and also made its impact on the Muslim society. Serious
impediments were observed in the spread of Islam as the Muslim missionaries had discontinued their
efforts. There was a wide-scale ignorance prevalent among the Muslim masses about Islam resulting in
the emergence of Hindu beliefs and practices in the society

The Muslim revivalism in Bengal began in the 19th century which was to put an end to the Muslim
isolation and exploitation. The person who came forward to stir the dormant 11 faith of the Bengali
Muslims was Haji Shariat Ullah who was born in 1781, in the village of Shamail in the Faridpur District.
After receiving his early education Haji Shariat Ullah left for Hijaz in 1799 at a very young age. After a
Tong stay of twenty years he returned from Makkah in 1820. During his stay in Arabia he was greatly
impressed by the doctrines of Sheikh Muhammad Abdul Wahab who had initiated Wahabi movement in
Arabia.

Haji Shariat Ullah began his reform movement known as Fraizi Movement in the centre of Bengal. This
movement was started as a re-action to the anti-Muslim policy of the British. The Fraizi movement
emphasised on the performing of Fraiz, religious duties imposed by the God and His Prophet (peace be
upon him). The followers of Haji Shariat Ullah are known as Fraizis for their insistence on the fulfilment
of the religious obligations.

Read on to

Haji Shariat Ullah was extremely dismayed to Dopbrab see deplorable condition of the Muslims
whoondh on have been crushed by the East India Company. The Zamindars who were mostly of non-
Muslims, were exploiting the Muslim Muing cultivators by denying the due share of their toil
Haji Shariat Ullah was deadly against the false and superstitious beliefs which had arisen in the Mustim
society due to tang contact with the Hindus He utterly disliked the expressions of master) and Murid
(disciple) and desired them to be replaced with the title of Ustad (teacher) and Shagird (student). He
believed that these titles signified a complete submission by relationship between Ustad and Shagird. He
strongly forbade the laying on of hands at the time of accepting a person into discipleship which had
crept into Muslim society He required from his followers Tauba as a manifestation of repentance for att
past sins and a pledge to lead a righteous and God fearing life in future. His followers as already
mentioned, were known as Fraizis but they Towb preferred to call themselves as lawbar Mastims. His
movement brought the Muslim Mus peasantry together against the cruel exploitation by the Hindu
zamindars.

Shan Haji Shariat Ullah was a pious man who card a simple life. He won deep loyally and confidence of
the people by his utmost sincerity and devotion. His disciples and followers blindly took him as
competent and able to pull them out of crisis and despair. He was to provide consolation to the people
in their time of adversity and affliction He declared Jehad against the infidels inevitable-and-termed the
sub-continent as Dar-ul-Harb where the offering of Friday prayers was unlawful.

The Fraizi movement of Haji Shariat Ullah injected a great deal of confidence as among the Muslim
masses who were awakened from their slumber. It infused spirit ago among the Muslim peasants who
got together for the protection of their rights. Haji Shariat cu Ullah became the centre of a great spiritual
revival of the Muslims and laid the foundation for his successors to continue their struggle. Haji Sahib
invited opposition of the Hindu zamindars who were perturbed on the unity of the Muslim peasantry.
They started harassing him by instituting false cases against him. Ultimately he was forced to leave
Najabari in the district of Dacca, a place where he had settled after his return from Arabia. He returned
to his birth place in Faridpur district, where he continued his religious preaching and fighting against the
non-Islamic forces till his death in 1840. DUDU MIYAN

Haji Shariat Ullah was succeeded by his Bakarga Mohsin-ud-Din Ahmed (popularly known as Dudu
Miyan), who became very popular in the districts of Dacca, Faridpur, Pabna, Bakargani and Noakhali. He
was born in 1819 and went to Arabia in his early age. Dudu Miyan assumed the leadership of Fraizi
Movement left by his father. He divided the whole of Bengal into circles and appointed a Khalifa to look
after his followers in each circle. He introduced a political tinge in the movement which became the
symbol of the resistance of the Muslim peasantry of Easter Bengal against Hindu Landlords. rulers..
Dudu Miyan vehemently opposed the levying of taxes by landlords. In those days the Muslim peasants
were required to contribute towards the decoration of Hindu goddess. Durga or towards the support of
any of the Miyan strongly resented this practice and considered it a highly oppressive measure to crush
the Muslim peasantry. He declared that that no one could inherit it or to impose taxes upon it. Dudu
Miyan believed in equality and considered the richest and the poorest as equally important. He
preached that Rhenever a brother was in distress it was the duty of his comrades to help him. Dudu
Miyan in order to save the Muslim peasantry from illegal taxes, asked them to occupy the Khas Mahal
land, which was directly managed by the Government. He allowed the peasants to refuse paying the
taxes except the revenue tax which was khas Mahalimposed by the Government. Dudu Miyan believed
in taking steps for the amelioration of the peasantry. For this purpose ho established his own State
where he ang He administer justice by setting disputes punishing the wrong-doers. particularly very
strict in punishing landlords who preferred to go to a law for the recovery of debts instead coming to
him for redress. Coun prac Mu
of The Hindu zamindars dreaded him. and conspired to check the spread movement. The landlords and
Europ planters retaliated with their usual tactics instituting false criminal cases against He was harassed
all his life and was pu jail time and again on frivolous charges.

(SG Dudu Miyan died on 24th Septemb 1862 at Bahdurpur in the district of Dace The Fraizi movement
under Haji Shariat U and Dudu Miyan cultivated a great deal political awareness among the Muslims
Bengal and particularly among the Mus peasantry who put a formidable resistan against the Hindu
landlords and the British rulers. TITU MIR

17 Mir Nasir Ali, popularly known as T Mir was an important leader of the Muss peasantry of Bengal. He
diligently worked the independence and renaissance of Muslims of Bengal. He was born in 1782 ar
belonged to a noble family. From his ear age he began to take interest in the politic affairs of the
country. Though he did no belong to the group of Haji Shariat Ullah b he had similar views on the
political, religious social and economic objectives of th Muslims of Bengal. He earnestly desired revive
the past glory of the Muslims ar Islam.

119Titu Mir went to Makkah in 1819 to performing Haj where he came into contas with Syed Ahmed
Shaheed Brailvi, wh extremely inspired him with his spiritu insight. After his return from Makkah, Titu M
began preaching the poor classes of Jesson and Nadiya in Central Bengal. Soon he formed a sect known
as Maulvis among his followers.

Titu Mir finally stood against the Hindu customs and practices. The main objective of his movement was
the elimination.of..Hindų tituals which invited Hindu antagonism. False cases were instituted against the
Maulvis by the Hindu Zamindars in the courts where. fines were levied. Kishan Rai, a notorious Hindu
zamindar imposed a tax on his Muslim tenants who professed to be a Wahabl. The tax was called as the
Beard Tax because the Wahabis did not shave according to their school of thought. Titu Mir protested
against this inhuman tax and physically resisted the tax collectors sent by the zamindars. Action was
ordered by the Government against Titu Mir and a strong military contingent was sent to crush him. A
fierce encounter took place between the Government forces and the followers of Titu Mir on November
18, 1831. Titu Mir was killed in action. His followers were arrested and his movement extinguished in
course of time. Used Bamboo Sticks fight may even

EDUCATIONAL MOVEMENT
The War of 1857 had ended in disaster. The glorious Moghal Empire was liquidated and the direct British
rule was established over the whole of the sub-continent. The British had put the entire responsibility on
the Muslims and, therefore took severe action against the Muslims to obliterate them from the society.
The Britishers, in connivance with the Hindus, adopted a policy to ruin the economic condition of the
Muslims which would have automatically stamped out the Muslims from the Indian society. Every action
which the British took after the War of 1857 affected the Muslims directly or indirectly. All high
Government civil and military positions were reserved for the Hindus and non Muslims. Since the social
position of the Muslims heavily depended on their Government employment, this measure days. clearly
affected the economic and social position of the Muslims.

The Muslims, therefore, reached at the brink of social and economic ruination because of the Hindu and
British hatred towards them. Their leaders felt highly disappointed and dismayed over their deplorable
social condition, The Muslims would have been scraped totally from the society as a result of the
continued and systematic policy of elimination by the British Government, when some dedicated leaders
and reformers appeared on the scene to pull the Muslims out of this disastrous situation of socia!
elimination These prominent leaders which included Sir Syed Ahmed Khan, launched vigorous
movements for the Muslim revival. They began their endeavours by initiating their movements for the
educational uplift of the Muslims as they believed that ignorance was the main hurdle in the Muslim
renaissance.

ALIGARH MOVEMENT SIR SYED AHMAD KHAN


In the darkest hour of their life in India, the Muslim community produced a great and courageous leader
in the person of Sir Syed enermad Khan. He saw with clear eyes the bamborrible state into which the
Muslims had dfallen and the long and difficult journey they had to undertake for their rehabilitation. Sir
Syed Ahmad Khan was a great Muslim scholar and reformer. He came forward to guide the Muslims
who were destined to be ruined and eliminated from the Indian society as a result of Hindu and British
domination. Sir Syed Ahmad Khan awakened the Muslims to animate their dormant spirit in order to put
up a resolute struggle for the revival of their past position of eminence.

Sir Syed Ahmad Khan was a scion of a noble family and born on 17 October, 1817 in Delhi. He got his
early education from his maternal-grandfather Khawaja Farid-ud-Din, who was for eight years, Prime
Minister at the Moghal Court. Khawaja Farid was a distinguished scholar and the only mathematician in
his

Sir Syed received education in Holy Quran, Arabic and Persian literature. He also acquired excellence in
history, mathematics and medicine. His mother was a very wise lady who trained Sir Syed Ahmad Khan
in various subjects. With the guidance he received in his family Sir Syed developed a profound love for
learning which enabled him to guide his people in the intellectual and After completing his education, Sir
Syed Ahmad gan had to join Government service 1935-) father died in 1838. The death of his problems
of the family. In the beginning he was offered a clerical job in 1839 but he soon quefied for the post of
Munsif (Sub-Judge) in 1841 and was posted at Fatehpur Sikri, When his elder brother ded he sought his
transfer to Delhi where he remained from 1846 to 1854 After serving in different capacities he was
elevated to the position of Chief Judge in Chick 1846 During his stay at Delhi as Chief Judge, Junge he
wrote his famous book Asar us Sanadid LAntiquities of Delhi) in 1847. In this work Sir 1547-Based Ahmad
Khan prepared an account of the famous buildings.in and around Delhi. In 1855 > Syed was transferred
to Binaur Book where he compiled the History of Muslim Rule in India. The first work which he An-e-
produced was Ain-i-Akbari by Abu-al-Fazal. He also wrote the History of Bijnaur in 1855.

By 1857 Sir Syed Ahmad Khan had spent nearly twenty years in judicial service. He was known for his
sense of justice. competence and for the love and keen desire of welfare and prosperity of his people. In
1857 Sir Syed was posted at Bijnaur when the War of 1857 borke out. It perturbed the focal European
officers and their families. Sir Syed Ahmad Khan saved many British officers even at the risk of his
personal life. On one occasion when the lives of the Britishers. who had taken refuge in Collector's
bungalow were precariously Streatered by a mob. Sir Syed used his influence on the mutineers as a
writer and trusted public servant to let the European refugees leave the place unmolested. He also
saved many British women and children from being killed. He was offered an estate for his services
which he rendered to the British, but he refused to accept. Sir Syed also served at Ghazipur and Benaras.
In 1877, he was appointed a member of Imperial c was raised to Knighthood in 1888.7 the University of
Edinburgh of conferred a degree of LL.D. Ahmad Khan.

THE BEGINNING OF THE ALIGAR MOVEMENT


As already mentioned the British p held the Muslims responsible for the Independence and, therefore,
adopted a policy to punish them for their role in the w The Hindus and other nations, who equally
responsible for the war, were let, and no revengeful action was taken again them. The Muslims because
of the Br policy. fell from their past position eminence and their social, economic political conditions
deteriorated. They their previous power, glory and distinction a a nation. Their properties were confis
and their jobs withdrawn. To furth aggravate the situation the British replac Persian, which was the
language of Muslims, with English as an official language The Muslims were not prepared to lea English
as they thought it detrimental to the religion. On the other hand the Hindus quick adopted English and
superseded the Muslim in the educational field. With these measure the who were one time the rulers
of became the most downtrodden commun cruelly subjugated by the British and Hindus. Muslim

Sir Syed always felt aggrieved over the deplorable social and economic condition the Muslims of India.
He desired to see the at a respectable position in society and decided to guide them in their struggle for
the revival of their past position of glory. The services which Sir Syed Ahmad Khan rendered for the
Muslims renaissance ar known in the history as the Aligar Movement.

Sir Syed Ahmad Khan had rightly observed that the present condition of the Muslims was mostly
because of their own extremist and conservative attitude. The Indian Muslims had always considered
the British as their enemies and avoided social interaction with them, which had created a great deal of
misunderstanding among the British about the Muslims. Sir Syed believed that the pitiable condition of
the Muslims shall not be improved unless the Muslims changed their behaviour toward the British. He
was of the opinion that since the British were likely to stay in India as rulers, the Muslims should adopt a
more lenient attitude towards them and extend the necessary loyalties to rulers of the country. He also,
believed that the Hindus would get an opportunity of getting closer to the British if the Muslims
continued with their policy of hatred for the British rulers. He advised the Muslims to change their policy
of keeping away from the British and come closer to them. He believed that only in this way the Muslims
would be able to Counter the Hindu and Congress propaganda to win back-their-position in society.

Sir Syed also realized that Muslims were lagging behind in the education because of their conservative
approach toward the English and modern knowledge. He felt that the present condition of the Muslims
shall not improve unless they received English education to compete with the Hindus. Sir Syed began his
movement by diluting suspicion and misunderstanding between the Muslims and the British..

THE EDUCATIONAL ASPECT OF

THE ALIGARH MOVEMENT

Sir Syed's Aligarh movement was based on a two-foldprogramme, for the Muslims renaissance which
included modern education for the Muslims and co-operation with the British Government. He persisted
to it even in the face of extreme opposition from the conservative elements. The next vital step or the
uplift of the Muslims, he considered vas the acquisition of modern knowledge by he Muslims of India to
prepare them for aking due place in the Indian society. Modern education, he felt, was very essential o
equip the Muslims to compete with the Hindus. He was of the opinion that the present deplorable
condition of the Muslims was mainly because they extremely lagged behind in the modern and English
education. The Muslims were not in a position to compete with the Hindus because they did not acquire
modern education simply out of extreme hatred for the British. Sir Syed SEE informed the Muslims
clearly that if they did be able to get their due status in the society and would be ruined for ever. He told
the were well advanced in education. Sir Syed removed the misunderstanding of the people, created by
the orthodox and conservative Ulema, and declared that it was not against the teachings of Islam to
acquire English education.

not acquire modern education they would not QUOTE people that Hindus progreducation. Sir STIC!

Sir Syed took practical steps for 1859 implementing his plans of educational uplift of Schoole B63 the
Muslims of India. In 1859 he set up a Murado school at Muradabad where Persian and English was
taught. In 1863 he established, school another school at Ghazipur. He set up a at Gho scientific society at
Ghazipur in 1864 which translated the modern works from English to 164 Urdu and Persian to make
them easier for the Sci people to understand. The scientific society soc published a journal in 1866
known as Aligarh Institute Gazette. This journal was published 1966 both in English and Urdu languages.
The main objective of this journal was to arouse the sentiments of goodwill and friendship among the
British for the Muslims.

Sir Syed Ahmad Khan went to England in 1869 with his son Syed Mehmud who was given a scholarship
for higher studies in 1860 England. During his two years stay in England, Sir Syed closely watched the
educational system of Britain. He was extremely impressed by the educational system of the Cambridge
and Oxford. Universities of England. He made up his mind to set up an educational institution on the
pattern of Oxford and Cambridge Universities When he returned back to India.

Sir Syed returned from England in 1870 and set up a body as Anjuman-i-taraqi- Muslamanan-i-Hind with
an objective of imparting modern knowledge to the muslims of india

ESTABLISHMENT OF MUHAMMADAN ANGLO-ORIENTAL COLLEGE AT ALIGARH (Sir Syed's Oxford)


The establishment of M.A.O. College at Aligarh in 1877 was the monumental achievement of Sir Syed
Ahmad Khan with regard to the educational services for the Muslims of India During his stay in England
Sir Syed decided to set up an educational institution in India on the pattern of Oxford and Cambridge
Universities of England. On his return to India Sir Syed set up a committee which was to explore the
possibilities of the establishment of an institution for the educational uplift of the Muslims A fund
committee was also set up which was to raise funds for the college. The committee toured whole of
India to collect funds for the college. A request for the financial assistance was also made to the
government. On 24th May, 1874, M.A.O. High School Hs established at Aligarh where modern and
western education was given. Sir Syed worked diligently to raise the school to the college level In 1877
the school was upgraded to the status of a college and was inaugurated by Lord Lytton. It was a
residential campus and offered both western and eastern learnings, Islamic education was also given to
the students. The college was. Un open for both Muslim and non-Muslim students who came from all
the parts of the country Sir Syed desired to see the college Raised to the level of a University which was
fulfilled after his death in 1920 when the college became the. Aligarh Muslim university.
The college at Aligarh was more than an educational institution. It was a symbol of a broad movement
affecting every phase of Muslim life.
MUHAMMADAN EDUCATIONAL CONFERENCE
To carry the message of reforms to the masses sir Syed set up the muslims the educational conference
in 1886. The Conference held public meetings in committees in all parts of the country parts of the
country. It established conference rendered valuable services Cultivating spirit of action and self-help
the Muslims. The meetings of this discussed modern techniques development in the field of education
of modern technique for the improvement the educational standard. Some very em scholars and leaders
were included with their aroused hope brethren. They were Nawab Mohsin-u Nawab Viqar-ul-Mulk,
Maulana Shib their spiritual, academic and political and Maulana Hali who inspired the people and
insight.

POLITICAL ASPECT OF THE ALIGARH MOVEMENT


The Aligarh movement also served Muslims for the safeguard of their interests. Sir Syed Ahmad Khan,
after War of 1857, had advised the Muslin keep away from practical politics country as long as they do
not themselves with the necessary education told the Muslims that the Hindus advanced in the political
field only beg they were more educated than the Musli you, Sir Syed warned the Muslims, compete with
the Hindus in politics with present educational standard, you w easily over-powered by the more adva
Hindus and will never be able to reca your old position. He emphasised o Muslims to first acquire
sufficient know and then come in the political field to develop their rights.
The Indian National Congress grew in time to be the most powerful po organization in India, was
originally mea provide a forum in which the Indian politi should meet yearly and point out Government
in what respects Government was faulty and how it shou improved. It had claimed at the time inception
that it would strive for the safeg of the interests of all comm irrespective of their religi Teanings. But
with the time it i stand and turned into a pure demands which were F "Congress platform appeared and
democratic but actually the complete elimination of th the Indian society.

Sir Syed on observing was mainly a Hindu body whic sincere to the Muslims. He w that since the Hindus
had enough in education, political wealth, they could easily dominate the Congress for the projection of
their interests and demands and to ignore the Muslims completely. Sir Syed felt that the Muslims should
concentrate for the time being on the acquisition of education and economic rehabilitation before
competing with the Hindus in the political field. He firmly believed that the political activity would divert
their attention from the constructive task and revive British mistrust. He, therefore, emphasised on the
Muslims to fully concentrate on the acquisition of knowledge and equip themselves with modern
techniques of politics and then they should embark upon the political participation.

STEPS FOR CREATING BETTER UNDERSTANDING BETWEEN THE MUSLIMS AND BRITISH

The War of 1857 developed a great deal of mistrust and suspicions about the Muslims among the
British. The British considered the Muslims as their deadliest enemies and were bent upon scrapping the
Muslims as a Nation, On the other hand the Muslims too were not happy with the British and kept aloof
from them in the social interaction.

Sir Syed believed that first essential step towards the betterment of the Muslims was to restore mutual
trust between the Muslims and the British. Without it, he felt any plan for the renaissance of the
Muslims would be useless. He wrote a pamphlet.on the causes

"This policy of conciliation & Co-operation towards rulers. was not due to an attitude of feathery &
submission to British. I arose out of peculiar i-Asbab Position in which he found the Muslims . His main
aim was that Muslims should come out Hindu posture of the Congre of past & acquire modern Muslims
not to join it. He saic knowledge & techniques."

Hafeez Halik on syed Ahmed DTO


and oppressive policies of the Government the embers of discontent continued to smolder resulting in
the armed clash with the Government. The armed rebellion, Sir Syed wrote, was in fact the
manifestation of the discontentment found among the people about the tyrannical rule of the British.
He said that in these circumstances, to hold the Muslims responsible for the war was not justified as the
Muslims were dragged into the war by the sway of events along with other nations.

Sir Syed Ahmad Khan attributed the following reasons to the outbreak of the war of Independence:

1. non-representation of the Indians in the

legislative councils; 2. forcible conversion of Indians to

Christianity.

3. mismanagement of Indian army, and 4. many other ill-advised measures of the Government which
created large scale dissatisfaction sections of society. among the various

In 1866 Sir Syed formed British India Association at Aligarh. The object of this organization was to
express the grievances and point of view of Indians to the British people and the British parliament. The
association made several important representations on behalf of the Indian people to the parliament
and the British Government regarding Indian grievances. He wrote "Loyal Muhammadans of India" in
which ho gave a detailed account of the loyal services of the Muslims which they had rendered to the
British rulers..

RELIGIOUS SERVICES OF THE ALIGARH MOVEMENT

The Muslims of India were denied religious freedom because of the extremist and prejudicial Hindu
attitude. The Muslims were not in a position to practice their religion freely according to their faith and
belief. The Aligarh movement rendered services for the safeguard of the religious freedom of the
Muslims of India. The Christian missionaries were trying hard to erase Islam as a faith and system of life.
They were propagating injurious philosophies against Islam and the Muslims. A Christian writer, Sir
William Muir, had written book as the "Life of Muhammad", in which he had made highly of
objectionable remarks about the Holy Prophet (peace be upon him). When Sir Syed Ahmad Khan went
to England with his son, he devoted himself much towards collecting the relevant material to give a
proper answer to William Muir's Temarks in his most maligned work. He met John Devenport who had
written a book as An Apology for Muhammad For Mohohammadans." Syed, Ahmad got the published at
his own expense and got it Muhammadto effort was needed to give a proper Khutbat translated into
Urdu. He realized that a more missionaries. answer to the Life of Muhammad and therefore wrote
"Essays on the life of -Ahmad Muhammad" (Khutbat-l-Ahmadiya). He spent Essays huge amount on the
publication of this Sir Syed wrote the philosophical commentary on Bible known as "Tabaeen-al- Kalam.
In this work Sir Syed pointed out the Taboensimilarities between Islam and Christianity.

‫له‬

Kalam Sir Syed was a highly tolerant person in the religious affairs and, therefore, had a large number of
friends in other circles. He brought a fairly large number of Hindu and British teachers on the staff of the
Aligarh College. At the same time Sir Syed was highly influenced by the teachings and doctrines of Shah
Ismail Shabcod Muhammad Bin Abdul Wahab. He a positive attitude towards retigious t openly negated
the philosophy which could not conceive. It was mainly for the reasons that some orthodox ulema of his
tim branded him as Christian. adopted tonots

Sir Syed had great love for the Ho Prophet (peace be upon him) and memorable work, the Essays on the
life Muhammad, is an ample proof of his loves reverence which he always carried for Holy Prophet
(peace be upon him). SOCIAL SERVICES OF THE ALIGARK and

MOVEMENT Sir Syed Ahmad Khan did conservative attitude of the Muslims. Ho very much worried
about the social conditions of the Muslims and desired to see the reviv of the Muslims in their social life.
He took several steps for the revival and betterment of the Muslims. He published the influential
magazine Tahzib-ul-Akhlaq which he outlined the ethical aspects of the Muslim life. In this magazine he
criticised the conservative way of life of the Muslims advised them to adopt new trends of life. H opened
a number of orphan houses where and the orphan children of the Muslims wer want to see these
children going to Christian missioneries
He set himself to the task of protecting the Urdu language from being faded away and replaced by
English. He worked laboriously for the promotion of Urdu which was the language of the Muslims and
gave new tone and colour to the Urdu literature. He founded Anjuman-l-Tarikl-l-Urdu which worked for
the protection of Urdu. Sir Syed wrote another magazine as Abkam-i-Ta'am I-Ahle-Kitab in which the
principles and etiquettes of eating and dining in Islam were discussed. In this magazine Sir Syed wrote
that it was not against Islam to eat with the Christians on the same table. He gave references from the
Holy Quran and proved that it was not un-Islamic to eat with a nation who was the bearer of a Holy
Book. P

Sir Syed's thoughts on 2. Nation. Fi Hindus & Muslims two diff nations.

PIONEER OF TWO-NATION

THEORY

Sir Syed Ahmad Khan was a hearted and open-minded person. He true patriot and loved India very muci
considered all who lived in India as Nation and was a great advocate of Muslim unity. Speaking at the
meetir Indian Association he said, "I look to Hindus and Muslims with the same eye: consider them as
my own eyes.

The attitude of Hindus and Cong in number-> Muslims easily however compelled Sir Syed Ahmad to g
site-tracked. second thought to his ideas regarding Hi In Muslim unity and about one Nation. He
extremely disappointed to see both Hinaus and Congress working against the interests of the Muslims. It
was during his stay at Benaras in 1867, when some developments took place which diverted the course
of his attention.

In 1867, some Hindu leaders of Benaras thought that the use of Urdu as an official language should be
discontinued and should be replaced by Hindi language written in Devanagri script. The leading Hindu
leaders Organized an agitation against Urdu and demanded that Urdu, written in Persian script should
be replaced by Hindi language as the court language. The Government surrendered and declared Hindi
as the court language.

It was the first occasion when Sir Syed felt that it was not possible for Hindus and Muslims to progress as
a single nation. He said, "During these days when Hindi-Urdu controversy was going on in Benaras, one
day I met Shakespeare who was posted as Divisional Commissioner. I was saying Sir Syed Ahmad Khan
died on 27th something about the education of the March, 1898 after rendering invaluable Muslims,
and Shakespear was listening with an expression of amazement, when at length he said, "This is the first
occasion when I have heard you speak about the progress of the Muslims alone. Before you were always
keen about the welfare of your countrymen in general" I said now I am convinced that both
communities will not join wholeheartedly."

Islamic code of life. @ Hindi-Urdu controversyt

Hindu Revivalist movement. Western Democracy. If Brits Jeave India & democray prevails Hindus
ootmen groader

a speech in Meenut in 1888 he

Ivations with their distinctive cultural identity. He therefore, used the word Two Nations for 1863 the
Hindus and the Muslims in 1868 for the first time and this gave his famous Two Nation Theory which
became the basis of the Pakistan Movement. THE IMPACT OF ALIGARH MOVEMENT

The Aligarh movement injected a life and fervence in the dormant body of the Muslim position of
eminence and glory. It revived confidence among the Muslims to fight for SOU their economic and social
rights. The Aligarh movement was a broad movement which left its impact on every phase of the Muslim
life. The actions taken by Sir Syed Ahmad Khan left a far-reaching impact on the social, economic,
religious, political and cultural aspects of the Muslims. His precepts and examples revived hope and self-
confidence, showed new ways to progress and opened doors for the Muslims to modern education and
economic prosperity.

nation and helped them to regain their help

Services for the Muslim renaissance, in India. He laid the foundation for the movement which turned
into the Pakistan Movement in the later stages. ALIGARH MOVEMENT AFTER THE DEATH

OF SIR SYED AHMAD KHAN Sir Syed Ahmad Khan was the main architect of the Aligarh Movement. He
was the guiding force behind the entire movement which became the symbol of Muslim revival and
progress in the sub-continent. Sir Syed conducted the whole movement in an excellent fashion and
created immense into a great institution which produced distinguished leaders like Mohsin-ul-Mulk,
Vigar-ul-Mulk, Maulana Muhammad Ali struggle for freedom. Sir Syed brought stability to the college in
financial, administrative and academic spheres by his devotion.

1559

Trustees Board Cor

colleg

syed
Mehmud

Secretary Shep Critical admin

457

Aligarh enthusiasm in it. The Aligarh College turned Produced gre Jauhar and Maulana Shibli who
rendered leado dedicated services to the Muslims in their

Sir Syed was the Secretary of the committee which administered the Aligarh College. In 1889 Sir Syed
proposed a Trustee Bill by which the administration of the college was to be handed over to a Trust. Sir
Syed was appointed as a Secretary of the Board of Trustees and Syed Mahmud, his son, was appointed
as the Joint Secretary. When Sir Syed died. Syed Mahmud became the Secretary of the Board of
Trustees. But he could not manage the affairs of college in befitting manner. He was a weak man and
suffered heavily of some glaring deficiencies of character. As a result of his weakness some serious
administrative problems cropped up which Syed Mahmud could no longer handle. He, therefore, had to
resign from the Secretaryship of the College Trust.

Mohsin So was passing through the most critical period

After Syed Mahmud, Nawab Mohsin-ul Mulk (Mehdi Ali Khan) became the Secretary of the College
Trust. In his days the college of administrative instability. Mohsin-ul-Mulk was a highly capable man. He,
like Sir Syed, worked day and night to put the college on stable footings. He collected huge amounts to
fulfil the condition imposed by the Govern ment and deposited six lac rupees as demanded by the
Government. He tried his best to restore the image of the college which had been badly tarnished
during Syed Mahmud's time as the Secretary. Mohsin-ul- Mulk also endeavoured sincerely for the
promotion of Urdu literature.

In his time the students of Aligarh v divided into two hostile groups. One under Sahibzada Aftab Khan
was in favour increasing the European staff of colle qualit whereas the other group led by Maulan
Muhammad Ali Jauhar wanted to elimina the influence of the European teachers However, Nawab
Mohsin-ul-Mulk, with wisdom and administrative successfully handled the situation amicably settled the
issue between the groups. Nawab Mohsin-ul-Mulk died in 1907 an grow

Nawab-Vigar-ul-Mulk (Mushtaq Hussain succeeded Nawab Mohsin-ul-Mulk Secretary of the College


Trust in 1907. W Nawab Viqar-ul-Mulk's ascension to Secretaryship of the Trust, the influence the
European staff began to lessen to considerable extent since he belonged to th Jauhar group of the
students of the college college This action initiated strife and tussle between the European staff and the
administration which affected the college discipline. In his time the college became th centre of reform
and nationalist activities and commendably aroused the national sentiments among the Muslims.
Nawab Vigar-ul-Mulk resigned in 1912 due to h deteriorating health. the

Nawab Muhammad Ishaq Khan took over as the Secretary of the College after Nawab Vigar-ul-Mulk. In
his time efforts were made to raise the college to the University level. The government, in order to
impede the upgradation of the college, put a condition that the college must have at least 20 lac rupees
in its fund before it could be raised to the University level. Sir Agha Khan deposited this amount to fulfil
the requirement. The Government did not agree to upgrade the college even after the fulfillment of
fund requirements and laid down other objections On this issue the liberal and extremist groups of the
students once again became active against each other. The extremist group dominated by Ali Brothers,
was not prepared to accede to the condition as against the liberal group which was ready to
compromise with the Government to accept its condition However, the extremist group prevailed and
the issue of the upgradation of the college lingered on.

In 1919, during the Khilafat Movement, Maulana Muhammad Ali Jauhar asked the college students to go
on strike in favour of the demands by the Khilafat committee. The College principle. Dr. Zia-ud-Din
resisted the strike. The students, however, in spite of Principal's opposition observed the strike as.
directed by Maulana Muhammad Ali Jauhar. Several students left the College to join the Khilafat
Movement. The Aligarh college played an important role in creating the political awareness among the
Muslims. It became the centre of freedom movement which culminated in the shape of Pakistan in
1947.

TEHRIK-I-DEOBAND

The basic and foremost aim of the Aligarh movement was the social, economic and political renaissance
of the Muslims, Since the ulema and religious leaders of the Muslims also took part in the 1857 War of
Independence, they too had to bear British wrath after the war. The British in an outrageously manner
had destroyed Muslim religious Institutions and closed down all Madrassahs and preaching places of the
Muslims as a part of their policy of mass elimination of the Muslims. Consequently the efforts of the
spread of Islam were greatly affected.

The British did not stop here. After establishing their supreme hegemony over the sub-continent, the
British began preaching Christianity to convert the Indian people into Christian. The religious education
imparted by the local institutions was discouraged and new educational "philosophies were promoted
which aimed at converting the local people into Christians.

Although Aligarh movement did a lot of work for the social, political and economic uplift of the Muslims,
it, however, lacked in the religious sphere and could not work commendably for the religious training of
the Muslims. The working strategy of the Aligarh was based on the co-operation with the

orthodox Ulama who did not consider it quote sticky

British rulers which confronted it with the See reformatory movement for the Muslims The orthodox
Ulema believed that the Muslims on welfare and renaissance could who possible by pursuing Islamic
way of life which the Aligarh glaringly ignored The lack of stress on the religious aspect of the Muslims in
the Aligarh had brought adverse effects on the spread of Islam which apparently suppressed the
religious tinge in the Muslim way of life.

In order to combat this lethargy in the religious sphere, the ulema decided to launch a movement for
the religious training of the Muslims of India. They believed that if they did not adopt measures to
defend the religion the Muslims would ultimately lose their identity as a nation. For this purpose they
began their movement with the establishment of institutions to impart religious training.

DAR-UL-ULOOM-I-DEOBAND

Dar-Gi The Tehrik-i-Deoband was started with comi the establishment of Madrassah at Deobar a
Deoband for religious education. The Sabaran Madrassah was named as Dar-ul-Uloom-i Deoband and
was started at Deoband, small town of Saharanpur. It began functioning on 14th April, 1866 in a small
mosque.

FOUNDERS OF DEOBAND

It is believed that a reputed saint and sufi, Haji Muhammad Apid floated the idea of the establishment of
this Madrassah for imparting religious education to the Muslims. He suggested that funds should be
collected and a Madrassah be established. Haji Muhammad Abid took lot of pains in the collection of
funds and collected a substantial amount. He then informed Maulana Muhammad Qasim of the results
of his efforts and requested him to come and teach at Deoband. A Managing Committee including
Maulana Muhammad Qasim, Maulana Fazal ur-Rehman, Maulana Zulfiqar All and Mulla Muhammad
Mahmood was set up. Maulana Muhammad Yaqub, a leading educationist. was appointed as the
Headmaster. 38

Coughs Brench

Soup 0430 Casim and his companions actively fought against the Bish and for some time set up the
other hand S Syes Ahmad though very active during the War of 1857 remained loyal to the Brton HA nad
adopted the reconciliatory posture smoly because he felt esserte for the protection and revival of the
Muslims atter the War

Gengah Maulana Rashid Ahmad Gangohi

Mellera Cast's companion who succeeded Porm as the head of and Carrucom was put e ai ster 4 we som
mentor These everts compered these gentemen to scot & go costs against me Bresh When Sr Syed
Anmac acvsed the Musims • keep away the Congress poincs. phens Fashid Anma Gangon cocosed hm
The ant-Brts" attuos was a marked feature of Deccan whereas Alge- followed the policy of co-operation
with the British. The leaders and wema of Deccano empressed on the religious sucenomy of the Mus ms
and believed that ra Muslims must strictly adhere to her reigous customs so that they could
easty.combat the impact of seculansm Ts to fee to Make SYSTWY

ums scorch toward the educational system.

Another garng contrast between Deoband and Algam was their afferent gam a stress or me wester and
Engin Our or VAG Corage was of Engin to presents werequicced n the wester style of education On the
other side Deccend was a seat of Islamic and religious seming's. It laid stress on the religious disobines
cpt U

However despite the differences, the two great institutions. Decbend and Aligam, od enjoy sore
mutuality of thought and action on ceran sues. A number of important sacers of both movements were
desirous of Muslim welfare and their social and economic revival. When Maulana Mahmud-ul-Hasan
became the head of Descend, he encouraged contacts between Aligam and Deccand. In his time the
sentiments of brotherhood and amity between the two institutions received a filip

Pakistan Affairs

206 Jona! We
In 1906 Jamiat-ul-Ansar was estab et Decbend Sahibzada Aftab Ahmad K Aligarh College attended the
meeting o organization. It was agreed that the Dar Uloom Deoband would make arrangements for
teaching religious butir to the graduates of Algam College smia faites would be extended by Algam
College to teach English and weste subjects to the students who had comple their studies at Deccand
agreement at central institution was established at Dalbin November 1 This institution included many
features both Aligam and Deccand Tourist

However, the political tension bet the two institutions could not be lessened t 1947. This led to many
controvers es, but the establishment combining the features of two movemen and imparting education
to the Muslims religous and weste fed did have heather and unifying effect

NADVA-TUL-ULEMA OF LUCKNOW The Algam and Deoband movements

stood apart and worked with garing contrass in the 20,9ctives and strategy. A gem was not a re gous
movement and empressed on the acquiston of western education by the Mus sad greater stress on the
wester Goverment service order to comaste wit of Dub to its stress on westem education the Algam
completely ignored the religious espect and therefore do not make any effor to strengthen the religious
aspect of the Muslim soo ety. As a result of this policy the graduates of the Aligarh seriously lacked in
religious education and could not cultivate

Tennk--Deoband rendered educationar services to the cause of the Muslims out a was a purely religious
movement and lad greater stress on religious education. The Deoband seminary was totally
incompatible with the modem trends of education It prepared great Uleme Sufis and spiritual leaders
who could only take on the responses of spiritual and religious

14445 guidance of the Muslims by becoming priests and leaders of prayers. They were fery orators
whose primary objective was the spread of Islam The students of Deoband were completely oblivious of
the western and modern knowledge and were unable to guide the people in the modern education.

In these circumstances there was enough room for an institution which could combine the broad
features of both westem, and religious trends of education so that the extremist view of Deoband and
Aligarh could

be minimised. ESTABLISHMENT OF NADVA-TUL-ULEMA

In 1892 it was decided in a meeting held at Madrasan-i-Falz-i-Aam Cawnpore that a committee should
be set up for the guidance of the Muslims. The Nadva-Tut-Ulama was established in 1894 as a result of
efforts of some religious minded Goverment servants, sufis and Ulama who wished to bring the ulema
together in order to remove the sectarian differences. The main objective of this institution, as
mentioned earlier, was to guide and prepare the Muslims well equipped in the religious and modem
knowledge. Sir Syed Ahmad Khan, in the beginning did not like the idea and was somewhat sceptical of
the institution's success but later on welcomed the move. Mauni Abdul

Maulvi Abdul Ghafoor, Deputy Collector is said to be its earliest founder. Maulana Shibli Naumani,
sometime a close associate of Sir Syed Ahmad Khan, was closely associated with the Nadva. He and
Maulana Abdul Haq prepared the rules and regulations of the Nadva and chalked out a liberal
programme which was to put an end to the extremist elements in order to cater the needs of the
prevailing environments.
OBJECTIVES OF NADVA

The main work of the organization was the establishment of a Dar-ul-Uloom at Lucknow. The Nadva-Tul-
Ulema stood for general reformation of Muslim Society by attracting the Muslims toward religion. It had
been established with a view of promoting religious knowledge, moral uplift and social

•To provide ar um breus for all edo calend 39.General Reviva

regeneration of the Muslims of India Acart To from these objectives the Nedve worked to remove
sectarian differences among the finish different groups of Uema me radve root scxterio atoot from the
political activity and stressed depeza apon separating the political issues from as Rang main objectives.

10

The establishment of Nedve-Tul-Ulema was widely hailed in the sub-continent t regularly started
functioning on December, 1898 at Lucknow. The reguar from Social 2nd aloof classes began with its
establishment A large portics number phanthropists controuted generously for the Neova. However the
establishment of trade invited some anticism from different St Anthony MacDonal, who was the
Governor of U.P. st that time, lashed out at Nadva and declared it as the centre of political activities.

NADVA-TUL-ULAMA AND MAULANA SHIBLI

257

Maulana Shibli was bom in 1857 at Azamgarh He received his education did Islamic Madrassah and was
desply word. influenced by Maulana Muhammad Faroog who was bitteny opposed to 9 Syed's
movement. Maulana Ship's father greasy d influenced by S Syed's vision and foresight suggested him
that he should acquire English Ghadation. He owever, did not act upon this FOUNDERS OF NADVA Shibli
Navmani advice and continued with the attainment of highest is amic education.

stor

"S scholarship and pe

He joined Aligarh College as Assistant Professor of Arabic in 1883 after vainfully trying for several years
to seek a Government job. Maulana Shibli mpressed Sir Syed Ahmad Kran devotion as a teacher Meulare
Sb was a r well-read and keer person who took to his Sye Tob with utmost sincerity St Syed Ahmad Khan,
observing the roh talent in the young Shibh greatly encouraged him with the sympathetic approach.
Maulana Shib utilized the opportunity with enthusiasm and soon became, a valuable asset to the Aligarh
College.

However, the cordial relationship could not last very long and some serious differences, mainly due to
Maulana Shibli's nature, developed between Sir Syed Ahmad sitive and proud person by nature. He was
not very happy with the treatment he Systemhighly elevated position being an Assistant Professor-of-
Oriental-languages. He disliked the educational pattern of Aligarh and was of the view that the ideal
system of education would be a mingling of the old and the new, a modified form of the old system and
not the new which was being practised at Aligarh. He openly negated the religious views of Sir Syed
Ahmad Khan and resigned from the Aligarh College in 1904.

•Differe and Maulana Shibli Shibli was a highly abt Edheceived at Aligarh College as he expected a

1904

Establishma The establishment of Nadva-Tul-Ulema of Nadia Shibli. He saw in it the opportunity he so


just what Maulana Shibli believed that the Nadva would he headed and head of the religious Ulema-and

was a boon from heavens for the ambitious eagerly desired to capture in order to experiment his
educational philosophies. Provide him a chance to become the leader ultimately to acquire the authority
and status much higher than Sir Syed Ahmad Khan. He, therefore, actively took part in the meetings of
Nadva-Tul-Ulama and finally joined it after the death of Sir Syed Ahmad Khan.

EnglishHe introduced a number of changes in the compusculum on the basis of his experience he

cued

Maulana Shibli's association with Nadva greatly enhanced the prestige of the Changinstitution. He
worked very hard to make Nadva a useful institution for the people Currialhis dreams. He was made the
incharge of because in its success he saw the realisation Madrassah which was maintained by Nadva.
had received at Aligarh. He also introduced the study of English language as •Spec compulsory subject at
the Madrassan. He training of students and took great pains in training a gave his special attention to a
chosen group them as his trustworthy disciples who could carry on his work and spread his message. He
gave them Training in writing so that they could become writers and authors to provide intellectual
leadership after him. Few of his Maulana most celebrated pupils were Syed Sulaiman Abdu Nadvi and
Maulana Abu-al-Kalam Azad who Kalam ably succeeded him in the political and Azad.

in

Day-U1-Musanifin •Friendly Reshibliss literary circles. Maulana strengthened Nadva's financial position
large extent. He established an academy authors (Dar-ul-Musanifin) at which carries on his message to
this day. laboriously tried to gather support for developing institution from all quarters maintained
friendly relation with Vigar-ul-M and Mohsin-ul-Mulk. Azam

However, Maulana Shibli invited criticis from his colleagues at Nadva. Maulana Sh suffered because of
some personal lapses character and Timsell provided an opportun of criticism. He was a highly sensitive
touching man which made it difficult for other an han to pull along with him. Moreover, he posed
himself as the champion of religious group, but his views and persona the character lacked religious
linge which did no enhance his reputation as a leader of religious movement. His colleagues at Nadva
soon got fed up of his views and especially of fis-arregant style and combined to get rid a him. Maulana
Abdul Karim wrote an article a Jehad in 1913. He criticised the views of Maulana Shibli, Maulana Shibli,
who always boasted to be a great advocate of intellectual freedom, took disciplinary action against
Maulvi Abdul Karim and removed him from the teaching staff. This led to a strong agitation-against him,
and Shib taking him as indispensable, tendered his resignation. The resignation was accepted and all his
efforts, later on, to stage a come. back were foiled by his opponents
Maulana Abdul Hayee, Nawab Husain Ali Khan and Dr. Syed Abdul Ali succeeded Maulana Shibli as
administrators of Nadva The resignation of Maulana Shibli adversely affected the working of Nadva
which could never gain that glory which Maulana Shibh had brought to it.

The Nadva-Tul-Ulema produced men with high academic and intellectual foresight. Although Nadva
could not accomplish its desired aim yet its services for the promotion of Islamic education are
immense. A number of students of Nadva led the people in the freedom struggle which include Syed
Sulaiman Nadvi, Maulana Abdul Salam Nadvi

iman 41

Pakistan Affairs

Muthi Bhar

and Masood Alam Nadvi. Maulana Shibli issued a research journal Ma'arif under the auspices of Dar-ul-
Musanilin (Academy of Authors) which occupies a high status in the literary circles.

ANJUMAN-I-HIMAYAT-I-ISLAM, LAHORE

The Aligarh produced amazing results in the educational uplift of the Muslims. It had created awareness
amongst the Muslims which set an incentive for the people of other areas as well. The Province of
Punjab was under Sikh domination in those days. The Muslim subjects and the economic, social and
educational conditions of the Muslims of Punjab was deplorable. The Muslims were unable to seek
admission in the educational institutions run by the Christian and Hindu missionaries. 1884

The dedicated Muslim leaders of the Punjab were much worried on the educational decline of their
people and sincerely wanted to adopt measures for the educational advancement of the Muslims of the
Punjab. The success of Aligarh educational reforms noble task of educational reforms of the Muslims of
the Punjab. Some leading and sincere Muslim leaders picked up the Incentive in order to lessen the
influence of Hindu and Christian missionaries and decided to set up Anjuman-l-Himayat-1 Islam at
Lahore. The Anjuman-i-Himayat-1 Islam was established on 24th September, 1884 in a mosque known
as Masjid Bakan Khan inside Mochi Gate, Lahore, where Nearly 250 Muslims decided to set up the
Anjuman for the educational guidance of the Muslims of the Punjab. Khalifa Hameed-ud Din laid down
the foundation of the Anjuman. He became its first resident. Apart from Khalifa Hameed-ud-Din Dr.
Muhammad Nazir and Munshi Abdur Rahim were prominent workers of the Anjuman.

Anjuman. A scheme known as Muthi Bhar Ata was started to collect funds for the Anjuman. Under this
scheme every housewife was asked to spare a handful of flour at the time of cooking and accumulate it
in a pot. The Anjuman workers every day collected that flour and sold it in the market. The money thus
collected was deposited in the Anjuman funds. However, with the passage of time the people began to
donate generously towards the Anjuman funds.

OBJECTIVES OF ANJUMAN

Following were the aims and objects of the Anjuman-i-Himayat-i-Islam:


Sikh regime had cruely suppressed its 1. Establishment of the educational institutions where modern
education could be given to the Muslims.

2. To effectively counter the propaganda of the Christian missionaries. 3. To look after the Muslim
orphan children

and to give them proper education. 4. To establish the Muslims society on sound and stable
foundations.

5. To strive for the social and cultural progress of the Muslims. 6. To organize the Muslim masses
politically had set an incentive for others to follow in the for the safeguard of Islam.

EDUCATIONAL SERVICES

In order to accomplish its goal the Anjuman-i-Himayat-i-Islam served with devotion. The Anjuman began
its struggle by establishing a primary school for the girls, The Anjuman followed the pattern of Aligarh. In
its educational programme by setting up.a number of educational institutions. Two schools were opened
in 1884 which gradually 2 sche rose to fifteen within ten years. A girls school 15 sc was opened in 1925
which was upgraded to the level of a high school within one year.

18 194 19

The Anjuman began its educational 92 programme simultaneously in the male and. female sector
Islamia College for Women. Cooper Road was established in The regular classes for Islamia College
Cooper Est Road-were started in the Crescent Hostel cest with 75 girl students M.A. classes in Arabic and
Geography were started in 1912 and 1943 respectively.

The Anjuman faced financial problems in

the beginning. The workers of the Anjuman

went from door to door to collect funds for the

Khan a

Dr Muhammad Nazer Munshi Abdur Lohim ISS9 42 Madrassah

Pakistan Affairs

Muslim students

Quaid-i-Az

freedom to every corner of the country. -

rendered valuable services to populariza

The
Treedom movement.

hoisted the Pakistan flag in the hi

pan

ground of Islamia College, Railway-Ro

Lahore. The students of Islamia College

the devoted companions and body guards

the Quaid-i-Azam. They took active

making the historic session of Mustim tea

complete success in 1940. The Quad

Azam was escorted to Iqbal Park,

fmeeting place of the Lahore Session, by

students of Islamia College, Railway

Lahore.

TUI In the male sector the Anjuman opened first institution in 1889 in the Sheranwala MomininGate,
Lahore. It was a primary school which Islamp HSwas called as Madrasah-Tul-Muslimin. It Sherahu was
upgraded to the middle and high school Gate standard. This school is known as Islamia High School
Sheranwala Gate.

1842

1905 Islam is Railway Amir Habib Ullah Khan of Afghanistan laid college 1913

In 1892 a male College was established in two rooms of the Islamia High School, Sheranwala Gate,
Lahore where temporarily classes for Islamia College began. In 1905 50 kanals of land was acquired at
Railway Road, Lahore, where Islamia College, Framway Road, Lahore, was established. The College
building was completed in 1913 and down its foundation stone, Islamia College, Civil Lines, Lahore and
Islamia College, Lahore Cantt, were also established to cater for the increasing demands of the Muslims.
Ly can Himayat-i-Islam Law College was also civil linsstablished which imparted legal education. Apart
from educational institutions the Anjuman also set up orphan houses, Dar-ul education

The students of Islamia College, Railway Road. founded Muslim Students Federatio under the leadership
of Hameed Nizam which extended maximum assistance to the Quaid-i-Azam in the Pakistan movement.
The Anjuman organized political meetings promote the Two-Nation Theory. Famous leaders of the
freedom struggle like Sir Syed Ahmad Kan, Allama Iqbal, Nawab Viqar-u Mulk and Maulana Hali led the
people in the freedom struggle from Anjuman's platform.

Himoyst Islay Aman, Tibia College and Centers for adult

Tibia c The Anjuman held its meetings every hyear which were presided over by important orph
personalities like Sir Syed Ahmad Khan, Allama Iqbal, Nawab Mohsin-ul-Mulk, Maulana Alta Husain Hair,
Sheikh Abdul Cadir and Justice Shah Din. The Anjuman awoke natiorial spirit among the people and Anal
created awareness about the interests of the

SINDH MADRASAH, KARACHI

During the Aligarh movement, Sir Sye Ahmad Khan advised the Muslims to set up educational
institutions in their areas on the pattern of Aligarh so that the Muslims need for education could be
sufficiently fulfilled.

‫ال‬

Mating

OPOLITICAL ANJUMAN-I-HIMAYAT-I-ISLAM

SERVICES

OF

THE

The Anjuman rendered commendable Muslim services in organizing the people under the сездив
banner of Muslim League. It worked in a dedicated way during The Pakistan Movement. The annual
meetings of the "Meth gjuman were political gatherings where resolutions in favour of Pakistan-were
passed

Spread the msg.

The students of Islamia College, Railway Road. Lahore took active part in the freedom struggle and
proved efficient workers of the Muslim League. They took the message of

1940 sersion

ML

The British Government had put an end to the separate status of the province of Sindh and attached it
with Bombay presidency. The Hindu majority of Bombay did not like to see the Muslims progressing i
the field of education. The British Government, in order to please the Hindu majority, did not pay any
attention toward the educational requirements of the Muslims of Sindh. Consequently there was -no
mentionable educational institution in the whole of Sindh which could cater for the needs of education
of the Muslims.
Syed Hasan Ali Afandi, a devoted Muslim citizen of Karachi was desirous of the Muslim educational
progress. He was the founder and president of the Central Mohammadan Association of Karachi, which

Ros Syed

Has an Ali, Afandi Syed Ameer Ali

43

Pakistan Affairs Central Muhammadan Assocn of khi

was established by Syed Ameer All. He was a great admirer of Sir Syed Ahmad Khan and highly in favour
of the Aligarh movement. He decided to set up an educational institution in Karachi and formed a
Committee to look into the possibility of the project.

1885 Syed Hasan Ali Afandi collected funds. for the establishment of the Madrassah. He laid down the
foundation of the Madrassah in a small building near Bolton Market in 1885. The Madrassah was known
as Sindh Madrassah-tul-Islam. After some time land was acquired for the construction of the building
which was inaugurated in 1886. by Lord Duffrin. 122.6

1896 Hasan Ali died in 1896 and his son Wall Muhammad succeeded him administrator of the the
Madrassah. Wali Muhammad was successful in acquiring Government patronage for the Madrassah.
The Government allocated annual grant to the Madrassah but put certain conditions as well which
created bad feeling among the administration of the Madrassah.

The administrative and teaching pattern was drafted on the style of Aligarh. The first two principals of
the Madrassah were Britishers who sincerely worked for the uplift of the Madrassah. English and
religious education was given in the Madrassah and the students were required to offer prayers
regularly.

1938 Wali Muhammad was succeeded by his son Hsasn Ali Abdur Rehman in 1938, after his death, as
the administrator. "Hasan Ali Abdur Rehman managed to pull out Madrassah from the Government
control. The administrative Board of the Madrassah 1943decided to make it Sindh Muslim College in
1943. According to the will of the Quald-1 Azam a sizable portion of his property was surrendered to the
Sindh Muslim College. Quaid-i-Azam received his early education at Sindh Madrassah. The Sindh
Madrassah-tul Islam took active part in the freedom movement and became a centre of Two- Nation
concept. Hasan Ali Afandi took active part in the freedom struggle as an ordinary worker of the Muslim
League.

ISLAMIA COLLEGE, PESHAWAR

The Christian missionaries began their educational activities in the Khyber Pakhtunkhawa A mission was
opened in 1868 which became Edward College, Peshawar in 1888. It was known as Municipal High
School. This school was made Government College, Peshawar and Allama lag Inayat Ullah Khau
Anashriqi became its first Peah principal.

868
1888 Edwar

There were no proper arrangements for μς the religious education in the Khyber Cout Co
Pakhtunkhawa. An acute dearth was felt for Allan the educational institutions in the province ayat

where both religious and modern education could be given to the Muslims. The Muslim leaders of the
Khyber Pakhtunkhawa felt the shriq need of establishing an educational institution in NWFP which could
impart religious as well as modem knowledge to the Muslims, Sahibzada Abdul Qayyum was one of
those educational uplift of the Muslims of Khyber Pakhtunkhawa and endeavoured a lot for this nobel
objective. With his sincere efforts the Anjuman-i-Himayat-i-Islam was established in 1902 the Khyber
Pakhtunkhawa which opened a school in 1902 known as Islamia College, Peshawar.

sahibza Abdul Muslim leaders who took initiative for the qu

Anjuma

Islam? colleg Peshaus

1863-1937 Sahibzada Abdul Qayyum was a great reformer and Teader of the Khyber Pakhtunkhawa It
was mainly due to his efforts that the Muslims of the Khyber Bor Pakhtunkhawa were able to progress in
the educational field. Sahibzada Abdul Qayyum was born on 12th December, 1863 at Swabi, District
Mardan. He received his early Ma education at Mission High School and entered Government service in
1887. He rose Missi to the status of political agent by dint of hard thigh valuable services for the
enforcement of 1897 constitutional reforms. He died on 4th December, 1937.

12 Dec 1863 Swab,

work and honesty of purpose. He rendered Scho Geu Sex Dec

DAR-UL-ULOOM-I-ISLAMIA

Sahibzada Sir Abdul Qayyum was a h staunch follower of Sir Syed Ahmad Khan and a great advocate of
movement. He desired to educational institution in the Aligarh establish an The Khyber 44

Pakistan Affairs

1912 Pakhtunkhawa on the pattern of Aligarh Colage He set up a Committee in 1912 to collect funds for
the establishment of an educational Institution. Two hundred acres of land was acquired where the Dar-
ul-Uloom-i 200 2cra Islamia was established. George Ross Capel, Day a friend of Sahibzada Sir Abdul
Qayyum helped him in the establishment of Dar-ul Uloom. Haji Tarangzai, a great leader of Silk VIOT
Handkerchief Movement laid down the foundation stone of the Dar-ul-Uloom-i Islamia.

Georg high school. Sahibzada Abdul Qayyum. Ress capd

Hoji

Targspreading Muslim youth and awareness


In the beginning Dar-ul-Uloom was a worked hard to raise it to the status of a college. The Dar-ul-
Uloom-i-Islamia very soon developed into a college and was named as Islamia College, Peshawar, Islamia
College, Peshawar became the centre of educational and cultural activities of the whole of the N.W.F.P.
It became an effective instrument of among the Muslim youth who fought for Pakistan on the later
stages. It was entirely due to the Sahibzada's sincere efforts that the college gained immense
importance in the Khyber Pakhtunkhawa as a prestigious

seat of learning. Sahibzada Abdul Qayy worked day and night to erect a splend campus for the College.

Sahibzada Abdul Qayyum responsible for running the administrat affairs of the College. He remained
Secretary of the College Administrative Board death and made tremendous contributions enhancing the
college's academic prestig He was elected as the President of All Ind Mohammedan Educational
Conference recognition of his educational services 1925. He is regarded as Sir Syed Ahmag Khan of the
Khyber Pakhtunkhawa for the educational services he rendered to the Khyber Pakhtunkhawa. was

The students and teachers of Islamia College Peshawar took active part in the freedom movement. It
were the students Islamia College, Peshawar who made major contribution in making the referendum of
1.47 a complete success. The Quald Azam had great liking for the institution. A sizeable portion of
Quaid-i-Azam's property was given to Islamia College, Peshawar in accordance with his desire. of
Muslims Political Struggle

45

Chapter 3

MUSLIMS POLITICAL STRUGGLE

The East India Company, which came to India for trade purposes, soon over-powered the political
system which resulted in the end of the glorious Muslim rule over India. The subjugated position greatly
perturbed the Muslims who had lost their eminent social position with the end of their political rule. The
Muslims were a great nation before the advent of the British. They had come to India as conquerors and
settled down to dominate every walk of life. They were administrators. soldiers, traders, peasants,
scholars and artisans. Naturally the new development did not suit them and they were not happy over
the turn of affairs.

The Muslims were keenly looking for an opportunity for their revival to the old position of eminence in
society. They waged their struggle under the leadership of their sincere leaders. The Muslims began
their revival struggle under Syed Ahmad Shaheed Barailvi which unfortunately failed. They again put up
a valiant endeavour to throw off the yoke of slavery in 1857 when the war of Independence was fought
against the British. This effort too proved a futile exercise and the Muslims were left in the lurch to face
the most cruel and inhuman British wrath. The British, with the connivance of the Hindus, took a
number of actions to crush the Muslims completely. The respectable social life was denied to the
Muslims for their involvement in the war of independence. Their economic condition was destroyed by
adopting a systematic policy of extermination and consequently the Muslims reached at the lowest ebb
of their social life.
In this hour of despair and distress Sir Syed Ahmad Khan came forward to pull the Muslims out of the
position of despondency. He advised the Muslims to get modern education first and then embark upon
political revival in order to get back their old position in society. Sir Syed launched his Aligarh movement
which showed the Muslims the

new horizons of respectable life. The Aligarh movement ably guided the Muslims to recapture their lost
glory in the Indian social set up by bringing stability to their social, economic, educational and political
aspects of life.

The British ascended the Indian throne on 1st November 1858 and the direct British rule was imposed
on India. The East India Company ceased to exist from the day the British Crown took over the political
reins of India. However the war of independence had amply manifested the temper and tone of the
local people to the new rulers who had realized that it was no more possible to keep away the local
people from the affairs of the country.

LEGISLATIVE COUNCILS ACT, 1861

Sir Syed Ahmad Khan had indicated in the causes of the Indian Revolt several weaknesses of the
Government in the running of the administration of the country. He advised the British Government to
include the Indian people in the administration of the country so that the people's mistrust and fear
could be minimized. He advised the Government to give representation to the local people in the
Legislative Councils to create sentiments of loyalty among their subjects.

const Structu

t Sol.

The first ever constitutional structure was formulated in 1861. The British Government passed the
Legislative Councils Act to. introduce better provisions for the Governor General's Council and for Local
Government... According to this act the Indian people were included in the Governor-General's Council
for the first time in the history of India. The number of the members of the legislative Councils was
increased. The Governor was given authority to nominate at least six persons to his Council. The
legislative council was to make laws. The nominated members, 46

Pakistan Affairs

however, were not authorized to criticise the actions of the Council and also could not put questions to
the members of the Councils about the functions of the Legislative Council. The Governor-General. could
issue ordinances and was authorized to veto provincial legislation. The heads of the provinces were to
be called as Lieutenant Governors.

The enforcement of Legislative Council Act of 1861 was the first step taken for the constitutional
reforms in India. It provided, in spite of its limited scope, an opportunity to the Indian people to
safeguard their political interests. Sir Syed Ahmad Khan was nominated as the member of the Legislative
Council under the Act of 1861.

INDIAN COUNCILS ACT, 1892


Indian National Congress was formed in 1885 on the initiative of the retired British Civil Servant Sir Allan
Octavian Hume. The Indian. National Congress, which grew in time to be the most powerful and vocal
political organization of India, was originally intended to provide a platform for the safeguard of the
interests of the Indian people. It claimed at the time of its establishment that it would strive for the
safeguard of the interests of all Communities in India irrespective of their religion or political tendencies.
For some time in the beginning. Congress did adhere to its promise and displayed a posture of a
National Organization. But with the time it turned into a pure Hindu body working for the safeguard of
the Hindu interests. The demands which were projected from the Congress platform appeared very
innocent and democratic but actually were aimed at the complete elimination of the Muslims from
electorate to protect the Muslims interest. the Indian society.

The Indian National Congress expressed its dissatisfaction over the inadequate representation which the
Legislative Councils Act of 1861 gave to the Indian people. It demanded more representation for the
Indian people in the Legislative and administrative bodies of the Government. The Congress demanded
that the nomination to the Central and Provincial Legislative Councils should be through general
elections instead of by

nomination. It also demanded appointment to the Government through competitive examinations.

Sir Syed Ahmad Khan vehemen criticised these demands by the Congress and advised the Muslims to
keep away from the Congress politics. He said that the syste of elections, on the pattern of Weste
nomination Democracy could not be introduced in Ind as it would impose the Hindu majority over the
Muslim minority. He, therefor advocated the system of introduced in the Act of 1861. He also which
opposed the appointment to the Governmer service by competitive examinations meant the expulsion
of the Muslims from Government service because the Muslims could not compete with the Hindus who
were well advanced in modern education.

In 1892 the Government introduced another Act known as the Indian Councils Act of 1892. The salient
provisions of this Act were as follows:

1. The number of the non-official members, in the Central and Provincial Legislative Councils was
increased. However, the official members were still in majority.

2. The members of the Legislative Councils were given the right to put questions. They were also
authorized to discuss the annual budget.

3. The local bodies were given right to seng their elected members to the Legislative Councils. The Act of
1892 could not ensure the

maximum safeguards to the Muslims. The


The ideology of Pakistan in the light of Speeches and
statements of Allama Iqbal and Quaid- i Azam Muhammad Ali
Jinnah.
. No. 2. Critically evaluate the foundations of Allama Iqbal’s concept of Muslim
separatism in the context of the Indo-Pak Subcontinent. (20)

Q.No.8. Through Allama Iqbal’s writings and views of Quaid-i-Azam explain their
conceptual understanding about the Islamic state. Do you agree that their vision
found some place while explaining the constitutional developments throughout
the case of Pakistan’s political history? (20)
Q. No. 5. Jinnah in his Presidential Address to the annual session of All India
Muslim League in March 1940 said, “The problem in India is not of an inter-
communal character, but manifestly of an international one, and it must be
treated as such.” Write note on the Two Nation Theory and the Lahore
Resolution of March 1940 in the light of this statement. (20)

PAKISTAN IDEOLOGY & ALLAMA IQBAL

Allama Iqbal was a great philosopher poet. He had acquired country wide fame and recognition as a
thinker. He received his education from the Government College. Lahore and later on went to England
to pursue studies in Law. He got his Ph.D. in Philosophy from a German University. Allama Iqbal taught
for few years at the Government College, Lahore. He had studied Islam deeply and had a profound liking
for the Islamic principles and its tenets. He compared the Western culture with Islam and reached at the
conclusion that mankind's emancipation and welfare lay in the adoption of Islam as a way of life.

Basically Allama Iqbal was a poet, teacher and thinker. However, he had to come in the political field in
order to safeguard the interests of the Muslims of the sub-continent. His entry into politics was greatly
welcomed by the Muslims where a trustworthy companion of the Quaid-i-Azam was badly needed.

Allama Iqbal proved a great political leader and a reliable companion of the Quaid i-Azam. He awakened
the Muslims of the sub-continent with his stirring verses to demand a separate homeland. He led the
Muslims at every step and rendered great services in the accomplishment of Pakistan.

Allama Iqbal considered Islam a complete code of life. He said, "I am fully convinced that the Muslims of
India will ultimately have to establish a separatehomeland as they cannot live with Hindus in the United
India." He advised the Muslims to understand their real position and shed away their mental confusion
and narrow approach to life. He clarified the glorious image of the Muslim Ummah.

Allama Iqbal openly negated the concept of One-Nation of India and emphasised on the separate and
distinct national image of the Muslims. He considered the establishment of Pakistan very essential and
vital for the restoration of national and religious identity of the Muslims. His poetry reflects his love for
the nation and country. He produced a large number of poems which indicate his immense love for his
homeland.

He said, "Islam guides the mankind in every aspect of worldly life and, therefore, must be enforced in an
Islamic State as a code of life." He based the foundation of homeland on the religion which later on
became the ideology and basis of Pakistan. He said, "Islam strengthens the life by infusing spiritual
unity." He said, "in Islam the Almighty God and Universe' the 'soul and matter' are the different part of
"One Whole". He did not believe in any system separated from religion and declared that religion and
politics are not separated from each other in Islam.

Allama Iqbal firmly believed in the separate identity of the Muslims as a 'Nation'. He said, "I am fully
convinced that the Muslims of India will ultimately have to establish a separate homeland as they
cannot live with Hindus in the United India." He said, "there would be no possibility of peace in the
country unless and until the Muslims are recognized as a separate nation, as they had their own cultural
values which they must preserve and maintain." He declared "India is a continent of Human beings
belonging to different languages and professing different religions. To base a constitution on the
conception of homogeneous India is to prepare her for civil war. 1, therefore, demand the formation of
a consolidated Muslim State in the best interest of the Muslims of India and Islam. The formation of a
consolidated

Muslim North-West Indian State app to be the final destiny of the Muslima least of North-West India".

Allama Iqbal believed in the fede system and thought it as an ideal system India in the prevailing
conditions. emphasised on introduction of the fede system to bring unity and solidarity to country. He
also believed that the fede system would promote unity amongst vario factions of the society which
would help defence of the country.

"A unitary form of Government inconceivable for India. The residuan powers must be left to the self
governing units. I would never like the Muslims India to agree on a system which negates the principles
of a true Federation or fail to distinguish them as a separate political unit. In this way only the Muslims
of India will have maximum opportunities of development and in return would be able to render best
services for the defence of the country against foreign invasion, be that invasion one of ideas or of Guns
and bayonets."

The Allahabad address of Allama Iqbal carries great importance and significance in the freedom struggle
of the Muslims of India. The Presidential Address at Allahabad in fact, moulded the destinies of the
Muslims of the sub-continent and put their endeavours in right direction. Allama Iqbal's presidential
address further clarified the Two-Nation Theory and demanded a separate homeland for the Muslims.
He said "I have been a staunch advocate of putting an end to religion's prejudices and distinctions from
the country. But now I believe that the protection of separate national identity is in the best interests of
both Hindus and the Muslims." He further said that "It was the prime duty of all civilized nations to show
utmost regard and reverence for the religious principles, cultural and social values of other nations.
Since the Muslims are a separate nation with their distinct cultural values and religious trends, and they
want to have a system of their own liking, they should be allowed to liveunder such system considering
their separate religious and cultural identity".

Allama Iqbal expressed the Muslims sentiments and ideas in true spirit by defining them as a separate
nation with their distinct national image. His presidential address washed away all the confusions from
the Muslim minds and showed them new dimensions in their struggle for freedom. It later on enabled
the Muslim masses to determine their line of action and work out a clear cut and definite programme in
order to accomplish their goal of a separate homeland. The spirit which Allama Iqbal infused in the
Muslims by his presidential address developed into an ideological basis for the Pakistan movement. The
famous Pakistan Resolution, passed on 23rd March, 1940 at Lahore was in fact based on Allama Iqbal's
presidential address of Allahabad.

Allama Iqbal joined Muslim League and rendered services for the safeguard of Muslims interests. He was
on the delegation which represented the Muslims in the Second and Third Round Table Conferences in
1931 and 1932. In these Conferences he very ably advocated the Muslim cause and vehemently
opposed all such schemes which in any way jeopardized the Muslim interests.

Allama Iqbal's writings, poetry and sayings kindled a new light, aroused a sense of respect, self-
realization and determination in the Muslim masses. The new Muslim generation particularly responded
vigorously to Allama Iqbal's call and took active part in the freedom struggle for the creation of Pakistan.

PAKISTAN IDEOLOGY AND THE QUAID-I-AZAM

Quaid-i-Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah was a great leader of the Muslims of the sub continent who led
them to their most cherished goal of life Pakistan on 14th August, 1947. Quaid-i-Azam gave practical
shape to the ideology given and enunciated by Allama Iqbal. The Quaid-i-Azam, by his dedicated and
unflinching leadership was at

last successful in convincing the Hindus and the British of the reality of Two-Nation Theory and the
Pakistan ideology.

The Quaid-i-Azam after entering into politics, joined All India National Congress with a view of securing
self-rule for India through constitutional means. For this objective he advocated Hindu-Muslim unity. He
was of the opinion that both Hindus and Muslims should launch joint efforts to get rid of the British rule
and domination. He did lot of work to bring Hindus and Muslims closer. The Lucknow Pact, between the
Congress and the Muslim League, was concluded mainly due to his sincere endeavours for which he
came to be known as the "Ambassador of Hindu-Muslim Unity."

After joining Muslim League in 1913 he continued with his efforts to bring about Hindu-Muslim unity.
However, he was greatly disappointed to see the prejudicial and partisan attitude of the Congress and
Hindus towards the Muslims. The publication of Nehru Report did the last damage. The
recommendations of the Nehru Committee were based on prejudicial outlook of its members who only
tried to safegaurd the interests of the Hindus and did not pay any heed to the Muslims interests.

The Quaid-i-Azam even tried his best to maintain the unity by offering to accept the Nehru Report with a
few modifications. These changes were suggested in the All Parties Conference convened by the Quaid-i-
Azam in 1928 at Calcutta. But the Hindu leadership stubbornly turned down the sincere offer and the
dismayed Qauid-i-Azam at last changed his views about Hindu-Muslim unity. In reply to the Nehru
Report the Quaid-i-Azam had to give his famous fourteen points about the future constitution of India.

The Quaid-i-Azam believed that Congress and Hindus will never acknowledge the rights of the Muslims
and will do everything to deny a respectable place to the Muslims in the Indian society. He declared
while representing the Muslims in the Second Round Table Conference in 1931 "We have reached at a
juncture where I shall beneglecting my prime duties if I do not make the Muslim point of view known to
this august audience. I wish to inform everyone openly that the Hindu-Muslim dispute must be settled
before the enforcement of any system or constitution. Until you do not give guarantee for the safeguard
of the Muslim interests, Until you do not win their (Muslim) co operation, any constitution you enforce
shall not last for even 24 hours."

Quaid-i-Azam was a firm advocate of Two-Nation Theory and considered the Muslims as a separate
Nation. He said "Pakistan was created the day the first Indian national entered the fold of Islam. This
statement amply manifests the feelings of the Quaid-i-Azam about the separate national image of the
Muslims At the historic session of the Muslim League at Lahore on 23rd March, 1940 he said. "It has
been taken for granted mistakenly that the Mussalmans are a minority, and of course we got used to it
for such a long time that these settled notions sometimes are difficult to remove. The Mussalmans are
not a minority. The Mussalmans are a nation by every definition. By all canons of international law we
are a nation." In 1942 he said, "We are a nation with our distinct culture and civilization, language and
literature, art and architecture, names and nomencalature, sense of values and proportions, legal laws
and moral codes, customs and calendars, history and tradition, in short we have our own distinct
outlook on life and of life."

Quaid-i-Azam further defined the Two Nation Theory and said, "The Muslims are a Ination by every right
to establish their separate homeland. They can adopt any mean to promote and protect their economic,
social, political and cultural interests".

In his presidential address at the annual session of the Muslim League at Lahore in 1940 he said:

"India is not a nation, nor a country. It is a sub-continent of nationalities, Hindus and Muslims being the
two major nations. The Hindus and the Mussalmans belong to

two they which different religions, philosophies social customs and literature. They neithe intermarry
nor interdine and indeed belong to two different civilizations their are based mainly on conflicting ideas
and conceptions. Their aspects on life and of life are different. It is quite clear that Hindus and Muslims
derive inspiration from different sources history."

On March 8, 1944 the Quaid-i-Azam "Hindus and Muslims, though living in the same town, villages and
neighbourhood, had never been blended into one nation. They were always two separate entities." said

Quaid-i-Azam wanted to establish democratic system in Pakistan based on Islamic principles because he
fervently believed that by this system only the people of Pakistan would be able to mould their lives
according to the tenets of Islam. On 4th February, 1942 he declared, "We should base our democracy on
the principles and concepts of Islam". He wanted to see Pakistan as a country where every individual
enjoyed equal rights and privileges. He said, "Islam teaches equality, justice and fairplay to everyone". a
Quaid-i-Azam emphasised on the Islamic Ideology as being the basis of the struggle for Pakistan because
he believed that only Islam was the unifying force of the Muslim Millat. He said, "What relationship knits
the Muslims into one whole, which is the formidable rock on which the Muslim edifice has been erected,
which is the sheet anchor providing base to the Muslim Millat, that relationship, the sheet anchor and
the rock is the Holy Quran".

Addressing at Islamia College, Peshawar in 1940 the Quaid-i-Azam declared, "We did not demand
Pakistan simply to have a piece of land but we wanted a laboratory where we could experiment on
Islamic principles." On 18th June 1945, he said, "Pakistan does not mean freedom and independence
only, but the Islamic Ideology as well which has to be preserved, which has come to us asprecious gift
and which we hope others will share with us," Addressing the Karachi Bar Association on January 25,
1948 on the eve of Eid Millad-un-Nabi, the Quaid-i-Azam said, "I cannot understand a section of people
who deliberately want to create mischief and make propaganda that the Constitution of Pakistan will
not be made on the basis of Shariat. Islamic principles today are as applicable to life as they were 1300
years ago."

The above statements amply prove that the Quaid-i-Azam wanted to establish an Islamic system in
Pakistan. He desired to introduce Islam as a code of life because he believed that it was the sole
objective of the Pakistan movement.

Quaid-i-Azam was greatly in favour of the rights and interests of the minorities. He wanted to give full
protection to all minorities living in Pakistan because Islam teaches liberal attitude towards other
communities. The main objective of the creation of Pakistan, as well, was to give maximum protection to
the minorities. In a Press conference in New Delhi on 14th July, 1947 he said.

"Minorities to whichever community they may belong, will be fully safeguarded their religion or faith or
belief will be secure. There will be no interference of any kind with their freedom of worship. They will
have full protection with regard to their religion, their faith, their life and culture. They will be in all
respects the citizens of Pakistan without distinction of caste and creed." any

The Quaid-i-Azam desired to see Pakistan as a welfare State. He wanted to build up an economic system
in Pakistan which was free of exploitation and in which every one had equal opportunity of economic
progress and welfare.

After partition the Indian Government refused to give Pakistan an equitable share in the economic
assets. The objective behind

this denial was to cripple the economy of Pakistan immediately after its creation.

Quaid-i-Azam at once took up the job of erecting economy on stable footings He had correctly
understood that Pakistan would not be able to overcome its economic problems by assistance of
Reserve Bank of India alone. He, therefore, ordered that a State Bank of Pakistan be set up immediately.

The Quaid-i-Azam was staunch a believer in the economic system of Islam. He believed in social justice
and equality and desired to introduce the economic system based on Islamic principles He said, "Islam
teaches us equality and justice with every individual." He wanted to build up a social system in Pakistan
based on Islamic principles so that the people who gave sacrifices for the creation of Pakistan should be
able to mould their lives and destinies according to the Islamic tenets.
Quaid-i-Azam was extremely against provincialism. After the creation of Pakistan attempts were made
from certain quarters to misguide the people. Sentiments of provincialism and racialism were aired to
create administrative problems for Pakistan.

Quaid-i-Azam quickly attended to this problem. of provincialism and racialism affectively. He advised the
people to beware of such ignoble designs of those elements. Who do not want to see Pakistan emerging
as a reality? He addressed the nation and said, "In unity lies strength. So long as we are united, we
emerge victorious and strong. If we are not united we shall become weak and disgraced. We are all
Pakistanis. None of us is a Punjabi, Sindhi, Balochi, Pathan or Bengali. Everyone of us should think, feel
and act as a Pakistani and we should feel proud of being Pakistani alone".

The Quaid-i-Azam was very much optimistic about the future of Pakistan. He said, "Pakistan has come
into existence to stay for ever."

HISTORICAL PERSPECTIVE OF IDEOLOGY OF PAKISTAN

RELIGIOUS AND REFORMATIVE MOVEMENTS THE EVOLUTION OF MUSLIM NATIONALISM IN INDIA

THE ADVENT OF ISLAM IN THE SUBCONTINENT


Since its first appearance in the world stage, Islam has had close relations with Indian sub-continent. The
Arab traders had been coming to the Indian shore to sell their goods. The earliest contact of the Muslim
Arabs with the Malabar coast dates back to the reign of Umar the second pious Caliph (634-644). The
Arabs came into close contact 634-64 with the local people and got an opportunity to impress them by
their fair dealings in business. They left an everlasting impact of their piety and simplicity on the Indian
population. They preached Islam alongside their business dealings. The first Indian national to embrace
Islam was the ruler of the small state known as Kirnig Noor who was moved by the preaching of Sheikh
Sharaf Bin hoor Malik, the leader of the preaching party and Shah entered the fold of Islam.

The Muslims fought their first battle on the Indian soil during the Khilafat of Umar the second pious
Caliph. Sargafi, who was the Governor of Oman under the second Caliph, sent an army to Thana and
Barouch, small sea ports near Bombay, on his own without Malik seeking permission from the Caliph.
Caliph, however did not like overseas expeditions and forbade further action.

This is how the Muslim society originated in India, when a separate and distinct system, culture and
religion took shape in entirely alien atmosphere. With the initiation of Islam in the sub-continent, a
separate nation, having its own understanding of life came into existence, which was to leave its impact
on the Indian civilization and way of life in the

day years to come. The Quaid-i-Azam rightly said "The Pakistan came into existence the the first Indian
national embraced Islam. By this statement of the founder of Pakistan, it becomes clear that Pakistan
was a reality; long time before because it was to become an abode of a nation who was the torch.
bearer of the great religion of the world Islam.

SINDH-THE 'BAB-UL-ISLAM'
MUHAMMAD BIN QASIM ATTACKS INDIA Sindh was ruled by an autocratic Hindu ruler, Raja Dahir during
the Ummayyad dynasty. Raja Dahir was known for his cruelty towards his Muslim population.
Meanwhile the Indians began to intercept the commercial vessels of the Arabs in the Indian ocean. In
those days Caliph Al-Malik-ibn-abd-al-Malik, was the ruler of the Ummayyad dynasty. In those days "The
King of the Island of Rubles" Ceylon) sent a few vessels carrying some Muslim women who had been
born in Ceylon. These vessels were also loaded with some precious gifts for the Governor of Iraq Hajjaj
Bin Yousaf. There were some orphaned daughters and children of merchants who had died in Ceylon.
The ship in which the women sailed was attacked by the pirates of Dahir. The pirates took away
everything. The women and children were taken as prisoners and put in the jail. One of the captured
women, a member of the tribe Banu Yarbu, cried out, "O Hajjaj!" when Hajjaj heard of this he exclaimed
"Here am I."

Hajjaj Bin Yousaf was a strict administrator. He sent his personal messenger to Raja Dahir, the ruler of
Sindh, and asked him to set the women and children free, Raja Dahir bluntly refused and argued that he
had no control over the sea pirates. He replied that if Hajjaj wanted the release of the women he could
do so himself. Hajjaj was extremely infuriated with this reply and decided to punish Raja Dahir for his
scornful attitude.

Hajjaj sent several expeditions to punish Raja Dahir which incidentally all failed when their commanders
were killed in the battles against the Hindus. He then decided to send his young nephew and son-in-law,
Muhammad Bin Qasim, who was at that time in Fars (Iran) to head a campaign against Raja Dahir in
Sindh. Hajjaj gave him a trained and well-equipped army and also reinforced him with soldiers from
Syria and other places.

Muhammad Bin Qasim marched towards Deabul via Makran which had already been included in the
Ummayyad dynasty. After conquering the adjoining areas Muhammad Bin Qasim encamped on the bank
of the river Mehran (Indus) near Deabul. He moved and laid a formidable siege around Deabul which
was a strong fortification of the Hindu Raja. From there Muhammad Bin Qasim challenged Raja Dahir for
a decisive battle in 712 A.D. 712

The battle continued for several days and the Hindu army fought tooth and nail to protect their
fortification. They were no match to the Muslim soldiers. Raja Dahir was killed on the sixth day of the
battle, June 712, bravely fighting against the Muslim army. The captive women and children were set
free and sent back to their homeland.

Raja Dahir's wife Rani Bai fled to the fort of Rawar, with 15,000 troops from where she challenged
Muhammad Bin Qasim for the battle. Muhammad Bin Qasim chased her to Rawar and ordered his
miners to dig and demolish the walls of the fort until the bastions were thrown down. Rani Bai,
however, finding herself encircled, surrendered and burnt herself alongwith other ladies.

Muhammad Bin Qasim was thus the first Muslim Commander to have entered India as a conqueror. He
remained for few months in the captured fort and demanded the other Chiefs of different parts of India
to embrace Islam. He proceeded ahead and conquered all the adjoining areas upto Multan Muhammad
Bin Qasim, after consolidating his control over the conquered areas, set himself to the administrative
problems of India.

Muhammad Bin Qasim, very wisely devised his strategy of controlling the conquered land with the
assistance of the local people. He, therefore, accepted all the social classes prevalent in India at the time
he conquered India and levied a tax of 12 12 dirhams to be collected from all citizens, the Brahmins
were allowed to enjoy their pre eminent position. He allowed the Hindu subjects to practise and profess
their religion freely. He did not prohibit Hindu laws and premitted them to worship their gods in their
temples.

Muhammad Bin Qasim introduced Islam as a faith and a system in India. The laws of Sharia (Islamic
Laws) were declared the Supreme Law of the conquered land. The Islamic law superseded all other laws
of the land. He instituted the office of Sadru-i-Imam al Ajall to interpret the Islamic laws and elevated
Musa Bin Tai to this office. He proved a merciful and an efficient Governor of Sindh. During his stay, he
promulgated very wise enactments, treated the people with kindness and did justice to everyone thus
setting the examples of Islamic justice and equality. He set the glorious examples of piety and simplicity
by personal character and attracted a large number of followers to the fold of Islam. He did not
confiscate the land and properties of his Hindu subjects. He extended the rights of Dhimmis (Protected
class) to the Hindus who were required to pay a poll-tax (Jizya). In this way Muhammad Bin Qasim did
meritorious services to the cause of Islam and contributed immensely to popularizing Islam in India.

Muhammad Bin Qasim, therefore, established the first Muslim Empire in the sub-continent and made
Sindh a Dar-ul Islam. This was really a new phenomena in the Indian history as the conquerors who
invaded India before Muhammad Bin Qasim, I had no loyalties with the conquered land. Muhammad Bin
Qasim, unlike his preceding conquerors, established a State with an organised statecraft. The conquered
subjects who entered the fold of Islam, were made the citizens of a larger Caliphal state. The Hindus
Dhimmi sand the non-Muslims enjoyed only the rights of the protected class to remain loyal to the
Caliphate In this way the bordering provinces of India were Islamized for ever.

Hakim Shoubojacent areas with a mission of persuading

SPREAD OF ISLAM IN OTHER PARTS OF

INDIA

After setting up the superstructure of the administration in Sindh Muhammad Bin Qasim annexed the
area upto Multan. He sent one of his trusted commanders Abu Hakim Shaibani, toward Kanauj and
other Fay the local chieftains of India to embrace Islam. By the end of 715 A.D. when Muhammad Bin
Qasim was planning to strike in other central parts of India, some changes came about in the Ummayad
dynasty. Suleman Bin Abdul Malik became the new ruler who did not like Hajjaj Bin Yousaf. When Hajjaj
died, Muhammad Bin Qasim was recalled and put in the prison where the great Muslim soldier perished
pathetically.

The conquest of Sindh by Muhammad Bin Qasim opened the doors for the spread of Islam to other parts
of India. The Arab conquest of Sindh and South-Western Punjab upto Multan, was complete by 714. The
second phase of Muslim expansion began with the establishment of a Turkish Muslim dynasty in Ghazni.
It followed the North Western routes traditional for the invasion of the Indo-Pakistan sub-continent.

Sabukigi Mahmud of Ghazni succeeded his father 997 Subuktigin in 997. He was a brilliant soldier who
had taken part in all his father's campaigns against Hindu Raj. On ascending the throne, Mahmud of
Ghazni launched a series of invasions against the Indo-Pakistan sub-continent. He was a powerful
sovereign of his day in Central Asia.
Between the year 1000 to 1026 Mahmud carried out nearly seventee expeditions in India and was
bestowed proud title of Idol-Breaker of Ghazn Mahmud was a loyal Muslim who hated worshiping. After
Mahmud of Ghazni, Ghaznavid empire could not stand the migh of Ghors. The last Ghaznavid king of
Indus Valley, Khusru Malik was killed and Muhammad Ghori subdued the Indus Valley in 1185 1185 the
the Sult with

Under Muhammad Ghori the Muslim power spread to all parts of north-wester India and also to Bengal
and Bihar. The king of Ghazni, Muhammad Ghori worked hard to consolidate his position in India in
order to raise an empire in Central Asia.

Mughal started in 13th century but becam Delhi sultanate was established in India in the death of
Muhammad Ghori. The after span of Delhi sultanate ranges from 1192 to 1526 when Babur, invaded
India in 1526 to establish Moghal empire. During sultanate period forty sultans ruled Delhi L22-1526

Islam gained quick popularity during the Delhi sultanate. The work of the spread of Islam was carried on
mostly by Muslim Sufis and mystics as the Delhi sultans were too busy in fighting. In fact the missionary
work of the spread of Islam had started during the Ghaznavid rule in Punjab. Sheikh Ismail of Lahore, an
eminent alam and a scion of Sayid family of Bokhara, had started the work of spreading Islam by
delivering his sermons on every Friday. Shaikh Ismail Another great reformer, saint and eminent scholar,
Ali Makhdum Hujweri of Ghazni, came to Lahore in 1035. He accompanied Sultan Masud, of Ghazni, son
of Sultan Mahmud, and stayed in Lahore for thirty years. During the thirty years of his stay in Lahore, he
spread the light of Islam. He was a source of immense spiritual inspiration and guidance for the Muslims.
After his death he was buried at Lahore. His mausoleum is situated outside Bhatti Gate of Lahore. He is
also known as Hazrat Data Ganj Bakhsh, the venerated title given to him by Khwaja Muin ud-Din Chishti
who spent forty days of spiritual seclusion at his tomb

THE IMPACT OF ISLAM

ISLAM AND HINDUISM

Islam gained a quick and unmatch popularity throughout the sub-continent. By the end of 14th century
Islam had penetrated in all parts of India making its indelible impact on the cultural, social and religious
conditions of India.

BASIC CULTURAL INFLUENCE-CASTE SYSTEM

Before the advent of Islam in India the people were divided in several social factions because of the
caste system. An intense and perpetual strife was going on between all social groups of society.
Conditions which extremely lacked in solidarity and homogeneity prevailed in the society. The people
were greatly perturbed and worried. over the unstable social conditions. The caste No system had
divided the society in different, social groups with antagonistic approach and harro feelings towards
each other. The prevailing conditions were ripe for the introduction of a new religious faith and system
which was to negate the existing philosophies of life based on inhuman trends and customs

Islam, therefore, became a blessing for the lower classes of India. The occupational groups, doomed and
suppressed under their existing system willingly embraced Islam to shed away the yoke of their
perpetual subordination. The rigours of the easte system diminished and the life became happier and
bearable for the under-privileged groups. Islam showed them a new way of life which they had never
experienced before in the Hindu society. The respectable way of life, ensured by Islam, gave the masses
a feeling of being human beings. The people rejected the outdated and absurd customs:
Hindu society and showed their inclination nguoward the new trends of life. The old languages Sanskrit
and Parakrit were influenced by Arabic, Persian and Turkish. By the interaction of these languages new
Red languages like Urdu and Hindi developed.
RELIGIOUS INFLUENCE

Islam and Hinduism basically differ in their attitude toward life. Islam strongly believes in the concept of
Tauheed (Oneness of God) and insists on the equality of mankind before law. It does not see any
distinction among the people on score of such inhuman principles as caste, creed and social position.
Hinduism, on the other hand, believes in the multiplicity of gods and is based on the unethical caste
system which had divided society into privileged and under-privileged classes.
Islam also left its impact on the religious etiquette. sphere of India and it immediately influenced the
basic tenets of Hinduism. Important and significant developments occurred in the Hindu temples and
their architectures began reflecting the Islamic way of construction. The religious leaders of Hindus were
greatly influenced by the Islamic principles and re- shaped their philosophies in the light of Islamic
values. They began preaching the Islamic principles of brotherhood, equality and Oneness of God and
impressed upon the people to abandon idol worship. Shankarachariya the great organizer of modern
Hinduism, was influenced by Islam. He responded to the call of Islam and its teachings.
The other leaders of Hinduism, influenced by the teachings of Islam were Chaitanya, Ramananda, the
important leaders of Bhagti Movement and Baba Guru Nanak, the founder of Sikh religion.

Baba Guru Nanak was born in November 1469, in Central Punjab. He received his education both from
Hindu Pandits and Muslim Ulama. He visited the Holy places in India, Persia and Arabia along with his
Hindu and Muslim companions known as Bhai Bala and Mardana. Baba Guru Nanak was greatly
influenced by Islamic teachings and manifested his belief Oneness of God. Chaitanya of Bengal, although
deeply acquainted with Islam, does some influence of Islam in his teachings, disciples were well versed
in Arabic some of them are said to have embrace Islam at a later stage.
Ramananda, a great leader of Bhagti Movement in the north came into contact some learned scholars of
Islam. Being convinced after his discussions with Muslim scholars, he introduced a large number changes
in Hindu social system. encouraged the people from all castes Hindus and Muslims, to come under hi
patronage and become his disciples. He designed the regulations of preparing and taking meals in the
light of Islamic laws and etiquette.
HINDU REACTION

HINDU NATIONALIST MOVEMENTS

The Muslims soon became a formidable national entity as a result of amazing success and popularity of
Islam in the sub-continent. The edifice of Muslim nationalism was erected on the stable foundations
which quickly made Islam a loving system of life in the Indian society.

Hinduism, despite its best efforts, could not check the rapid expansion of Muslim Nationalism in India.
Consequently a number of Hindu Nationalist movements emerged in order to check the spread of Islam.
Islam possessed a magnetic force to attract a large number of converts because of its glorious principles
of equality, brotherhood and social respect for every one. The popularity of Islam reduced the impact of
Hinduism to a greater extent and made Islam a motivating element in the Indian social set-up. The
Muslim sufis and mystics presented a liberal view of Islam by the personal examples of piety and
humanitarian approach. As a result of their efforts, some Hindu reformers gave a serious pondering on
eliminating unethical social principles of Hinduism in order to make it more tolerable and acceptable
faith for the masses. In this way they believed that the popularity of Islam could be checked from further
expansion.

BHAGTI MOVEMENT Love&Brotherhood

Bhagti is a Hindi word and in its literal sense means Love and Brotherhood. A systematic moverment was
launched in the 14th century known as Bhagti Movement. This moverment, apparently was meant to
eradicate the evils of Hinduismn in order to make it more acceptable for the people. Bhagt Kabir,
Ramananda, Rarnanaja, Baba Guru Narisk and Dadu were its main and important Teadors: These leaders
of Bhagti Movement believed that there were some common features between Islam. and Hinduism.
They considered that Bhagti (love, brotherhood) was the greatest religion. They rejected the caste
system, negated the Idol worship and stressed upon brotherhood, tolerance, love and respect among
mankind. To them there was no difference between Ram and Rahim, Quran and Pran and Kaashi and
Kaabah

The Bhagti leaders invited the people on the common bonds of brotherhood to create unity among the
entire mankind. They preached simplicity and unity and showed their disdain for caste system and idol
worship.

The Bhagti Movement was initiated mainly to check the popularity of Islam in the sub-continent. There
are few schools of thought who believed that the purpose of the Bhagti Movement was to combine the
salient features of Islam and Hinduism. This view is totally wrong as the Hindu saints and reformers of
the Bhagti movement belonged to distinct and different trends. Bhagat Kabir, Guru Nanak, Dadu and
Ramananda represented a more liberal and tolerant group, while Chaitanya and his followers were for
the revival of Hindu Nationalism. The later group under Chaitanya came into direct clash with the
Muslim authorities for their extremist view on Hindu revivalism. However the Bhagti Movement failed to
achieve its objectives of the distortion of Islam. DIN-E-ILAHI

Akbar occupied the throne of Delhi in 1566. From the beginning of his rule he desired to win the
collaboration of the Rajput chiefs. For this purpose, first of all, he married a number of Hindu and Rajput
women. He elevated the Hindus and Rajputs on high government assignments The Hindu wives of Akbar
mostly prevated upon him and to please them Akbar gave enormous liberty to his Hindu subjects The
Hindus had also gained ascendency in Akbar's court and they openly indulged in Government's affairs
because of the important position they held in the royal courts.

The Hindu courtiers of Akbar prompted him to introduce a new religious faith by combining the salient
feature of Hinduism and Islam so that a homogeneous fusion of Akbar's Hindu and Muslim subjects
could be achieved. Akbar was greatly impressed by the suggestion and promulgated his new religion
Din-l-llahi or Divine Faith in 1582. He convened a general council of high officials and his important
courtiers to discuss the religious antagonism and strife in his subject. He then declared that all religions
would be united in such a way that the advantage of all the religions would be gained ul by all and that
the evils of any faith would be of disregarded. In this way, Akbar said, "honour would be rendered to
God, peace would be given to the peoples and security to the empire".
The promulgation of Din-i-llahi was an ill fated attempt of Akbar to combine the salient features of Islam
with Hinduism. Its main purpose was the distortion of Islam.
The gist of Din-i-llahi was the introduction of un-Islamic trends. Akbar sanctioned a number of un-Islamic
practices which included the worship of sun, fire and artificial lights. Jizya and pilgrimage tax of 6 per
cent per head were abolished. Din-i-llahi elevated Akabr and declared him God's shadow on earth. It
was required of all by this creed to bow before the emperor in adoration. Cow slaughter was prohibited
and Azan, call for prayers, was forbidden. He encouraged the people who adopted un-Islamic practices
and readily accepted them in the fold of his disciples. The mosques were to be used as warehouse.
Akbar ordered that no child will be named as Muhammad in future. He also proclaimed that any
opposition on the part of nis subjects to an order passed by the His Majesty shall involve damnation in
the world to come.

By these actions Akbar acquired Muslim antagonism and was commonly taken as desirous of initiating a
new religious faith. However it is clear and proven fact that Akbar I wanted to be the Spiritual guide of
all his subjects. He promulgated the policy of Sulah- -1-ki-Kul (peace with all) and bestowed honours on
the leaders with visible leanings towards Hinduism. He patronised Hindu art and literature.

Sulah

The immediate result of the promulgation of Din-i-llahi was the loss of Muslim political hegemony in the
Indian society. The Hindus were elevated to the equal status and their social position was greatly
enhanced.

Akbar's attempt to bring about a fusion of society by merging the different religious faiths, bitterly failed.
It was a disastrous failure as it did not please the Hindus even who were given a tremendous boost
under Din-i-llahi. Akbar's experiment in the religious field gained nothing. It invited a vigorous reaction
by the Muslim saints and particularly by Hazrat Mujadid Alf Sani who exposed the fallacy of Din-i-llahi.
Din-i-llahi and its impact quickly disappeared with Akbar's death. The Muslim clergymen and Muslim
nobility joined hands together to eliminate its venomous effects in the Indian society. The Hindu
aristocracy. however, struggled to perpetuate it but met with intense opposition from Muslim masses
after Akbar's death. 1564-1626

II. Land and people of Pakistan


Geography,
Society
.

Natural resources:
.
Agriculture

Industry
Education with reference to characteristics, trends and
problems.
Q. No. 6. Enumerate the measures adopted by HEC for promotion of higher
education and qualitative research in Pakistan. (20)

EDUCATION IN PAKISTAN

PROBLEMS OF EDUCATIONAL SYSTEM AND THEIR REMEDIES

HISTORICAL BACKGROUND

Pakistan's educational system originates from the political, social and economic realities that
had existed in the Sub-continent before and during the British rule. The cultural supremacy of
the Muslims over the Hindus obliterated due to the cultural invasion of the foreign rulers. The
Hindus readily took to the new ideas and adopted new trends in the social set up of the Sub-
continent with a prime objective of settling their score with the Muslims. For them it was merely
a change of rulers that had relieved them of the Muslim domination which they had deeply
abhorred.

EDUCATION CHALLENGE

Only four Pakistani universities made it to the top 1,000 in the Times Higher Education's annual
World University Rankings, down from seven last year. That's an appalling proportion given that
Pakistan is the fifth-most populous country in the world, and with a significant youth bulge.

Cynics might marvel that any Pakistani universities feature on the rankings. Patriots might fume
at the exclusion of prestigious institutions such as Lums, AKUH and IBA. Academics are likely
to point to the many fallacies in the rankings themselves; for example, the focus on measurable
factors. such as funding and volume of research publications, rather than the quality of tuition.
This critique is particularly relevant in Pakistan since a 2002 decision to link government funding
to research productivity has led local institutions to game the system by churning out sham
research in publications with a dodgy or non-existent peer review culture. But the ranking has
value in that it is yet another reminder of the sorry state of higher education in Pakistan.

The radicalisation is not the only challenge facing educational institutions. Some analysts has
repeatedly highlighted the issue of corruption at universities resulting from cash incentives for
publications. research
The politicisation of our campuses is another issue. Mashal Khan's heinous lynching was
primarily viewed as a sign of growing extremism on campuses but as the investigation into the
murder showed it was more about campus politics. Khan's death occurred because of
competing party interests, criminality and the complicity of university officials at the highest
levels in corrupt behaviour, including politicised hiring practices and the fostering of armed
wings of political parties on campus. Rather than insulting religion, it was criticising the
university administration that probably cost Khan his life.

There are many who disagree with a focus on higher education, saying that Pakistan must first
prioritise universal access to primary education. This is a simplistic argument we cannot pick
and choose. A - country cannot advance without the input of independent thinkers and problem
solvers. Indeed, it must be our university graduates who coin the policies that lead to a better
public education system for all.

The HEC has taken a welcome step to call for universities to crack down on campus
radicalisation. A recent letter by the commission's chairman calls for improved security, faculty
monitoring of public spaces and more counselling of vulnerable students More importantly, the
letter recognises the need for extracurricular activities, sports, tutorials and public lectures to
promote tolerance as ways to combat extremism. Education in Pakistan

649

that sets the nation's overall threshold of acceptability of 'right' and 'wrong'.

There is at present a lot of disparity in the country owing to three disperse echelons of formal
education prevalent in the country: the Cambridge International Examinations, the BISE system
in private schools and the BISE system in government schools.

Unfortunately, censorial rather a securitised and than discourse-driven approach is likely to be


adopted in the fight against university radicalisation, and to the neglect of other issues plaguing
institutions. Consider the recent proposal to open up student records to scrutiny by law
enforcement and intelligence personnel. It has been rightly pointed out, such access would be
both useless in terms of identifying potential militants and counterproductive owing to the chilling
effect it would have on the academic environment. Sadly, our state infrastructure is better
equipped to monitor and harass than facilitate discourse.

Optimists have suggested that CPEC - the answer to all Pakistan's woes - will also save its
educational culture. Technology transfer centres and labs envisioned under the corridor are no
doubt welcome. But the Chinese are hardly known for fostering the kind of critical thinking that is
urgently needed for Pakistan's state and society to thrive. This is one challenge we will have to
address without help from our friends.

Need to Re-Design our Education System

History bears testimony to the fact that education is the most sustained and efficient means of
progression in society. Let me begin with an illustration of a simple example: a water pump
pumps river water through a hosepipe with a meshwork filter at its end into a water collection
tank. The river water gets filtered through the meshwork filter to remove tangible impurities and
the clean output flows into the tank.
The educational system serves as the filter of society, the river as the pool of callow brains
capable of advancement and the water in the collection tank as the output of the education
system.

Figuratively, the design of the filter the education system shapes the social fabric and rational
structure of society collectively. The significance of the quality of the filter is superlative to the
degree that it enables society's development of conscience. In education qualitative terms, it is
the quality of the filter

Unequivocally, the CIE system is adjudged as the best system in the country owing to the
quality of curriculum, concept based testing methodology and international recognition. The CIE
system, however, is a dream for majority of the youth in Pakistan who await the dire attention of
the state either vide improvement in government schools or vide regulations for private schools,
both aimed at quality enhancement.

Lack of spending on education, ghost employees, poor infrastructure and poor quality of
education are cited as some of the prime bottlenecks in the state education system. However,
research presents a rather different set of facts.

According to a research study by the Wilson Centre titled 'Pakistan Education Crisis' published
in July 2016, "Pakistan's budgeted expenditure on education amounted to $7.5 billion for the
fiscal year 2016 which is more than double of the $3.5 billion education spending in 2010. This
is the combined value of the four provincial budgets plus a small amount that is allocated at the
federal level for higher education and schools in Islamabad. Most provinces have more than
doubled their budgets since 2010- the year in which the 18th Amendment devolved education
and several other social sectors from the federal government to the provinces. Thenceforth,
Khyber Pakhtunkhwa and Balochistan have nearly tripled their education budgets.

"The military budget for 2016, excluding military pensions, cost of the nuclear programme and
cost of military operations in Fata, amounted to $8.2 billion which is fairly close to the $7.5 billion
budgeted for650

"There are more government teachers in Pakistan than active duty personnel in the Pakistani
military, being 730,131 and 643,800 respectively. The total number of teachers in Pakistan
(including private schools) also exceeds the total strength of the Pakistani military (including
reservists and paramilitary), standing at 1,461,744 and 1,460,800 respectively. Astoundingly, 55
percent of government employees in KP belong to the education department while 52 percent of
Balochistan government's salaries go to education."

From an economic perspective, the study suggests that "Pakistan's government spends a lot on
education, relative to the resources it has, however when the education budget is expressed as
a percentage of its GDP, it does poorly. Pakistan has budgeted the equivalent of 2.7 percent of
its GDP on education for the fiscal year 2016 while the international minimum is 4 percent.
Pakistan is behind other South Asian and sub-Saharan countries when spending is expressed
in these terms.

However, when analysed from an alternative viewpoint, UNESCO recommends education


spending in the range of 15-20 percent whereas Pakistan's provinces spend 17-28 percent of
their budgets, gesturing overspending."
The issue then doesn't seem to be the spending on the filters but the design of the filter. With
the current modus operaridi of the wrath. government education system, salaries and
allowances devour the majority of the education budget, leaving behind little funding for
oversight activities, infrastructure overhaul and capacity-building. With the current mechanism,
even if further funds are channelled into the education system, the dilemma will remain as the
system is in dire need of a structural reform.

Education now falls under the jurisdiction of the provincial governments but its responsibility
from the federal government has not been completely shrugged off. The spirit of the 18th
Amendment was the strengthening of the federation. To that end,

Pakistan Affairs

parliament shall mandate the Council of Common Interests with the responsibility of devising a
uniform set of educational reforms across the country which, once developed, shall be
mandatorily run by provincial governments. This political will from all provinces will definitely
open doors for donor funding for reforms.

Issues such as poor infrastructure, lack of facilities, ghost employees, outdated curriculums,
capacity-building of teachers, lack of focus on aptitude enhancement, promotion of ICT, etc
shall be fairly addressed in the structural reform process in order to design a filter that purifies
the river water to an extent that is at least at par with other filtration mechanisms globally.

Let's hope the issue is addressed by political parties in their manifestos and eventually
delivered.

The educational system, introduced by the Britishers in fact was an attempt to alienate the
Muslims, who saw the British hegemony with utmost hatred and contempt. The Muslims
constantly resisted the British rule which made the British colonialists averse of the Muslims.
The Hindus on the other hand, who decided to extend a hand of co-operation to the new rulers,
benefited a lot from the new order and eventually got into the mainstream of the Sub-continental
political set up. Consequently the Muslims were isolated to face the British and Hindu

The British educational system completely scrapped the Islamic way of education. Persian and
Arabic, the pride of the Muslim ruling elite, were replaced with the English language. The
curriculum was designed to serve the purposes of the colonial empire and not to promote the
intellectual growth of the students. Maktab schools were replaced with the institutions set up by
the colonial administration.

The British rule in India, which was erected on the debris of the Mughal Empire, gave a fatal
blow to the system of Education that distinguished the Muslims from the rest of the communities
of the Sub-continent. TheEducation in Pakistan

651

British educational system ripped through the Muslim supremacy and pride. The Indian Muslims
naturally refused to accept the system and did not see eye to eye with the colonial
administration as the British objective was to induct their own system in order to undermine the
Islamic culture. With the passage of time the Muslims were alienated and their system of
education suffered heavily. Lack of official patronage coupled with British apathy towards them,
accelerated e decay of their schools in quality and in dimber.
With an object of conquering the local people in every sphere and particularly in religion, the
Christian missionaries set up a chain of educational institutions which were to impart the English
education in the Sub continent. They provided quality education to the children of rich and
influential natives. The main object of these missionaries was to prepare a crop of Indians who
were Indians in colour but British in concept, outlook and perceptions.

In order to consolidate their hold, the Britishers required an administrative system which could
function as an instrument for the expansion of the colonial rule. For this purpose they needed
the assistance of native employees in the administration. It was, therefore, decided that
employment in the Government departments should be offered to those who had acquired
English education. English was made the official language in the government departments. The
education policy of the British, therefore, was aimed to promote a specific kind of education with
emphasis on English language so as to replace the native pattern of Education. Such
developments overshadowed the Muslim political and economic influence with the result that
their (Muslim) system of education declined.

As a result of this political and educational legacy, the Muslim population in the Sub-continent
was in a very weak position to cope with demands of the mid twentieth century. At the time of
independence Pakistan's educational base was too narrow. With 90% illiteracy and handful of
educational

institutions the new nation state was required to adopt an aggressive and revolutionary strategy
to address the issue. Unfortunately that remained a fond hope, as no sooner the country
steered through the waters of time, its sails had to weather the storms of political instability,
corruption and mal-administration.

EDUCATIONAL REFORMS AND PLANNING

At the time of independence, only two of the twenty-one universities of undivided India came to
Pakistan's share. In East Pakistan there were 29000 primary schools out of 39000. The ratio
was reversed at the secondary level as West Pakistan had 5500 schools out of 9000. The
NWFP and Balochistan had little more than 100 primary schools each. There were very few
secondary schools and only one intermediate college. On aggregate the new country had 83
colleges, 3 Engineering colleges, 108 teachers training schools and 71 technical, industrial and
agricultural institutions.

The administrative framework of the Educational system in Pakistan was neither broad based
nor efficient. From 1947 to 1955 education was the responsibility of the local bodies. However,
after the One Unit scheme education came under the provincial administration. Thus situation
remained static during the formative years. Reforms and planning were haphazard and
uncoordinated. Education policy from 1947 to 1958 was the symbol of political instability and
choas that prevailed in the country.

The first educational conference in Pakistan was held in November, 1947. The Quaid-i-Azam
outlined an educational philosophy which incorporated both the fundamentals of Islamic
traditions and modern science and technology.

The conference made a number of recommendations meant to make the educational system
stronger and relevant to needs. Among other things it suggested curriculum revision,
diversification of courses, compulsory religious instructions and development of administrative
machinery. 652

From 1947 to 1958 no meaningful changes were made only to the extent of curriculum in the
primary and lower secondary levels. Very little attention was paid to higher education with no
innovation. However, in later years especially during the Ayub era, efforts were made to
transform the educational system in a planned and systematic manner. Some of the important
reforms of that era are National Commission on Education (1959), Commission on Students
Problems and Welfare (1964), National Commission on Manpower and Education (1969). New
Educational Policy (1970) and National Educational Policy (1979).

During Ayub's period, educational planning was handed over to the educational establishment.
Due to such steps the quality of educational planning improved. The planning machinery was
charged with plan implementation and the evaluation of its progress. Annual developmental
programmes were introduced which brought long range developmental needs within the
planning process.

Bhutto's regime gave its Educational Policy on March 15, 1972. It contained most of the
recommendations made by various study groups set up during the transitional period of Yahya's
ML regime. It nationalized the privately managed institutions which was considered a landmark
of Bhutto's regime. It made the education free and compulsory at the primary level up to class
X. The University Grants Commission was established to co ordinate all University programmes
and facilities.

During Zia's ML National Educational Policy was announced under which the private sector was
encouraged to contribute towards the uplift of the educational aspect. The Maktab schools were
revived. About 28200 mosque schools were opened in addition to 65000 other primary schools
that already existed. The secondary schools were upgraded and 200 new secondary schools
were built. Islamization of Education was a remarkable achievement of Zia's ML regime.

Pakistan Affairs

Islamic education was made compulsory at reforms were introduced. Uncoordinated all levels.

Junejo's regime launched a strategy which was aimed to promote mass education. In his 5
points programme education was assigned top priority for which Rs. 27400 million were
earmarked. The main thrust of his programme was on mass literacy and enrollment of school
dropouts. The Nai Roshni scheme was an aggressive strategy to address the issue.

The New Education Policy (NEP) 1992 has laid great emphasis on the areas like primary
Education, Literacy, quality of public instructions, setting up National Testing Service,
decentralization of authority in the administrative set up of Education system and resource
generation. In respect of primary education, the policy has recognized the fundamental right of
every Pakistani to get primary education. The government of Benazir Bhutto, through its Social
Action Programme, has laid great emphasis on education and raising the literacy rate within a
given span of time.

PRIMARY EDUCATION

Education in Pakistan at the primary and secondary level is divided into three categories. (i)
Primary (class 1 to V, (ii) Lower Secondary (Class VI to VIII), (iii) Secondary (IX to X) and higher
secondary (Class XI to XII). Primary education is the most important and crucial phase of
education as it aims at developing the intellectual base of the school going children. According
to the Government statistics there are nearly 86000 primary schools. Half or more do not have
their own buildings. In the rural areas nearly 60000 schools are open air while other use
borrowed facilities.

In Pakistan majority of primary school going age population does not go to schools. It is less
than half the primary school_going age peoples who attend schools. The ratio is still poorer with
respect to the females who never go to schools. Overall the situation has slightly improved as
enrollment has increased about 8% since 1981. In respect of females it has increased only
5%.Education in Pakistan

The primary sector has been neglected Successive governments. Every ovemment promised
universal primary ucation and higher literacy. However, it is avealed that unchecked population
growth, ismanagement of funds and lack of political have added to ignorance and illiteracy.

The first five-year plan (1955-60) aimed free and compulsory primary education by 1975.
Despite this promise only 37 per cent of the total allocation for education in the plan vas used
for the primary education. The second five-year plan (1960-65) made similar claims but only 16
per cent of the educational budget was utilised for primary education.

The Third five-year plan (1965-70) curtailed the allocation for primary education further which
was only 14 per cent of the total outlay. The third plan promised to achieve UPE by 1980.

During the seventies nationalization of the private educational institutions was announced. Most
of the outlay for the educational sector in the fourth five-year plan (1970-75) was spent on
nationalization. The share of the primary education was only 15 per cent.

During the Fifth five-year plan (1978-83) Rs. 1413 million was set aside for primary education.
However, the participation rate sharply declined from 54 per cent in 1979 to 48 per cent in 1982-
83. There was an acute mismanagement in the implementation of the programme. Inadequate
funds, lack of political commitment and galloping population retarded the attempts towards
achieving the UPE, During the Sixth five-year plan (1983-88) no significant step could be taken
for the betterment of the primary education in Pakistan.

In the Seventh five year plan (1988-93) need was felt for opening new schools in those areas
which badly needed them. However, by this time the educational sector has already been badly
hit for want of funds and lack of determination on the part of the various governments. During
the eighth five year plan (1993-98) the government of Benazir Bhutto chalked out an ambitious

Social Action Programme which focused on basic education and female participation. The
government demonstrated its determination to accomplish the targets of SAP within plan period.

SECONDARY EDUCATION

Education at the secondary stage school prepares the students to be quick learners and easily
trainable. It occupies supreme position in the national educational set up as the skilled
manpower is trained and prepared at this level. The importance of secondary education is due
to the fact that it prepares. the students to take on the higher and university education. Majority
of the students at secondary level should expect to enter the job market or qualify for job related
training.
If the quality and range of primary education remains abysmally low in Pakistan, students at the
secondary level are ill equipped to enter the job market or to opt for university education. The
secondary education in Pakistan suffers from the following deficiencies:

1. It is heavily tilted towards the study of humanities and liberal arts.

2. It lacks in skilled and vocational education. In addition it does not lay emphasis on the
important and modern subjects like Mathematics and science subjects.

3.

It does not offer sufficiently the professional or career choices to the students. The students,
therefore, are on the mercy of their parents or teachers for the selection of subjects.

4. It lacks diversification of curricula which does not correspond to the socio economic needs of
the country.

5. It suffers due to high student teacher ratio and shortage of physical infra structure and
facilities like science laboratories, workshops, audio-visual aids and libraries.

SECONDARY SCHOOLS

In 1947 there were 2190 middle schools and 408 high schools. At present there are now about
9297 middle schools and 9820654

Pakistan Affairs

high schools in the country. There is a happy increase in the enrollment at the middle school
level which is about 730%. The increase in enrollment is estimated at 3.515 and 1.255 million in
the middle stages (class VI-VIII) and secondary stage (class IX-X).

LACK OF DIVERSIFICATION IN THE SECONDARY EDUCATION

In the developed countries, a separate stream for vocational and technical education from
secondary level upwards is maintained along with general education. This is done by laying
emphasis on scientific and technical education at the secondary level so as to meet the
requirements of middle level skilled manpower vital for the socio-economic development of the
country. This can be done by gradual transformation of secondary schools into multi-purpose
schools offering a wide choice of diversified courses.

Despite several efforts in the past, the technical and vocational education could not be made job
oriented. Attitudes for vocational/technical education are usually inculcated in the early stages
and appropriate arrangements need to be made for identifying the same and providing training
in skills and trades to the bulk of our rural population in 10-15 years age groups.

The number of secondary vocational institutions has increased from 100 (65 males and 35
females) in 1959-60 to about 710 (390 males and 320 females) in 1992-93. The enrollment has
increased from 13000 (10000 males and 3000 females) in 1959-60 to about 91000 (62000
males and 29000 females) in 1992-93. The number of teachers in these institutions is estimated
at 6772 (3982 males and 2790 females).
The education system must, therefore, be designed to produce all kinds of technical and trained
students. The unskilled labour will by and large, come from the primary stage of schooling while
the engineers and executive will be trained in professional institutions/colleges. For the
education and training of skilled operators and technicians our secondary education system
lacks diversification.

PROBLEMS OF PRIMARY/SECONDARY EDUCATION IN PAKISTAN

1. Unhygienic or Inhospitable School Environments: The World Bank report 1991 has depicted a
gloomy picture of the environments prevailing in our primary and secondary education.
According to the report the schools in Pakistan, primary as well as secondary offer inhospitable
and unhygenic environments for teaching and learning. Since no incentives are provided by the
government and society to the teachers, the teachers in Pakistan are a community known for
their economic and intellectual backwardness.

The primary and secondary schools in Pakistan present conditions similar to those of a torture
camp. More often than not, classrooms are dilapidated except those where government has
provided proper buildings owing to political pressures of the local areas. Very often the classes
are held under the open sky. The school buildings are exposed to natural calamities. They lack
in basic facilities like drinking water, electricity. furniture and other infra-structure required to run
a school for the impart of education. Students may be sitting on desks or floor mats in a room
with just adequate space to accommodate them. There is no light, artificial or natural, no heat in
winter. The students, as an alternative, may have to sit outside under a tree or in the sun or rain.

2.

Unskilled Teachers: Teachers, especially of primary schools, lack training skills. The teachers in
government primary schools are misfits. Any person who has had ten years of schooling plus a
39 weeks training course can become a teacher. For most of their part they spend time on
lecturing. asking students to read aloud or answer questions, leading group recitations and
monitoring work being done in the classrooms. They are oblivious of the modern teaching
techniques. The daily schedule of the school does not include any sports or recreational
activities. TheEducation in Pakistan

655

text-books are blindly followed and memorized by the students to reproduce the matter in the
tests or examinations. Teachers do not encourage the students to put questions on the subject
taught in the classroom. The students are rather punished or harassed on asking questions
from the teachers. The World Bank report 1991 further reveals that students behaviour is
passive. They ask few questions, have little opportunity to explore implications. reasons or
understand

3. Dropouts: Another malady of our

educational system at primary and secondary levels is very high percentage of students who
dropout before completing a particular cycle. Pakistan is considered second lowest country
among those considered whose students complete primary education level.
All levels of primary and secondary education are marked by high dropouts. A fairly large
number of enrolled students at primary and secondary education never complete the cycle of
their education. While UPE has been one of the national issues for the last 45 years and
enrollment have been increasing, the percentage of the students completing their primary and
secondary education has been falling.

The reasons for such high dropouts are numerous. The most prominent among those could be
poverty and ignorance. If in a low income family, there are more persons to be fed in relation to
the bread earners, then it is possible that as soon as the young ones are capable to feed for
themselves, they may be hired to earn rather than involve themselves in the 'unproductive work
of learning'. Another very cogent reason for the high rate of dropouts may be the lack of career
counseling services to the students which can help them to channelize their potential.

At present there is a lot of clamour about the need for the vocationalisation of the secondary
education but this in turn

requires structural changes and financial resources. It calls for governmental involvement,
active participation of local bodies, private effort, cognizance of employer needs and the
formation of a national strategy to pool talent.

Only about 30% of those who enroll in the primary education ever reach their matriculation
examination, the highest number of dropouts are during the first two years. Moreover of those
who take the test, the pass rate has been falling. Thus over 62% enrollees either fail or in the
lowest performance group being placed in the third divisions and of course more than half of the
primary school age group never enroll.

Higher secondary education too is beset with serious administrative problems as the economic
viability of the intermediate colleges has become untenable. Phasing out intermediate colleges
and upgrading secondary schools to grade XII also poses problems such as a proper service
structure and the chances of promotion of teachers.

Not all young people make it to the secondary level. In 1993-94 the middle school participation
rate was only 44.7 per cent for both sexes. (58.0 pr cent males and 30.5 females). At the high
school level it was 29.1 per cent for both sexes (37.9 per cent for boys and 19.4 per cent for
girls)

4.

Student Teacher Ratio: From 1947 to 1990 the student teacher ratio has been very poor.
Though the number of primary school teachers has been gradually increasing, but it does not
match favourably with the number of students as well as the schools offering primary education.
In case of female teachers the situation is still worse. In 1985-86 there were only 199700
teachers for 773500 students. At present the situation has not improved considerably and there
is a wide gap between the students and teachers ratio. The class rooms are over crowded
where it becomes difficult for a656

Pakistan Affairs

low paid teacher to maintain academic discipline.


Phantom Schools: There are quite a large number of schools which are operating in the records
but do not actually exist. Such schools are raised in the papers by some corrupt people who in
connivance with the officials of the government's departments manage to get fake schools
register with the department. Their main object is to extract government grants and aid and
other financial benefits which the govemment extends to the educational institutions from time to
time.

6. Low Enrollment Rate: Enrollment rate, which is defined as the proportion of children enrolled
in a given age group. indicates the inflow of future literate population. The present literacy rate
may be low but corresponding high enrollment rates at different level of education (primary and
secondary) may provide the nation with a hope to become literate in the future. For example the
countries that have performed well in different aspects of social life in the recent years like
Singapore and Malaysia had modest literacy rates but very high primary enrollment ratios in the
early sixties.

Though Pakistan has made some effort in improving the enrollment rates at the primary level,
the achievement at present in this regard is still far below than other countries in the region. The
present enrollment rate in Pakistan is 54% for males and 30% for females which is very low in
comparison to Singapore, Malaysia and other countries of the region which have by and large
crossed the 100% mark for both males and females. It means that there are many countries
with low per capita income but higher human development Indicators.

physical facilities like classrooms, laboratories, libraries, furniture and other equipment. These
facilities at the lower level of education in Pakistan are often inadequate or sometimes absent.
Facilities like playgrounds, drinkable water, electricity, boundary walls bath rooms and latrines
are not considered necessary for the primary and secondary schools and, therefore, are not
designed to be provided to the primary and secondary schools. Lack of such facilities,
particularly, duly equipped classrooms and laboratories immensely hinders a proper delivery of
the secondary education.

"Classrooms are usually dark, dirty and in a state of immense disrepair. The new buildings also
do not match the requirements of school attending children. Therefore, the teachers have to
resort to lecture-method instead of instructional methods that involve independent or hands-on
student work". (World Bank Report 1991).

If a road is rough and bumpy, one has to drive slowly, even though the journey becomes longer
and more. time-consuming. Likewise, in the education sector achieving a target or bringing
about change often proves to be exhausting and lengthy because of the many types of hurdles
on the way. The initiatives taken by the government to overcome the hurdles are:

HIGHER EDUCATION

The higher secondary education is the stage of (XI-XII) where students are prepared to pursue
professional sources at University level in the fields of medicine, law, commerce, business
administration and engineering. Practically the secondary education is the twelve years
duration.

UNIVERSITY EDUCATION

7. Inadequate
Physical and Other Facilities: The primary and secondary schools in Pakistan badly lack in

At the time of partition only two universities came to Pakistan's share which were Punjab
University (Lahore) and Dhaka University (Dhaka). Pakistan has performed well in terms of
expansion of university education to the extent of the remotest placeEducation in Pakistan

657.

ke Dera Ismail Khan where Gomal University has been established to cater to the needs of
higher education of the local people. At present 24 universities are giving higher education to
the students with two universities in the private sector. During 1970's the number of institutions
doubled and the enrollment rose from 21396 to 53615.

EXAMINATION SYSTEM

The Education system in Pakistan aims at composite examinations which means the
examinations held at the terminal end of the courses of study at all levels. The examinations are
held in a primitive fashion at long intervals for the purpose of promotion and certification. The
quality of education in the present system is seriously impaired by the system of examination
which is based on selective studies and memorizing the text books.

In Pakistan the main object of education is to prepare the child for examinations. The
examination system yields highest marks for the memorized answers which is usually the
extract of the text books. Memorization of a narrow range of predictable topics is rewarded by
high marks."

The examination system is the only factor which heavily debilitates the education in Pakistan. It
is counter productive in so far as the intellectual growth of the students is concerned. It tempts
the students to cram rather than to analyse and apply understanding to solve the problems.

The examination system is a big hurdle in the development of modern knowledgeable and
innovative system of education in Pakistan. There is the strong element of chance in the
examinations. A candidate who may not be very good at the subject and yet may be doing
extremely well in the examination because mostly the question papers cover that small portion
of the course which the candidate knows well. Then there

1. Educational System: Maladies, Causes and Remedies with special emphasis on primary and
secondary Education. Syndicate Report, NIPA, Lahore, 22.1.1994.

is selective studies because the answers are to be given in a given time frame which compels
the students to memorize the selective topics. The terminal examinations encourage the
students and the teachers to postpone their studies till the examinations draw nearer.
Resultantly the students are ill prepared and run after short cuts and guess works to get through
the examinations."

A simple study of the examination system in Pakistan reveals that the present system is
defective in many respects. It is first of all against the concept of learning according to which
evaluation will be continuous process. The present system of examination in Pakistan does not
encourage regular study. It has promoted 'Memorising' instead of 'Understanding'. According to
MNN report examinations are viewed as an isolated activity for promotion and admission
purposes only. The present system of examination has thus contributed a great deal to lower
the standards of education in Pakistan. Examinations have become trend setters for classroom
instructions and after school/college studies. "It will thus be seen that the dominance of
examinations over the entire process of education is total and absolute which is a damaging and
highly undesirable state of affairs." (MNN Report 1991). The following suggestions are given for
improvement of the existing system of examination in Pakistan:

1. Re-evaluation of the answer books should be totally prohibited. Only re checking of total
marks and evaluation of any question left unmarked should be allowed. No Court of Law should
have jurisdiction to order the re-evaluation of the scripts.

2. The existing law of the country should be amended to include penal action for criminal
activities like rigging the examinations, leaking of question papers, sneaking out of answer
books or mark sheets, forgery of marked answer books and use of force and threats.

2. Prof. Dr. Siraj-ud-Din Ahmed, "Education: A Logical Approach-l, The 'Muslim', 15.1.1996. 658

Pakistan Affairs

Special laws be legislated to punish the Qabza groups. "Strict punishments be awarded for
impersonations and for using the leaked or sneaked out examination material.

3.

Speedy trials should be held of those found involved in the examination malpractices. Mobile
courts should be set up to award punishment on the spot to the Qabza groups as lingering on
the punitive action encourages the crime.

4.

The examination system and its record should be completely computerised. Strict measures
should be undertaken for the secrecy of question papers and solved answer books.

5.

The secrecy branch should be kept under constant vigil through closed circuit television by the
higher

authorities.

6. The system of centralised marking should be introduced at all levels. The solved answer
books must not be taken out of the Board/University premises. The examiners and Head
examiners should be asked to mark the scripts at the Board/University offices or some other
educational institutions and return them to the Head of the institution there and then.

FEMALE ILLITERACY IN PAKISTAN

According to a recently released report by International Labour Organisation, the adult female
illiteracy rate in the country is over 25 percentage points of the that of males. The percentage
points of the overall illiteracy between both male and female 23.3 per cent for male and 46.9 per
cent for females. Many people will not be surprised by these findings because gender disparity
is the order of the day. The civil society. NGOs, educationists, independent economists and
other concerned persons have long been mentioning this sad reality. However, it is not an
isolated phenomenon; rather it is connected with the wider socio economic and "cultural
traditions of society.

Gender relation in Pakistani society rest in two basic annotations: women are inferior

to men, and that a man's honour resides in the actions of the women in his family. Therefore,
they are responsible for maintaining the family honour. Thus in order to ensure that women do
not debase their families, society limits their mobility, places restrictions on their behaviour and
activities, and permits them only limited contact with the opposite sex. Patriarchy has used
many accessible tools to differentiate and subdue women in Pakistan and education is one of
their main controlling devices.

To understand the phenomenon there is a need to comprehend the mindset and its raison d'etre
as there have been a multitude of social, cultural and historical reasons that contribute towards
low status of women. The social and cultural milieu of society is patriarchal in nature and men
and women are hypothetically divided into two diverse arenas. Moreover, the patriarchal
structures are relatively stronger in rural and tribal settings where local customs establish male
authority and power over their lives and women are swap, sold and bought in marriages. The
most disheartening aspect of this social training is the internalization of these rules by both
sexes especially women. The existing culture gives more importance to women's reproductive
capacities rather than their creative ones, which diminishes investment in their education.

Of late, the critical link between the status of women in society, particularly literacy level and a
nation's economic growth, has been well documented. A compelling body of evidence has
proved that investing in girl's education is the most effective way of pursuing a broad range of
critical development objectives and that the returns on educating girls are greater than the
returns on educating boys. It yields some of the highest returns of all development investments,
generating both private and social benefits that accrue to individuals, families, and society at
large.

Educated women have fewer children (it is estimated that one year of female schooling reduces
fertility by 10 per cent and the effect is particularly pronounced for secondary schooling), provide
better nutritioEducation in Pakistan

659

and health care for their families, experience significantly lower child mortality, generate more
income and are far more likely to educate their children than women with little or no schooling,
thus creating a virtuous cycle for the community and the country.

Female illiteracy, by and large, has negative connotation because it leads towards
discrimination in every aspect of life. It goes towards what in sociology is known as participatory
poverty. In this type of poverty the disadvantaged sections are not included in the development
process be it social, economic, educational or political in nature and it automatically leads
towards low participation level in decision making in household matters, health, education, etc.
and traps the person in the vicious circle of poverty permanently. On a societal level, it leads
towards a more discriminatory attitude i.e. the patriarchy make laws which are discriminatory in
nature and thus prejudice acquires institutionalized form.
The other type of poverty is capacity poverty and it is all about skills and relative to sons.
discrimination on its basis. Men get preferential treatment in the job market because they have
more education and skills and women, minorities, the poor, and other disadvantaged and
vulnerable groups are left out of the development process. As maintained by the development
experts, the gender gap and the low level of girls' educational participation and performance are
the result of the collective effects of supply and demand factors and the ways they work
together with the policy, socio- cultural and economic environment.

Supply-side factors include the availability of schools, the quality of schools, the quality of
services they provide, and the extent to which the services are adapted to the special needs of
girls. Demand-side factors relate to how. girls and their families respond to the kind of schooling
made available by the state and by religious and private groups. Important determinants include
the direct costs (e.g. fees, uniforms, transport, and books) as well as the opportunity cost of
education.

According to a report, although there has been a major improvement in this sector in the 1990s,
Pakistan is still considered to have the largest gender gap in the literacy ration. However, there
has been some progress in female literacy rate rising from 16% in 1980 to 21% in 1990 and
jumping to 33% in 1997. In the decade of 90s, due to an emphasis on female education, the
literacy rate increased by 1.5% per year.

There are many factors that contribute to the widespread gender disparity in the country which
is on the higher side even by the South Asian standards. Firstly, since cultural norms
discourage women's participation in the labour market, job opportunities are limited for them
and it reduces the market return to female education. Secondly, in the rural areas, the
opportunity cost of sending daughters to school is greater as they are responsible for domestic
chores. Thirdly, as daughters leave their parental house after marriage the expected benefit of
educating them is small

Pakistan's planners have focused their attention on a free market economy, macro economic
stabilization and enhancing foreign exchange reserves. However, they have forgotten that
trained and educated workers, especially skilled women workforce, can be really helpful in
achieving all the afore mentioned aims.

Education, health and other social sectors stand low on the government's priority list and hence
low financial allocations for these sectors. Traditionally defence expenditures have consumed
most budgetary provisions on the name of strategic interests".

The government has claimed in the Pakistan Economic Survey 2006-07 that due to its policies
the Gender Parity Index (GPI) for Gross Enrolment Rate (GER) at the primary level increased
from 0.73 in 2001-02 to 0.85 in 2005-06 and for Net Enrolment Rate (NER) at the primary level
it increased from 0.82 to 0.85 during the same period. The government planners have argued
that the increase in GPI at the national an660

Pakistan Affairs

provincial level suggests that gender disparity in gross or net enrolment at primary level is
gradually being bridged. Though, this assertion is strongly contested by independent sources.

However, on Education for All (EFA) Development Index (EDI): a composite based on indicators
for the four most measurable Dakar Goals i.e., universal primary education, adult literacy,
education quality (using survival rate of pupils to class five as a proxy) and gender parity
Pakistan was ranked 123 out of 127 countries studied and being the fifth worst performer.

According to UNICEF research, the largest out of school group is of girls, particularly those
living in rural areas in the country. They face both subtle, and rigid hurdles from their families
and communities in the form of over protection and perceptions of honour that result in their
restricted mobility and controlled social roles limiting them to motherhood and unacknowledged
and unpaid family labour.

"Cultural barriers are just one aspect of hurdles in their early education. Poverty, child labour,
distance from schools, security issues, irrelevance of curriculum, lack of female teachers fewer
girls' schools, scarcity of facilities (from text books, to hygiene and sanitation), and a lack of
appreciation of the value of girls' education combine to tighten the social noose of prohibition
and restriction around them".

Female education and employment is still a neglected field in Pakistan. In order to bring
changes in the lives of disadvantaged women, there is a need to follow a proactive approach to
address all the above-mentioned problems that create hurdles in female literacy. Changing the
mindset of the people at large is the most vital requirement and all other issues come after that.
Over the years, we, as a nation, have been strayed from the dreams of our founding fathers,
who dreamed of a moderate, secular and forward-looking homeland. By following the Quaid's
philosophy, we can bring revolution in the lives of millions of disenfranchised women

who have been trapped in the vicious circle of

poverty and deprivation. EDUCATION AND POLITICS IN

PAKISTAN

The education system of Pakistan has become highly politicised during the last decade. The
educational institutions, particularly the universities and colleges, have become the centres of
political activity due to the wide scale interference and operations of various political parties and
factions. The political parties have their offices set up in the educational institutions and
frequently indulge in the functioning of educational institutions.

In many developing countries, social sectors like education are inextricably part of process
involving political maneuvering among political parties, bureaucracy and forces within and
outside the regime. Pakistan is no exception. However what accentuates the gravity of the
situation is the widespread political interference in every sphere of education.

Social imbalances, economic disparities and backward-ness prevailing in Pakistan's national life
makes it imperative for the public representatives to make crucial decisions in the areas like
recruitment of teachers, their postings, transfers on one side while providing patronage to the
students in sheer disregard of the Government policies, on the other. Such political interference
is done to extract maximum benefits for the electorate which holds the key of success in the
elections. The four main components of Pakistan's election system that is students. teachers,
curriculum and examinations have been adversely affected due to the political interference.
Such kind of political activity has started to make its detestable impact on the decision like
establishment of institutions. their upgradation and allocation of funds, section of text book
writers and examination related issues. The impact of political interference, with respect to
students teachers, curriculum and examination is discussed as under. 4160888-17E0:40W
661

Education in Pakistan

STUDENTS

Institutions offering higher education in Pakistan have been politicised. Students agitational
politics has made the students organizations a formidable force to reckon with. In order to win
support and backing of the young and restless, the political parties meddle with the students
affairs. The rivalry between various factions threaten the peace and order which must prevail in
the educational institutions. The students organizations are the students wings of the national or
regional political parties and serve as the links between the students, politicians and their
political parties. Jamiat Tulba Islam, Islami Jamiat-e-Tulba, Anjuman-e-Tulba Islam, Islamia
Students Organization, Peoples Students Federation and Muslim Students Federation are the
main factions which are the off-shoots of different political parties. The situation has become SO
alarming that militant groups have been established by students organizations. Weapons are
being provided by their patrons and leaders mostly representing fanatics religion groups.

The students organizations frequently indulge in brawls and physical clashes. In 1993 as many
as 178 incidents of rowdyism and clashes took place in which 28 students were killed and 157
injured. These casualties took place only as a result of power struggle in different institutions.
The real problem lies in a state of indiscipline which is rampantly exhibited in our national life.
Universities are ceasing to be the forums of academic activities, seats of learning or the means
to achieve the lofty objectives of intellectual enrichment. Elections in the educational institutions
are contested on party basis on the pattern of general elections. Fair or foul means including the
use of force are employed to achieve success. It was owing to these reasons that students
unions were initially banned in 1983 and subsequently in 1992 by the Supreme Court of
Pakistan.

There is no denying the fact that all the successive Governments have emphasised the need of
delinking the students from the political parts but nothing has been done to

achieve the desired goal. Indeed it is for the politicians not to fish in the troubled waters and not
for the students who are exploited and induced by the politicians. The various commission to
look into the political interference in the educational institutions have deplored the immoral and
universal role of the political parties in detracking the students from their academic activities.

TEACHERS

Teachers can contribute a great deal towards creating the conducive atmosphere for academic
pursuits. Cleansing the campus of partisan politics is a function that aught to be performed by
the teachers. But this is possible provided he is professionally sound and sentimentally
motivated. The position on the ground reflects a great contrast and the basic ills spring from the
political involvement. Starting from admissions in teachers training centres, the order of merit is
at times more ignored than observed.

Occasionally, it so happened that the seats were distributed among MPAs/MNAS and their
recommendations were considered supreme. During the years 1985 to 1988. quota for
admission in the PTC and CT was reserved for MNAS and MPAs. Consequently the divisioners
managed to get admission and the deserving ones were ignored. Such political interference has
given rise to a vicious circle. Teachers so recruited and posted are used by the political leaders
for their party interests. They patronize the like minded student organizations and ultimately the
atmosphere gets vitiated. The changing scenario during the last one decade has impelled the
teachers to align themselves with political figures so as to protect their interest regarding the
posting/transfer and promotion.

CURRICULUM

It is most succeeding governments have not shown unfortunate that the their seriousness with
respect to this area. Every Govt. brings with it its own policy. Every regime that comes to power
brings alongwith their vested interests and few strategies and plans of action for the national
uplift. The curriculum especially at primary662

Pakistan Affairs

and secondary level of education undergoes corresponding changes. Political slogans and
themes are incorporated into textbooks. Subjects are designed to reflect the political agenda of
the regimes. Besides the choice of authors and writers of text books rests with the government.
Likewise publications and printing of the text books is also assigned to the favourites of the
political government.

EXAMINATIONS

The area of the examinations is the worst hit with respect to the politicising of our educational
system. Peaceful conduct of examination has become an impossibility, thus making it difficult for
the honest examiners to conduct examinations in a fair manner. In the recent years corrupt
practices coupled with political interference, deprived the deserving students to get admission in
the professional institutions. Those who resort to foul means without any let or hindrance obtain
highest marks and get admitted to the institutions of their choice. The examining bodies had
slowly but surely earned a bad reputation and lack of credibility all over the country.

REFORMING OUR EDUCATIONAL SYSTEM

Traditionally, our system of education and social set up do not encourage creative thinking and
original ideas. Over the years, research carried out in various fields ply developing an
understanding of borrowed ideas and twisting and changing it to make it look like native
expression. Our psychological dependence on literary and scientific works of others and the
lack of awareness and effort of our people in the same fields have left us behind in the race of
development and progress.

However, it is encouraging to note that during the past two decades or so, many private schools
and some prestigious government universities have played a significant role in inculcating and
enhancing the research orientation amongst their students.

Analysis of the existing education system

Sadly, our existing system of education does not seriously focus on imparting concepts to
students. Rather it is based on a system of teaching and finishing the prescribed syllabus
irrespective of the fact that often students fail to understand what is being taught.
The students are prepared for examination, whereas the examinations are not properly
designed to realistically gauge the acquired knowledge and understanding of the students. It is
due to this approach that our curricula and syllabi have little relevance to real life issues and
needs of the local Industry. Following are a few observations regarding the teaching
methodology in the prevailing education system:

⚫ Education is usually not interactive

⚫ Students are expected to learn from prescribed books and to prepare for. examinations rather
than developing logical instincts, common sense and creative abilities

Extra reading is not encouraged

⚫ Writing skills are mostly based on dictation/borrowed ideas, leaving no or little room for original
ideas and creative writing

⚫ Our syllabi at various levels are quite unrealistic, unfocussed and have least relevance to our
environment

Our system of examination suffers a serious setback. It generally encourages rote learning
rather than in-depth knowledge. As a result, few daring students who have the real quest for
knowledge do not get due recognition in our system a society which does not encourage and
groom its creative assets is bound to lag behind in all spheres of life and creativity.

Apart from this, our schools and colleges do not lay due emphasis on‫ال‬

Education in Pakistan

663

character building. Consequently, our moral fiber is weakening very rapidly. Professional
dishonesty and disregard to merit are adversely affecting our growth as a confident, self-
respecting nation.

Pakistan's official language is English, but sadly only a small proportion of students get an
opportunity of studying in English medium schools. Sadly though, over the years, English has
become a status symbol and instead of knowledge, is used as the main criterion to guage the
ability and suitability of individuals for various jobs. As a result, many brilliant and deserving
individuals do not find suitable slots due to language barrier alone.

Today the single most important factor that determines the fate of a nation and its state of socio-
economic development is education. These are the scientists and engineers who are changing
the world today. This is evident from the new technologies that are seen in a large number of
emerging products, ranging from cell phones to automobiles, and from pharmaceuticals to new
materials. Indeed it is the quality of education that eventually determines the stature of the
leadership and the success or failure of democracy in a country.
Pakistan's current problems are attributed to criminal neglect of education by successive
governments. We spend only about 1.7 percent of our GDP on education, putting us among the
bottom seven countries of the world. Most of our children grow up without a proper education,
resulting in massive joblessness. The resulting frustration is leading thousands particularly in
cities like Karachi, to indulge in of youth today, street crime as they see that as the only path
available for survival. Phone snatching at gunpoint marks the beginning of 'careers' in crime.
The easy money from these crimes leads them to the next step: car theft. And from there they
alleviate to serious crimes like robhan in

This is the road that we have paved for our youth; all the major political parties share the blame
for their role in the neglect of education that has made Pakistan a living hell for many.

If an international vote was taken today for the worst country to live in due to crime and lack of
opportunities, Pakistan would probably emerge as a winner. The reckless theft and plunder of
those who have been in power for the last six decades, with few exceptions, has brought this
country to its knees to a point where many now doubt if it will survive.

Our salvation lies in quality education, but first we need to change our priorities. The exciting
ways in which science, technology and innovation are changing the face of development can
offer opportunities for us to leapfrog and emerge from our present miserable state.

A few recent examples of new technologies are illustrative of what is happening.

It is now possible to grow cells on a large scale in bioreactors; meat cells may one day be
produced and processed to offer "meat" without the slaughtering of animals. Recently, a
company Organovo based in San Diego, California, announced that it had developed a
commercial 3D printer for manufacturing human organs. The 3D printer is claimed to be able to
place and organise cells of any type on to a template in a predetermined manner. This will, one
day. allow surgeons to have access to human tissues of various types on demand.

About 130-170 million persons worldwide are infected by hepatitis C. Hepatitis is a common
viral disease found in Pakistan and many other countries with poor quality water supplies and
sub-standard sanitation services. In an exciting development, Michael Houghton and his co
workers at the University of Alberta have664

Pakistan Affairs

developed a vaccine from a single strain of hepatitis C that was found to be effective against all
known strains of the disease.

A Madrid-based designer, Rodrigo Garcia Gonzalez, has developed "smart luggage that follows
you wherever you go automatically. The suitcase or carry-on bag is fitted with a caterpillar track
system and a small battery that allows it to roll along in any direction. It can be connected by
blue tooth to a smartphone carried by the passenger. A microprocessor calculates the position
of the smartphone and directs the suitcase to follow the passenger carrying it.

These are only three examples of recent developments in technology around the world.
Technologically advanced countries are progressing rapidly through thousands of such
discoveries and inventions every week that soon become commercial products. These
researches are taking place either under the umbrella of universities or in research and
development (R&D) centres of private companies. The governments of these countries have
played a major role in boosting research activities by strengthening universities, establishing
technology parks and venture capital funds to promote new start-up companies.

In Pakistan, we have paid little heed to science, technology, education or innovation since its
inception and the little that had been achieved has been systematically destroyed by the
government in recent years. Biotechnology is changing the face of agriculture and medicine.
India established a under the central government in 1986 and has funded major programmes to
strengthen biotechnology due to which the biotechnology industry has been growing by leaps
and bounds.

Another fast emerging field in science is nanotechnology. China, India and many other countries
are investing heavily in this and it is

already beginning to impact a large number of industries in different fields of engineering,


pharmaceuticals, agriculture, transportation, electronic and computer sciences. Accordingly, I
had also established a National Commission of Nanotechnology in Pakistan and provided funds
through the Ministry of Science & Technology to promote this fast growing field. Alas, it met the
same fate as the biotechnology commission. The National Commission of Nanotechnology was
closed down by the subsequent government and its programmes abandoned. The attempts to
destroy the HEC by corrupt politicians are a part of the same sad story. Its budget is about half
of what it should have been and many of its programmes have been severely curtailed or
abandoned.

The greatest enemies of Pakistan lie within our country. They are desperate to make sure that
Pakistan does not progress in any field and becomes a failed state, while they loot and plunder
all its wealth and pile it in the form of foreign assets and foreign bank accounts before fleeing
abroad.

A Few Suggestions

In order to improve this situation, teachers at all levels should ensure maximum participation of
students in class activity by using creative and interactive techniques like:

⚫ Class discussions

• Encouraging questions

⚫ Active participation in practical work and application of acquired theoretical knowledge through
various problem

full-fledged department of biotechnology solving exercises. Original an analytical writing lessons


and research assignments

Assigning improvisation, commonsense and scientific projects to students and monitoring their
progress through a result-oriented approach.
Along with this teachers need to focus on the fact that all educational activitiesininess, dog VDO
Xd

665

Education in Pakistan

National Priorities

should have some relevance to real life facts and is sues so that the students are later able to-
use this knowledge in their practical life. Therefore, the study of natural sciences should
primarily focus on research and experimentation to effectively meet the needs of local
industry/consumer products while keeping pace with emerging sciences.

In-depth knowledge is the essence of real learning. It is only a focused and determined
approach that makes seemingly impossible things possible and attainable and thus developing
common sense and logical thinking through exploratory tasks should also be encouraged by
teachers.

Together with this, extra reading and creative writing also play a part in developing an
intellectual and right individual. Therefore, students at all levels should be encouraged (and
even tasked) to read some useful books, newspapers and magazines apart from prescribed
textbooks.

For the overall grooming of a student effective communication, is equally important and it can be
improved only through practice, public speaking exercises and debates. Along with this the habit
of active listening should also be inculcated so that not only does the student become a good
speaker but a listener as this facilitates the two-way flow of ideas.

Our abilities and performance potential is directly dependent upon our self image and attitude.
In this regard, parents and teachers can play a significant role by inculcating a healthy and
realistic attitude as opposed to defeated or negative attitude and in improving the students' self
image by:

Enhancing their achievements through focused hard work and active class participation

Setting of goal and providing guidance (but no spoon-feeding).

Proper encouragement and recognition trough realistic positive rewards

Our education sector has generally remained a low priority area for successive governments in
Pakistan. Our meager budget allocation of 1.5% t 2.5% of GDP compared with over 20% of
hefty French GDP in this sector speaks volumes about respective priorities. If our political
leadership is serious in bringing about a radical change, then we must start with a minimum of
5% of GDP being allocated to education and then gradually increase it to 10% of GDP during
the next five years.

Along with this there is a need of formulation and dissemination of a clearly defined education
policy: the policy should mainly focus on:

Teacher training, especially at primary and secondary levels


. There should be maximum decentrali zation of functions like laying-down of curricula/syllabi,
printing/ publishing of books o syllabi etc, to provincial/district governments. Ministry of
education should play only an advisory role.

There should be an effective implement tation and monitoring levels. Any policy with out the
backing of these tools is bound to fail.

• Research orientation: higher education commission (HEC) is doing a good job towards this
end and has initiated number of measures including the establishment of high-tech universities
and attractive incentive package for potential researchers and book writers. We should
preferably have the lower education commissions (LEC) at provincial level, take are of the
modernization needs of the primary level

Medium of instruction should be in native languages up to class 3. Urdu and English should be
essentially taught from666

Pakistan Affairs

class 4 on discrimination. wards, without

any

Resource centres equipped with requisite teaching aids and materials should be established in
all the schools

The number and state of existing schools in our country is simply pathetic. Revival of sick
schools through provision of missing facilities in all the provinces) on the lines of ESR & HSR
program being implemented through NLC engineers in Punjab), should be considered on
priority. Provision of furniture in all government schools should be the next priority. followed by
construction of new schools on need basis

.It is high time that our political leadership realizes the importance of education. It is time to
sincerely plan and act. The world has already left us way behind in almost all spheres of
intellectual activity. Our creative minds are rapidly rushing abroad, for the want of recognition
and due respect.

The task of mobilization of the entire nation for the acquisition of national objectives is not very
complicated. All we need is political ill and sincerity to national cause. Kashmir Dispute

667

33

III. Pakistan and Changing Regional Apparatus


IV. Nuclear Program of Pakistan
Nuclear Program of Pakistan Its Safety and Security; International Concerns
V. Regional Economic Cooperation
(SAARC,ECO,SCO) and the Role of Pakistan
.
Q. No. 3. China, Pakistan Russian cooperation will find suitable support
mechanism in Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO). Elucidate. (20)
Q. No. 5. Explore the significance of Shinghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) for
Pakistan. (20)
SHANGHAI COOPERATION ORGANIZATION (SCO)

Background

Shanghai Pact is a Eurasian political, economic and military organization which was established in 2001
in Shanghai by the leaders of China, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Russia, Tajikistan, and Uzbekistan. These
countries except Uzbekistan had been members of the Shanghai Five, founded in 1996, after the
inclusion of Uzbekistan in 2001, the members renamed the organization as Shanghai Six, On July 10,
2015, the SCO decided to embrace India and Pakistan as fully512

Pakistan Affairs

members. Both India and Pakistan are expected to join by 2016.

The official working languages of the

Shanghai Cooperation Organization are

Chinese and Russian.

Membership

Member states of Shanghai Cooperation Organization are as follow:


China, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Russia and Tajikistan are the founding members who joined the SCO an
26th April, 1996. Uzbekistan joined on 15 June, 2001 when the SCO decided to expand the membership.
Afghanistan Belarus, Iran and Mongolia were accorded observer states position and Armemenia,
Azerbaijan, Cambodia, Nepal, Sri Lanka and Turkey were make Dialogue Partners. Asian, CIS and
Turkmenistan were given Guest Attendance status. Pakistan and India membership was approved on
July. 2015.

Origin

Shanghai Five grouping came into the being on 26 April 1996 with the signing of the Treaty on
Deepening Military Trust in border Regions in Shanghai by the Heads of Kazakhstan, the people's
Republic of China, Kyrgyzstan, Russia and Tajikistan. The pressing reason for the formation of the
Shanghai Five was the failure of these countries to promote democracy. On 24 April 1997, the same
group of countries signed the Treaty on Reduction of Military Forces in Border Regions in a meeting in
Moscow. The aim was in to explore ways and means to promote democratic norms. President Vladimir
Putin (Russia), President Nursultan Nazarbayev (Kazakhstan), President Jiang Zemin (China) President
Askar Akayev (Kyrgystan) and President Emomali Rekhmonov (Tajikistan) were leaders of the Shanghai
Five.

Bishkck (Kyrgyzstan) in 1999, and Dushante (Tajikistan) in 2000. At the Dushanbe Summi expressed their
concern on intervention in other countries' domestic affairs and unanimously agreed to "oppose
intervention in other countries' internal affairs on the ostensible reasons of humanitarianism' and
protecting human rights' and to support the efforts of one another in safeguarding the five countries'
national independence, sovereignty, territorial integrity and social stability.

In 2001 the Summit meeting was held at Shanghai. In this meeting the five member states admitted
Uzbekistan in the fold of Shanghai Five system making it the Shanghai Six forum. The six heads of states
then signed the Declaration of Shanghai cooperation Organization (SCO) on 15 June, 2001. The six heads
of states eulogized the role of the Shanghai Five apparatus. They expressed their resolve to transform
the SCO to a higher level of cooperation on 16 July 2001, Russia and peoples Republic of China (PRC) the
two leading nations of the SCO concluded the Treaty of Good-Neighborliness and Friendly cooperation.

The SCO charter was approved in June 2002. The heads of the SCO member states assembled in Saint
Petersburg, to sign the charter of SCO. The charter Russia defined the objectives, principles structures
and form of operation of the SCO and established it in international law.
The six member states of the SCO covers 60% of land mass of Eurasia and a quester of the world's
population. If the population of the observer states is included it comes to about half of the world's
population

The fifth Summit meeting of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) was held at Astana,
Kazakhstan in July 2005 The representatives of India, Iran Mongolia and Pakistan attended this highly
important held in Almaty (Kazakhstan) in 1998, in meeting. The President of the host country

The Summits of the Shanghai Five werePakistan and the Muslim World

513

The Council of National

Nursultan Nazarbayer great the participants with the words that had never been used before in any such
meeting. He paid rich tributes to the delegates and said. "The leaders of the states sitting at this table
are representatives of half of humanity".

By the year 2007 the SCO had started nearly twenty large scale projects related to transportation,
energy and tele communication. It convened regular meetings of officials from the member states that
discussed issues of security, military.. defence, foreign affairs, economic, cultural and banking. The SCO
has established contacts with the united Nations as an observer in the General Assembly. It has also
formed its links with the European Union, South east Asian Nations (ASEAN), the common wealth of
Independent states and the organization of Islamic cooperation.

Organizational Structure

The Council of Heads of States is the top decision-making body of the SCO. The council meets at the SCO
summits which are convened each year in one of the member state's capital cities. The current council
of the Heads of state consists of the following:

1- Almazbek Atambayev (Kyrgyzstan).


2- Emomalii (Tajikistan)

3- Islam Karimov (Uzbekistan)

4- XI Jinping (China)

5- Nursultan Nazarbavev (Kazakhstan)

6- Vladimir Putin (Russia)

The council of Head of Governments is the second-highest council in the SCO. It also holds its annual
summits at which the delegates of the member states discuss issues of multilateral concern. The council
also approves the budget of the organization.

Mezentsev of Russia. holds its regular

meetings where current international situation

is discussed. It also takes into account SCO's

linkage with other international organizations.

Coordinators coordinators the

multilateral cooperation of member states within the framework of the SCO's charter.

The secretariat of the SCO is the primary executive institution. It is responsible to implement the
decisions and decrees of the summit meetings. It functions as a document depository for the
organization, arranges specific activities within the SCO framework and promotes and circulates
information about the SCO. Its headquarter is based in Beijing. The current secretary General of the SCO
is Demitry Fyodorovich He was appointed Secretary General of the SCO on 7 June 2012 to hold this
position from January 1, 2013 to December 31, 2015. The Regional has Anti Terrorist structure (RATS) its
headquarter located in Tashkent, Uzbekistan. It is a permanent organ of the SCO which strives to
promote cooperation amongst member states to quell three evils of terrorism, separatism and
extremisms.

The Head of RATS is elected for three

years. Each member states sends a permanent representative to RATS.

Activities/Functions of the SCO. Security The SCO is primarily concerned on the central Asian security of
its member states about terrorism, separation and extremism. However its activities in the field of social
development of its member states are rapidly growing.

The Regional Antiterrorism Structure (RATS) was established on 16-17 June, 2004 at SCO summit held at
Tashkent, Uzbekistan. On 21 April, 2006, the SCO announced its plans to fight cross-border drug crimes
under the counter-terrorism instructions.

In October 2007, the SCO concluded an agreement with the collective security Treaty organization
(CSTO) in Dushanbe, Tajikistan to expand cooperation on issues such as security crime and drug
trafficking. 514

Pakistan Affairs

The SCO is also re-defining cyber warfare, as it believes that the spread of information "harmful to the
spiritual, moral and cultural interests of other states" should be considered a "Security threat".

Military Activities. 2007

The peace mission had Hu Jintao, Vladimir Putin, Nursultan Nazarbayevand and Islam Karimov as the
leaders.

For the last few years the SCO has expanded its activities which include enhanced military co-operation
intelligence sharing and counter-terrorism.
There have been numerous joint military exercises launched by the SCO. The first of such exercises was
held in 2003. The first phase was conducted in Kazakhstan and the second was organized in China. Since
them China and Russia have joined together for large-scale war games in 2005, 2007 and 2009 under
banner of the Shanghai Cooperation organization. More than 4000 soldiers participated at the joint
military exercises in 2007 known as "Peace Mission 2007 which took place in Chelyabinsk, Russia near
the Ural Mountains as was agreed upon in April 2006 at a meeting of SCO Defence Ministers. Russian
Defence Minister Sergei Ivanov said that the exercises would be unimbigous and crystal clear and open
to media and the public. When the war games were successfully completed. Russian officials began
talking of Indian participation in these exercises in future and of the SCO assuming a military role. Peace
Mission 2010 was conducted on September 9-25 at Kazakhstan's Matvbulak training area which was
supervised by 5000 personnel from China, Russia, Kazakhstan and Tajikistan who planned and
conducted the joint operational exercises.

The member states utilized the platform of the SCO to make military announcements of much bigger
volume. In 2007 war games in Russia which was

attended by the member states, Preside Vladimir Putin of Russia while addressing t participants
announced that Russian strate bombers would resume regular long-rang patrols for the first time since
the cold w Putin said, "Starting today, such hours of da will be conducted regularly and on t strategic
scale." He said that "our pilots ha been grounded for too long. They are happ to start a new life".

On June 4, 2014 in Dushanbe (Tajikistan) the idea to merge the SCO w the collective Security
Organization wa floated and still discussed.

Economic Cooperation

The SCO, ever-since its inception adopted measures for economic battlement of the region. All SCO
member states except China are the members of the Eurasia Economic Community which is responsible
to promote economic Cooperation between the member states. A framework Agreement to enhance
economic cooperation was concluded by the SCO member states on 23 September 2003. The Chinese
Prime Ministers Wen Jiabao, at the same meeting came up with a suggestion of a long-tem programme
to set up a free trade area in the SCO. Other measures were also adopted t improve the flow to goods in
the region. O 23 September, 2004, a follow up plan with 100 specific actions was signed.

During the Moscow Summit on 26 October 2005, the Secretary General of the SCO announced that the
SCO will take up joint energy projects on priority basis which will include the oil and gas sector, the
exploration of new hydrocarbon reserves and joint use of water resources. An inter bank SCO council
was established during this Summit to provide. financial assistance to al future joint ventures. The first
meeting of the SCO inter-bank Association was held Beijing on 21-22 February 2006. The SCO Results
and Perspective, an internationa conference held its meeting on 30 NovembePakistan and the Muslim
World

515

2006 at Almaty. The representatives of the Russian foreign ministry announced at this conference that
Russia is pondering the plans to create a SCO "Energy Club". Russia stressed again on the need for this
club at an SCO summit in November, 2007.

The 2009 SCO summit was held at Yekaterinerg China on 16 June 2009. China announced a US $ 10
billion loan to the SCO member states to support their struggling economies in the wake of the global
economic crisis.

Cultural Cooperation

Cultural cooperation is also the part of the SCO framework. Culture ministers of the SCO met for the first
time in Beijing on April 12, 2012 to sign a joint statement for continued cooperation. The third meeting
of the culture Minister took place in Tashkent Uzbekistan, on 27-28 April, 2006.

Summits

According to the charter of the SCO. summits of the council of heads of States shall be held annually at
alternate venues. The location of these summits follow the alphabetical order of the member state's
name in Russian language. The charter also makes it clear that the council of heads of Government,
which is the PMs of every state, shall meet annually at a place decided mutually by the council
members. The council of foreign Ministers is supposed to hold a China. summit one month before the
annual summit of Heads of Heads of states.

Future Membership Possibilities


In June, 2010, the SCO approved the procedure of admitting new members, though as yet no new
members have been admitted in the SCO fold. However several states China. participate in the SCO's
activities as observers. Some of observer states have expressed their desire to become full members in
future.

Except for Afghanistan the observers are being considered for full membership status. In 2012 Armenia,
Azerbaijan,

Bangladesh, Nepal and Sri Lanka have applied for observer status in the SCO. Syria has also applied for
observer status, while Egypt and Maldives have applied for dialogue partner status.

The SCO laid down the criteria for new members. It announced that the applicants for membership must
not be under the UN sanctions. In the light of SCO criteria the SCO's observer nations i.e India Pakistan,
Iran, Mongolia and Afghanistan began their efforts to enter the SCO as full members. India and Pakistan
have expressed their desire to become full members of the SCO. Iran became disentitled for being under
the UN sanctions.

Dialogue Partner

The position of Dialogue Partner was created in 2008 in accordance with Article 14 of the SCO charter.
The Dialogue partner is a state or an organization who shares the goals and principles of the SCO and
wishes to establish relations of equal mutually beneficial partnership with the organization.

Sri Lanka was granted Dialogue partner status in the Shanghai cooperation organization (SCO) at 2009
Summit in Yekaterinburg (China).

Turkey was granted a Dialogue partner status in the SCO's 2012 Summit in Beijing.

Relations with the West

The primary objective at the time of launching the SCO was to serve as a counterbalance to NATO and in
particular to avoid conflicts that would entice the US to indulge in areas bordering both Russia and
While the SCO is portrayed by the western analysts as a way for Russia and China to cooperate with
each other to stabilize central Asia as well as challenging the current western dominated global order,
the SCO's meager resources are seen as a sign of weakness. 516

Pakistan Affairs

to armed struggle against the foreign forces

The United States applied for observer status, but was rejected in 2005. At the and their local
supporters. Astana summit in July 2005, indicating the presence of the US forces in Uzbekistan and
Kyrgyzstan indefinitely, the SCO asked the US to set a timetable for withdrawing its troops from the SCO
member states. After that Uzbekistan asked the US to vacate the K-2 air base.

Although the SCO had always avoided statements against the US or its military presence in the region,
yet some indirect statements at the past summits were seen by western media a "thinly veiled swipes at
Washington".

Geo-Political Aspects of the SCO

Zbigniew Brzezinski, the American political scholar declared that control of the Eurasian landmass is the
key to global domination and control of central Asia is the key to control of the Eurasian landmass.
Russia and China were alarmed by Brzezinski theory ever-since they set up Shanghai Cooperation
Organization in 2001 apparently to restrain extremism in the region and improve border security and to
curtail the activities of the US and NATO in central Asia.

Ever-since the advent of the twenty first century, some highly important changes at the Eurasian
peripheral geo-strategic landscape have occurred. These changes have laid their negative impact on the
Eurasian heartland's security conditions. The 9/11 terrorist attack at the centre of the US exasperated
the sole super power and left its nefarious impact on the geo-strategic landscape of Eurasia. The US
vowed to fight terrorism and launched its operation Enduring Freedom against the government of
Taliban and al-Qaeda terrorist network operating in Afghanistan on October 7, 2001. Though the Taliban
were routed but could not be eradicated to torment the peace loving mankind in future. Their resistance
movement turned into violent sedition and they resorted
Though Mullah Omar regime was devastated by the US led coalition of foreign forces, but they could not
get rid of al-Qaeda elements completely and failed to avert the upsurge of prolonged irregular warfare
in Afghanistan. It is also true that the operation Enduring Freedom was successful in showing Al-Qaeda
the door and senior al-Qaeda leadership including Osama bin Laden were killed, yet al-Qaeda has not
been wiped out completely. The al-Qaeda terrorists sought sanctuaries in southern Afghan provinces
like Helmund, Kandhar, Oruzgan, and Zabol and also in Eastern provinces of Paktika, Paktia, Khowst,
nangarhar and Konar which became the axis of al-Qaeda led group of terrorist outfits. The al-Qaeda
group has been posing dreadful challenge to the Eurasian state's national security. All SCO member
states have sustained lethal terrorists attacks in the recent past. These terrorists groups have safe places
in Afghanistan and FATA in Pakistan. The close connection among these terrorists groups ask for
cooperative anti terrorist strategy by the SCO and Pakistan.

Pakistan and the SCO

Pakistan has observer status in the SCO. Ever-since SCO's inception as a global organization, Pakistan has
expressed its desire to become full member of the organization. In 2006 Pakistan President Gen. Pervaiz
Musharraf, during a joint summit with China, presented Pakistan's case for full membership of the
organization. Russia, despite its strong relations with India, have supported Pakistan bid for full
membership. On November 7, 2011, Russia vehemently endorsed Pakistan's desire to get full
membership of the SCO. During the SCO summit in 2014, China also expressed its full support for
Pakistan's application for full membership. Pakistan applied membership in 2006 and was approved in
July 2015. Pakistani with join by 2016. forPakistan and the Muslim Woria

01/

Pakistan's membership of the SCO is highly important as Pakistan is gateway to central Asian Republics.
Any action meant to disturb the region will make adverse impact on Pakistan's economic and political
interests. There are ample opportunities for Russia, China and central Asian Republish to develop a link
with Gwadar. Also the Silk Route provides economic opportunities for India, Pakistan and SCO. The
major objective of the Silk Route is to function as a bridge between the continents. It connects Asia with
Europe. Once it starts functioning, it will connect South Asia Central Asia and Russia with Europe. But
there needs to be stability in South Asia and Afghanistan. Therefore both India and Pakistan have major
interests in the region and their membership of SCO is going to be beneficial for them.

Future Challenges of Pakistan's

Membership of SCO
Pakistan, along with India, has been admitted as a Full Member by the Shanghai Cooperation
Organisation (SCO) at its AstanaSummit in Kazakhstan. Existing SCO leaders have hailed Pakistan's entry
as carrying 'historic significance'.

All stakeholders are excited at Pakistan's entry into SCO. Pakistan is happy because, the SCO
membership allows it to deal with issues with India and Afghanistan under the SCO Treaty on Long-Term
Good Neighborliness, Friendship and Cooperation, which is second most important document after SCO
Charter. The membership also provides opportunity to increase trade and bilateral relations with
previously ignored Eurasian countries like Kazakhstan and Russia.

China: The SCO membership increases existing all-weather Chinese relationship with Pakistan to new
levels. The China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) is already included in China's Belt and Road
Initiative (BRI) as a flagship project. The SCO membership upgrade could cement these ties.

More importantly, it allows China to find new ways to resolve regional hotspot issues including
continued terror in Afghanistan and Pakistan's border tensions on Line of Control with India. China could
seek multilateral frameworks in addition to bilateral dialogues or restart the stalled processes.

India: As a new SCO member, India is seeking regional stability so its trade and export volumes could
meet its GDP growth potential, highest in the world.

Afghanistan: Struck by terror, deaths and destruction, Afghanistan, which has an Observer status in the
eight-member body, Afghanistan will welcome the emerging Chinese leadership role in resolving its long
standing issues under stalled Quadrilateral Coordination Group (QCG) mechanism in addition to bilateral
meetings. The QCG includes China, US, Afghanistan and Pakistan.

There's a fundamental difference between the existing six members and the new two. Leading the SCO 6
and achieving short terms goals was easy, given strong central leaders in these countries and their form
of government whatever you may call them. Pakistan, the new member, is a democracy, one which is
very fragile, 14th on the Fragile States Index.

China knows our fragility. A week before the Astana Summit, China had conveyed its expected outcome.
Speaking at a briefing in Beijing on June 1, spokesperson of Chinese Ministry of Foreign Affairs Hua
Chunying said China hoped Pakistan and India would improve bilateral relations after becoming the full
members of SCO. 'We hope that Pakistan and India will inject new impetus to the development of SCO.
However, building up to Astana summit, look what happened on all fronts within the fortnight:
Afghanistan: Kabul was hit by one of the worst suicide attacks in recent years killing 150 people. Afghan
President Ashraf Ghani tweeted that 'Pakistan continues to host terrorist sanctuaries' and that it 'still
believes that sponsoring terror is a controllable tool that can be switched on and518

Pakistan Affairs

off as part of the means to achieve goals. That was a huge accusation.

Pakistan Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif in his bilateral meeting on the sidelines of the Astana Summit
made an attempt to find a way forward to repair trust with Afghanistan. Both sides agreed to use stalled
Quadrilateral Coordination Group (QCG) mechanism. Americans have welcomed this. This is work in
progress.

India: Tensions mounted on the Line of Control (LOC) with India. Only a day after the Astana Summit,
Pakistan's army chief visited troops after the LoC violations, indicating things were turning worse. A day
later, Pakistan Foreign Office summoned Indian Deputy High Commissioner to protest on the ceasefire
violation.

It was against this backdrop that despite being under one roof, PM Sharif and his Indian counterpart
Narendra Modi could not go beyond customary greetings and have a bilateral meeting. An opportunity
to repair relations was wasted.

Post-SCO Summit, Russia has reportedly offered its help in resolving Pakistan-India issues. Indian media
and government denied Russia did.

China: A week before the Astana Summit, the kidnapping and reported killing of two Chinese nationals
from Quetta (the IS announcement of their killing came around the time the summit was in progress)
would have put Chinese President Xi Jinping and Prime Minister Sharif in an awkward position during the
customary farewell calls.

Indian media had a field day that day calling Xi snubbed Pakistan PM and skipped meeting with him over
anger on the killings. The Chinese Foreign Ministry called this 'nonsense' and an editorial in China's
official Global Times made it clear that the two Chinese were recruited by South Korean missionaries
and sent to Pakistan to conduct gal missionary work in terrorism-hit Quetta in Balochistan province
where several CPEC projects including Gwadar Port are placed.

The killings could bring strain in the relationship of two iron-friends as China will investigate this and
take up with both civil and military leadership. Chairman Joint Chiefs of Staff was in Beijing to meet
military leadership there. Billions are being spent on the security of Chinese nationals in CPEC and a
special security division has been created.

Not a good news when the only neighbour happy with Pakistan is China. Perhaps this is what Chinese
President Xi Jinping had referred to in his opening address at Astana: 'Recent acts of terrorism in this
region show that the fight against three forces (of terrorism, separatism and extremism) remains a long
and arduous task

Russia: (This is on a less worrying note.) Pakistan is warming up to Russia and trying to increase trade
volumes with it. However, in Sharif's bilateral meeting with Russian President Putin, both sides
acknowledged that they could not take the volumes to the level they had hoped for since they met in
Ufa at the 2015 SCO Summit.

The SCO's Pakistan challenge is compounded even more when seen in the light of domestic politics. For
months, Prime Minister Sharif's position has been weakened after the probe by a Joint Investigative
Team (JIT) set up by Supreme Court in Panama Papers which names two of his sons for keeping
unaccounted-for offshore wealth. The PM, his two sons and brother, Punjab Chief Minister Shahbaz
Sharif, have appeared before the JIT and going by his media talk, Sharif is defiant. Which may means
messy days ahead.

Sharif's four years have been marred by domestic wrangling and he could pay very little attention to
more significant issues facing Pakistan, including regional aspirations or ties with neighbours, much also
because Pakistan's foreign policy is run by powerful military.

Pakistan's media and politics duo (coupled with militants wreaking havoc on a fragile Pakistan) could be
blamed for much of the loss of opportunities that come Pakistan's4160E88-IZE0:40 54

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Pakistan and the Muslim World


way. Take the timelines of SCO and ties with China alone for example:

In 2014, the Chinese President Xi Jinping could not visit Pakistan because of dharna by the opposition PTI
party, led by Imran Khan. Xi was to announce investing $46 billion in CPEC. This was delayed for a year.

In June 2015, when the SCO Summit took place in Ufa, Russia, no Pakistani media accompanied PM
Sharif where he met Indian PM in addition to Russian and Chinese Presidents. At Ufa, Pakistan's Full
Membership to SCO was approved for further paperwork. It was also at this summit that President Xi
broke to the world that CPEC had reached the stage of implementation. So the news that needed to
come from Pakistan's state media came from.Xinhua, the Chinese news agency.

In November 2016, PM Sharif had to cancel his participation in the SCO Summit in Bishkek, Kyrgyzstan,
only at the last minute because of 2 November lockdown announced by-guess who - Imran Khan's PTI
party.

In May 2017, when PM Sharif and his four chief ministers were in Beijing for China's global Belt and Road
Forum being attended by 29 foreign heads of states or governments, 10 labourers were killed in Gwadar
and a convoy of Senate's Deputy Chairman's was attacked in Balochistan, killing another 28. Gwadar and
Balochistan were the two keywords that would have featured on Sharif's proud speech in Beijing,
highlighting progress on CPEC milestones. The opportunity was turned into a tragedy back home.

So, will Pakistan be able to benefit from the SCO framework to increase economic opportunities for its
millions of poor people? How will the relationships with neighbours reshape for better after Pakistan's
SCO membership is upgraded? And, will Pakistan's politicians and media behave differently now that we
are in a different league? The jury is still out.

However, if there's a way forward, that's only possible if the media and politicians mend their ways.
When it comes to international opportunities, politicians need to leave behind their petty politics.
Instead of conspiring to time their street agitations on every global opportunity, they need to appeal to
voters based on their respective performances in their governed provinces.

More than 3,500 TV shows were run on Pakistan's broadcast media in a year from April 2016 to April
2017. How many shows were organised on SCO, ties with China, CPEC, Belt and Road, or economic
growth? These could be counted on fingers.
This media blackout of substantive issues facing Pakistan is further aggravated when combined with
false propaganda and fake news on social media and Whatsapp. Because I speak on CPEC and Belt and
Road in all parts of Pakistan to all sorts of audiences, people I meet come with all sorts of conspiracies
but with hardly any knowledge of what CPEC, Belt and Road or SCO actually stand for.

I was in Beijing for Belt and Road Forum (BRF) last month. Their media had one single window to look
out to: how China was emerging to lead the future world through Belt and Road Initiative. BRF was the
only show in town. Although I am a nobody, all media outlets, from China Radio to China Pictorial to
CCTV, Global Times and People's Daily were eager to know what overseas delegates like me were
thinking and how this could inform China's future course of action.

SCO membership and China could only help us into the door. It needs to be our own national effort with
two pillars - media and politics playing their visionary and futuristic role, which could help Pakistan reap
the benefits and, like China, take our millions out of poverty. This is the only way. 520

Pakistan Affairs

DUY

THE IMPACT OF PAK-INDIA INCLUSION WITHIN THE SHANGHAI COOPERATION ORGANISATION

There was good reason to hope, in 1996, that China and Russia could work effectively with Kazakhstan,
Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan to reduce the militarisation of the region after each signed a treaty to work
together. A year later, the Shanghai Five pledged to work toward the reduction of military forces in
border regions.

With the addition of Uzbekistan in 2001, the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation's major achievement
has been to successfully maintain regional stability and a terror-free environment in the wake of the
September 11 attacks. This is crucial as many nations not in the neighbourhood were being torn asunder
by militancy and extremism.

When the expulsion of the Taliban and their al Qaeda allies posed a major threat to Afghanistan's
neighbours, it was rightly feared that extremists would try to create safe havens and try to inspire
sympathisers among the Muslims of Central Asia, China, Russia and other countries that border
Afghanistan.

While the SCO's bond indeed warded off the beast of extremism in their neighbourhood, Pakistan fell
prey to legions of militants out to spawn mayhem. More than 55,000 people have been killed in
Pakistan, and our country's economy has suffered to the tune of more than $100 billion since the
invasion of Afghanistan, according to official data.

SCO member countries opted last July to make Pakistan and India full-fledged members; both are
expected to formally become part of the Organisation during a heads-of-state meeting scheduled in
Tashkent. This will be the first time Pakistan workings. and India will be within the same security bloc.
Even with such a unique opportunity before them, this alignment could easily pose a significant threat
or even become a powder keg when it comes to the inner- -

workings of the SCO and its decision making based on consensus rather than majority rule

These latest additions to the SCO come after both countries figuratively turned the South Asian
Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC) into a comatose Organisation. Ideally, a successful
regional bloc is supposed to be a trading bloc, but SAARC could not even take the initial steps toward the
promotion of mutual trade. Since Day One, the Organisation has been victimised by the region's twin
nuclear states. Not only have each failed miserably when trying (or not trying) to settle their disputes,
but they have effectively paralysed the functioning body and other members.

It has been well established that in the absence of an elder, children will behave immaturely. The same
applied to these two countries. India and Pakistan are decidedly grown-up with the second- and sixth-
highest populations, respectively, on our planet, but their foreign and regional policies have been
chillingly childish.

With their inclusion in the SCO, but in the presence of Father China and Mother Russia, it is widely
expected that both will have learn to "behave" before they will fully buy into and promote an agenda of
regional security and economic cooperation.

But how does their inclusion challenge or threaten existing member states?

As we are painfully aware, unstable relations between Pakistan and India can deteriorate in no time.
Even though the SCO is a security Organisation with intelligence-sharing and counter terrorism programs
for the member states, such long-standing hostile relations between these two newcomers means there
will be a better-than-average chance that long-standing tensions will hinder its inner

But aren't there dividends that both countries can provide?

With the majority of SCO countries neighbouring Afghanistan, Pakistan can playPakistan and the Muslim
World

521

a vital role in Afghan security affairs. India's burgeoning role in Afghanistan's economy means it can
influence and even help regime stabilise the war-torn country.

With China showing deeper concern about Afghanistan, it recently sponsored peace talks between the
Taliban and Afghan government in Murree. The powerhouse nation is also keeping a close eye on affairs
of state that are giving rise to ISIS, which could threaten China's westernmost province, Xinjiang, a
hotbed of militancy.

Pakistan stands to benefit greatly from its inclusion in SCO. Last year it signed landmark agreements
worth $46 billion with China, to secure investment for the China Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) - a
network of roads, railways, and pipelines that will connect the port of Gwadar in Pakistan's southern
province of Baluchistan to Kashgar in Xinjiang. The CPEC project has been enthusiastically endorsed by
SCO states. This has cemented Pakistan's role as a vital regional hub for the economic development of
Central Asia, including Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan and Uzbekistan.

No longer are Pakistan and Russia hostile toward one another. Even though Pakistan has been a faithful
ally of the United States in those nations' Cold War, the US inexplicably has begun tilting its favours
toward India, especially when it comes to disproportionate and unfair sanctions repeatedly being placed
upon our country. The most recent example came about after Asia. far-right fanatics within the US
Congress blocked a $430 million subsidy for the sale of eight F-16 aircraft that Pakistan had agreed to
purchase for $230 million. This back tracking, curiously, came after India expressed dissatisfaction with
the original deal.
In 2014, Pakistan signed a defense' agreement with Russia. Vladimir Putin's and Pakistan's government
announced coordinated tactics to counter terrorism, illicit narcotics and arms trafficking. Given the slight
emanating from the US and its Congress, it would seem that Russia may be more than willing to
guarantee Pakistan a very comfortable seat at the SCO table.

At the same time, India, is drawing (or being drawn) suspiciously closer to the US as its relations with
China and Russia have deteriorated. During on a recent visit to Beijing, Indian Prime Minister Narendra
Modi deemed the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) project as "unacceptable." He claims it
intrudes upon parts of Kashmir, the disputed territory that is under Pakistani control. India further
angered China by voicing opposition to aspects of China's Silk Road project. The country also has
protested Russia's decision to lift an arms embargo against Pakistan on grounds that it compromised
India's regional security interests.

Still, China and Russia will not ostracise or isolate India, as clearly evidenced by China lobbying for India's
inclusion in the SCO even though Pakistan was not the least bit happy.

India's leaders, too, understand that membership in the SCO offers a crucial opportunity to forge closer
bonds with the resource and energy rich republics of Central

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. Economic Challenges in Pakistan


Q. No. 7. “Political Stability is mandatory for economic prosperity in Pakistan”.
Elaborate. (20)

Q No. 4. What major economic challenges are being faced by Pakistan? What
recommendations do you suggest to deal with these issues? (20)
Q.No.5. Compare the socio-economic and political conditions of the Muslims

XX. Pakistan’s Energy Problems and their Effects


Q. No. 5. Discuss the significance of renewable energy resources for Pakistan.
(20)

Q. No. 7. Pakistan’s energy crisis was due to the lack of strategy and political
will. Discuss. (20)
Q No. 6. ‘What are the main causes of the energy crisis in Pakistan? What
measures do you recommend to address it? (20)
Q. No. 7. Explore the option of alternative energy resources to overcome
energy crisis in Pakistan. (20)
Q. Efficient use of its natural resources can make Pakistan a prosperous nation.
Discuss in the light of present situation of Pakistan.

Q. “Pakistan can become one of the richest countries of the world, if we make
the best use of our Natural resources”. Elaborate in the light of the present
situation of the country

XVII. Hydro Politics Water Issues in Domestic and Regional


Context
Q.No.7. “The twentieth century witnessed the war for oil. The twenty-first
century will witness the war for water”. Examine the practical implications of
this statement on situation of Pakistan. (20)

Economy of Pakistan

697

34

ECONOMY OF PAKISTAN

PAKISTAN'S ECONOMY IN HISTORICAL PERSPECTIVE

Economic aspect is the most important facet of the human activity because man's progress and
happiness in all other fields depends on his sound and stable economic position. Since state is
a great human organization, meant for the happy life of the individual, the economic aspect,
therefore, cannot be separated from state's activity. Hence a stable economy plays a vital role in
any nation's collective prosperity and development.

When Pakistan emerged on the world's map as a sovereign and independent state, it mostly
consisted of those areas which were backward and under-developed. These areas were mostly
the producers of raw material which could not be utilized locally because related processing
industries were located elsewhere. Throughout the economic history of Pakistan, there have
been phases both of growth and stagnation. One of the most important reason for the ailing
Pakistan economy is the non-continuity of economic policies and acutely wobbling political
system.

Pakistan in present shape started with refugees. less than 35 million population. It had natural
resources in abundance which were not fully exploited and developed. It had a per capita
income of 100 dollars a year in 1947. The areas of present Pakistan and Bangladesh were the
backward areas of South Asia. While India had almost all the basic manu- facturing industries,
Pakistan possessed very limited manufacturing units to meet the demands of the population. To
make the things worse, very small electricity was available which was much below the
requirements of the industry as well as domestic needs.

There were only two important cash crops, cotton in present Pakistan and Jute in

Bangladesh. The yields of these two crops had to be sent to India for processing and
manufacturing of textiles and jute goods. There were a few sugar and cement factories which
could not meet country's development requirements.

There was a vast difference between India's and Pakistan's economic potential. Pakistan's
economy, at the time of partition, had only one positive aspect that she was self-sufficient in
food and the surplus food grain produced in West Pakistan was enough to meet the
requirements of the former East Pakistan. The infra-structure facilities in both wings of the
country were in shabby and depleted conditions. Pakistan had to take a start from the scratch to
develop infra-structure and manufacturing industries.

In addition to the inherent backwardness of the economy, the influx of refugees from India and
other parts of the sub-continent, thwarted the country's march towards progress and economic
prosperity. Pakistan had to spend huge amounts out of its thin and meagre national resources
for the rehabilitation and resettlement of the

Political stability is the basic requirement for economic development. Political instability severely
jolts the economic growth as the behaviour of the government plays an important role in
stimulating or discouraging economic activity of a country.

Unfortunately Pakistan, immediately after the partition, fell a prey to acute political instability.
Political issues and bickering which peeped out with the emergence of Pakistan, adversely
affected the economic growth in Pakistan. Most significantly the Kashmir problem became a
constant source of friction between India and Pakistan. The squabble over Kashmir consumed a
considerable s700

Pakistan Affairs

CURRENT SHAPE OF ECONOMY,

2016

At around the PML-N government's halfway mark, the party leadership has spared little effort in
recounting the 'turnaround' in Pakistan's economic performance under this administration. On
the other end of the spectrum, opposition political parties (barring PTI) have been using a
combination of more rhetoric and less data to denounce the alleged failings on the economic
front of PML-N's third term in office since 1990. The Pakistan Tehreek-i-Insaf is the only one to
have analysed the data and the numbers to arrive at their fairly comprehensive, yet somewhat
selective, critique.

So what is the reality? Where does Pakistan's economy stand today compared to early 2013
and how much of it is down to the policies of this government?

The Good
There is little doubt from the data that the government has pursued a determined path, under
the aegis of an IMF programme, towards achieving macroeconomic stability. The country's
official foreign exchange reserves have been built up from $6 billion in June 2013, to $15.6bn as
of end-January 2016. A combination of releases from the IMF and other IFIs, commercial
borrowing, Saudi money and the collapse in international commodity prices has sharply reduced
the short-term vulnerability of the country's balance-of-payments position.

Inflation has declined from 8.3pc year on-year in July 2013 to 3.3pc for January 2016. Despite
difficult circumstances, government tax revenues have recorded, prima facie, fairly impressive
increases in the past two years. Revenue performance has been complemented by the
appointment of a serious-minded and well-intentioned revenue tsar, the publishing of the tax
directory including tax-filing data of parliamentarians, some progress on removing exemptions,
and the setting up of a Tax Reforms Commission. In addition, the number of tax filers has

increased by around 280,000 according to FBR, while the recent tax amnesty scheme for
traders is likely to bring an important segment outside the ambit of taxation into the fold.

The economy's growth performance has improved modestly, with real GDP growing at a
provisional 4.2pc in 2014-15. After remaining sluggish for the past two years, the large-scale
manufacturing sector is showing signs of moderate output growth across a wider spectrum of
sectors. Even private-sector investment appears to be picking up finally, albeit tentatively, while
business confidence, as recorded by the latest OICCI Business Confidence Index, has
rebounded.

The Bad

The bad news is that much of the good news on the economy is carried on the shoulders of a
single development - the collapse of international oil and other commodity prices. The price of
benchmark Brent crude has fallen from $115 in mid-June 2014 to $26 per barrel, before
recovering to the current vicinity of $35. This 70pc decline alone has implied a saving of $7.6bn
between June 2014 and end-January 2016.

The prices of other imported commodities have also fallen sharply tandem, amplifying the
quantum of saving to the country's external account. On the other hand, export prices have also
been hurt Adjusting for these factors, in net terms, the government has received a windfall of at
least $7bn during this period on the external front In other words, without this bonanza
commodity prices, Pakistan's official foreign exchange reserves would have been $7 lower, at
$8.4bn - deflating a much-touted achievement of the government.

The other effect of the favourable movement in international commodity prices has been on
inflation. Had oil prices remained above $100 per barrel over the past 15 months, econometric
modelling suggests that the year-on-year CPI inflation would be st percentage points higher.
That means CP inflation for January would have been in the4160E88-1ZEO:90W 5971772840

701

Economy of Pakistan
nine to 10pc range rather than the 3.3pc that was recorded. The implication is that there is little
government effort or policy input in the decline recorded in inflation other than passing on a
portion of the fall in international oil prices.

In fact, three government interventions have actually helped keep inflation - especially food
inflation higher than what would have been the case. In the case of petroleum, the government
has passed on to domestic consumers only 34pc of the 70pc fall in international oil prices. It has
overtaxed high-speed diesel, the backbone of the country's transportation and agriculture, to
make up for lost revenue. If the full decline in international prices had been passed on, the
diesel price would have been Rs43 per litre lower today.

In the case of wheat, it increased the support price in November 2014 at a time when wheat
prices in Pakistan were already substantially higher than world prices. And in the case of sugar,
government policies have increased local sugar prices over 10pc in the past year, compared to
a 13pc decline in international prices.

Similarly, FBR's revenue performance is almost entirely predicated on the increase in sales tax
on petroleum, the levy of additional customs and regulatory duties on imports, rate
enhancement in existing taxes, introduction of new taxes on existing taxpayers refunds. and the
withholding of tax

Another major area of under performance is power-sector reform, as well as wider reform and
restructuring of the public-sector enterprises, barring to an extent Railways.

The Ugly

The government receives failing marks in the key area of institutional reform (making
appointments on merit rather than cronyism or connections to the Sharif family, avoiding
conflicts of interest for its public office holders, making transparent and accountable decisions in
mega projects such as the

China-Pakistan Economic Corridor or LNG import). It has also failed to provide proper support
or a responsive and relevant policy framework to the export sector.

Finally, its worst legacy that Pakistanis will rue for a long time: the PML-N government has
contracted new foreign debt worth over $22bn in just two years - an unprecedented and record
amount of external debt accumulation that could seriously constrain Pakistan's economic
prospects for well into the medium term.

PAKISTAN'S ECONOMIC CHALLENGES

1. Introduction

Pakistan is not a unique case. A number of countries have encountered broadly similar
economic challenges, implemented appropriate policies, and have restored self sustaining rapid
growth with internal and external stability over the medium term. Notwithstanding the debilitating
impact of the recent floods, there is no reason why if appropriate policies are implemented
Pakistan cannot get out of the current economic malaise and resume sustainable growth without
excessive dependence on external handouts. After wasting valuable time in 2007-08, the
Pakistani authorities have struggled to develop a coherent adjustment program; policy
implementation has also remained inadequate. Critical differences between Pakistan and
countries that have recently adjusted successfully - such as Chile, Brazil and Turkey - lies in
Pakistan's inability to grasp the seriousness of the economic crisis and lack of commitment to
the needed policy reform, that is, poor governance. It would be instructive to know as to what
drove other countries notwithstanding their political constraints - to improve governance and
steadfastly implement difficult, but necessary, policy reforms and, thus, determine what Pakistan
can learn from their experience to improve governance. Considerable work has already been
done to trace factors behind the current economic malaise in Pakistan. After briefly702

reviewing factors that led the economy to the current sorry state (next section), this note will
focus on the experience of selected countries (Chile, Brazil, and Turkey) in formulating and
implementing policy reforms (Section 3), and - based on the experience of the three countries -
draw possible recommendations for improving reform implementation in Pakistan (Section 4).

2. Pakistan: Current status

The deterioration of Pakistan's economy over the past three years can be attributed to the
continuation of inappropriate macroeconomic policies of the past five years that focused on
credit-financed consumption demand and imports to promote growth as external resource
pressures were eased by debt relief and increased Associated with Middle East Institute; foreign
aid. The external current account deficit started to widen as export growth slowed on account of
the inappropriate exchange rate and poor competitiveness, while dependence on uncertain
external capital inflows grew. Concurrently, private sector investment stagnated while public
sector investment was not adequately focused on addressing the looming shortages of
infrastructure particularly electricity and water - and improving competitiveness. Fiscal deficits
started to widen and, given the overly expansionary monetary policy, inflation picked up briskly.
External indebtedness increased while domestic public debt mounted in the face of limited
domestic resource mobilization by the government. The intractable deteriorating economic
situation was worsened by the sharp increase in the world oil prices in 2007/08 and decline in
external demand following the global financial crisis.

In the event, growth fell in 2007/08 to about 4 percent from an average of over 6 percent during
the previous four years, the budget deficit shot up to over 7 percent of GDP, money supply
increased sharply on account of borrowing from the SBP to finance the budget deficit, resulting
in a doubling of the inflation rate. Savings fell to the all time low of less than 14 percent of GDP,
and despite a modest fall in investment, the

external current account deficit rose to an unsustainable level of over 8 percent of GDP as
imports continued to rise. The exchange rate came under pressure and external reserves fell
precipitously. The new government failed to grasp the deteriorating economic situation and it
was not until late 2008 that a credible attempt was made to address it through a program
supported by a standby arrangement with the IMF. Implementation under the program remains
inadequate, which reflects deteriorating governance. The recent unprecedented floods have
worsened the economic outlook and need for domestic adjustment has increased as external
financing capacity has shrunk. Pakistan is encountering two inter related problems: (a)
macroeconomic imbalances and inflationary pressures which reflect an expansionary and
dysfunctional fiscal policy supported by a compliant monetary policy; and (b) low domestic
savings which, given the increasing strains on external debt sustainability and a poor outlook for
private capital inflows, are inadequate to sustain investment that is needed for a higher growth
rate. Even if energy shortages were to be addressed and the fiscal position is less onerous than
at present, there is a high risk that the economy may permanently fall below the potential growth
path, estimated at about 6-7 percent per annum. The obvious fallout would be increased
unemployment pressures which, in turn, will spur political instability and militancy. The viscous
circle would grow more

There is also an increasing recognition that the deteriorating official capacity to formulate and
implement policy reforms - worsening governance has become a primary impediment which is
building on itself. Above all, there is no convergence among the interests of the ruling elites,
leading to a lack of national consensus and, thus, policy gridlock. Inaction has continued to build
upon itself, fueling corruption, and progressively reducing the effectiveness of policy responses.
The current adjustment program that is supported by an IMF stand-by arrangement is
essentially tentative and704

Pakistan Affairs

that only nine paisas out of every rupee of income generated by Pakistani population suffices to
meet the requirements of defence, infrastructure, development, debt servicing etc. This is just
not possible. In India, tax GDP ratio is 15% and still they have fiscal deficit. So Pakistan is way
below the norm for developing countries. Many people say that defence takes away a lot of
government expenditure. Whereas, the fact is that defence expenditure is only 20% of
government expenditure. It is only 4% of GDP, and is not such a large expenditure compared to
debt as servicing which is 7-8% of GDP and almost 40% of government expenditure. Therefore,
government has to contain its fiscal deficit by raising revenues. Agriculture incomes are exempt.
professionals, retailers, wholesales, transport owners and many other service providers evade
taxes by paying a small fraction of what is due. Continuing large fiscal deficits year after year
may plunge the country into debt trap again.

d.

Our Share in the World Trade is Shrinking. In 1990, Pak stan's share was 0.2% of the world
trade. After 20 years it has come down to 0.12% in a very buoyant world economy. World trade
has been growing faster as compared to the world output. India in the same period had doubled
its share from 0.7% to 1.4%, while Pakistan is going the other way and that is the reason why
exports/imports imbalance is increasing. We are not taking advantage of the opportunities which
a buoyant world economy is providing. Pakistan is stuck with only a few commodities textiles,
leather, rice, sports, goods and the surgical goods. We have not entered the markets for more
dynamic products. All our exports are to a few markets the USA, EU and the Middle East. So
this narrow export base and very limited geographical spread are not allowing us to expand our
share. Unless we improve the quality of our products, go out and do the marketing abroad,
invest in research and

development, the prospects do not loc promising. That is why we are lagging behind other
countries which from way back are over taking Pakistan.

e. We Badly Lag in Social Indicators. One of the most glaring weaknesses is that a country like
Pakistan that should have had best indicators in literacy, infant mortality, fertility rates, in access
to water supply, in primary enrolment ratios has social indicators which are more comparable to
Africa rather than to the countries of similar per capita income. Even Tajikistan, which is a very
poor country, has better literacy rate and primary enrolment ratios than Pakistan. What does it
means? It means that if we had literacy rate of 100% instead of 55%, then in 2009-2010 our per
capita income would have been 2000$ rather than 1000$. Instead of 30 million middle class in
Pakistan we would have 60-70 million middle class people; we would have poverty reduced to
15-20%. We have committed to achieve the millennium development goals by 2015 i.e. we will
be able to reach 80-85% literacy rate, but it is doubtful that this will happen. Why do we have
regional inequalities? Why Baluchistan is lagging behind other provinces? It is because of
literacy rates and primary enrolment ratios. There is a direct co-relation between regional
inequities and backwardness with the level of education.

f.

We Face Energy and Water Shortages. Another challenge we face today is energy and water
shortages, and that is not because we are not generating enough electricity or we are not
having enough water. With the losses of KESC from the point it has generated to the point they
realize the billing is 45%, so 55% people are paying for those who are stealing the electricity.
Government of Pakistan out of its own limited resources is paying 200 billion rupees every year
as subsidies for electricity. Our industry is at a disadvantage that they get the orders from
foreign countries but they cannoEconomy of Pakistan

705

execute the orders because there are electricity outages. In addition to economic losses it also
creates inconvenience for pursuing normal life. We have silting of our dams, but no additional
dams have been constructed since Tarbela in 1974. We have water course losses of about 20-
25%. Even after these losses, the water is inequitably distributed. The influential land lords are
able to take greater share of water from the canals as compared to poor farmers. Therefore, the
productivity of poor farmer is only one ton per acre as compared to 3 tons by large holders. If we
provide the water equitably to the small farmer, he would also be able to increase the
productivity from one to at least two tons resulting into additional income, increase in exports of
food grains, cotton and fruits and vegetables which will add to export earnings of Pakistan. With
the climate change taking place with all the glaciers in Himalayas which are going to melt, we
are going to have difficulties in future due to global warming

Cost of Doing Business is High. Pakistan is ranked among the bottom half of the rankings of the
countries where cost of doing business is quite high. It is not high for any particular reason but
because of our bureaucracy totally sitting on their seats without taking actions or decisions in
time. Unless there is some pressure or incentive for them, the normal businesses particularly
the small and medium businesses have serious problems at the hands of bureaucracy. Even if
we have investors who are welcomed by the federal government, when it comes down to
provincial and local governments there are given a run around the land is not available, the
water is not available, the gas is not available, electricity is not available, road is not available.
Lack of coordination among various government agencies, innumerable laws regulations that
are antiquated and outdated have proved to be serious

impediments. Labour laws, inspections by multiple agencies, the delays in the court system,
infringement of intellectual property rights and evasion of taxes by competing firms in the
informal sector have rendered some of the well established firms unprofitable, or the feasibility
of starting near ventures questionable.

h. Crisis of Governance and Implementation

Weaknesses. If we glance on policy documents of various governments on education,


agriculture, health, trade policy etc, and look at the same policy forty years ago and the
problems, there is hardly any significant record of implementation of those policies or plans over
this period. We produce five years plans and all kinds of medium term frameworks, but it is the
poor governance and implementation that are the weak links in getting things done. Unless we
strengthen civil services and bring about a merit based system of recruitment. promotion,
performance evaluation, compensation, disciplinary action, etc, we will not be able to see any
difference in the quality of governance. Orders are given by the higher ups but they are not
carried out, summaries are approved, but they remain buried in the files and therefore, whether
it is education, health, water supply, revenue or law and order, you can pin down the problem to
the governance issues. Unless we fix the governance issue, the economy is not going to take
off at the speed which is required.

j Uncertainty and Unpredictability due to Lack of Continuity. Every government whether military
or civilian starts with a clean slate, as if nothing happened before them and nothing will happen
after them. This is not the way the real world works. You take the projects and programmes
which were initiated by the previous governments, evaluate them as and to what the strengths
and weaknesses were, fix those weaknesses and carry them forward. It will take only few
years706

Pakistan Affairs

to bring these inherited projects to completion and the country will benefit from new motor ways,
new ports, highways, educational institutions etc. But the blame game of successive
governments results into abrupt termination of all such projects and programs. When these are
resumed the cost has escalated three times and it takes several additional years to complete
them. In the meanwhile the people of Pakistan suffer because of this lack of continuity. When
faced with such unpredictability about the future, the investors are pondering whether they
should invest in this country as they are uncertain whether the new government when comes in
would stop or alter what the previous government was doing, or adhere to the commitments
made to them. Take the example of Higher Education Commission, which was sending 1700
students for PhDs abroad but the new government comes in and suspends the funding of those
programmes. This solved down the process of faculty development for our universities at a time
when we should have been sending twice as many scholars.

k.

Political Stability, Law and Order/Security. The overall arching theme is that for a robust
economy we should have political stability, law and order and security. The Armed Forces of
Pakistan deserve gratitude for what they have done in Malakand Division to bring about stability
as far as the law and order situation is concerned. The sooner the country is gotten rid of this
image of political instability, poor law and order situation and insecurity, whereby investors from
all over the world hesitate in coming to Pakistan and invest, we will not be able to make any
progress in this country. In 2007, Pakistan was one of the most favourite countries among the
international investor community. A thirty year piece of paper was floated which was a bond for
Pakistan to be paid in 2037 and Pakistan got four times over

subscription at a price which was only 300 basis points above the US treasury. Very few
countries can claim to have that kind of credibility with international fund managers. However, in
two years time we have missed that boat. Therefore, it is imperative that we resume the journey
which has been interrupted by nurturing a stable, secure and peaceful political environment.

4. Prospects/Solutions to Improve Economy


How can we overcome these challenges and problems and improve our economy? A lot has
been written and talked about, but I will focus on only a few action points.

a.

Change in National Psyche and Mindset. We as a nation are too much negative oriented and
too much cynical where we find everything wrong in this country. Unless we change our mindset
and unless everybody who is doing what he is supposed to do, carries out his or her task with
sincerity and honesty, we are not going to go anywhere. We should not expect any Messiah to
come and fix our problems we have to do it ourselves individually and collectively. There are no
short cuts available. Media is muddying the water by their sensational stories and inviting so
called experts who contribute in projecting negative thinking and negative national psyche.
Unless we have a positive "can do" mentality, it will be difficult to progress. Unless each one of
us changes our mindset rather than blame the government and the system, we are not going to
go anywhere in this race for global economic survival. This is easier said than done. But I
expect our younger generation to responsive and responsible. be more

b.

Building up of Human Capital. There is no substitute to building up human capital. Private


sector, public sector, NGOs, local communities, philanthropists etc, all here to put their hands
on deck and participate in making sure that every child goes to school. Every high school
graduate h708

Pakistan Affairs

usurpation of powers. If we do that, then a lot more can happen with same amount of resources
which are being wasted today, and the economic growth rate can be raised from 6-7 percent
average to 8-9 percent annually.

1.

Poor Growth Rate: The growth rate is the product of sustained human endeavours. Its basic
components are sound vision, reliable and authentic data base, impeachable statistical
projections and honest and efficient bureaucracy. Unfortunately our economic system badly lack
in almost all the ingredients of growth rate.

The data base which is an important component of the growth rate is highly unreliable in
Pakistan. The private companies have visible and invisible data bases for their use, for CBR
and for their employees and shareholders.

Another important factor that has been instrumental in impeding the growth rate is the high
margin of profit on consumers goods. There is a tendency of throwing sub standard quality
goods in the market. Low quality manpower, tax evasion engineered loans defaults, corruption
and unauthorized duplication of foreign brands have all contributed greatly to uproot the
country's genuine growth base.

Low production in agriculture and industry is another reason for the poor growth rate. Against an
average growth rate of over 6 percent for the last two decades, Pakistan's GDP has increased
by only 3 and 3.9 percent respectively in the past two years. The most worrisome cause is the
sharp decline in the industrial growth rate, from 8 percent in 1991 to only 5.4 and 5.6 percent
respectively in the following two years. Slack industrial growth will mean less income tax,
custom and excise duties and, therefore, a higher fiscal deficit.

2.

Loadshedding/Power shortage: Power shortage or loadshedding has become the curse of our
economic and social

set-up. Energy is very vital for the industrial development. The power shortage can do great
damage to the economic progress. In Pakistan power shortage has played an active role in
slowing down the process of industrialization.

Power shortage is the result of organized power leakage in Pakistan. An artificial consumer
base is steered to give an impression that there is an increase in the number of consumers
which has caused power shortage.

3.

Trade and Budget Deficit: Pakistan almost has no solid and concrete trade policy. The major
cities are flooded with the smuggled goods. It is very difficult to understand that how these
banned imported goods get into country's markets. To make the things worse most of the
smuggled or imported goods are also manufactured locally.

The major cause of worry is stagnation in exports. We are spending huge amounts on the
imports of luxury cars and expensive electronic items. On the other hand our exports have
declined to the tunes of alarming proportions. Having achieved a growth of 20 percent in 1990-
91 and 15 percent in 1991-92, Pakistan's exports have stagnated at 6.8 and 5.7 billion dollars
respectively in the following years. The recent increase in our foreign reserves does not reflect a
structural improvement because it has been made possible by large earnings by the Pakistanis
working abroad.

Deficit financing is budgeting deliberately for a deficit. It is a fiscal policy through the budget
which is now a recognized supplement to the monetary policy. For a country faced by trade
depression and serious unemployment, it is good that a budget deficit should deliberately be
incurred to make more purchasing power available to consumers thereby stimulating demand.

In Pakistan budget deficit or deficit financing has become very common irEconomy of Pakistan

709

the public as well as private sectors. The public sector, in particular, feels free to ravage the
national resources by loot and plunder. Emoluments of the public servants, including the
members of the parliament, are exorbitantly raised frequently which strike at the roots of the
public exchequer by vastly disrupting the budgetary provisions. Besides the salaries and
allowances, huge sums are spent on the fringe benefits of the public servants, parliamentarians,
ministers and high functionaries of the government. A financially bankrupt country like Pakistan
cannot bear such lavish spending of its bureaucracy and politicians.

Budget deficit is the root cause of inflation which is highly lethal for the economy. Officially loan
default of more than 80 billion dollars and an estimated 39 percent share of black money in
country's GDP are two self-explanatory indicators of government's helplessness to control the
ever increasing inflation.

4.

Non-productive Expenses: Pakistan's economy has suffered badly due to the heavy non-
productive expenses. These expenses make an unhealthy impact on the economic growth
which in the long run extensively mars the whole economic system.

There are visible and unavoidable expenses which the states, despite the weak economic base,
have to incur under different heads. Unavoidable and necessary non-productive expenses are
incurred on the enhancement of country's defence capability, procure ment and development of
weaponry and import of technology.

There is diversified opinion with respect to this necessary and unavoidable non productive
expenses. One opinion is for the curtailment of the defence budget. They are of the view that
state's socio economic sector needs greater attention than the defence requirements because if
the socio-economic structure collapses

due to the shortage of resources and funds, then even a strong defence set-ro cannot protect
the country from foreign aggression. It is further argued that a system that has been erected on
the conditional help from the friends no more seems to be reliable.

The other school of thought is of the opinion that in view of the changing geo strategic
environments, there is a greater need to spend more on the defence sector to prepare the
country to face any eventuality.

In Pakistan unnecessary and avoidable non-productive expenses are incurred mostly on our
political and administrative sphere. Our political system is highly unproductive in all directions.
Despite massive spending of the national resources, our political system has not been able to
produce a crop of efficient, devoted and honest politicians who are capable of pulling the
impoverished masses out of despair and despondency.

5. Under-Investment: A significant concern for our wobbling economy is the slow down in
investment activity. particularly in value-added export industry. Pakistan is in a very comfortable
position, geographically and demographically, to attract global and regional investors. The level
and nature of investment in an economy determines its future stream of production and its
export potential.

Out of the multifarious reasons of the slow investment activity, one important factor is the
indifference and arrogant attitude of the government functionaries. Our bureaucracy is
incompetent, self centred, corrupt and stiff necked. The deregulation has not changed their
attitude because even after the deregulation and privatisation the influence of the bureaucracy
has not fadded out.

The second factor responsible for the under investment is the unwillingness of10

Pakistan Affairs

Pakistan's corporate giants to let the genuine global stratetic investors invest in Pakistan on
their own. Third factor is the swiftly deteriorating law and order situation in the country.
The only sector in which there is some investment activity at present is power generation and
that is in response to guaranteed purchase of electricity at 6.5 percent by WAPDA. This price is
twice the cost of thermal generation by WAPDA itself from its own power stations set-up in the
past five years and will mean a substantial increase in the price of electricity for the consumer.

6.

Inflation: High rate of inflation has become the scourge of our economic system. The galloping
inflation is the major cause of concern for Pakistan's economists as every government has
failed to arrest this loathsome economic activity.

The wholesale price index in July 1994 over July 1993, has registered an unprecedented
increase of 19.2 percent compared to 8.6 percent in the preceding year. Measured in terms of
Consumer Price Index (CPI) between July 1994, the rate of inflation is over 12 percent
compared to 9 percent in the preceding two years. But analysed in terms of the Sensitive Price
Index (SPI). which is better index of the cost of living of the common man, the increase in
inflation is 13 percent. The prices of many essential commodities have gone up by an average
of 50 percent which confirms that inflationary pressures are assuming alarming proportions.

7.

Tax Evasion: Widespread tendency of tax evasion is a chronic disease of our economic system.
Large scale tax evasion is being committed in Pakistan which is a major debilitating reason of
our economy. Pakistan is becoming poorer day by day because the money goes to the
individual instead of government. The tax collector and tax payer, in collusion with each other,

deprive the government of the large amount of taxes which could be spent on country's
development. More than 40 percent revenue is lost due to tax evasion and bureaucratic bribes.
Pakistan's problem is not under Taxation, the problem is tax collection.

8.

Scarcity of Foreign Exchange: Foreign exchange is earned through extensive exports. Pakistan
is foreign trade oriented country. It has to concentrate on foreign exchange earning for its
economic development. Pakistan is mainly concentrating on the export of cotton, carpets and
labour. The dependence on limited items has curtailed foreign earnings for Pakistan. It has
made adverse impact on the economy and is a great hurdle in the economic growth. Moreover
the fluctuations in the internal market, the quota system and the Gulf crises have contributed a
great deal in decreasing the foreign exchange earnings. The rise in the prices of the imported
goods and their unchecked flow in the country have badly affected the export potential of the
country leaving a strain on the foreign earnings of the country.

9.

Population Growth: Rapid population growth is a formidable challenge to economic progress of


a country. In Pakistan the population is growing at the rate of 3 percent annually which is
dangerous trend keeping in view the slender economic potential of Pakistan. Heavy population
puts tremendous burden on the ailing economy and the meagre resources of the country.

10.
Social and Cultural Impediments: The socio-cultural patterns of the people are also an obstacle
in the way of economic development of our country. More than 75 percent people are illiterate in
Pakistan. The people are ignorant of the changes all over the world and also of the development
taking place in their own country. Their social behaviour is not in accordance with the changing.
environments. The majority of the peopleEconomy of Pakistan

are extravagant in their living style. The

people in our country do not want to live

according to their resources.

711

The people are mostly conservative in their habits and attitudes. They feel pride in adhering to
their native culture and are generally not receptive to foreign methods of production. Our people
lack self confidence and initiative. The unnecessary expenditures on marriages, religious
functions, deaths, births and litigation has curtailed domestic savings to adversely affect the
economic prosperity. Women are 50 percent of the population. They are mostly confined to the
four walls and do not come out to contribute towards the national progress due to social and
customary barriers. It is the established fact that socio-cultural factors have impeded economic
progress in Pakistan.

11.

Political and Administrative Hurdles: Political stability plays a vital role in accelerating economic
growth. Rapid changes of the governments and general instability in the political set-up of the
country acutely thwarts the economic development. The planning machinery and the other
government functionaries involved in the administration should be loyal to the country. They
should be competent, honest and sympathetic in their general approach and behaviour.

Unfortunately Pakistan, at the time of independence, became a victim of acute political


instability. The political turmoil which befell the country at the time of partition continued to mar
the political set-up of the country. Due to the political wranglings Pakistan has not been able to
establish a smooth and workable political order. There are rapid changes of the governments
which badly obstruct the development process as every government tends to scrap the work
done by its predecessor.

The administration working in various departments is generally weak, incompetent, dishonest


and lacking in

national spirit. The overall pattern of planning machinery is bureaucratic rather than professional
in their outlook and working style. They are arrogant, unsympathetic and driven by self interest
rather than national interest. Due to the administrative lethargy we have so far not been able to
decide which kind of economic system suits our country.

POVERTY AND FOOD CRISES

Undeniably, there is
an unprecedented surge in the country's poverty level on the back of rapidly growing food and
utility prices, along with shrinking income and employment opportunities. In addition, closure of
a large number of industrial units due to energy crisis and terrorism, has also aggravated the
situation. According to a few unofficial survey results, some 35-45 per cent of the population
lives below or near the poverty line today.

Both acute and chronic factors are attributed to the sharp fall in living standards and prevalence
of endemic poverty Acute causes of poverty may include the impact of soaring global food,
energy and other commodity prices that enter a country through imports and unfavourable
balance of trade. On the other hand, chronic causes of poverty may be deeply-rooted traditional
and cultural behaviour and values of a nation, their social and family obligations, level of
education, training and future outlook etc. Poverty, as a social problem is a deeply embedded
wound that encompasses every dimensions of culture and society. It includes low levels of
income for members of a community, lack of access to services like education, markets,
healthcare and communal facilities, like water, sanitation, roads, transportation, and
communications. The factors that contribute to it are mainly socio-economic which need to be
addressed for the uplift of individuals livid in despair. Poverty is now a major prob confronting
the global economic system and it has inflicted extensive harm to millions across the globe. 712

Pakistan Affairs

The simple transfer of funds to individuals and families will not eradicate or reduce poverty. It
will merely alleviate the symptoms of poverty in the short-run.! Poverty as a social dilemma
calls: for a much more comprehensive; solution, which forms its basis in a clear, conscious and
deliberate removal of the core factors that spread poverty. These include: (1) ignorance,
meaning lack of information and lack of knowledge, (2) high disease rate; accompanied with
high absenteeism in productive works. AIDS, malaria, hepatitis an other diseases may
drastically reduce productivity of affected families, societies and even countries, (3) apathy, (4)
dis- honesty and corruption and (5) dependency etc. They may in turn contribute to secondary
factors such as lack of markets, shabby infrastructure, inefficient leadership, bad governance,
unemployment, lack of skills, absenteeism, and dearth in capital. Each of these factors
contributes.

To the prevalence of poverty and their elimination is central to remove the menace of poverty
from society.

On the contrary, poverty at a global level has numerous historical causes: colonialism, slavery,
war and conquest. Many nations of Europe, faced by devastating wars were reduced to bare
poverty, where people were forced to live on charity, barely surviving. Within decades they had
brought themselves up in terms of real domestic income, to become thriving and influential
modern nations of prosperous people. Many other nations have remained among the least
developed in the world, even though billions of dollars of so-called aid money was spent on
them since the chief factors of poverty were not attacked but only their symptoms. At the
national level, a low GDP does not translate into paucity, rather it is a symptom of poverty.

In Pakistan, sky-rocketing food and energy prices, persistent acts of terrorism, and natural
calamities such as 2010 devastating floods have not helped curtail the poverty rate, which is
increasing by a

staggering proportion at the moment Diagnosing the key challenges faced by Pakistan's
economy, Asian Development Outlook 2011, noted security concerns, excessive expenditure
and poor infrastructure as major causes of poverty. Furthermore, shortfall in the energy sector
has impeded growth by a wide margin. The report also expressed concern over rebound of
inflationary pressures in the wake of rising POL prices. It said that inflation in Pakistan was the
highest in the region, fearing that it might touch 16 per cent mark by the end of the year.

UNEMPLOYMENT IN PAKISTAN A SERIOUS ECONOMIC CHALLENGE

The problem of ensuring productive employment of our expanding workforce has emerged as a
major challenge facing the country. The issue has acquired urgency both for sustaining long-
term growth and for eliminating poverty. The Present government is deeply committed to the
objective of enhancing employment manpower utilisation. and improving

As an explanation of unemployment and from the viewpoint of generating new employment


opportunities in low-income developing countries, a variety of theories and approaches have
been proposed from time to time by different economists. Some economists, prominent among
whom are Nurkse, Lewis, Eckaus, Joan Robinson, Hirschman, Ranis and Gorgenson attribute
unemployment to insufficiency of capital investment and therefore suggest stepping up of capital
formation. Another group of economists led by Schumacher, Myrdal and Singer hold the use of
capital-intensive technology specially in large-scale industries responsible for the prevailing
unemployment in developing countries. This approach emphasises the adoption of labour
intensive techniques as an essential part of development strategy. Finally, some economists,
more prominently J.B Lewis and B.S Minhas have proposed undertaking of rural public works in
a large-scale as a solution to the problem of unemployment160599-1750:GOW 597LYCLE

713

Economy of Pakistan

be poverty. According to them, adequate employment opportunities erated at least in the short
run cannot rough emphasis in particular technological pects on the pattern of investment within
the agricultural or industrial sections. Hence, the argument for undertaking rural public works to
generate employment opportunities.

Employment and labour-force charac ristics are indicated in the accompanying ables

Pakistan has low employment status as well as low labour-force participation rate. This situation
is primarily attributable to high ate of population growth, low level of savings and investment,
discordance in demand for labour and supply of labour, absorptive capacity in agriculture and
large-scale manufacturing and labour displacement due to rural push and urban pull

Labour-force participation is measured by Crude Activity Rate (CAR) and Refined Activity Rate
(RAR). The crude rate is the percentage of labour-force in the total population and the refined
rate is the percentage of persons over 10.years of age. According to the Labour Force Survey
2001 2002, the overall labour-force participation rate is 29.6 percent (29.9 per cent in rural
areas and 29.1 per cent in urban areas). The refined rate in 2002-03 has been estimated at 43.3
has been estimated at

The total number of employed labour force in 2004 is estimated at 41.32 million, of which 13.4
million are in urban areas and 27.9 million in rural areas.
The share of agriculture sector in employment in 2004 is estimated at 17.4 million or 42.1 per
cent of total workforce as compared with 48.4 per cent in 2000. The share of the manufacturing
sector at 13.8 per cent in 2004 showed an increase from 11.6. per cent in 2000, while the
construction and transport sectors accounted for 6.1 percent and 5.9 per cent respectively in
2004. The share of the trade sector in employed workforce in 2004 was 13.8 per cent.

Unemployment in Pakistan is defined as all persons of ten years age and above who during the
period under reference: (a) were not in paid employment or self-employed, (b) were available for
work i.e. were available for paid and (c) seeking work. In terms of this definition about 3.72
million people in the labour-force were unemployment in 2004, the unemployment rate thus was
8.27 per cent.

The solution of the problem of unemployment has to be found through a high rate of economic
growth and through encouraging the use of labour intensive technology. New avenues for
overseas employment also need to be explored.

The overseas migration peaked in early 1980s. By 1986 there was decline in out migration.
Since 1990, however, out migration is increasing again. During the year 2003, 215,443 persons
were sent abroad for employment compared to 149, 125 persons in 2002. A Memorandum of
Understanding (MoU) on the recruitment of Pakistan workers was signed on 20th October, 2003
which should result in opening fresh opportunities for Pakistani workers.

For tackling the problem of unemployment effectively, a comprehensive programme of human


resource development is crucial. Pakistan must wriggle out of its present low level HRD trap"
not only to improve the quality of development and ensure economy's respectable progress on
the path of high growth but also to provide a satisfactory and adequate response to the
challenge posed by the menacing problem of unemployment and under-employment.

Also, in the absence of a comprehensive socio-demographic policy with determined measures


to bring down the rate of population growth urgently. government's efforts to deal with
employment problem effectively would meet with limited success.

It is heartening to note that the present government has taken a number of steps to promote
employment in the country.

In view of the close correlation between

economic growth

and

employme714

Pakistan Affairs

generation, the government is taking all necessary measures to step up the rate of out put
growth through measures, through policies designed to enhance the rate of savings and
investment, improve productivity. build up human resources and strengthen governance. The
rate of GDP growth in 2003- 04 was 6.4 per cent and during the current fiscal is expected to
achieve the target of 6.6 per cent. During the next five-year plan covering the period 2005-10, it
is hoped the economy would be put in the path of accelerated annual growth rate of 8 per cent.
The government's development strategy aside from focusing on growth is also designed to
attack the root causes of poverty and significantly increase job opportunities through a bold
expansion of agricultural potential of the country through building of new canals and
rehabilitation of irrigation assets. Priority has also been accorded to a vast improvement in the
physical infrastructure of the country i.e. roads; highways; ports; power and gas supplies which
should also result in generating sizable job opportunities.

The Tameer-i-Pakistan programme whose primary objective is poverty reduction by augmenting


the incomes of the poor is also generating jobs in the economy stemming from its expenditures
on small public works such as the development of farm to market roads, water supply,
sewerage, garbage collection etc.

The Small and Medium Enterprises (SMEs) and Micro-finance are also proving quite effective in
fighting poverty and unemployment. The SME Bank during the calendar year 2003 has provided
assistance to 3593 small and medium enterprises with an aggregate financial assistance of Rs.
2045 million. Micro-finance is also contributing to employment creation through promotion of
self-employment at the grassroots level. The Khushali Bank which was established in August,
2000 to provide loans up to Rs. 30,000/- each to poor people to set up businesses had up to
March, 2004 disbursed Joans amounting to Rs. 2.135 billion to 210,784 people.

With the view to lessening the suffering of the poorest and create jobs for them, the Pakistan
Poverty Alleviation Fund was established in April 2000 with an endowment of $100 million as a
wholesale lender to NGOS engaged in providing micro-financing. Up to Dec. 2003, PPAF had
provided loans amounting to Rs. 3.019 million to 312,357 borrowers.

With a view to developing labour on modern lines, the Ministry of Labour, Manpower and
Overseas Development has established Skill Development Councils (SDCs), one in Islamabad,
Karachi, Lahore, Peshawar and Quetta. These councils are designed to meet the diversified
training needs of the industrial and commercial sectors. These have till end-March 2004 trained
48,486 workers.

CHALLENGES AND OPPORTUNITIES

Whoever wins the election in this country of 180m will be faced immediately not only with the
challenge of Islamist terror - Pakistan's Taliban have killed hundreds of Shia Muslims and others
it regards as apostates in the past year but also with an economy crippled by a lack of electricity
and a looming balance of payments crisis.

"Pakistan has huge challenges,' says Nawaz Sharif, who has twice been prime minister and
whose Pakistan Muslim League Nawaz has won most seats in parliament. "The first of course is
the economic crisis that we are facing and the cause of which is a massive power shortage."
Power cuts of up to 20 hours a day in some cities are costing Pakistan 3-4 per cent of gross
domestic product a year, economists say, and contributing to a sharp fall in investment to less
than 11 per cent of GDP, one of the lowest levels in Asia.

"Clearly, the steady decline in investment, coupled with reliance on con sumption for growth, is
unsustainable and undermines future growth prospects," the Asian Development Bank says in
its latest report on Pakistan. 4160888-12E0:40W

Economy of Pakistan
745

One prediction can be made with quile accuracy, i.e., economic -challenges facing the next
government are quite severe. The people as well as government of Pakistan would continue to
face tough time over economic and energy issues.

The GDP of Pakistan kept on following boom and bust cycle for the last many decades. The last
boon in the GDP was in 2005, it declined in 2006, improved in 2007 and since then it is nose-
diving. Due to various factors (including political instability, foods, power crisis, reduced foreign
direct investment etc.), the last five years' average GDP growth is around 3 per cent.

This growth is mainly consumption driven and (after a recent change in the base year for
national income accounts) services sector contributes a major share in our GDP (50 per cent),
followed by agriculture (23 per cent), and mining, manufacturing, construction and energy gas
and water supply (21 per cent).

Services sector can only absorb highly skilled and literate human resources. Large scale
manufacturing is badly affected due to energy crisis, hence agriculture remains the last resort of
our labour force. Thus the sector with maximum contribution to our GDP cannot offer livelihood
opportunity to our major labour force. This is only one aspect of our economic framework, other
indicators are not promising either.

Thus investment as per cent of the GDP declined from 22 per cent in 2007-2008 to 12.5 per
cent in 2011-2012. During 2011- 2012, negative terms of trade led to negative contribution of
net exports. During last five years, national fiscal health remained challenged by chronic issues
like ineffective taxation system, debt hit power sector, sick Pakistan. public sector enterprises,
governance issues, natural and manmade disasters, and security Situation. Tax to GDP ratio
fell from 11.1: per cent in 2007-2008 to 10 per cent in 2012. In the same period, the FBR tax to
GDP ratio fell from 10.3 per Cent to 9.1 per cent. Thirty per cent of the entire tax collection came
from POL at various stages.

Chronic misuse of statutor regulatory orders (SROS) remained unabated during the last five
years too. Sixty per cent of tariff lines have different tariff rates for different importers through
SROs. Despite last year's budget announcement of having a uniform general sales tax rate
(GST) in the country, we continue to have multiple rates ranging from zero sales tax to 22 per
cent on certain products.

Low tax to GDP ratio, power sector circular debt (around 480 billion rupees), stocks of unpaid
commodity, tariff differential subsidy, unplanned bailouts to public sector enterprises, and
natural and manmade disasters led to fiscal deficit which averaged 7.3 per cent during the last
three years and may jump up to 10 per cent in current fiscal year. Domestic borrowing remained
a major source of financing fiscal deficit, thus crowding out the private sector. Liquidity crunch
and power crisis has virtually crippled the private sector, thus negatively affecting new job
creation among many other things.

Next fiscal year would start with the foreign exchange barely sufficient for one month's imports
(around 5 billion dollars) and with IMF payment of US$3.8 billion for 2013 14. So maintaining
balance of payment would be one of the first challenges on economic front facing next
government. Mammoth fiscal deficit would negatively affect the next government's availability to
spend. The next government cannot default on debt services, would not reduce defence and
security expenditures, and most likely would have to increase day-to-day administration
expenditures to keep all allies happy. Thus, it is very clear that brunt of fiscal deficit would be
faced by public sector development programme or, in other words, the people of

The new government would not be able to do any overnight miracles and most of the economic
miseries would remain unchanged irrespective of the fact who comes to power. However, one
vector where, if it puts its acts together, the new government can provide immehate relief
energy and power sector. Economic16

Pakistan Affairs

energy growth figures reveal that energy growth follows high GDP growth and vice versa. This
is a vicious chicken-egg situation, where we cannot generate enough electricity because we
don't have enough fiscal distribution. cushions and our economy is crippling because we don't
have enough energy to meet its requirements.

On electricity generation, our energy mix is highly skewed to fuel oil. In 2005, 27 per cent of our
electricity was being generated from oil and 51 per cent from gas. Today we are producing 44
per cent from oil and 16 per cent from gas. Fuel oil was US$20 per barrel in 2005, today it is
US$110 per barrel. Oil prices are up 93 per cent from 2008 to date and Pakistan spent US$12
billion in oil-imports last year. This energy mix may suit the Gulf countries but certainly not a
country like Pakistan.

Among our neighbours, India gener- ates 1 per cent of its electricity from oil, whereas
Bangladesh generates 13 per cent electricity from oil. Obviously, due to expensive energy mix,
per unit cost of production of electricity in Pakistan is expensive. NEPRA determined average
tariffs are Rs.12.5 per KW/h, whereas average applied consumer tariffs are Rs.9.16 per KWh.
Thus on an average, we are losing Rs.3 per KWh (per unit). This has to be subsidised by the
federal government through Tariff Differential Subsidy which is a contributor to fiscal deficit.

The new government would have to face the problem of fiscal management and electricity
management. All mainstream political parties have promised to resolve economic and energy
crisis. But how would they do it?

The average per unit of electricity (KWh) price in Pak rupees for consumer in India is 7.36, for a
consumer in Bangladesh is 5.47, while for a consumer in Pakistan it is 9.16. Our consumer has
to pay more than what a consumer in India and Bangladesh pays per unit of electricity used.
This is despite the fact that we are subsidising our electricity. We cannot keep on subsidising
the

electricity, but we cannot keep on increasing the consumer tariffs either. The only way out is to
reduce our cost of electricity generation and improve its efficiency of transmission and

Despite stagflation, demand for elec tricity and gas is increasing. There is no sizeable capacity
enhancement in energy exploration in the last decade. Independent Power Producers (IPP) are
running below their capacity (and many of them have closed down) as they are not getting their
receivables from the government, whereas the government owned power generation plants
(Gen-cos) are running on one third of their efficiency level. On an average, the IPPS are three
times more efficient than Gen-cos.
An improvement of 5-10 per cent energy efficiency will save about US$200-300 million per
annum and availability of additional thermal Mega Watts of generation too. This is something
where NEPRA would have to set benchmarks for the generation companies. A decision on
performance based allocation of fuel to generation plants would do the trick. Likewise, most of
the electricity distribution companies are incurring huge transmission, distribution and collection
losses. Transmission losses are much beyond the NEPRA permissible limit and according to
caretaker Minister for Water and Power, these additional (beyond the NEPRA's benchmark)
transmission losses are equivalent to the total electricity requirement of KPK and Balochiostan.

Third major challenge facing the electricity sector of Pakistan is recovery of bills. Sukkur
electricity distribution company. Quetta electricity distribution company. Hyderabad electricity
distribution company and Peshawar electricity distribution company are among the maximum
collection losses. In some instances, it is up to 80 per cent.

Most probably the next government would shift the responsibility of this crisis to its
predecessors and would do nothing to resolve the issue using the excuse of lack of fiscal
cushion. However, all the new government requires is to plug leakage in fuelEconomy of
Pakistan

717

supply system, to turn generation plants efficient, and to minimise transmission and distribution
losses.

Once the next government would take these short term measures, it would be able to
concentrate on certain medium to long term measures including taking care of circular debt;
promotion of renewable sources of electricity generation; and breaking the monopoly of WAPDA
through encouraging private sector to generate and distribute elec tricity in a competitive regime
(under a strong NEPRA)

We have been politicising the issues of economy and energy for quite some time now. Let us
hope that the new parliament would use its political wisdom to resolve these issues.

SOCIAL PROBLEMS

3.

Illiteracy

Inability to read or write is called illiteracy the illiteracy rate all over the world is rapidly
increasing all over the world. The major reasons for this state of affairs are high costs of
education and lack of institutions and access. Due to lack of resources and economic crunch
people are unable to provide good education to their children which adds to the already
prevalent mob of illiterates.

In Pakistan illiteracy is yet another problem. The illiteracy rate persist on 56% without showing
any sign of decreasing. Enrollment ratio of students at Primary level has demonstrated a
decreasing trend and fifty percent students do not complete their primary education. Despite
spending millions on it government has failed to achieve literacy rates comparable to other
counties in South Asia Schools and colleges are set up as business ventures and many of them
hardly fulfill the criteria of an institution imparting education of quality.
permeated in society and has ruined the economy. Corruption breeds other problems like

unemployment and poverty. From clerical staff to higher offices and administrators, all⚫ are
involved in corruption.

5.

Health Problems

Health is another caused by poor economic conditions. The cost of living is ever increasing and
shortage of funds is a usual problem worldwide. There are less hospitals and an acute shortage
of medicines to meet the increasing health hazards. The -existing hospitals in Pakistan present
a horrendous picture with acute shortage of proper facilities.

6. Child Labour

Child labour is most serious economic problem of Pakistan. The economic resources are
monopolized by few which deprives the poor people from making a respectable sustenance.
This state of affairs compels the poor to go to work at early age. Small and innocent kids are
forced because of scarcity of economic resources to go prefer labour work at kilns, carpet
weaving industries, plumbers and electricians. They are unable to make both ends meet even
by putting hard labour. The industrialists who hire small children to work in their factories pay
meager salaries and no facilities i.e education and health are provided to the working children.
The parents have no option than to send their children to factories to work due to poverty and
growing inflation.

ECONOMIC CHALLENGES FOR NEW GOVERNMENT

Whoever wins the election in this country of 180m will be faced immediately not only with the
challenge of Islamist terror - Pakistan's Taliban have killed hundreds of Shia Muslims and others
it regards as apostates in the past year - but also with an economy crippled by a lack of
electricity and a looming balance of payments crisis.

4.

Corruption

Corruption is the wobbling.

economic

major cause of Corruption has

"Pakistan has huge challenges,' say Nawaz Sharif, who has twice been prim minister and
whose Pakistan Muslim Leagu718

Pakistan Affairs

Nawaz has won most seats in parliament. "The first of course is the economic crisis that we are
facing and the cause of which is a massive power shortage." Power cuts of up to 20 hours a day
in some cities are costing Pakistan 3-4 per cent of gross domestic product a year, economists
say, and contributing to a sharp fall in investment to less than 11 per cent of GDP, one of the
lowest levels in Asia.

"Clearly, the steady decline in investment, coupled with reliance on con sumption for growth, is
unsustainable and undermines future growth prospects," the Asian Development Bank says in
its latest report on Pakistan.

One prediction can be made with quite accuracy. i.e., economic challenges facing the next
government are quite severe. The people as well as government of Pakistan would continue to
face tough time over economic and energy issues.

The GDP of Pakistan kept on following boom and bust cycle for the last many decades. The last
boon in the GDP was in 2005, it declined in 2006, improved in 2007 and since then it is nose-
diving. Due to various factors (including political instability. floods, power crisis, reduced foreign
direct investment etc.), the last five years' average GDP growth is around 3 per cent.

This growth is mainly consumption driven and (after a recent change in the base year for
national income accounts) services sector contributes a major share in our GDP (50 per cent),
followed by agriculture (23 per cent), and mining, manufacturing, construction and energy gas
and water supply (21 per cent).

Services sector can only absorb highly skilled and literate human resources. Large scale
manufacturing is badly affected due to energy crisis, hence agriculture remains the last resort of
our labour force. Thus the sector with maximum contribution to our GDP cannot offer livelihood
opportunity to our major labour force. This is only one aspect of our economic framework, other
ndicators are not promising either.

Thus investment as per cent of the GDP declined from 22 per cent in 2007-2008 to 12.5 per
cent in 2011-2012. During 2011 2012, negative terms of trade led to negative contribution of net
exports. During last five years, national fiscal health remained challenged by chronic issues like
ineffective taxation system, debt hit power sector, sick public sector enterprises, governance
issues, natural and manmade disasters, and security Situation. Tax to GDP ratio fell from 11.1:
per cent in 2007-2008 to 10 per cent in 2012. In the same period, the FBR tax to GDP ratio fell
from 10.3 per Cent to 9.1 per cent. Thirty per cent of the entire tax collection came from POL at
various stages.

Chronic misuse of statutory regulatory orders (SROS) remained unabated during the last five
years too. Sixty per cent of tariff lines have different tariff rates for different importers through
SROS. Despite last year's budget announcement of having a uniform general sales tax rate
(GST) in the country, we continue to have multiple rates ranging from zero sales tax to 22 per
cent on certain products.

Low tax to GDP ratio, power sector circular debt (around 480 billion rupees), stocks of unpaid
commodity, tariff differential subsidy, unplanned bailouts to public sector enterprises, and
natural and manmade disasters led to fiscal deficit which averaged 7.3 per cent during the last
three years and may jump up to 10 per cent in current fiscal year. Domestic borrowing remained
a major source of financing fiscal deficit, thus crowding out the private sector. Liquidity crunch
and power crisis has virtually crippled the private sector, thus negatively affecting new job
creation among many other things.
Next fiscal year would start with the foreign exchange barely sufficient for one month's imports
(around 5 billion dollars) and with IMF payment of US$3.8 billion for 2013 14. So maintaining
balance of payment would be one of the first challenges on economic front facing next
government. Mammoth fiscal deficit would negatively affect the next government's availability to
spend. The next government cannot default on debt services, Economy of Pakistan

712

would not reduce defence and security expenditures, and most likely would have to increase
day-to-day administration expenditures to keep all allies happy. Thus, it is very clear that brunt
of fiscal deficit would be faced by public sector development programme or, in other words, the
people of Pakistan.

The new government would not be able to do any overnight miracles and most of the economic
miseries would remain unchanged irrespective of the fact who comes to power. However, one
vector where, if it puts its acts together, the new government can provide immehate relief is
energy and power sector. Economic and energy growth figures reveal that energy growth
follows high GDP growth and vice versa. This is a vicious chicken-egg situation. where we
cannot generate enough electricity because we don't have enough fiscal cushions and our
economy is crippling because we don't have enough energy to meet its requirements.

On electricity generation, our energy mix is highly skewed to fuel oil. In 2005, 27 per cent of our
electricity was being generated from oil and 51 per cent from gas. Today we are producing 44
per cent from oil and 16 per cent from gas. Fuel oil was US$20 per barrel in 2005, today it is
US$110 per barrel. Oil prices are up 93 per cent from 2008 to date and Pakistan spent US$12
billion in oil imports last year. This energy mix may suit the Gulf countries but certainly not a
country like Pakistan.

Among our neighbours, India gener- ates 1 per cent of its electricity from oil. whereas
Bangladesh generates 13 per cent electricity from oil. Obviously, due to expensive energy mix,
per unit cost of production of electricity in Pakistan is expensive. NEPRA determined average
tariffs are Rs.12.5 per KW/h, whereas average applied consumer tariffs are Rs.9.16 per KWh.
Thus on an average, we are losing Rs.3 per KWh (per unit). This has to be subsidised by the
federal government through Tariff Differential Subsidy which is a ontributor to fiscal deficit.

The new government would have to face the problem of fiscal management and electricity
management. All mainstream political parties have promised to resolve economic and energy
crisis. But how would they do it?

The average per unit of electricity (KWh) price in Pak rupees for consumer in India is 7.36, for a
consumer in Bangladesh is 5.47, while for a consumer in Pakistan it is 9.16. Our consumer has
to pay more than what a consumer in India and Bangladesh pays per unit of electricity used.
This is despite the fact that we are subsidising our electricity. We cannot keep on subsidising
the electricity, but we cannot keep on increasing the consumer tariffs either. The only way out is
to reduce our cost of electricity generation and improve its efficiency of transmission and
distribution.

Despite stagflation, demand for elec tricity and gas is increasing. There is no sizeable capacity
enhancement in energy exploration in the last decade. Independent Power Producers (IPP) are
running below. their capacity (and many of them have closed down) as they not getting their are
receivables from the government, whereas the government owned power generation plants
(Gen-cos) are running on one third of their efficiency level. On an average, the IPPS are three
times more efficient than Gen-cos.

An improvement of 5-10 per cent energy efficiency will save about US$200-300 million per
annum and availability of additional thermal Mega Watts of generation too. This is something
where NEPRA would have to set benchmarks for the generation companies. A decision on
performance based allocation of fuel to generation plants would do the trick. Likewise, most of
the electricity distribution companies are incurring huge transmission, distribution and collection
losses. Transmission losses are much beyond the NEPRA permissible limit and according to
caretaker Minister for Water and Power, these additional (beyond the NEPRA's benchmark)
transmission losses are equivalent to the total electricity requirement of KPK and Balochiostan.
720

Third major challenge facing the electricity sector of Pakistan is recovery of bills. Sukkur
electricity distribution company. Quetta electricity distribution company, Hyderabad electricity
distribution company and Peshawar electricity distribution company are among the maximum
collection losses. In some instances, it is up to 80 per cent.

Most probably the next government would shift the responsibility of this crisis to its
predecessors and would do nothing to resolve the issue using the excuse of lack of fiscal
cushion. However, all the new government requires is to plug leakage in fuel supply system, to
turn generation plants efficient, and to minimise transmission and distribution losses.

Once the next government would take these short term measures, it would be able to
concentrate on certain medium to long term measures including taking care of circular debt;
promotion of renewable sources of electricity generation; and breaking the monopoly of WAPDA
through encouraging private sector to generate and distribute elec tricity in a competitive regime
(under a strong NEPRA).

We have been politicising the issues of economy and energy for quite some time now. Let us
hope that the new parliament I would use its political wisdom to resolve these issues.

VISION 2025

AFGHANISTAN PESHAWAR

QUETTA

DERA ISMAIL KHAN

ABBOTTABAD

ISLAMABAD

INDUS

HIGHWAY

1264 km

PAKISTAN
GWADAR

KARACHI

The PML-N manifesto promised a national literacy movement and formulation of

Pakistan Affairs

Vision 2025 for Pakistan's education systen apart from a uniform educational system in the
country.

"National Education Emergency will be declared to eradicate illiteracy on a war footing,"


promised the PML-N. It also aimed at a threefold increase in the overall expenditure on health to
at least two per cent of GDP by 2018, while promising a comprehensive National Health Service
across Pakistan.

While the Planning Division has launched Vision 2025 in the country, it does not specifically
address the required effort for immediate reforms in the education sector, nor has the
government imposed a national education emergency.

However, the government launched 'Ilm Pakistan' initiative with the pledge to make the country
a cradle of knowledge by incorporating cooperation endeavours in the field of education, IT and
science and technology.

"The country was in dire need of a shared vision as in the post-18th Amendment scenario, the
process of economic planning and development was almost directionless," says Dr Nadeem
Javaid, Chief Economist at the Planning Commission. "The Ministry launched Vision 2025 to
steer the long-term planning and development of the economic and social sectors of the
economy," he adds.

Vision 2025 has seven targets which cater to developing human and social capital, sustained
and inclusive growth, democratic governance and institutional reform, water, energy and food
security, entrepreneurship. developing a competitive knowledge economy as well as modern
transportation infrastructure and greater connectivity. regional

INDIA

MAKRAN

COASTAL

HIGHWAY

653 km

These targets give a description of issues to be resolved, including poverty eradication,


infrastructure with a consensus from all

broader education, health, Economy of Pakistan


72

provinces. It has also narrated the 11th Five- Year Plan. So far, Vision 2025 is in its early
implementation phase; however, it has already caused differences amongst other governmental
departments.

"Ministries will get red and green scores on the implementation of Vision 2025," Ahsan Iqbal, the
minister for planning and development, recently stated. However, a tug of war began last week,
with two key federal ministers voicing against the division for unnecessarily delaying the energy-
related projects.

The PML-N had also promised a number of steps for the promotion of trade and strengthening
of economy. "It [PML-N] will revive the economy, double the GDP growth to over six per cent,
reduce budget deficit to four per cent, reduce the country's dependence on foreign loans and
assistance, revamp state enterprises, decrease tax rates, ensure lower interest rates, and make
Pakistan emerge as one of the top 10 economies of the world in the 21st century." said Prime
Minister Nawaz Sharif while launching the party's manifesto in 2013. He had also promised
permanent elimination of circular debt, 10,000 megawatts of electricity generation and ending
load shedding in three years.

As the government has reached the halfway mark in its tenure, the GDP growth remains at 4.2
for the fiscal year 2014-15. Similarly, the budget deficit has also remained 5.3 per cent.
Moreover, there has been an increase in the taxes while the interest rate has decreased. Yet,
the overall economy has taken a somewhat better shape according to independent analysts in
the country.

"Planning Commission has made efforts to align the Public Sector Development Programme
(PSDP) with the priorities outlined in Vision 2025 besides resolving the recently. prolonged
issue of throw-forward to a large extent," says Javaid. "During the last two

years, Central Development Working Party (CDWP) meeting was convened 28 times and it
approved 262 projects valuing Rs219 billion. Similarly, 19 meetings of ECNEC were held and
they approved 144 projects valuing Rs 4,460 billion during this period. Out of these 406
projects, 151 are major projects, which are related to energy, infrastructure and higher
education", adds Javaid,

"Better scrutiny of these projects by the Planning Commission rationalised the cost of these
projects to the tune of Rs 561 billion, resulting in equivalent savings, thus, lessening the burden
on the national exchequer," he claims.

The Planning Commission also oversees projects under the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor
(CPEC). CPEC, launched in April 2015, is one major contribution of the Planning and
Development division. A project with estimated cost of $46 billion, it is considered as the game-
changer in the region. The project is expected to connect Gwadar in Balochistan to Xinjiang,
China through a number of road and rail links.

CPEC consists of a number of projects which include 10,400 megawatts of electricity through
coal, nuclear, and other renewable sources, a fiber optic cable, upgrades and development of
transport and communication infrastructure. It also includes projects to address climate change,
joint researches and cooperation between various governmental entities in both the countries.
The projects, such as Karachi-Lahore, Gwadar-Ratodero, and Hazara Motorways, Orange Line
in Lahore and upgrading of Gwadar International Airport are likely to be completed by 2017. The
early harvest projects of CPEC will be completed by December 2017 and bring a
transformational change by solving the problems of energy and infrastructure sector," said
Ahsan Iqba722

Another major effort by the PML-N government includes civil service reforms by introducing
tangible Key Performance Indicators (KPIs) and implementing Performance Management
System in all the major ministries. Similarly, Sustainable Development Goals were recently
launched by the Planning Commission where an MOU was signed with the United Nations for
the implementation of SDGs in Pakistan.

"The Planning Commission has prepared 11th Five Year Plan (2013-18) in partnership with
stakeholders with a focus on the revival of the economy," says Dr Nadeem Javaid.

There are critics of what the ministry is doing. "You may bring in a new vision, policy or an idea,
but it does not mean you should discard the previous policies in entirety," says Dr. Nadeem ul
Haque, former deputy chairman of the Planning Commission who feels that every new
government discards the previous policies completely. "In fact, the role of the Planning
Commission is very important yet it continues to do what it has always been doing. The things
are as they were in the last government or before," he adds.

Conclusion

It hardly needs to be emphasised that electricity is the lifeline of national economy and the
people at large. The Economy and public life practically come to a halt because of the load
shedding. The existing crisis can be addressed by the government by taking prompt measures.
There is hardly any room for neglect or delay.

THE GSP PLUS STATUS FOR PAKISTAN

Pakistan eventually was successful in securing Generalized Scheme of Preferences (GSP)


status after years of sustained efforts. The European Union granted the GSP status to Pakistan
in December 2013. This will accelerate country's export and increase access to EU market
through duty free

Pakistan Affairs

imports of GSP eligible products. The grant of GSP status came to effect from January 1, 2014.

The EU is the largest trading partner of Pakistan. It is actively involved in helping Pakistan in its
endeavours for socio economic development. Though trading relations were weakened during
the last decade, one-third of Pakistan's exports used to go to the EU in 1995-96 which
decreased to one-fourth in 2000-01. It further fell to almost 10 percent by the year 2010-11. The
lessening of trade relations since 2007-08 was mainly due to the European debt crisis that
emerged during aftermath of the great recession.

Pakistan's major part of remittances come from the EU which has slowed down in the recent
years. In the mid-1990s 35 percent foreign investment commenced from the EU. It marked up to
43 percent in 2000-01 which radically dropped to 11.5 by 2010-11. The drastic economic slow
down due to security reasons energy crisis and poor governance since 2007-08 depicted
Pakistan a less attractive goal for foreign investment.

The European countries devised GSP in 1971 to help and assist developing countries to
replenish and expand their exports. To achieve this goal, the European Countries either erased
or reduced import tariff on specified products exported by approved developing countries
including Pakistan. This tariff preferential system has been added to GSP plus through
additional tariff reduction to assailable developing countries. The prime objective of GSP plus is
to assist developing countries in poverty alleviation, improving governance promoting
development and growth. and

The GSP plus status fetches with it some highly lucrative advantages which our exports and
government must avail to the maximum. However tariff preferences are under some restraints
and safeguards.

These instruments are not applied to exports under MFN rates (more than one-half of all MFN
tariff lines are set at zero percent and another one-quarter are below fivealoчeт ezeg npin mans
gey

723

Economy of Pakistan

percent). The EU buyers, therefore, prefer imports cleared under MFN because they are more
reliable and sustainable and are not subject to quantity restraints and safeguards as well.

Although the prospects of duty-free under the GSP Plus access for textile and clothing suggest
enormous scope for Pakistan's exports expansion, the reality is somewhat different. The
applicable quantity threshold, that is, tariff preferences are not available to a country for a
product whose exports exceed six percent of the EU's annual GSP imports of that product,
means that Pakistan's textile and clothing exports will largely remain subject to MFN imports
duties.

The applicable safeguard provision under which tariff preferences are withdrawn when imports
of textiles increase by 14.5 percent and all other products by 17.5 percent over a period of three
years. An authoritative research study has estimated that a total of $600 million (that is, roughly
$300 million in textiles, $100 million in leather products and $200 million in all other products)
can be additionally exported to the EU at zero percent duty without attracting safeguard action.

Many non-textile products such as sports goods, surgical instruments and Basmati rice, copper
and animal casings, already enter the EU duty free under either GSP or MFN rates. For these
products, the GSP Plus tariff preferences will have no positive market access impact.
Nonetheless. the greatest scope for Pakistan's exports lay with textile and clothing expansion of
sector under the GSP Plus package.

This preferential duty regime will not suffice to secure sustainable market access to the EU.
They are merely a catalyst. The government and industry need to invest in higher technology,
standards compliance, certification, quality control and packaging. and demand-driven output.
The GSP Plus status will not be there forever, therefore, investment must be made to make this
sector competitive on a sustained basis.
It is also to be noted that the GSP Plus advantages perceived to accrue to Pakistan may attract
strong defensive action from EU competitors like Italy. Portugal and Greece in textiles and
Romania in clothing: and offensive actions from non-EU competitors like Bangladesh, India and
China. How to face these defensive and offensive actions will be a real challenge for Pakistan
and its textile industry going forward.

Some of the serious impediments to increasing exports not only to the EU but to all markets are
rising cost of production. low productivity, volatile prices of raw materials, difficulty in achieving
the required market standards, costs of certification, lack of customer confidence inconsistent
levels of quality control and supply driven exports that are unresponsive to the EU market
demand The EU market is lucrative and highly profitable, but at the same time it is also very
sophisticated and competitive. Pakistan must use its GSP Plus advantages to improve upon the
factors listed above.

The GSP Plus status granted to Pakistan is conditional on the ratification and implementation of
27 international conventions in the areas of human rights, labour standards, environment and
good governance. Adoption of these conventions will assist Pakistan in integrating into the
cross-border supply chain which will strengthen manufacturing activity and further promote its
exports. Pakistan has ratified almost all the conventions. The most critical aspect of these
conventions is that their compliance will be strictly monitored by the EU through the unnamed
third parties from civil society or NGOS.

Another critical challenge pertaining to the compliance would emanate from the 18th
Amendment to the constitution. As a result of the 18th Amendment, there has been a shift of
power relevant to the conditions of GSP Plus - from the federal to the provincial governments.
While the federa724

Pakistan Affairs

government has worked hard to get the GSP Plus status and is responsible for monitoring and
reporting of the 27 conventions, implementation of the corresponding domestic legislation is
largely responsibility of provincial governments, the perhaps not yet ready for compliance. The
federal government must establish a supervisory body to coordinate with provincial
governments in this respect.

The extension of the EU's GSP preferences to Pakistan will certainly boost its competitiveness,
but ultimately success in accessing the EU market in greater quantities will depend on
Pakistan's ability to meet EU consumers' demand both in terms of quantity and quality, to
increase its production efficiency, to invest in technologies and skilled manpower, and to be able
to withstand its competitors' defensive and offensive actions.

GSP Plus alone will not suffice. The short-term advantages of tariff preferences under GSP Plus
must wisely be invested for long-term goals, not short-term profit.

There should be no doubt that the GSP Plus status has been earned through the combined
efforts of successive Pakistan governments. A generation of commerce ministers remained
glued to the issue. pressing the 27-member EU bloc to offer Pakistan zero-rated market access
already available to others in the region; such as Bangladesh

Credit certainly goes to the present government, particularly Punjab Governor Chaudhry Sarwar
for using his personal clout in the member states to secure duty-free access to the EU. State
Minister for Commerce and Textile Industry Khurram Dastagir Khan also played his due role by
timely visits and meetings with senior officials of EU countries to lobby for Pakistan. And while
he faced tough questions, the minister managed to convince the officials that Pakistan will
continue implementing 27 U.N conventions linked to the trade issue.

ECONOMY ON THE EDGE OF PRECIPICE

The State Bank of Pakistan (SBP) allowed the rupee to slump by almost four per Icent last week
for a third time in seven months amid growing signs of a balance of payment crisis and
speculations that the country will be forced to knock at the doors of the International Monetary
Fund (IMF) sooner than later for its support.

The successive rounds of currency devaluation that saw the rupee slip from R$105 to a dollar to
Rs122 in 11 months have also reinforced suggestions that Pakistan's $300 billion economy is
on the brink of a meltdown. But is it?

Economists like Karachi-based Asad Sayeed don't agree with this talk of 'gloom and doom'.
"No, the economy is not on the brink. There's a recurring balance of payments crisis, which
we've seen many times before," he argued.

Others like Ali Asghar Poonawala, a senior financial analyst at AKD Securities, agree. "The
devaluation shows signs of vulnerability in the economy as foreign currency reserves are
depleting on a widening current account deficit that may push us back into the lap of the IMF for
another bailout."

He continues: "Pakistan's macroeconomic picture has always been a tale of missed


opportunities. The present currency crisis is another reminder of what we didn't do to fix the
economy when we had the opportunity. It means we are again in for belt-tightening measures
for another few years."

At her maiden press conference, caretaker Finance Minister Shamshad Akhtar referred to four
problems facing the economy. widening current account deficit, growing budget deficit,
increasing debt and loss making public sector enterprises. But she also pointed out that the real
economic sector was strong, economic growth was broad-based and inflation was (still) low.
Economy of Pakistan

725

"Our top problem is the current account deficit that is running at a much faster pace than
anticipated (and stood at over $14bn, up by 50pc from last year, in the frst 10 months of the
present fiscal against the full-year target of $8.9bn)," she was quoted by media to have stated,
defending the central bank's decision to let the rupee weaken.

Many question the decision to abruptly devalue the currency, contending that it will push
inflation and increase the cost of credit without helping the country's exports as expected. But
the caretakers had nowhere else to turn to stop depletion in reserves that have declined to
about $10bn or equal, less than two-month's import bill.

"The currency devaluation doesn't fix the economy in the short run. But this move is a response
to depleting reserves. So it's a matter of judgment at what point the SBP should stop defending
the rupee with its dollar reserves," Sayeed explained.
"This is a matter of day to day handling. The choice before the caretakers was to deplete the
reserves further by keeping the value of the rupee intact or to preserve foreign exchange
reserves and let the rupee slide. They chose the latter. They had to take a decision."

But analysts warn that currency devaluation alone will not work. Unaccompanied by structural
reforms to fix the economy, all that devaluation does is increase the import bill that will push
inflation, raise the cost of credit, widen trade gap. slowdown growth and force more external
borrowings, they add.

Though exports have registered an increase of above 15pc in 11 months to May because of
currency devaluation and cash subsidies allowed to textile and other exporters of manufactured
goods, imports too have shown no signs of relenting and have risen by 14.3pc. It has resulted in
a widening trade gap of around $33bn against the original full-year target of $25.7bn.

"The rupee depreciation does have some bene'its indicated by growth in textiles and food
commodity exports where price is largely the only competitive advantage in the global market as
these exports are low value added goods," said Poonawala.

"Even so, a weak rupee is likely to have a limited impact on curtailing the twin deficits,
particularly when our economy continues to rely on consumption-oriented growth (total
consumption expenditure accounted for 82pc of GDP growth in FY2018) as key necessities for
sustaining this growth (energy, edible oils, plastics, vehicles. and parts) are imported and
undergo an obvious rise as well.

"Focusing on value added exports is key here, which can only be done if we have an
environment that furthers innovation, technology and job creation."

Faisal Mamsa, the chief executive officer of Land Mark Capital, agrees. "Our imports are
inelastic but more so because we lack the infrastructure to benefit from a weaker currency. For
example, over the last 10 years, our exports have moved in the $20 25bn range whereas
countries have doubled and quadrupled their exports."

Analysts say the fresh devaluation move may help Pakistan meet the IMF's criterion for a new
bailout.

"It gives a signal to the IMF that Pakistan is doing its homework ahead of a possible loan
concluded. programme." Mamsa728

Pakistan Affairs

35

PAKISTAN'S ENERGY CRISIS: Short and Long-Term Solutions

The energy sector saw major developments in its history since development of the first major
power plant development The energy crisis brewed in 2007 and was at peak during 2011-2012
Prior to the present government, circular debt, weak financial position of energy companies,
liquidity crunch, falling gas production, low exploitation of indigenous coal and hydel resources,
high dependence on oilgas as power generation source and unutilized power generation
capacity were some of the significant constraints which caused severe energy shortages. The
present government from the very beginning. nad given high priority to energy sector, thus
making significant efforts on all fields ranging from immediate step to long-term plan. As
immediate step, the government retired the circular debt in start of its administration. The
government has also substantially brought down power subsidies and has significantly
contained the accumulation of new payable arrears in the power sector by (i) improving Discos'
performance. (ii) rationalizing tariffs, and (i) reducing delays in tariff determination. The subsidy
for power sector which were Rs. 464 billion (2.3 percent of

124

GDP) in FY 2012 has been consistently reduced to Rs. 217 billion (0.7 percent of GDP) in FY
2016. All this was done while protecting the vulnerable consumer segments of the country.
Further, Circular Debt Capping Plan is effectively managing the power sector financial flows,
stocks and subsidy budget

The National Power Policy 2013" was approved by the CCI to address the key challenges of the
power sector and to achieve the long-term vision of the power sector The policy focused on
short term, midterm and long term objectives to make the power sector sustainable. In short run,
two critical issues were addressed on fast track. One issue was inefficient recovery system
while the other was effective control of transmission and distribution losses. It is worth
mentioning that Ministry of Water and Power has shown significant improvement in both issues.
Recoveries from end consumers. reached 94.40 percent during July-March FY 2017, being
highest in past ten years while transmission and distribution losses declined to 16.3 percent
during the period under discussion(Fig-1).

Fig-1: Bill Recoveries and Loss Reduction (%)

Bill Recoveries T&D Losses

1934

1834

534

31%

FY 13

Source: Mo Water and Power

FY 14

FY 15

FY 16

1739 1739

1634
1534

1134

July-March FY 17PAKISTAN'S ENERGY CRISIS: Short & Long-Term Solutions

727

will One other salient feature of the policy was medium term, National Power Policy 2013
creation of an energy market by moving from had also focused on reducing the basket the
single buyer model towards buyer plus price by introducing generation on cheaper and
ultimately an energy exchange market. fuels Altering the fuel mix towards less As first step of
the transition an agent for the expensive fuels will lead to low cost energy. power sector entries
and a clearing house Investments required for the low cost fuel mix necessitate rationalization of
the Central Power Purchase Agency (CPPA-G). electricity tariff. In this regard, both Private
Thus under the executive direction from the Power and Infrastructure Board (PPIB) and ECC
(April 30, 2015), NEPRA mandated the Alternative Energy Development Board CPPA-G to
propose the characteristics of a (AEDB) are playing vital role on behalf of the competitive
trading bilateral contracts market Government of Pakistan in materializing (the CTBCM) As part
of this assignment, the government commitment of adding CPPA-G has reviewed several
market sustainable and affordable power generation models established in other countries,
trying to the national grid. Thus energy imports of to extract from them the most important
liquefied natural gas (LNG) and coal along lessons and using this information to develop with
utilization of domestic resources like a customized model for the energy sector in construction of
Thar coal mines, hydro power the country. CPPA-G is working on stations, nuclear power
plants, as well as development of self-sustainable power several solar and wind farms will
significantly market with least intervention and subsidy reduce the country's reliance on oil in the
support from the government of Pakistan. To medium term and improve the energy mix.
increase transparency in the system, more The list of Power Plants which started dissemination
of information is being done operation along with their respective fuel type

was established by operationalization of through public disclosure of major daily is given below
in Table-1: financial transactions in the power sector. In

Table-1: List of Power Plants Started Operation since 2015

2015

2016 Fuel Type

2017

Plant Names

Fuel Type

Installed Capacity (MW)

Plant Names

Fuel Type
Installed Capacity (MW) སྦྱོསྦྱོg ཎྜ」ཎྜ」༄」」

Plant Names

Installed Capacity (MW)

RYKML

Bagasse

30

Solar

APOLO SOLAR

Fatima

Coal Bagasse

120

FWEL-1

Wind

50

Best Green

Solar

Solar

Hamza

Bagasse

15

Solar

100

Crest Energy Solar

Solar

Bhiki
Gas

QUAID AZAM

760

NANDIPUR

425

Younus

Furnace Oil

Wind

Wind

50

」」a

a༐༐

བྷ」

Dawood Wind

Wind

50

Metro

SAPPHIRE

Wind

Wind

50

Sachal

Wind

Bagasse
62 717

CHINIOT

Tapal

Wind

995

TOTAL

Master

TOTAL

Wind

Tenaga

Gul Ahmed

Wind

Wind

Chashnupp

Nuclear

TOTAL728

Pakistan Affairs

Various initiatives have also been started to ensure the sustainability of the reforms envisaged
under the Power Policy of 2013 ranging from regulatory reforms to market development have
been introduced. Another important and critical initiative is projects under

China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC). The CPEC envisages projects in energy and
infrastructure, with a total financial outlay of around US$ 46 billion. Financial outlay of Energy
sector projects are estimated to be US $ 34.74 billion while Infrastructure projects are estimated
to be US $ 13.217

billion while Infrastructure projects are estimated to be US $ 13.217 billion. Energy sector
projects includes power generation and transmission projects to be implemented in IPP mode
while Infrastructure projects includes projects for construction of roads, highways, railways,
ports and telecommunications infrastructure, to be implemented as government to government
loans/ grants. Till March 2017, twelve (12) projects have been signed in Energy Sectors with
eight (8) projects in PPIB and four (4) projects in AEDB. following figure (Fig-2) give the
comparison of installed capacity (MW) and generation (GW/h):
Fig-2: Comparison of Installed Capacity (MW) and Generation (GW/h)

Installed Capacity (MW) Generation (GW/h)

22.79

95,366

22.812

96,496

106,607

23,531

23,579

23,718

108,408

104,089

2011-12

2012-13

2013-14

2014-15

2015-16 P

Source: M/o Water and Power

During July-March FY 2017, although installed capacity increased to 25.1 million MW from 22.9
million MW during corresponding period last year, however there was decline in generation as it
remained 85,206 GW/h during July-March FY 2017 compared to 101,970 GW/h during July-
March FY 2016. The decline in the share of hydro in electricity generation mainly occurred due
to weather condition and less flow of water in rivers (Fig-3).

Regarding consumption pattern, significant change in the consumption pattern of electricity.


However, during July-March FY17, the share of household in electricity consumption has been
increased which is indicating that economy growth has switched general public to use advance
technological products. The government has given priority to industrial sector thus there was

uninterrupted power supply to industrial sector. However a little decline in share of industry in
electricity consumption is due to the use of own captive power plants on LNG by large industrial
units. The increase in share of agriculture in electricity consumption is positive sign that farmer
are getting electricity for farm mechanization which will in turn have spill over effect on the
economy as whole. The comparison between consumption patterns of electricity during July-
March FY 2017 with corresponding period last year is shown below in Fig-4:

14.1: Performance of Pakistan Power Sector Players

14.1.1: Pakistan Atomic Energy Commission (PAEC)

(PAEC)

Pakistan Atomic Energy Commission has been actively engaged inPAKISTAN'S ENERGY
CRISIS: Short & Long-Term Solutions

729

harnessing nuclear power technology At present, four nuclear plant i.e. Karachi Nuclear Power
Plant (KANUPP) at Karachi, Chashma Nuclear Power Plant Unit-1, Unit-2

and Unit-3 (C-1, C-2 and C-3) at Chashma (Mianwali) are operating with gross capacity of 1,090
MW.

Fig-3: Share in Electricity Generation

FY 2016

FY 2017

Hydro 30%

Thermal 629

Source: M/o Water and Power

Fig-4: Electricity Consumption

60

KANUPP has now completed forty five years of safe and successful operation. C-1 and C-2 are
amongst the best performing power stations in the country. C-3 was formally inaugurated by the
Prime Minister on December 28, 2016. Some performance parameters of these operating plants
is given in the following Table-2:

July-March FY 2016 July-March FY 2017

46

50

40

30
20

10

Commercial

The construction of fifth nuclear plants. Chashma Nuclear Power Plant unit-4 (C-4) at Chashma
site is underway. It is expected that C-4 will be connected to the national grid in May 2017. Sixth
and Seventh Nuclear Power Plants Unit-2 and Unit-3 (K-2 and K-3) are under construction near
Karachi. The first concrete pours of K-2 and K-3 were performed on Aug 20, 2015 and May 31,
2016 respectively.

Source: HDIP

Table 2: Performance of the Operating Nuclear Power Plants in Pakistan

Plants

Capacity (MW)

Grid

Electricity sent to Grid (million KWh)

Connection Date

Gross

Net

July 1, 2016 to March 31, 2017

Lifetime upto March 31, 2017

KANUPP

100

90

18-Oct-71

293

14,026

C-1

325
300

13-Jun-00

1.808

32,885

C-2

325

300

14-Mar-11

1,654

13,000 966

340

315

C-3

15-Oct-16

966

Source: Pakistan Atomic Energy Commission730

Pakistan Affairs

Pakistan Atomic Energy Commission (PAEC) is planning to intensify its activities to amplify its
role towards meeting the electricity requirements of the country. Construction of K-2/K-3 is the
first major step to achieve the target of 8,800 MW nuclear capacity by 2030. PAEC is actively
planning to develop additional sites to install future nuclear power plants. Sites have been
identified throughout the country that are being investigated and acquired for development.

14.1.2: National Electric Power Regulatory Authority (NEPRA)

The National Electric Power Regulatory Authority (NEPRA) is responsible for regulating electric
power services and safeguarding the interests of investor and consumers. The main functions of
NEPRA are:

power ⚫It determines tariff rates, charges and other terms and condition for supply of electric
power
• Prescribes and enforces performances standard

• Addresses complaints of electricity consumers

Give advice/recommendations to the concerned entities including the government on various


power sector issues

License

During July-March FY 2017 one Distribution License and twenty three Generation Licenses with
installed capacity of 6,269 MW were issued. Also six generation licenses were cancelled and
two licenses were revoked during the period under consideration.

Tariff

During July-March FY 2017, NEPRA granted licenses for generation, transmission and
distribution of electric power for coal, solar, LNG, small Hydropower and Bagasse based power
projects. Three companies namely Dating Pakistan Karachi Power Generation (Private) I imited
(imported coal).

Efforts are being made to make

Thal Nova Power Thar (Privtate) Limited (local coal) and Thar Energy Limited (local coal)
unconditionally accepted the Upfront Coal Tariff and the decisions in the matter were issued on
Aug 11, 2016, Oct 18, 2016 and Oct 18, 2016 respectively. Two companies namely Lucky
Electric Power Company and Siddiqsons Energy have shifted from imported coal to local coal.
Decisions in the matter were issued on Oct 20, 2016 and Dec 1, 2016 respectively. Tariff were
also issued on Aug 9, 2016 to National Power Parks Management Company for its two LNG
projects located at Balloki and Haveli Bahadur Shah of 1,223 MW and 1,230 MW respectively.

Standard

The Key Performance Indicators for previous years as per the requirements of Performance
Standard Generation Rules transmission and distribution of electric (PSGR) 2009, Performance
Standard Transmission Rules (PSTR) 2005 and Performance Standard Distribution Rules
(PSDR) 2005 were evaluated and comprehensive Performance Evaluation Reports of the Public
Sector GENCOS, TRANSCOS, DISCOS and K-Electric were uploaded on the website of
NEPRA.

It grants licenses for generation,

amendments NEPRA Act. These amendments will Enhance powers of NEPRA

Provide competitive Market Transactions.

• Provide Efficiency, Transparency and Accountability

Clarify Policy and Regulation

141.3: Private Power and Infrastructure Board (PPIB)


The Private Power

and Infrastructure Board (PPIB) is a 'One Window' facilitator to the private investors in the field
of power generation on behalf of the Government of Pakistan (GCP). The main achievements
are:

• Successfully managed to induct 31 independent private power projects totaling about 9071
MW. PAKISTAN'S ENERGY CRISIS: Short & Long-Term Solutions

731

Attracted an investment of around US$ Ltd (50 MW) are situated at Jhampir while 9.4 billion.
IPPS are around 50% of the country's

present installed generation capacity.

Attracted leading international local

investors and lenders to the Pakistan Power Sector. Contributed in development of domestic

capital markets.

Supported economic growth and enhanced power supply.

84 MW New Bong Hydropower Project, the first hydro IPP in Pakistan/AJK Commissioned.

870 MW Suki Kinari, Financing Agreements with the Lenders Signed.

1320 MW PQEPCL started construction activities

1320 MW Sahiwal Power Project started construction activities at site from its equity.

. 102 MW Gulpur Hydropower Project, Ground Breaking Ceremony held on 15 October-2015.

660 MW Engro Powergen Thar Limited

started construction activities. 141.4: Alternative Energy Development

Board (AEDB) To diversify energy mix and ensure energy security, the Government of Pakistan
has mandated Alternative Energy Development Board (AEDB) to act as a central agency for
development and promotion of Alternative & Renewable Energy (ARE) technologies in the
country and to facilitate the private sector investment in this sector. The current and expected
status of Renewable Energy power generation projects are as under.

Wind Power Projects

Twenty Four (28) wind power projects having a cumulative capacity of 1397.6 MW are at
different stages of development / operation. In 2016, five wind power projects by Yunus Energy
Ltd (50 MW), Metro Power Company Ltd (50 MW). Tapal Wind Energy Private Ltd (30 MW),
Master Wind Energy Private Ltd (528 MW) and Gul Wind Energy
Tenaga Generasi Ltd (49.5 MW) is situated at Gharo. Till now, twelve wind power projects of
590.5 MW cumulative capacity have achieved commercial operation and are supplying
electricity to National Grid. Eight (08) projects with a cumulative capacity of 445 MW have
achieved financial close and are under construction and expected to be completed within 2018.
These are Hydro China Dawood Power Private Ltd (49.5 MW), Sachal Energy Development
Private Ltd (49.5 MW), United Energy Pakistan Private Ltd (99 MW), Jhampir Wind Power

Limited (49.6 MW), Hawa Energy Pvt. Limited (50 MW), Hartford Alternative Energy Private
Limited (49.3 MW), Three Gorges Second Wind Farm Private Ltd (49.5 MW). Three Gorges
Third Wind Farm Private Ltd (49.5 MW). Further, four (04) wind power projects with a
cumulative capacity of 197.1 MW have been issued LOS and are expected to achieve Financial
Closing during 2017.

Solar Power Projects

Four solar projects (100 MW each) named Quaid-e-Azam Solar Park, Bahawalpur with different
IPPs with cumulative capacity of 400 MW are operational. Out of four, three were completed in
Aug 2016. Seven IPPs with a cumulative capacity of 72.52 MW have obtained Letter of Support
(LOS) from AEDB and are in the process of achieving Financial Closing of their projects while
seventeen solar power projects of 484 MW cumulative capacity have obtained Letter of Intent
(LOI) from AEDB and are at different stages of project development and will be completed
during 2018-19.

Biomass/Waste-To-Energy

In order to tap the potential of electricity generation from the sugar mills in Pakistan, the
Government of Pakistan on recommendation of AEDB announced the Framework for Power
Co-Generation 2013 (Baggase/Biomass) in 2013. Twenty Four (24) companies / sugar mills of
817.5 MW cumulative capacity have been issued Letter of Intent (LOI) from AEDB and are at
different stages of project development and will be completed during 2018-19. 732

Pakistan Affairs

14.2: Oil (Petroleum Product)

Pakistan mainly depends upon oil and gas resources to fulfil energy requirements. The
domestic production of crude oil remained 24.2 million barrels during July-March FY 2017
compared to 24.0 million barrels during the corresponding period last year. Indigenous
resources of oil are not enough to quench energy thirst of a growing economy. As a result
Pakistan has to import large quantity of oil and oil based products from Middle East countries
The quantity of especially from Saudi Arabia crude oil imported remained 5.9 million tones with
value of US $ 1.84 billion during July-March FY 2017 compared to the quantity 4.2 million tones
with value US $ 183 billion during the same period last year. Thus the low during

FY 2016

the same period last year. international prices of oil helped in saving foreign exchange due to
lower import bill.

Transport and power are the two major users of oil. During July-March FY 2017, share of oil
consumption in transport increased to 57 from 55 percent during the same period last year while
share of oil consumption in power remained 33 percent during July-March FY 2017 which was
34 percent during the same period last year mainly because some of inefficient thermal plants
remained closed due to overhauling during the period under discussion. Also gas being the
cheaper source, there is continuous shift of power sector from oil to gas as shown in Fig-5.

Fig-5: Comparison of Sectoral Share In Oll Consimption during July-March

FY 2017

114

Source: HDIP

To enhance oil and gas reserves, the government is trying to attract companies to undertake
new exploration and production activities. Thus, it is expected the domestic production of oil will
improve by new wells and also with exploration of unconventional oil and gas resource. 14.3:
Natural Gas

Natural Gas is a clean, safe, efficient and environment friendly fuel. It contributes about 46% of
the total primary energy supply mix in the country. Pakistan has an extensive gas network of
over 12,202 Km Transmission 119,736 KM Distribution and 32,823 Services gas pipelines to
cater the requirement of more than 8.4 Million consumers across the country by providing about
4 Billion Cubic

30%

Tranport 374

Feet per day natural gas. Government of Pakistan is pursuing its policies for enhancing
indigenous gas production as well as imported gas to meet the increasing demand of energy in
the country. During July - March FY 2017 the LNG imported remained 129,092,714 mmbtu
compared to 62,373,272 mmbtu during same period last year. The average natural gas
consumption was about 3,654 Million Cubic Feet per day (MMCFD) including 410 MMCFD
volume of RL NG during July 2016 to February. During July 2016 to February 2017, the two Gas
utility companies (SNGPL & SSGCL) have laid 814 Km Gas Transmission network, 4,153 Km
Distribution and 1,162 Km Services lines and connected 104 villages/towns to gas network.
4160288-1220 douc เบอ DXd

733

PAKISTAN'S ENERGY CRISIS: Short & Long-Term Solutions

During this period, the gas utility companies have invested Rs. 17,925 Million on Transmission
Projects, Rs. 11,183 Million on Distribution Projects and Rs. 14,925 Million on other projects
bringing total investment to about Rs. 44,033 Million. During this period, 360,824 additional gas
connections including 360,465 Domestic, 339 Commercial and 20 Industrial were provided
across the country. It is expected that Gas will be supplied to approximately 414,723 new
consumers during the fiscal year 2017-18. Gas utility companies have planned to invest Rs.
12,702 Million on Transmission Projects, Rs 43,045 Million on Distribution Projects and Rs.
8,462 Million on other projects bringing the total investment of Rs. 64,209 Million during the
fiscal year 2017-18.
14.3.1: Compressed Natural Gas (CNG) Government of Pakistan initially

encouraged use of Compressed Natural Gas (CNG) as an alternate fuel for auto-motives in
order to control environmental degradation, reduce foreign exchange expenditure on import of
employment. liquid fuel and generate Pursuant to government's investor friendly initiatives,
Pakistan has become the world leading CNG user country with more than 3 Million NGVS
(Natural Gas Vehicles) plying on the roads. Currently more than 3,416 CNG stations have the
CNG marketing licenses in the country. However, keeping in view the mushroom growth of CNG
stations in the country vis-à-vis depletion of natural Government has imposed a gas reserves,
ban on establishment of new CNG stations in the country w.e.f. 07.02.2008. For sustainable
growth of this sector, Government has approved provision of RLNG to this sector with fiscal
incentives of GIDC at the rate of zero and Sales Tax at the rate of five percent. 14.3.2: Liquefied
Natural Gas

The first LNG re-gasification Terminal was commissioned on 27th March 2015 in a record time
of less than 11 months. Since March 2015, 83 LNG Cargoes have been handled at the LNG
Terminal. The Terminal has re-gasification capacity of 600 MMCFD. Moreover, 2nd LNG
Terminal has also been

awarded to Pakistan Gas-Port Company Limited (PGPCL) by the Government Company i.e.
Pakistan LNG Terminal Limited (PLTL) The Terminal is expected to be completed by 3rd
quarter, 2017. For this purpose Pakistan LNG Limited (PLL) is in a process to arrange 4.5
MTPA for said terminal.

At present one LNG Terminal is in operation and is handling 4.5 MTPA of LNG which equals
600 MMCFD of RLNG. With the establishment of 2nd LNG Terminal LNG import volumes may
reach 9 MTPA i.e. 1200 MMCFD of RLNG. The Average Sector-wise Natural Gas Consumption
in Million Cubic Feet per Day (MMCFD) is given in Table-3.

14.4: Coal

Constitutionally, minerals other than mineral oil, natural gas & nuclear minerals are Provincial
subject. Executive authority for coal exploration and development and regulation of coal sector
rests with the Provinces. Federal Government is mandated with geological surveys (that help
identification of potential mineral bearing areas), national policies/plans formulation and
coordination at national and international levels. Federal Government has been playing
facilitation role for development of coal sector as per its mandate. Since its inception, Geological
Survey of Pakistan (GSP) [attached department of Ministry of Petroleum & Natural Resources]
has been working for exploration of mineral resources including coal as a routine job on regular
basis. So far, nineteen coalfields have been discovered in the country with total coal resource
potential estimated to exceed 186 billion tons; of which more than 185 billion tons are located in
Sindh Province and over 175 billion tons in Thar Coal-field alone.

Provincial Governments have granted more than 1,100 coal mining concessions to public and
private sector companies, who carry out exploration and mining operations in the
licensed/leased area. Two federally controlled organizations; Pakistan Mineral Development
Corporation (PMDC) and Lakhra Coal Development Company [joint venture of PMDC, WAPDA
& Government of734

Pakistan Affairs
Sindh] are engaged in extraction of coal in Sindh and Balochistan Provinces, producing about
558,000 tons and 235,000 tons of coal

per annum (for 2015-16), respectively. These two companies also supply coal to Lakhra Power
Plant of WAPDA

Table-3: The Average Sector-wise Natural Gas Consumption in Million Cubic Feet

per

Day (MMCFD)

Sector

For the Period July 1, 2015

To Feb 29, 2016

Gas Consumption in MMCFD

RLNG

Total

For the Period July 1, 2016

To Feb 28, 2017 RLNG

Gas Consumption in MMCFD

Total

Power

961

143

1,104

980

116

1,096

Domestic

777
0

777

801

801

92

92

89

89

Commercial

Transport (CNG)

155

17

172

. 43

150

193

Fertilizer

633

633

611

64

675

613

187
800

General Industry

594

15

609

Total

3,212

175 3,387 Source: Ministry of Petroleum and Natural Resources

3,244

410

3,654

Annual domestic coal production is around 3.5 million tons. About 4-5 million tons of coal is
imported per annum to meet the supply and demand gap of coal. Coal is imported mainly from
Afghanistan, Australia, Canada, Indonesia, South Africa & U.S.A. and consumed in steel and
cement manufacturing and power generation units.

Thar Coal development is accorded strategic importance by the Federal & Provincial
Governments, which are working together to provide enabling environment and robust
infrastructure required for Thar Coal development, roads, water supply, waste water drainage
channel, airport and transmission line etc. Government of Sindh has established one-stop
organization/dedicated decision making body namely "Thar Coal & Energy Board (TCEB)"
under the Chief Executive of the Province with representation from Federal & Provincial
Governments to facilitate fast track development of Thar coal. Government of Sindh encourages
projects of open-pit mining, coal based power generation, underground coal gasification,
surface a

gasification, coal-to-liquid, briquetting etc. Many blocks of Thar Coal-field have already been
allotted/offered to foreign/local investors for integrated mining & power generation projects.
Some of Thar Coal Mining and Power Projects are enlisted for China Pakistan Economic
Corridor. The commissioning of Thar projects will usher into a new era of energy security for the
country and prosperity for the people of Pakistan.

All power generation projects including those based on coal (indigenous or imported) are dealt
by the Ministry of Water & Power and Private Power & Infrastructure Board (PPIB). As
per .PPIB six power generation projects based on indigenous coal with cumulative capacity of
4,290 MW and seven power projects based on imported coal with cumulative capacity of 5,201
MW are presently under process at various stages to be completed between 2017-2021.

Conclusion
The government is making all efforts to increase and diversify its energy supply with long-term
vision of the power sector to meetPAKISTAN'S ENERGY CRISIS: Short & Long-Term Solutions

735

which affects the government as well as the

Pakistan's energy needs in a sustainable manner. Pakistan has embarked on a wide- people.
ranging initiatives. Till now government remained successful in attracting foreign companies to
undertake new exploration and production activities. The China-Pakistan Economic Corridor
(CPEC) will also become a source of coordination for developing energy related projects
through indigenous energy resources such as coal, hydro and renewable sources.

Pakistan is in the grip of a serious energy crisis that is affecting all sectors of the economy and
the various segments of the society. As the situation stands to-day, there are hardly any
immediate solutions to resolve the issue. A change of attitude and a change of life style is
needed at the national level which should be triggered by the ruling elite and followed by all
segments of the society that have access to electricity. At best there could be some short and
long-term solutions to the crisis but they need immediate planning and execution with an
enormous investment. None of the previous rulers of the country solved the issue due to which
the energy crisis kept on increasing regularly.

State of Energy Resources

Pakistan has a deficit of fossils or hydrocarbons sources of energy and to cover up the deficit, it
depends upon importing crude oil at an enormous cost from its meager forex reserves. The
need of crude oil is on an increase because of an improved life style which has necessitated the
use of vehicles and cars for transportation. Import of oil at around $110 per barrel, increases the
trade deficit and the current account deficit. It makes fiscal management a difficult task

Contrary to the deficit of fossils or hydrocarbon resources, Pakistan is rich in hydro resources of
energy. According to an estimate the country has enough resources to generate approximately
40000 mw of hydro electricity. However, presently it only generates 8000 mw of electricity
against an installed capacity of 11327 mw. In addition the country can generate electricity with
the help of wind and solar energy which has not yet been exploited to meet the energy deficit.
Nuclear energy is yet another source of energy and at present PAEC produces 472 mw. It is far
less than what PAEC should have been producing to meet the energy deficit.

Three major electricity generation agencies presently operate in the country. They have a total
installed capacity of around 19522 mw. Their installed capacities are as follows: WAPADA:
11327 mw; KESC: 1756 mw and Independent Power Producers (IPPs), 5977 mw. PAEC
produces 472 mw as stated earlier. Thermal power accounts for 64 per cent of the total installed
capacity, hydro electricity accounts for 33 per cent and nuclear power plants account for 3 per
cent. Thermal power is mostly produced by burning either natural gas or imported oil. The
country is yet to switch over to coal from the indigenous source of energy that is estimated to be
the third largest in the world with a reserve of 33.0 trillion tons.

The Energy market has been changing according to the demands of power consumption. The
Prices of energy raw materials also kept changing. According to an analysis, in the fiscal year
1990-91 hydropower accounted for 45 per cent of all electricity produced in the country but it
was reduced to 26 per cent with a 10-year period. The share of thermally generated electricity

increased from 54 per cent to 71 per cent during the same period. Needs of most of the
commercially used oil are met by imports whose prices have skyrocketed during past736

Pakistan Affairs

five years and as such the cost of power generation through oil has increased.

Power consumption because of increasing needs of industry, agriculture and households has
been on the rise. According to an estimate, between the period of 1990 and 2003 the total
consumption increased by 84 per cent, from 31twh to 57twh. Presently. an annual average
increase of 7 per cent has been postulated. The energy sector, in which the government has a
greater role to play, will have to work hard to make up for the existing deficit and to meet the
growing demand.

The Reason Behind the Crisis

An important question in the midst of ongoing power shortage crisis, being raised is that why the
energy crisis looms on our head after an interval of around 10-15 years despite the fact that
statistics about energy resources, demand and consumption are well articulated. They are also
readily available to planning commission and other federal and provincial governments. The
answer is simple; poor management, lopsided priorities and lack of accountability on part of
those who stay at the helm of affairs.

In the early 90s, the power crisis had started emerging and the political government that was
mandated to govern the country was faced with the issue of power crisis. The government had
to resolve the crisis by engaging almost 19 Independent Power Producers (IPP). 19 IPP
projects were initiated with an installed capacity of 3158 mw and investment of $4.0 billion and
by March 2003 the installed capacity was at 2728 mw that has reached to 5977 mw through
expansion. Till 2005, supply of electricity produced through different power generating units was
surplus to demand by around 450 mw but since then demand has been outstripping supply
because there was practically no additional power generation.

The government did not anticipate that there would be an increase in demand of electricity and
it was its responsibility to arrange the supply according to the demand. Consequently, during
summer, 2007, supply of electricity ran short of 2500 mw. It is being

anticipated that this year the deficit between supply and demand could be as high as 3000 mw.
By the end of year 2010, the deficit could be as large as 5500 mw. There are no immediate
solutions to generating additional power through any source because a unit takes at least 2-
3years to establish properly. More than 5 years is required to construct a hydroelectric dam and
the investment is enormous. This crisis has literally paralysed the construction industry, badly
affected agriculture and made life hell for the citizens. In view of existing ground realities and
constraints to address power crisis by generating electricity within a short span of a few months,
the need to make the best use of existing power generation by taking conservation measures at
individual, community and national level are essential. These measures if implemented with
commitment and honesty of purpose can help a lot of people to over come negative implications
of power crisis.
Energy Conservation Measures

Energy conservation or efficient use of electricity is what is needed at this crucial time. There
are three major users of electricity and they need to be educated and motivated to play their role
in energy conservation. The three stakeholders are: industrial sector, transport sector and
domestic/household sector. Each sector needs to be dealt separately to high light the efficacy of
conserving energy.

The Industrial sector is consuming the largest amount of energy in the country. It consumes
around 45 per cent of the total commercial energy. Most of them are concentrated in a few
industrial areas close to or within large cities such as Karachi, Lahore and other comparatively
smaller cities. Industrial units are not energy efficient and management practices also need
improvement to make efficient use of electricity. A study carried out by the ENERCON reveals
that efficient use of electricity by the industrial sector could save up to 23 per cent of electricity.
The focus on energy conservation is on the improvement of steam distribution systems, air
conditioning. 738

economically viable as, even if the plant gets operational, it will continue to incur heavy losses of
billions of rupees annually The long delays in project completion have already caused a
financial loss of Rs113 billion to the national exchequer up to April 2012, and additional Rs1.05
billion from April 2012 to August 2013, whereas loss figures beyond this period are not
available. The opportunity cost and economic losses are beyond the estimates.

But, the most crucial issue is the failure of the power plant to operate on technical grounds, and
the risks and high cost involved if it is put into operation under the given conditions. In essence,
the Nandipur project case is similar to the supply of 75 defective locomotives to Pakistan
Railways by the same company (Dongfang Electric Corporation, DEC) under the agreement
signed in 2009, the Chinese company which was finally rendered blacklisted in June 2013. Or,
like the 150MW Lakhra coal-fired power plant installed by the same company (DEC. China) in
1980s that had run into technical problems from the beginning and never recovered, generating
hardly up to total 25- 30MW de-rated capacity.

The Nandipur power plant can be operated both in simple cycle and combined cycle modes. It
consists of three GE (France) gas turbines PG9171E of 95.4MW each, and one DEC (China)
steam turbine N2008.54/522 of 138.8MW, to generate 425MW at furnace oil and 460MW at
natural gas. (Amendments 1 & 2 to the Contract made by the present government in August
2013 have revised plant capacity to 425MW). Heat recovery steam generator (HRSG), Balance
of Plant (BOP) equipment (like pumps and motors), transformers, associated equipment and
allied accessories and ancillaries have also been supplied by DEC from China, under the
suppliers' credit.

Initially, the Chinese had offered these GE turbines being manufactured in China under joint
venture arrangements, as GE allows its export to the developing countries inly and with the
condition if the major project inancing is from China. Nonetheless, when

Pakistan Affairs

the contract was being negotiated, Pakistan or Electric Power Co (Pepco) insisted that GE
should provide verify the warrantee/guarantee to be submitted by DEC to ensure operation of
the Chinese-made gas turbines according to the GE performance parameters. Showing
reservations on the performance of the Chinese-origin turbines that were not tested in the
export market, GE refused to do so. After long deliberations, it was therefore decided that DEC
would supply the gas turbines from France, though at a higher price, and arrange the requisite
financing from France as well.

These GE 9E Frame gas turbines are well-reputed, heavy duty, designed to operate on three
fuels ie natural gas, residual fuel oil or heavy fuel oil, and distillate oil (high speed diesel, HSD),
whereas start-ups and shutdowns are on HSD. However, proper liquid fuel is to be used in
accordance with GE's liquid fuel specifications GE1-41047. The firing of furnace oil in the gas
turbine is however the biggest area of concern. This fuel contains high levels of sulphur, sodium
and vanadium, the combustion products of which adversely affects the hot gas components of
the turbines causing reduction in their lifetimes, and requiring more frequent maintenance and
replacement of spares. Therefore, globally, there are references of operating these turbines only
as dual-fuel, on natural gas and HSD. In Pakistan too, many GE 9E Frame turbines are
operating such as in Guddu, Kot Addu (KAPCO), Uch-l Power. K-Electric and other thermal
power plants. All these turbines are natural gas-fired, except KAPCO where low sulphur fuel oil
(LSFO) is used after conversion of turbines from gas. firing to fuel oil by GE.

There is however no track record of the proposed technology on high sulphur fuel oil (HSFO) in
Pakistan or in other countries. It may be added that LSFO contains below one percent sulphur,
while HSFO is with high sulphur content, up to four-and-a-half percent, but it is low cost.
Besides environmental issues, use of HSFO causes corrosion and erosion to the turbine. In
case of Nandipur thermal power plant, HSFO has739

PAKISTAN'S ENERGY CRISIS: Short & Long-Term Solutions

been used, which has most likely damaged the combustion system of the turbines. Quality of
HSFO available is poor, and it is costly to treat. It also contains excessive amount of sodium
and vanadium that must be removed before combustion by washing with water. There are on-
site ten oil storage tanks, each of 10,000 ton capacity, eight for furnace oil and two for HSD,
supported with a fuel oil treatment plant. However, it is reported that oil treatment facility is
currently not functional, and fuel oil was used as received, without the requisite treatment.
Again, it is reported that adulterated HSFO was supplied having impurities in oil far beyond the
permissible levels.

Originally, these GE turbines were to be operated on natural gas, later converted to use furnace
oil. It is not known whether the necessary changes in the process design proposal were properly
made by the Chinese company, duly integrating turbine combustion system with the equipment
being supplied by the Chinese, in particular critical equipment such as oil treatment, control,
excitation, regulation and protection of power plant, etc. In fact, testing and system adjustments
are required to be conducted in accordance with GE's standard GEK-28172F. The question
arises; did the management necessary compliance by DEC or not. ensure

is Apparently, plant system performance not in compliance with design specifications and
contractual obligations. On the other hand, the use of furnace oil is the largest contributor to the
increased cost of the Operation and Maintenance (O&M) of the plant, necessitating frequent
replacement of spares.

In a latest development, the Chinese machinery supplier has been given the contract for O&M
of the plant for a period of six months. It may be noted that the Chinese company is not in the
business of O&M of power plants. Furthermore, the project has not yet achieved the contractual
COD (commercial operation date), and now that the Chinese company has been given the O&M
contract, again without bidding in violation of rules like the EPC contract for the

project, it would manage to run the plant on a temporary basis, declare the COD having
achieved, and receive all outstanding payments that are due waiting for commercial operation of
the plant. Obviously, the supplier would not bother if later the plant is rendered sick and
becomes a liability on the government, like the Lakhra power station or the railway locomotives

Clearly, to cover up administrative and professional incompetence on the part of plant


management, the O&M of the plant has been outsourced to the Chinese company at service
charges of $7 million, which is considered very high compared to other similar projects. Also,
spare parts worth $15 million are being imported that are not included in the project cost. It is
reported that a team of as many as seventy (70) Chinese engineers would shortly visit Pakistan
for the purpose. The fact is that GENCOS are already operating and maintaining thermal power
plants of cumulative capacity of 4,829MW based on similar technologies and various sources.
The Nandipur project too was planned to be operated under NPGCL/GENCO-III on the same
lines as its other power plants in operation, utilising in house technical resources.

About the high O&M cost allowed to the Chinese, it is pointed out that as on June 30, 2014, the
O&M cost of various thermal power plants was average Rs0.02500 (Muzaffargarh plant).
Rs0.06890 (Guddu plant) and Rs0.13590 (Jamshoro plant) per unit (kWh). It is ironical that the
Chinese contractor is not being asked to fulfil its contractual performance obligations as it has
provided warranty and guarantee for successful operation of the plant machinery, delivering
required output and efficiency as per defined parameters, for a period of 18-24 months after
COD. As per rules, the bank guarantees submitted by the Chinese contractor should have been
forfeited immediately, rather than giving another favour of awarding it the O&M contract. 740

A few words about the project cost Tariff petition submitted by NPGCL to Nepra. gives complete
details of the project which somehow are being distorted by the vested interest. According to
this document dated May 20, 2014, total cost (CAPEX including financing) of the project is
$847.016 million, but the government functionaries repeatedly mention it as $574 million, which
is only the revised EPC contract value, compared to $329 million approved by the ECC of the
Cabinet, but the contract was awarded at $382.52 million. Interestingly, more efficient systems
at lower capital costs are available globally due to technological improvements in recent years.

PAKISTAN'S ENERGY JUMBLE: POWER AND POLITICS

HYDRO:

The gush of waters from the Himalayan glaciers to the low gradient Arabian Sea provide this
part of the region with the unique opportunity to exploit a mammoth source of potential energy.
In its early history, Pakistan managed to harness hydro potential and then depended heavily on
that in the decades to come.

Completed in 1967 as a consequence of the Sindh Water Treaty, Mangla Dam was the first big
step towards converting this opportunity into strength. The multipurpose I reservoir had been
built on River Jhelum, Iwithin the jurisdiction of Azad Jammu and Kashmir (AJ&K) with an
installed power producing capacity of 1,000 MW.
Subsequently, Tarbela Dam had been constructed on the waters of the mighty Indus in Haripur
District at the periphery of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa. The project started functioning in 1976; four
tunnels had been carved out and fitted with generators with an installed capacity of 3,478 MW.

Mangla Dam is the ninth largest, while Tarbela is the largest earth-filled dam and the second
largest overall in the world. It was a huge accomplishment; arguably the most

Pakistan Affairs

significant infrastructure development to-date in our post-colonial heritage. This duo of dams
has been a saviour for Pakistan's energy needs, without whom the present day crisis would
have been infinitely worse..

Afterwards, the only major contribution came in the shape of Ghazi-Barotha Hydropower
Project. run-of-the-river a hydropower facility developed in 2002, again on the River Indus, but
this time within the precincts of Punjab, near the town of Attock. The installed capacity of Ghazi
Barotha is 1,450 MW

With these three, our history of developing mega hydro projects ends and the sorry tale of
political controversies, administrative ineptness and lack of politico economic vision starts

Although hydropower plants are considered to produce the cheapest electricity units, they are
also the most capital intensive. For a country like Pakistan, it is not possible to undertake such
big projects without the financial support of international development agencies a fact which
brings in its own share of peculiarities and challenges.

The envisioning and abandoning of Kalabagh Dam, with the proposed installed capacity of
3,600 MW, exposed the underlying dissonances within our power sharing structure and
provided small provinces the chance to express their grievances about the allocation of
resources.

On the upstream, the polity around KPK, regardless of their affiliations, had been anxious about
the submerging of their cities as a consequence of building the dam. The huge outstanding
amount due on the federal exchequer on account of Tarbela royalties also added to their
scepticism.

In the downstream, the people of Sindh felt their consent was not being taken in the matter nor
were apprehensions of the potential desertification of their lands being allayed. The bitterness
reached such levels that some pro-Kalabagh dam elements did not shy from dubbing the
challengers as741

PAKISTAN'S ENERGY CRISIS: Short & Long-Term Solutions

traitors. In Sindh, meanwhile, the nationalists went so far as to advise masses that their water
may become infertile because its 'power' would have already been drawn during the process of
electricity generation! The result was that Kalabagh remains a non starter.

Despite the noise, there has been consensus among stakeholders that hydro power is the most
important tool for Pakistan to achieve a sustainable energy future. Since no fuel is needed as
such, the variable cost of production remains significantly on the lower side when compared to
other sources, and therefore acts as a shock absorber to keep burgeoning consumer bills in
control.

This is probably also one of the reasons why Pakistan enjoys the highest electricity penetration
in the region 93.6pc as compared to 88.7pc in Sri Lanka, 78.7pc in India, 76.3pc in Nepal, and
59.6pc in Bangladesh.

All of Pakistan's hydropower projects, with an installed capacity of 6.720 MV, are
understandably located in upcountry: 3,849 in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, 1,699 in Punjab 1,039 in
AJ&K, and 133 in Gilgit-Baltistan. The hydel electricity pie in Pakistan's otal power generation
capacity is around 30pc, which is pretty impressive and almost double the world's average. If
the untapped potential could be harnessed, this share can be improved further, or at least,
should be maintained for decades to come.

Although hydropower plants considered are to produce the cheapest electricity units, they are
also the most capital intensive. For a country like Pakistan, it is not possible to undertake such
big projects without the financial support of international development agencies - a fact which
brings in its own share of peculiarities and challenges. The other major challenge in the
successful implementation of hydro projects is the (lack of) cohesion within various official
entities involved - federal and provincial ministries, Nepra, Wapda, PPIB, etc.

which often find themselves trying to achieve conflicting goals.

The Neelum-Jhelum Hydropower Plant 969 MW: Tarbela Extension IV 1.410 MW, Tarbela
Extension V1.320 MW; and Karot Hydropower Project 720 MW are some of the mega projects
which are already into the implementation phase and should be completed within the next two to
three years. If not, the PML-N will find itself in the deepest of waters in the next general
elections scheduled in 2018. In addition, Diamer Bhasha Dam 4,500 MW; Dasu Dam - - 4,320
MW; and Kohala Hydropower Project 1,100 MW are in the early completion phase and need
policy continuation to be completed within the stipulated timeframe

OIL:

Unlike hydropower and indigenous natural gas, oil is our major handicap as it is mostly imported
both in the shape of crude oil and finished petroleum products. In 2014-15, Pakistan imported
$11.7 billion worth of petroleum which accounted for around a quarter of country's total trade
bill.

Among key petroleum products, which are produced by refining the crude oil, diesel is mainly
used for mass transportation and to run tube-wells, petrol is primarily used as auto fuel, and
furnace oil is chiefly consumed in power plants. In the past, High Speed Diesel (HSD) - or
simply diesel enjoyed - budgetary subsidies which were taken off gradually to make way for an
open market regime. With the arrival of CNG, petrol - which is called Motor Gasoline in the
industry jargon-witnessed subdued demand growth for a brief period before bouncing back as a
result of robust growth in the automobile sales and CNG shortages.

It is furnace oil or fuel oil (FO) - which needs special mention in the context of Pakistan's energy
landscape. The use of furnace oil substantially increased in our later history due to the propping
up of thermal power plants at the turn of the century742

Pakistan Affairs
Figure 14.3: Primary Energy Supply By source

120

100

Coal

Electricity

www Gas

Energy Supply

70

60

50

80

60

40

20

1995

2003

2005

2010 Years

2011

2012

40

30

MILLION TOE

20

2013
0

Source: Energy Years Book, various issues. HDIP

Installing an FO-based power plant is arguably the most tested, cheapest, and quickest
methods of producing electricity in mass quantities. Also, furnace oil is considered cheaper as it
usually sells at a 'discount', rather than at a 'premium' as in the case of diesel and petrol, over
its input, i.e. crude.

In addition to the setting-up of thermal power projects under the traditional WAPDA
establishment, the concept of Independent Power Plants (IPPS) also arrived in Pakistan in the
'90s with all its accomplishments and controversies. On the one hand, the successful
implementation of the public private venture of that magnitude with - salient features like two-
part tariff, non recourse project financing, sovereign guarantee, etc was touted as a success -
story by the international developmental agencies.

finally settled with the help of international arbitrage. Amidst that ruckus, the fact that the country
had been exposed to a tremendous and an unprecedented financial risk, and needed an
adequate cover, was downplayed by the policy makers and implementers.

After an extended period of sluggishness, international oil prices rose unabatedly during 2002 to
2008, witnessing around a fivefold increase. Consequently, price of furnace oil (FO) in Pakistan
also showed an increasing trend which disturbed our energy equation.

The impact was so strong that even the military backed and financially shrewd administration of
Shaukat Aziz could not pass the increase in power generation cost to consumers. Budgetary
subsidies to cater for the difference in the cost and the consumer tariff were not enough either
and got busted shortly. The FO experience was so bitter that even the word became an
unwanted mention around the 'power' corridors and thus the subsequent new ventures were put
on the

Lately, local production of condensate a lighter mixture of hydrocarbons which can be refined to
produce petroleum products - gained momentum and together with the backburner. rude oil
surpassed the level of 100,000 Jarrels per day (bpd) as compared to around 67,000 in 2012.

On the flip side, dealings with IPPs took centre stage in the power show between PPP and
PML-N during that era. Shouts of kickbacks also resonated till the mess was

Lately, local production of condensate - a lighter mixture of hydrocarbons which can be refined
to produce petroleum products - gained momentum and together with the crude oil surpassed
the level of 100,000 barrels per day (bpd) as compared to around 67,000 in 2012. PAKISTAN'S
ENERGY CRISIS: Short & Long-Term Solutions

743

currency. Although the quantity is not enough to suggest that we can get rid of the imports,
however, it can still narrow down some of our energy gap in addition to saving the foreign

payments, during the same period while we don't even look prepared to cash in from the
possible reopening of the Iranian market Without denying that we enjoyed favourable terms
from friendly suppliers in the past, diversification of the supply base shall be considered for a
sustainable future.

The present lack of local refining capacity to cater for the locally produced hydrocarbons is a
challenge which needs to be overcome to capitalise fully on this development.

The low oil price scenario presents an opportunity to find a sustainable energy solution. This
has to be done with a sense of urgency because with the present energy mix the country is still
exposed to the upside risks of the international oil prices.

The recent decline in oil prices caused a substantial decrease in the cost of furnace oil which in
turn brought down the average per unit cost of electricity. In the short run, consumers will
benefit from lower bills, power sector will benefit from improved capacity utilisation, and the
government will get a respite from the monstrous circular debt. To find a long-term and a
sustainable solution, lessons learned from the last episode must be taken into account.

NUCLEAR:

Commissioned in 1972, the Karachi Nuclear Power Plant (KANUPP) was the country's first
breakthrough in this sophisticated yet potentially hazardous technology. Aimed to provide
electricity to the megacity of Karachi, the 137MW project was setup at Karachi's coastline with
the help of Almost all of our oil imports come from Canada, a country which is more popular
here for immigration opportunities than. strategic partnerships. It is believed that Dr Abdul
Salam, the Noble Laureate, was the pivot behind that leap forward.

the single source, i.e. Middle East, which was

further narrowed down after we stopped buying the commodity from the neighbouring Iran post
sanctions. Here, it would be interesting to note that

Indo-Persian oil trade continued, on deferred Table 14.1: NEW PROJECTS

Year

Name of Project

Capacity

Agency

Fuel

Guddu-1

(243 MW) GENCOS

Nandipur Power Project

(425 MW)

GENCOS
Guddu-2

(243 MW)

GENCOS

Gas

2014

Quaid-e-Azam Solar Park (Phase-1)

(100 MW)

PPDB

Quaid-e-Azam Solar Park (Phase-II)

(300 MW) (261 MW)

PPDB GENCOS

Solar Gas

Guddu Steam (3)

2015

Quaid-e-Azam Solar Park (Phase-III)

(600 MW)

PPDB

Neelum Jhelum Hydel

(969 MW) (106 MW)

WAPDA

Hydel

2016

Golen Gol

WAPDA Hydel

Patrind HPP
(147 MW)

PPDB

Hydel Hydel

2017

Tarbela 4th Extension

(1410 MW)

WAPDA

Coal Plant at Sahiwal

(1200 MW) (1320 MW)

PPDB

Coal Plant at Jamshoro

GENCOS

COAL

Thar Coal Plant Coal Plant Larkana

(1320 MW) GENCOS

COAL

2018

(1320 MW) GENCOS Public+PVL

Gaddani Power Park

(6600 MW)

COAL COAL

Upto 2018 Total Generation Addition Source: Pakistan Electric Power Company Ltd.

16564 MW

Since its inception, KANUPP went through many ups and downs, revamps, and technical
glitches but managed to continue its

operation and also provided country's nuclear researchers with an essential guinea pig
Gas

Solar

Solar

COALPAKISTAN'S ENERGY CRISIS: Short & Long-Term Solutions

745

physicist Dr Samar

Nuclear Mubarakmand proposed the idea of Underground Coal Gasification an alternative


techniques. to conventional coal mining Despite criticism by his contemporaries, and his
complaints of lack of seriousness by the government, his team announced generating the first
megawatt earlier this year, albeit off-grid. No matter which technology is used, the primary
stumbling block has been the logistics or evacuation of power, because of the lack of
transmission network to the far flung Thar Desert. Unfortunately, there still seems no concerted
plan to sort that out without which pinning hopes in the much touted potential of Thar coal will be
unrealistic.

In the international market, commodity prices experienced extended battering after the financial
crisis of 2008 with coal being the chief victim. Lower price levels prompted the local business
community to pitch imported coal as a quick fix, especially after seeing the cement sector
exploiting the opportunity.

Gadani Power Park also came into the limelight before moving to the backburner due to the lack
of a well thought-out strategy. Conversion of existing fuel oil fired power plants first to imported
coal and then to the indigenous variant had also been deliberated and in some cases the idea is
under implementation also.

These developments may help in diversifying our energy palette provided they are executed in
time and taken as more than mere stopgap arrangements.

NATURAL GAS:

On March 26, 2015, the first ship carrying Pakistan's imported LNG arrived at Port Qasim,
Karachi from Qatar. The vessel carried 147,000 cubic metres LNG in the first ever consignment
sent to Pakistan.

The first major discovery of natural gas in Pakistan was made in 1952 at a remote and then
less-known location in Balochistan called Sui. The small town turned into a household term
soon after, so much so that the term Sui Gas is still used as a synonym

for natural gas. It was a significant commercial discovery, even by international standards, and
came as a perfect gift for the newborn country. For decades to come, the nation did not need to
even think about the energy woes. And it didn't.

The find propelled the laying down of a country wide high-pressure transmission and low-
pressure distribution network of gas pipelines.
The Sui Gas Transmission Company Limited was formed in 1954 to take care of the southern
parts of the country. In 1989, it was transformed into the present day. scandal-hit Sui Southern
Gas Company (SSGC). Sui Northern Gas Pipelines (SNGP) was incorporated in 1963 to take
over and extend the network to the upcountry. It was made sure that the commodity was
delivered at the doorstep to each and every urban as well as industrial centre.

It is argued that Pakistan still possesses one of the world's most extensive inland natural gas
supply infrastructure with a mind boggling total length of around 140,000 km enough to circle
the whole world at-least three times.

The failure to implement a reliable LNG import mechanism, which is a proven short term
solution of filling the demand-supply shortfall internationally, is only a symptom of bigger issues
in our governance structure.

Major discoveries soon followed in Mari and Kandhkot, but these had to be kept idle in the initial
years because of lack of demand. The latest string of big finds came in the last decade of the
20th century at Qadirpur, Zamzama, Sawan, etc.

Interestingly, although the share of Sui in the overall national gas production reduced
significantly over the years, it still enjoys an uncontested popularity especially among
households, most probably because of the nomenclature of the utility companies. Almost all of
the major post-Sui gas discoveries were made in the lower Indus sedimentary basin tilting the
balance of gas power from Baluchistan to Sindh. 746

Pakistan Affairs

Fig.-14.7: Relationship between growth rate of Real GDP, LSM and Energy Consumption

30

20

10

-10

-20

-30

Musharraf, with his financial whiz Shaukat Aziz, decided to set up a series of dual-fuel power
plants in addition to switching the transportation sector, partly, to Compressed. Natural Gas
(CNG).

1995-96

1998-99 1999-2000

2000-01 2001-02
Fig.-14.7: Pakistan Bureau of Statistics, Economic Adviser's Wing, HDIP 1996-97 1997-98
2002-03 2003-04 2004-05 2005-06 2006-07

2007-08

Years 2008-09

2009-10

2010-11

2011-12

2012-13

2013-14

Over the period, scope of gas utilisation was also inevitably expanded from the domestic to
fertiliser, industrial and commercial sectors to fully reap the benefit of it without caring much
about the efficiency and the conservation.

On the flipside, the people of Baluchistan remained deprived of this resource, while elite
industrialists and the urban middleclass across the country counted their blessings.

As for Sindh, while parts of the province managed to attract infrastructure investment most of
the province, including areas surrounding the gas fields, remains a frustratingly pessimistic
picture of poverty, neglect, and misery. Whatever the reasons were colonial mindset of the
federal establishment or sheer incompetence of provincial representatives or both the bottom
line was the deficit of trust between the people and the system simply increased. Whether the
18th amendment will be able to bridge that and trigger a turnaround is still up for debate.

The low cost, efficient, environment friendly nature of natural gas, relative to other fossil fuels,
along with the guaranteed foreign currency returns on power generation plants also helped in
the bankability of such projects and attracted investment.

Power generation cost from the indigenous gas is not only the lowest, after hydro, but it is also
considered to be the most economically optimum utilisation of the resource. On these lines,
Furnace Oil (FO) based power plants were also switched to natural gas during the last military
regime, to help keep both the import bill and electricity bills, macroeconomic and microeconomic
factors respectively, under control.

Gas suddenly became such a favourite input for power production that, even permeate gas,
which is also called low-BTU gas because of its low heating value and which is otherwise not
sellable through the conventional network, was also made full use of.

On the gas demand supply front, It was all hunky-dory until the advent of the 21st century,
when, in the pursuit of high "conomic growth, the regime of GeneralPAKISTAN'S ENERGY
CRISIS: Short & Long-Term Solutions

747
Resultantly, natural gas consumption accelerated from 1,742MMCFD in 1998-99 10
3,181MMCFD in 2004-05- and so did the rate of depletion of national gas reserves. Currently,
the average gas production is estimated to be around 4,000MMCFD while the supply-demand
gap is thought to have reached 1,000-1,500MMCFD and is expected to widen-up to
4,000MMCFD by the year 2020 unless significant new production comes online.

In order to bridge the future gap, the case for a transnational pipeline to import the commodity
from gas rich countries in the region had already been established even before the crisis

In 1996. Inter State Gas Systems (Private) Limited was established with the initial mandate to
import natural gas through Iran-Pakistan-India (IPI) Pipeline project which was then expanded to
include Turkmenistan-Afghanistan-Pakistan-Iran Pipeline project.

Regardless of the potential of bringing change in the lives of around a couple of billion people or
more, both these projects soon became pipedreams due to a combination of internal capacity
constraints and external geopolitical sensitivities.

Amid all the brouhaha about the energy shortages, and with no solution in sight. arrived the
magical solution-turned-scandal proposition of Liquefied Natural Gas (LNG). As the term
suggests, LNG is essentially a natural gas which is liquefied for the purpose of transporting
overseas through specially customised vessels before re-gasifying it at the destination port.

The re-gasified LNG, or R-LNG, may then be injected into the already developed gas
infrastructure of the importing country.

The failure to implement a reliable LNG import mechanism, which is a proven short term
solution of filling the demand-supply shortfall internationally, is only a symptom of bigger issues
in our governance structure which has weakened due to years of carpetbaggery, incompetency
and nepotism.

There had been question marks on the commercial feasibility of the imported fuel also which
may need to be reviewed with the falling commodity prices worldwide.

Despite all the negativity, natural gas is one of our major internal strengths with the capacity to
support the economy and to bring down poverty levels Aggressive exploration activity needs to
be encouraged to relinquish the extractable reserve pool. Rather than putting the blame on low
gas prices, which is also debatable, people at the helm should also realise that Our existing gas
infrastructure was laid down to capitalise on the internal resource and may not withstand the
import influx which requires adequate planning and capacity building.

WIND AND SOLAR:

Quaid-i-Azam Solar Park, Bahawalpur

Pakistan has made notable inroads in recent years in harnessing wind potential by setting up
private power plants around Ghara and Jhimpir wind corridors in Sindh. Around 200MW has
been added to the national transmission system, with much more in the pipeline, helping the
share of alternative sources in the national energy mix breaking the goose egg.
Planting a wind farm is immensely capital intensive and even if there is no fuel cost as such, per
unit cost of electricity generated from wind turbines is no way consumer-friendly.

Lower oil prices further pose a threat' its viability in the middle term. Although the are no doubts
on the value it adds fo748

Pakistan Affairs

sustainable energy landscape, technical complexities limit the role of wind energy to a
secondary source, rather than being an independent substitute, worldwide.

In Punjab, there has been a newfound activism for solar power park being proposed at the brink
of the Cholistan Desert.

Similar to wind, solar power also needs huge upfront investment which is supposed to be offset
by the absence of fuel cost. However, it is even more technically complicated as it tends to
destabilise the central transmission system.

This is true that this form of renewable energy has been popular in recent times, but without an
adequate need analysis and understanding of the inherent risks the venture could degenerate
into another Nandipur.

Similar to wind, solar power also needs huge upfront investment which is supposed to be offset
by the absence of fuel cost.

However, it is even more technically complicated as it tends to destabilise the I central


transmission system, or in technical terms is difficult to synchronise.

In some developed countries, solar is being used to de-stress transmission systems, through
encouraging countryside consumers installing it domestically using the net metering
mechanism.

Elsewhere, solar has also been used in far-flung off-grid locations to bring down the poverty
index.

The bottom line is that while Pakistan's energy problems must be resolved, this must be done
so while maintaining a careful balance between political compulsions and practical
considerations.

The global energy scenario is undergoing profound changes on several accounts. First, the oil
prices have dropped, making it relatively uneconomical to invest in

new oil shale oil and gas explorations as long as the oil prices remain relatively low.

Second, there are significant developments taking place in solar cell technologies, and the
prices of solar based installations have dropped to about half of what they were about three
years ago. Third, there have been exciting developments in alternative sources of energy which
promise to change the way our world will be generating energy 30 years from now. These
include the development of more efficient wind turbines, use of bio fuels, generation of hydrogen
as a fuel from water by catalytic cleavage of the hydrogen-oxygen bonds, and the possibility of
nuclear fusion finally becoming possible after decades of frustrating research.
Pakistan has the fifth largest river system in the world, and our hydropower potential is
estimated to be 46,000MW, although we have been able to exploit only about 14 percent of this
potential. About 4500MW of power can be generated by the installation of low-cost hydel plants
on the riverheads in Punjab.

The energy sector presents a sad state of massive and rampant corruption by those in power
for the last 30 years. In 1984 about 59.3 percent of Pakistan's electricity was produced by
hydroelectric power plants. This should have been expanded being the cheapest source of
electricity. However, corrupt leaders with vested interests came in the way and decided to
import expensive oil based plants. By 1990, the share of electricity generated from hydroelectric
power dropped to 45 percent, and the continued corruption subsequently has further reduced it
so that it now stands at only about 29.3 percent of the total energy mix. In contrast, oil has
grown to 37.8 percent and gas stands at about 30 percent.

The massive construction of dams and reservoirs was deferred repeatedly andPAKISTAN'S
ENERGY CRISIS: Short & Long-Term Solutions

749

expensive oil based power plants, often obsolete, were imported, thereby bringing the industrial
sector to its knees because of the high cost of power generation. Despite having one of the
largest coal reserves in the world, we ignored the use of coal for electricity production, although
in India 55 percent of the energy requirements are met by coal, while in China this stands at 67
percent.

Under a highly biased power policy that was steeped in corruption, a major crime against the
nation was committed in 1994 when independent power producers (IPPs) were allowed to set
up operations in Pakistan. The policy was promoted by the international finance institutions that
readily agreed to make loans available for these projects. Low efficiency and obsolete single
cycle generation plants were established by the IPPs as they were guaranteed costs plus 15
percent profit. The IPPs were guaranteed a return on costs, however high they may be. The
Rental Power Plants (RPPS) present an even more shameful story of corruption.

It has been stated that the World Bank played a negative role in leading Pakistan in the wrong
direction in the energy generation sector. and many have accused this organisation of joining
hands with corrupt governments, eventually bringing Pakistan to its knees economically. In an
article by Fahd All and Fatima Beg it is stated: "Declaring itself one of the government's main
advisors in power policy matters (World Bank. May 11 2001), the World Bank is also partly
responsible for the IPP debacle".

For example, it should have strongly advised the government to lower the offered tariff as soon
as it became clear that too many IPPS were being accepted. The World Bank also admits to
some of these errors (World Bank. May 11, 2001). It criticises its own preparation of PSEDP 1
and 2 and states that the long-term credit fund (LTFC) and its future were not given adequate
thought. It goes on to say that the Bank

should have ensured the NDFC was able to manage this fund (Dawn. July 9, 2001. 'NDFC
insolvent, says WB report').
The Bank's Implementation Completion Report (2001) states: "Insufficient attention was devoted
during appraisal of PSEDP 2 to the affordability of private power in Pakistan".

A judicial investigation into this national disaster is warranted, and if the World Bank is found
guilty, then the organisation should not be allowed to operate in Pakistan again. More recently it
has been alleged that the sharp rise in costs in the Nandipur Power Project is also due to
corruption, though this remains to be proved.

It is notable that hydel power has a relatively low production cost it varies between Rs1.18 and
Rs4 per unit. The cost of electricity production from coal is also quite low, about Rs6 to Rs7 per
unit. However, with thermal power plants, the cost can vary and it can be as high as R$25 per
unit. Since these have been running well below their capacity, the cest often exceeds Rs50 per
unit.

The agreements with the IPPS force the government to pay a certain amount irrespective of
production. Wapda was officially forbidden from building thermal power plants so that our
leaders could get huge kick-backs by opening the doors to foreign imports of obsolete and
inefficient power plants a criminal act that has - doomed the nation for decades to come.

Pakistan has coal reserves that are estimated to be about 186 billion tons. The proven reserves
are about 579 million tons, which should last for 180 years. The Thar coal fields can produce
about 50,000MW of electricity and 100 million barrels of oil each year for the next 500 years.
However, instead of properly using this huge wealth, our corrupt leaders obtained huge kick-
backs and piled up billions of dollars abroad by opting for expensive imported power plants
based or oil. 750

Pakistan Affairs

Today coal contributes only 0.1 percent for electricity production in Pakistan. There are also
large unused gas reserves in Pakistan. The Tal Block near Kohat has estimated gas reserves
that are comparable to those in Sui which need to be exploited immediately. There is also huge
scope for renewable sources of energy wind, solar, - biomass, algae that need to be exploited. -

When I was the Federal Minister of Science and Technology in 2000, we had funded a project
for the wind mapping of Pakistan. The data collected at different heights across the country over
a two year period by the Pakistan Meteorological Department revealed an extraordinary fact:
there was potential of up to 50,000 megawatts of electricity generation from wind power alone in
the area in the coastal areas of Sindh and Balochistan, particularly in the region between Kati
Bandar, Gharo and Hyderabad.

We should establish plants to make wind turbines within the country, as is being done in India
and China, and manufacture our own wind mills in order to utilise this huge potential. Nuclear
power plants are also an excellent option, though their installation has been opposed by certain
vested interests in Pakistan. Hydro Politics Water Issues in Domestic & Regional Con

36

HYDRO POLITICS WATER ISSUES IN

DOMESTIC AND REGIONAL CONTEXT


The severe water shortage has recently rocked the country to create a worst ever drought and
dry spell. The situation is much more serious than has been reflected in the government policies
and statements. The dispute between the provinces over water distribution could blow into
regional conflict.

Due to less rainfall and low flow of water in the Indus and other rivers, the country has been in
the grip of a water crisis for the past several months.

Fresh and drinkable water is not only the need of human beings, it is equally a dire need of the
animals and agriculture around the globe. Fresh drinkable water is only 50% of the total water
resources in the world. The available drinking water comes through rainfalls or is obtained from

the rivers. Every year the whole of the world gets 40,000 to ⚫ 50,000 cubic feet of rainfall, but it
hardly meets the water requirements as the consumption of water increases every year. At
present at least 20 countries of the world are facing acute water shortage due to less water
sources and unpredictable rainfalls.

A World Bank study has revealed that approximately 60% fresh water is either stolen or wasted
by leakage from the excessively used up pipes. The leaked water permeates the soil which in
itself is very dangerous for the fertility of the land. The wasted water is responsible for creating
the water shortage for which no remedy has so far been devised. According to the World Bank
the world community will have to spend 60 to 80 billion dollars annually in the coming ten years
to avoid water crisis. None of the Third world country can afford to spend this huge amount to
get water. It means that by the year 2050 half of the world population will get only five gallons
water a day for their use. This acute water shortage will be responsible in spreading diseases as
the contaminated

water is one of the major causes of diseases Nearly 80% infectious diseases spread due to
contaminated and unhygienic water. Pakistan is also one of those countries where fresh and
clean water is not available in abundance which has caused serious stomach disorders.

The IMF, in a meeting of 84 countries has held that from now on water will have to be taken as
a vital product for human consumption. The meeting emphasized that all sorts of impediments in
the way of producing water must be removed. The objective of this meeting was to explore ways
of and means for the development of water resources and eliminate difficulties investment for
this purpose. It also aimed at the implementation of WTO and NEFTA projects to put an end to
the monopoly on water resources of some influential nations.

At present there are eight world organizations that are opposing the endeavours of the Third
World countries for the exploration/development of the water resources to overcome their water
problems. These organizations have asked the World Bank and the IMF to stop financial
assistance to the Third World nations that are constructing big dams on the rivers. These
organizations include Green Peace headed by former USSR president Mikhail Gorbachev,
World Watch Institute, World Resources Institute, UN Programme for Environment, International
Rivers Network, Pera Club and Friends of Earth International These organizations are in favour
of utilising the waters of the old rivers rather than constructing huge dams on the rivers as they
believe that the dams destroy the natural beauty and potential of the rivers. The World Bank,
IMF and WWF are working in the light of the programmes of these organizations. If the
opposition from these organizations continue, it will have serious repercussion752

Pakistan Affairs
on the availability of fresh drinking water all over the world. As a consequence, a big country like
China will have to purchase water from the USA by spending heavy amounts.

PAKISTAN'S WATER PROBLEMS

GLOBAL WATER SHORTAGE:

WARNINGS FOR PAKISTAN:

As already mentioned, water resources are diminishing day by day. In Fact water is becoming a
scarce commodity in the world with every passing day. The situation is very grave which is likely
to initiate regional and global conflicts in the near future.

With rapid population growth, water consumption is doubling every twenty years. Resultantly the
water resources are decreased fast everyday. Within the next twenty years, all wars and
conflicts would be about water.

DISMAL WATER SCENARIO

The Pakistan Council of Research in Water Resources says the country, once having surplus
water, now has a water deficit. Main reasons for the declining water availability are a rapid
population growth, the fast expanding number of industries and businesses and depleting water
storage facilities.

Of the total 147m acre-feet water that flows through Pakistani territory, the country stores only
14.5m acre-feet water and the remaining flows to sea due to lack of storage.

We use more water than required, pollute drinking water in different ways, keep most of our
wastewater treatment plants non operative and appear non-concerned with the dwindling
availability of clean water to the public. All this has to change for the better before water
calamity hits us hard.

Water distribution by utilities in the cities and towns is inadequate and in many places water
contaminated. Underground water in many areas is brackish, contaminated or contains
excessive traces of arsenic or other such minerals.

Sindh and Punjab are installing reverse osmosis (RO) plants at selected locations to provide
clean water to the people. But many

water supply and drainage schemes in rural Sindh started around 2008 for completion by 2011,
remained incomplete and non operational, due to non-release of funds, change of project
managers or due to lack of electricity connections.

Operational RO plants are also exposed to load shedding and occasional breakdowns. Installing
solar-based RO plants may improve the situation but it may take time. Implementation delays of
water and sanitation projects are widespread in the country.

Water utilities in various cities subject raw water to normal chlorination process but the water is
often not fully safe for drinking purposes. Chris-crossing of water lines with leaking sanitation
channels adversely affects water quality. Due to poor quality of drinking water, RO plants are
also in demand even for certain areas of large cities as Karachi and Lahore.

Water flowing in our rivers, canals and lakes as well as ground water is badly contaminated.
Against relevant laws and policies, untreated municipal wastewater/ industrial effluents are
released into water bodies almost all over the country, starting from northern areas near
Peshawar to all the way down to Karachi. Presence of microbiological and chemical
contamination in drinking water is a health hazard.

The National Sanitation Policy 2006 and National Drinking Water Policy 2009 provide the policy
framework. Sanitation policy provides for establishing effective wastewater management system
both for municipal and industrial wastewater. Industries and factories that generate hazardous
and toxic waste are required to have their own system of waste treatment.

Drinking water policy places special emphasis on establishing new drinking water systems as
well as rehabilitation and up gradation of existing water supply systems. The policy also
provides for ensuring protection and conservation of water resources as well as measures for
treatment and safety of drinking water. But the policy implementation is weak.

It has been estimated in the polic water, sanitation and hygiene753

Hydro Politics Water Issues in Domestic & Regional Context cost the national economy about
Rs

11200 per year, over Rs 300m a day, in ms of health costs and lost earnings. Lack dsdequate
drinking facilities in schools is of the reasons for low enrollment and high dropout of school
children.

Large quantities of untreated wastewater tom municipalities and untreated effluents tom most
industries are released to the vegetable growers in the vicinity of treatment plant in different
cities and towns posing serious health hazards.

The authorities at Islamabad/Rawalpindi, according to newspaper reports, are considering plans


to clean Rawal Lake water by installing one or more water treatment plants.

Presumably, this is being considered due to inability or unwillingness of the authorities to stop
surrounding villages or small Industries or poultry farms, etc.. established and operational there
from release of wastewater in the channels located in the catchment area of Rawal Lake.

It is feared that the financing and Installation of treatment plants may take years and the poor
people will continue to suffer contaminated water.

CURRENT SITUATION:

It is estimated that by 2015, at least 40 percent of world's population will be deprived of


adequate fresh water supply. At present, a 1/3 of the worlds population lives in those
egions/countries which are acutely short of clean and fresh water supply. By 2025, this ratio is
to jump to 2/3. According to a UNO report more than one billion people on earth already lack
access to fresh drinking water. If the current situation persists, by 2025 the demand for fresh
drinking water is expected to rise to 56 percent
Available fresh drinking water is less than one half of one percent of all the water on the earth.
The people need a minimum of 50 litres of water a day for drinking, washing, cooking and
sanitation. China's yellow River basin, the Zambezi River in Africa and the rivers that lead into
Aral Sea in Central Asia are those waterways which are under tremendous pressure due to
acute shortage of water.

Water has become as precious as oil. It is rapidly emerging as a source of conflict between
nations which is a destabilizing factor for international peace and regional harmony Developing
countries are the worst affected nations due to water shortage. They suffer for lack of clean
drinking water and adequate sanitation.

As the demand for fresh water is increasing day by day, likely conflicts are simmering between
the states that share fresh water reserves located near their boundaries. It is imminent that
more than 50 countries would soon indulge in disputes/ conflicts over water sharing unless they
take steps quickly to ink agreements on how to share water reservoirs, rivers and underground
water reserves. In South Asia India and Pakistan, are involved in a dispute over the Wullar
Barrage while India and Bangladesh have disputes over the Farrakha Barrage and Nepal has
disputes with India over the Mahakali River treaty. These disputes are of highly sensitive nature
as Pakistan, Bangladesh agricultural countries.

and Nepal are

From 1997 to 2002, Pakistan had faced acute shortage of water due to droughts and reduced
storage capacity of its two main reservoirs. At present Pakistan's per capita water availability
has already reached the alarming stage of 1126 m3 per person. Anything less than 1000 m3 per
person is considered as the death knell. It is estimated that Pakistan urgently need at least 7.5
MAF to 10.0 MAF of extra water to fulfill the developing shortfall.

Pakistan is already a water short country due to lack of adequate storage capacity.
sedimentation of reservoirs and drought Seepage has also caused a loss of 65 million acre feet
(MAF) of water. Pakistan is a water short, land rich country where rapidly increasing population,
depleting on-line storages, large escapes of uncontrolled flood flows into sea cause shortage.
To cope with this situation of water shortage, storage capacity has to be raised to create more
water resources.

It is unfortunate that Pakistan blatantly neglected its water requirements in the past. Neither was
positive and detailed planning undertaken to explore and assess the water754

resources of the country, nor were people given education on the proper use of water. Like
India, Mexico and China, the river levels in Pakistan keep on decreasing by one meter annually.
Moreover all the rivers which flow into Pakistan have their origin in India who controls the water
flow of these rivers according to its own requirements. Pakistan's water problems, therefore,
have been redoubled due to apathy on the part of governmental authorities and the
geographical location of our rivers. To understand Pakistan's water dilemma a WWF researcher
Richard Garsi Tank toured several parts of the province of Balochistan and Sindh He observed
and reported that "the present drought in Pakistan is an indication of the dangers which are
likely to emanate in the near future. The quantity of water we are using will quickly exhaust the
water resources and within the next 25 years 33% population will have to fight for its survival
due to water shortage." He further said that "the water level in Balochistan is dropping by 11.5 ft
annually and if it keeps decreasing the water resources of Balochistan will soon dry up.
Significant changes in the mineral structures are taking place which is highly dangerous for the
ground water reserves."

River Indus is the largest river of Pakistan. It flows through the hub of our country. Pakistan is
the basin of the River Indus. Indus is the part of a great water system of Pakistan and occupies
a key position in this system. After crossing the Himalayas at Bunji it turns south west and
enters Pakistan. All other rivers which are part of the Indus River System i.e. Ravi, Sutluj, Beas,
Chenab and Jehlum, join Indus at Panjnad. After covering some distance from Panjnad these
rivers merge into Indus to become the part of its course. These rivers cover the remaining half
of their journey with Indus.

Pakistan's water problems are more due to the scanty rainfalls. The lower Indus plain gets 30 to
40 inches of annual rainfall. Average annual rainfall has been estimated ** 2.5 to 5 inches.
Planning so far has not n done as to how to control and make the

Pakistan Affairs

best use of the rain water in the rivers. The rainfall in our country also varies from year, to year
which is difficult to control and its proper utilisation is not possible Due to the variability of
rainfall, the water flow in rivers fluctuates heavily making it difficult to disperse the water for
agricultural purposes Sometimes the water level in summer is higher than in the winter. From
the middle of September to the middle of March the water flow is usually very slow. In this
season the Indus gets ground water which comes through seepage from the river walls and the
river beds. In March the water runs in the rivers when the ice starts melting on the mountains.
From June to September rainfall is the major source of water.

The volume of rainfall received in Pakistan does not conform with the cultivation. season. It is
impossible to cultivate Rabi and some of the Kharif crops due to the scarcity of water in the
Summer. The total area of Indus basin in Pakistan is 13.10 crore sqr miles. Out of this area only
2 10 crore sqr miles can be irrigated by the irrigation system because, due to insufficient rains
the river water cannot be provided for irrigation purposes. As all rivers are part of the Indus
River System, they experience a decline in water level if Indus is short of water. When the water
level in Indus rises due to heavy rains and snow melting, the water level in Ravi, Chenab, Sutluj,
Beas and Jehlum also goes up. Therefore, the Indus River System, due to unpredictability and
non conformity of rains with our cultivation season, is instrumental in causing the twin menace
of 'Drought and Floods' simultaneously. If there are heavy rains the rivers are in heavy floods
and if there are no rains the rivers are dry and create shortage of water. In both cases it ravages
the crops and property and creates serious shortage of drinking water.

It is unfortunate that during the 68 years of independence we have neither tried to assess the
water potential of our greatest river system, nor have we bothered to study the Indus River
System. No research to guage the water we receive through rainfall or the amount of ground
water in the Indus has so far been undertaken. No statistics/data isHydro Politics Water Issues
in Domestic & Regional Context

755

available as to how much water is wasted by evaporation in the summer. The reports compiled
during Ayub's tenure revealed that the experts keeping in view the massive population growth,
had pointed out the water requirements to the tune of 31. 24 MAF by 1960.
To make the full use of Indus River System, water sources of nearly 100 MAF will be required,
whereas the available water sources with Pakistan are of 25 MAF capacity. Pakistan is in a
position to generate water sources of 40 MAF which means that up to 30 to 40 percent water is
wasted which could be saved for irrigation purposes. The water thus wasted is responsible of
bringing floods which devastates the crops and property. In 1992 heavy floods in Punjab
damaged the crops and property worth billions of rupees. Similarly heavy floods in 1973, 1976,
1978 and 1988 played havoc with standing crops and property. Unfortunately neither have we
been able to control the floods nor could we make the best use of this extra water for our people
and agriculture.

To solve the water problems Pakistan has constructed big dams on the Indus River System
which include Tarbela dam, and Mangla dam. In addition to these dams there are Warsak dam,
Simli Dam and 81 smaller water projects. The Indus River system includes 19 Barrages, 12
inter-river links on different sites and 38000 canals. The Indus River system is capable of
receiving 105 MAF water out of which 45 percent water falls in the sea.

The Indus River system is badly affected by the uncertain and extreme weather from Punjab to
Balochistan. Karachi has extremely humid weather. In Punjab the weather is hot and humid.
Balochistan and Thar are frequently invaded by Dust Storms. Due to hot and humid weather,
water quickly evaporates which creates scarcity of water, drought and dry spells.

There are approximately 107,000 water courses in Pakistan. In Punjab 55,000, Sindh 40,000,
NWFP 10,000 and Balochistan 2,000

water courses are available. Most of these water courses have become 10 to 60% less efficient.
With the aid from USA and WB. 17,715 in Punjab, 3,774 in Sindh, 2361, in NWFP and 680
water courses in Balochistan have been rehabilitated. According to the reports of the World
Water analysts Pakistan needs 30 to 40% more water courses to meet its water requirements.
But the major problem is as how to feed water in these water courses. The World Bank and
former Governments of Pakistan were of the view that 1.5 MAF water could be made available
for these water courses by repairing and re vamping the other canals and Water courses. But
this project could not be completed for lack of funds and determination.

The situation is much more serious than has been told by the Government authorities. The
scarcity of water which has already affected the rabi crops is also likely to affect the kharif crops.
An Indus River System Authority (IRSA) official explains, "At the same time last year the
temperature at Skardu, a city in a snow-clad northern area, was 100C. Now it is 140C, but the
water flow is 20 percent less than the previous year's. this means a lesser amount of water this
time."

Flow of water in rivers has already decreased below the zero benchmark, which is
unprecedented given the record available with IRSA. It is a record for 78 years.

If the situation remains the same, the government will have no option except to choose between
high water Kharif crops like sugarcane and rice and wheat in Rabi. Either it will have to ban
sowing of sugarcane or ban its three main Kharif rival crops in the wake of persisting water
shortage in the country during the cultivation season of 2000-2001.

According to preliminary estimates, the area brought under sugarcane cultivation, during the
current season, has been curtailed by 25 percent to 1.435 million acres. This will be the third
time in row when less land will be cropped with sugarcane in the Punjab Reason attributed to
this declining trend. that unlike rice it requires less water. Sour756

Pakistan Affairs

in the Punjab agricultural department have disclosed that water shortage of above 50% this year
had adversely affected both water thirsty sugarcane and rice crops Receding sugarcane
cultivation area means that the sugar production is likely to fall by more than one million tonnes
next year ie 2001-2002 Logically it would mean that we are either heading towards the shortage
of wheat or sugar, but since wheat is more vital by virtue of being a staple food, sugar is likely to
be put on the back burner Already the government has reduced its GDP growth rate for the year
2000-2001 from 4.5 percent to 3.8 percent.

The damages that are likely to be caused due to drought and water crisis have been estimated
to 1.5 billion dollars only in the agriculture and livestock sectors. This huge financial loss has
been calculated on account of less production of major crops like wheat, gram, cotton, rice and
sugarcane and livestock during the recently concluded Rabi 2000 seasons. The World Bank
was apprised of the financial losses. The WB officials, however, disagreed with the figure and
were of the view that the figures could be much higher in view of the intensity of water shortage
in the country. The losses in Rabi crops, which are about to be harvested, will be more than
28.50 billion dollars as wheat production was expected to go down by 3.6 million tons this year.
The country is expected to produce only 17.5 million tons of wheat against 21.1 million tons in
1999-2000. Thus the financial loss on account of less production of wheat this year will be 28
billion dollars.

The Province of Balochistan is the worst hit and calamity ridden area. The ground water
reservoirs of Balochistan have almost dried in the wake of long dry spell since 1997, resulting in
a drought in 2000 which has caught hold of nearly 22 districts of the province within a few
weeks and led to mass migration, famine and spread of many diseases. Balochistan used to get
ample rainfall during winter which would recharge the underground water. But in recent years,
lack of rain coupled with excessive pumping of water have depleted the underground

water level. Annual rainfall in Balochistan has slumped from 19.5 inches in 1982 to less than 4
inches in 1999 Similarly there used to be a balance between the annual discharge and recharge
in the ground water but at present there is a deficit of 29 cusecs between the two. If annual
recharge is 38 cusecs now the annual discharge is around 67 cusecs. Water table is, therefore
falling at an annual rate of around 67 cusecs. Water table, therefore, is falling at the rate of 10
feet which is highly alarming. In some areas the water table has dropped to as low as 1,000
feet. Hundreds of traditional water tunnels, the Karezes have almost dried up. It is generally
believed that in Balochistan the present crisis is man made and not natural. Massive population
growth. excessive pumping of under ground water through tubewells and unplanned urban
development has led to the catastrophe If we had been wise we could have averted the serious
situation we are facing now. No government ever thought or planned to utilise flood water for
irrigation purposes by building dams on seasonal streams and rivers. The irrigation department
is of the view that the solution to the problem is construction of dams. But the geologists say
that something else has to be done as there are already 138 dams in the province which have
failed to improve the situation.

The one sad and unfortunate aspect of the water crisis is the row that has developed between
the two provinces of Pakistan. Sindh has accused Punjab of stealing the water which should
have gone to Sindh Punjab on the other hand refuted these allegations and claimed that it has
been using less water than its requirements to accommodate smaller provinces. In 1994 both
Punjab and Sindh agreed on the usage of water.

Government being alive to this situation has asked the two water starved provinces to resolve
their differences amicably General Pervaiz Musharraf, the CE called an inter provincial
emergency meeting of the Punjab and Sindh on April 8, 2001 to sort out the differences
between the two provinces över water sharing during Kharif 2001. Hydro Politics Water Issues
in Domestic & Regional Context

757

Punjab has been accorded a step motherly treatment specially by IRSA and other government
agencies who pressurized it to allow more water to Sindh. Punjab has demonstrated
magnanimity and agreed to give 5,000 cusecs water daily to Sindh from its own share for the
Kharif during April 2001 to help it sow the crop, whereas where the Kharif season 2001 has
already set in and the cotton sowing is expected to suffer due to non availability of water in the
province.

Punjab has been so badly pressed. specially by IRSA that it has not even been allowed to use
water of its allocated share. The IRSA further slashed the water share of Punjab and Sindh by
25% of the remaining Rabi season due to severe scarcity of water. This is in addition to a 40
percent cut imposed by IRSA a few months ago. With this cut the water share of Punjab and
Sindh has been reduced by 65 percent for the remaining Rabi season. It was observed
alarmingly that if the current pattern of inflow and outflow continued the remaining storage could
meet only one week requirements.

LOOMING WATER CRISIS

the country. Wapda has been assigned the task of consulting stakeholders to finalise the
government's initiative on water security, the official told a consultative session in Quetta
attended by senior academic figures, experts and bureaucrats.

The federal government is currently in the process of framing a water policy, which should be
ready by the end of the year

The urgency to conserve water and to prevent its wastage is evident from the unusual proposal
made by the Indus River System Authority (Irsa) this March. It asked the government to freeze
the country's entire development spending for five years and divert the funds for the
construction of mega water reservoirs, having a storage capacity of at least 22 million acre feet
(MAF), on a war footing.

Local and international institutions, including the World Bank and the US Senate's foreign affairs
committee, have been warning Pakistan about major water crises like floods and droughts in the
next 10 40 years owing to the unusually fast depletion of the Himalayan glaciers, low storage
capacity and other related uncertainties

Reports say these glaciers, contributing over 80pc to the Indus' water which, in - turn, meets
over 65pc of the agriculture sector's water requirement - are receding at a rate of 30-50 metres
annually. The Himalayas contain the world's third-largest ice mass after Antarctica and
Greenland.
While the chief of the Water and Power Development Authority has warned that the situation
relating to water availability in the country is getting worse by the day, the federal government
has reduced budgetary allocations for water development projects.

The allocations have been cut down to Rs31.2bn from last year's R$46bn. This is despite a
consensus on the urgency to build storages to prevent a looming water crisis in

Saying the water sector should not be ignored in the way it has been in the past, Planning
Minister Ahsan Iqbal also recently warned that the coming generations "would not forgive us if
we don't take appropriate steps immediately.

Meanwhile, there is some fear that there might be a 15pc water shortage during this year's rabi
season (October-March). although the country has experienced a wet year with record river
flows due to better climatic conditions.

Owing to better flows, the irrigation requirements were comfortably met in the758

Pakistan Affairs

kharif season. This also helped fill the Tarbela Dam to its maximum capacity on August 9 and
the Mangla Dam on August 22.

But because of the extreme volatility in river flows (caused by climate change), both reservoirs
began depleting fast. By September 29, the water level in the Tarbela Dam had reduced to
4.01MAF from 6.36MAF. Similarly, water in Mangla decreased to 6.35MAF against its maximum
storage level of 7 37MAF

However, the country's water situation would have been worse had the project to raise the
Mangla Dam not been completed. It provided more than 2MAF of additional water, virtually
rescuing the country from about a 25pc shortage.

High flows in rivers are not much of an advantage as they ultimately cause floods if the country
has no proper storage facilities. While the predicted water shortage in rabi season is
manageable, more storage facilities are needed to help increase the cultivable area.

While Pakistan has the world's most extensive irrigation system, the system is not without
inherent flaws. For instance, it is marked by an inequitable distribution of water, particularly to
the tail-enders. Water flows at the head of the watercourse are greater than at the end.

This anomaly is a colonial legacy inherited by our rulers. When the British constructed the Indus
basin irrigation system, they ensured that farmers belonging to more "loyal' tribes or castes
were given preferential access to the head reaches of the canals and the watercourses. The
poor farmers were allotted lands in the tail reaches where they had less access to water. As a
result, they resorted to pumping groundwater.

Two studies published on June 16 by American scientists say human activity is leading to a
rapid draining of about one-third of the planet's largest underground water reserves, and it is
unclear how much water remains in them. Already, 2bn people worldwide rely on groundwater
for daily use.
Groundwater in Pakistan is rapidly running out. If the trend continues, the groundwater table will
come under severe pressure. The world's most overstressed source is the Arabian Aquifer
System, which provides water for more than 60m people. According to the Punjab irrigation
department, the province's water table is going down by three feet every year.

REMEDIAL STEPS FOR THE SOLUTION OF WATER CRISIS

The current water crisis has greatly intensified due to the government's passive response to this
national problem. One of the reason of this calamity is unsagacious water management and
distribution system which was the result of decades of self-contentment after building of Mangla
and Tarbela dams. It is also due to lack of future looking planning and poor maintenance of fast
eroding irrigation canal system. A glaring example of poor planning is the Hub dam which was
constructed by WAPDA for providing water for irrigation of areas in Balochistan and for drinking
water to the city of Karachi.

The said dam has been completely dry over the last three years. It is because the planners did
not consider and examine the water availability scenario in the right perspective.

Though the water shortage is widespread due to less rains over the plains of Sindh and Punjab
and catchment areas in the hilly north, the problem somehow accentuated in Sindh due to poor
water management and distribution system of WAPDA.The government authorities simply sat
over the assumption that soon there will be enough rains and conditions will return to normal.
However, despite this apathy the government has pondered over a series of steps to be taken
to cope with the crisis which has developed acute drought in the country causing great harm to
agriculture and human life.

Mangla and Tarbela dams are country's two biggest water reservoirs. They are capable of
meeting the water requirements of the agricultural sector. Since water levels atZ160888-1ZEO

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Tarbela and Mangla, have reached rockbottom, at respectively 1369 and 1040 feet surface
water reservoirs and canals have dried up. The immediate alternative to reduce the pressure of
shortage of water, is the ground water pulled out through tubewells Though the ground water
reserves too have depleted, but there is no other option with the government. The government's
long-term strategy of constructing the dams has so far proved inconclusive. It has highlighted
the need for control of ground water reserves in order to make some use of this source to come
out of the quagmire of water crisis The government circles are of the opinion that while the
surface water is rapidly depleting. ground water should simultaneously be conserved. It,
however, is not going to produce desired results as restricted use of ground water will make its
adverse impact on the economy. If ground water is effectively used and put to maximum
utilisation it will not be wasted.

The government has taken steps for construction of small dams. Gen. Pervaiz Musharraf, the
Chief Executive announced governmental plans for the construction of small dams which will
cost Rs.200 billion. These dams will be built on different sites in the four provinces. Gen.
Musharraf said that instead of insisting on building Rs.800 billion Kalabagh Dam in the face of
deep resistance from the provinces of Sindh and NWFP, the government has decided to
prepare feasibility for small dams like Hingol dam at the cost of 15 billion rupees in Balochistan,
Gomal Zam dam (Rs.20 billion) in the NWFP and Sehwan Dam in Sindh. He said that Kalabagh
dam could be constructed with the approval of NWFP and Sindh. Supporting the cons- truction
of new dams, the government officials explained that Pakistan is dependent on river flow, the
storage capacity at Mangla is limited. Wet years flows are double than that of the dry years
flows and the flows during the Kharif are five times higher than Rabi. This situation calls for
increasing the storage capacity for which new dams are required. The main purpose of Mangla
and Tarbela is to store excessive Kharif water for use during Rabi season. The present dams

capacity is limited to transferring one seasons's water to the other season and they cannot
transfer a wet year's water to dry years. Besides, sedimentation is also squeezing storage
capacity Therefore new dams are needed.

One of the option to cope with the shortage of water is to lift the height of Mangla dam. Mangla
dam could be raised by 40 feet which is technically and economically feasible which could
provide an additional 3.10 million acre feet of water, increase energy output by 18 per cent from
the existing power plant, resettle 45,000 people in 3500 houses.

WAPDA has launched its plan known as Vision 2025 which envisages optimum utilisation of
country's rich water and power resources. The WAPDA itends to complete the projects under
the 'Vision 2025' plan by 2015 by which additional 23.000 hydel power will be generated The
plan 'Vision 2025' is spread over three phases. The first phase which was approved by the
federal cabinet last year, include engineering studies of Bhasha dam and Thal reservoir projects
besides six irrigation schemes of Thal canal (Punjab), Riverian Area Development Sindh,
Rainee and Thar canals and Sehwan Barrage (Sindh).

The phase II and III have been approved by the Chief Executive Gen. Pervaiz Musharraf These
include studies for the development of phase II of surface storage at a cost of Rs. 1210 million,
studies for the surface storage at the cost of Rs.600 million and raising of Mangla dam level at
the cost of Rs.300 million. The storage sites proposed for detailed studies in phase II include
Skardu dam project of Channel storage. Dhok Pathan, Sanjwal, Akhri, Bahater, Rohtas and
Chiniot. The storage site outside the existing irrigation system include Hingol dam, Mirani dam
and Naulang dam in Balochistan. Manda dam, Gomal Zam dam and Kurram Tangi dam in
NWFP and Gajnai dam, Mol and Khadeji dam in Sindh.

The storage sites proposed in the phase III include Yugo, Kalomo, Mir Khani760

Pakistan Affairs

Khazana, Navan Suki Kinari, Patrind in the present irrigation system besides Babar Kach,
Anamber, Talli Tangi in Balochistan, Tank dam, Darbana dam, and Chaniot in Punjab.

Pakistan has sought the assistance of friendly countries to overcome its problems caused by
the drought and water crisis. UAE, China and Saudi Arabia have been requested to extend
assistance for the building of water reservoirs for storing projects in the country during the fiscal
year of 2001-2002. The feasibility report includes raise in the height of Mangla dam, Gomal
dam, Kachi Canal and Sehwan dam. The government has also provided Rs.1 billion for
skimming wells, and approved a package to install 10,000 tubewells throughout the country.

In addition to the above mentioned steps, the installation of desalination plants along the coastal
areas of Sindh and Balochistan will also greatly help in arresting the drought and water
shortage. The system of desalinating the sea water and making it available for daily consumer
use has proved to be successful in the states Persian Gulf and Middle East.

Pakistan's population was 140 million in 2003 and it is expected to rise to 208 million by the
year 2025. This growth in population significantly increases the demand for food and fiber while
both land and water resources are declining day by day.

Pakistan's food import bill is rising on account of the increasing population and the declining
output as a result of a reduced availability of water. The situation of the Indus, other rivers and
our dams and the reservoirs is further alarming because the total storage capacity of our dams
would reduce to an amount of water equivalent to one of our biggest dams, like the Mangla
Dam. Our growing demand shows that a storage capacity of more than six million acre feet
(MAF) of water will be required during every five to 10 years.

The provinces of Sindh and Punjab have been struggling for an adequate water supply since
long but the struggle has now

transformed itself into a water war. The change in the cropping patterns and an increase in the
cultivated land area has changed the utilization of water means an increase in the demand of
water. The most debilitating reason for the shortage of water is the changing pattern of global
environment and weather.

There is serious confrontation between the provinces on water distribution and sharing. The
Federal Government has been locked in a debate on the distribution of water among the
provinces for a long time. For solving this problem, the President of Pakistan General Pervez
Musharraf, has directed to reconstitute the Indus River System Authority (IRSA) to resolve intra
provincial disputes over the sharing of irrigation water through consensus, but so far IRSA
hasn't been able to work out an arranged formula in this regard.

The water accord was signed in 1991. At that time, the annual availability of water was
calculated around 120 MAF. But due to the non-availability of such a quantity of water, the
accord was not implemented according to share level given. Therefore, Sindh has been
demanding of the federal government that the four provinces should share the water resources
on the basis of the 1991 water accord and not on the basis on the historical usage. This logical
demand of Sindh was never heard properly and each successive government tried to put a lid
upon this issue.

It was the President General Pervez Musharraf, who for the first time heard this demand of
Sindh and directed the IRSA to distribute water among the provinces on the basis of the 1991
water accord and not on the historical use basis as was being done since 1994. The President
also shifted the headquarters of the IRSA to Islamabad from Lahore to make it a truly national
body.

Today, the crises of water are actually the past mismanagement of WAPDA WAPDA has failed
for the last two decades to achieve its objectives in various water resources development
projects like the SCARPS, the non-consensual and biasedHydro Politics Water Issues in
Domestic & Regional Context

761
attitude of WAPDA in respect of water resources development in the country further developed
a sense of deprivation among the people of the four provinces.

A lot of discussions have been underway for the construction of water reservoirs that are
required for two purposes, to compensate for the water losses due to silting in the existing
dams, and to cater for additional canals to be taken to arid areas to boost agriculture output.
Pakistan have already lost 5 MAF of water due to silting in Mangla, Tarbela and Chashma. This
is around 25% of the total capacity 18.37 MAF of these reservoirs by 2013, Pakistan is likely to
lose more than six MAF which is equal to one big dam. Due to silting problems in each of our
existing dams by 2050, we would require three or four dams, each of six MAF capacity. so that
dams and reservoirs should be constructed at all available sites, needed by our country. The
available sites are Yogo. Bhasha, Skardu, Akhoric and Kalabagh

The immediate as well as a long term solutions for the water crises are as follows.

1. A proper scheme should be launched for WAPDA and the respective provincial irrigation
departments be asked to control the usual losses occurring in the unlined channel. The seepage
and loss of irrigation water through water courses amounts to 3.4 MAF years. An excellent R&D
work has been carried out by professional organizations and they had developed a hi-tech
material for the lining of canals. If the GOP every year allocates a nominal amount in the budget
for the proper lining of canals system, a large quantity of water will be available, from head to
tail, for irrigation purposes. In additional, this would apply a check on the source of the water
logging problem and help reduce the discharge now being carried by the existing drain in the left
and right banks of River Indus.

2. Pakistan has sufficient water resources. The water crises have been created due to
mismanagement, misper ception and politicising of the issues among

the provinces. According to statistics provided by the Government of Sindh and in the opinion of
technical experts, the minimum level and discharge of water at downstream Kotri should not be
less than 10 MAF.

During the last 30 years the maximum escapage below Kotri was 91.83 MAF during the year
2000-01 this was the first time such minimum escapage was recorded during the last 30 years.
This was due to weather changes and cycle affecting the entire world. The data of last five
years shows that the minimum escapage below Kotri was less than 10 MAF that ultimately
affected the land of that area due to the seawater and level. Otherwise, during the period of
1976-2000, the minimum escapage at Kotri was recorded around 10 MAF only in the years
1982-83 and 1985-86 During the remaining years, the minimum escapage never went below 18
MAF. This analysis shows that due to the weather cycle, escapage below Kotri during the period
of 2000-03 were recorded below 10 MAF, which is dangerous for the Sindh irrigated land. But
this position, now, has improved during 2003-04 when this was recorded at 23.67 MAF. This
historical data shows that only in the drought cycle, which comes to Pakistan every 10 years,
the escapage below Kotri dropped to 18 MAF. which remained stagnant for two to three years,
otherwise more than 18 MAF water is available at Kotri. A dam for storage only needs five to six
MAF, so how it can reduce Sindh's water. Therefore, Pakistan needs a dam of six MAF every
five to 19 years and sufficient excess water will be available without disturbing any present
sharing arrangement.

RE-THINKING THE NATIONAL WATER POLICY


Pakistan approved its first National Water Policy on April 24, 2018. Following this, a recent wave
of discussions on social media seems to have brought the water crisis back to the forefront.

Many believe that the construction of the Kalabagh dam will solve Pakistan's wat crisis. The
active water storage capacity762

Pakistan Affairs

the Kalabagh dam is estimated to be 6.1 million acre-feet (MAF), whereas Pakistan is expected
to face a demand-supply gap of approximately 83 MAF by 2025.

According to the United Nations Development Programme's report, "The Vulnerability of


Pakistan's Water Sector to the Impacts of Climate Change", Pakistan needs to build at least 13
dams having a water storage capacity equivalent to the Kalabagh dam.

Keeping this in mind, the National Water Policy is inadequate to address the country's water
issue as it is vague on many key aspects, technically unsound, and does not contain updated
information about the state and quality of water resources.

The per capita water availability estimates, presented in the policy document. are derived from
the old estimates of water availability in the country. Based on Pakistan's total renewable water
resources and population in 1951, the water availabilty was estimated to be 5,260 cubic metres
per capita per year.

The current per capita water availability estimates are about 1,000 cubic metres. However,
Pakistan's renewable water resources have decreased significantly. There has been a gradual
decline in surface water flows and our groundwater depletion rate is one, of the highest in the
world.

Even the estimates of the total renewable water resources at 138.4 MAF suggest a water
availability of 823 cubic metres per capita per year which is significantly lower than 1,000 cubic
metres.

The situation is much worse than these estimates if we distinguish between water availability
and water accessibility. The reason to do so is that the majority of the fresh water (both canal
water and groundwater) is being polluted by wastewater.

According to an estimate, the total quantity of wastewater produced in Pakistan is 962,335


million gallons which ultimately finds its way to freshwater bodies and

groundwater aquifers. Untreated wastewater makes much of the fresh water in eastern rivers
and canals (especially in Ravi) inaccessible.

Pakistan is included in the list of top five countries which account for about 86 per cent of the
global wastewater fed cropland, says a study published in IOPscience, a leading scientific
research journal.

Of these countries China, Mexico and India treat 71pc, 54pc and 22pc of their urban
wastewater, respectively, but Pakistan treats only 1.2pc of its urban wastewater. About 7.2m
acres of land are being irrigated with untreated wastewater in Pakistan.
Currently, Pakistan extracts 50 MAF of groundwater which is mainly used for irrigation. Due to
excessive pumping Pakistan's groundwater abstraction rates have exceeded the annual
recharge rate of 55 cubic kilometres per year.

Consequently. the groundwater tables are lowering rapidly in different parts of the country.
Some hydrologists think that there could be a decline of 10-20 metres in the groundwater tables
in the upper and the lower regions of the Rachna Doab in north east Pakistan by 2025.

Despite this, Pakistan continues to exploit groundwater resources to grow and export water-
intensive crops such as rice. Pakistan's rice water productivity- at 0.45kg per cubic metre is
55pc lower than the - average water productivity of 1kg per cubic metre for rice in Asian
countries.

Pakistan also exports rice at competitive prices in the international export market. A recent
study reported that about 11pc of the global groundwater depletion is due to the international
food trade.

The National Water Policy does not address the issue of growing and exporting water-intensive
crops such as rice, cotton and sugarcane. Pakistan's water resources face a number of
challenges including over extraction, contamination, and vulnerability to the impacts of climate
change and population growth, etc. Hydro Politics Water Issues in Domestic & Regional Context

763

Population growth will worsen the crisis as on an average, we use 350 billion Itres of surface
water daily, which translates to 1.684 litres per capita per day. In less than half a month, we
extract about 8.5 cubic kilometre of groundwater, which is higher than the active storage
capacity of the Kalabagh dam.

Each Pakistani produces daily about 65 litres of wastewater which is not being recycled. This
requires a massive public awareness campaign in the country on an immediate basis to create
awareness about conservation measures and more comprehensive policies to address the
water crisis effectively.

CONSEQUENCES AND AFTER EFFECTS OF WATER SHORTAGE/ DROUGHT

The water shortage can create so many problems for the people. The scarcity of water curtails
agricultural yields. The prices of the agricultural products, because of lesser production, shoot
up. The shortages have caused a raise in the prices of meat and fish and other essential
commodities pushing the rate of inflation very high.

Another bad impact of shortage of water is that the people are forced to pump out brackish
water due to the continued shortage of water. The constant pumping of water deplete the sub-
soil water level. With the lowering of sub-soil water, water hydrants and water carriers increase-
their charges to supply water to far off places.

The shortage of water gives birth to agitations and protests. In Karachi there have been
agitations. The drought hit province of Sindh has erupted with serious agitations over water
shortage.
The scarcity of water can trigger common health problems. The use of brackish water can
cause enteric fever. Other major diseases which are caused by brackish water is hepatitis A+ E.
Kidney related diseases are also caused as stone formation can result from consumption of
water with

higher level of salts and calcium. The water shortage badly affects the fisheries and migratory
bird.

KALABAGH DAM

Allah has blessed Pakistan with numerous resources, water is one of those gifts. To understand
its importance it is necessary to have knowledge on the following:

What number of dams and reservoirs are designed on all the rivers and how much work has
been done on them.

What is the real picture and what are the facts about Kalabagh Dam? Why is it important,
necessary and essential for our country?

What are the objections raised by some political parties against Kalabagh Dam, and what is the
factual position?

The Kalabagh Dam would provide 6.5 million acre feet of water to cultivate seven million acres
of currently barren land in addition to the 3,600 megawatts of electricity it would provide

At the time of independence, our newly formed country had no infrastructure of power
generation. There were only small diesel or coal powered generation plants in various cities, but
to meet the major requirement we were dependent on India. In 1958 when Field Marshall Ayub
Khan took over the government, with all the other important steps, shortage of power was also
taken as a very important issue and work on war footings was started.

As already stated we are blessed with many natural resources, especially water. We have five
rivers and a number of subsidiaries which can give us sufficient power as well as huge water
reservoirs for irrigation, if property planned. Ayub Khan's government gave full attention towards
this side and start764

immediate survey for suitable sites for the construction of Hydro Power Projects, Water
reservoirs / Dams, Head-Works and Barrages. Within a short period of six months a complete
study was formed stating the number of places and sites where dams on River Indus and River
Jehlum could be constructed as well as sites and places where barrages can be constructed on
River Chenab, River Ravi and River Sutlej.

First of all we will go through the study on River Indus. According to the study only on river
Indus we could construct Hydro Power Projects, Water Reservoirs/Dams and Barrages at fifteen
(15) different sites. The study also revealed that there were certain sites which were more
important and where the development work could be started with immediate effect. Following
this study, two sites on River Indus were selected for dams where we could avail power
generation facility as well as water reservoirs which would be linked to canals for irrigation
purpose. One site was Kalabagh, which was a natural dam and the other was Tarbela. On river
Jehlum, Mangla was selected for immediate implementation. The other reason to select these
sites was that these were almost in the centre of the country from where the cost of electricity
distribution network would cost less and the controls would be easy, secondly, from water
reservoirs, water would easily be connected to the canal system used for irrigation. In 1959,
immediate work was started at Mangla Dam site.

On the other side Tarbela was preferred to Kalabagh. There were two reasons; one, the cost of
Tarbela Dam was higher than the Kalabagh Dam, and financial help from the World Bank was
required, whereas cost of Kalabagh was less and could easily be meet with our own resources.
Second reason was political disturbance created by Raja George Sikandar Zaman who was in
opposition of

Pakistan Affairs

Ayub Khan and had a high influence in Haripur area where some land were to be acquired by
the government It was decided that with Ayub Khan being in power, the people of the area
would cooperate, but later when Ayub Khan may not be in power, this man having high
influence in the area may be a hindrance in the construction of this dam, as well as Khanpur
Dam (only a reservoir dam), which was also constructed during that time.

So, work on Tarbela and Mangla Dam was immediately started. Mangla was to generate 1100
megawatts with a water reservoir of 5.5 million acre feet and Tarbela was planned to produce
3490 megawatts electricity with a water reservoir of 11.09 million acre feet.

Before going into further details, it is important to understand the flow of rivers and the places
they fall into each other. Starting with River Swat which flows from Kalam to Nowshera for 12
months, with an enormous quantity of water. At Nowshera it falls into river Kabul which is
coming from Afghanistan, crossing through Peshawar. From Nowshera these two rivers jointly
fall into Indus at Attock. From Attock bridge, the flow of these two rivers can easily be seen,
Indus in blue colour and the other two in mud colour. They go a long way side by side then
ultimately merge into each other.

From Attock to Kalabagh, there is no place where this enormous quantity of water flowing from
three rivers can be stored. Kalabagh is the only place where this water can be stored.

From Kalabagh reservoir, water can not only be used for generation of electricity but can also
be utilised to irrigate the barren areas of KPK, Sind and Balochistan. The site of Kalabagh is a
natural dam, which can be constructed in much less time with less cost than a regular dam. It
can store and preserve4100

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all that water flowing from rivers Indus, Swat and Kabul, which at present is going waste and
falls into the Arabian Sea It's sheer negligence of our governments and leaders nat since long
we are wasting this gift of nature which can be very useful for irrigation and can also generate
electricity for the national grid.

Bashir A Malik former chief technical advisor to the United Nations and World Bank, said, "Sindh
and Pakhtunkhwah would become drought areas in the years to come if Kalabagh Dam was not
built At the same time, former KPK Chief Minister and former Chairman WAPDA Mr Shamsul
Mulk has stated that the "Kalabagh Dam would be helpful in erasing poverty from Khyber-
Pakhtunkhwa as it would irrigate 800,000 acres of cultivable land that is located 100- 150 feet
above the level of River Indus."

Experts who supported the construction of the Kalabagh Dam at the 2012 "Save Water Save
Pakistan" Forum included: Dr Salman Shah, former Finance Minister of Pakistan, Abdul Majeed
Khan, TECH Society president. Shafqat Masood, former IRSA chairman; Qayyum Nizami,
former Minister of State. Prof Abdul Qayyum Qureshi, former Vice-Chancellor of Islamia
University, Bahawalpur, Dr Muhammad Sadiq, agocultural scientist; M Saeed Khan, former GM
of Kalabagh Dam Project: Engr Mahmudur Rehman Chughtai, Mansoor Ahmed, former MD of
Pakistan Atomic Energy Commission Foundation, Tariq Mushtaq, former Project Head, KDB,
M.. Zubair Sheikh and Jameel Gishkori, among others. The participants of Save Water Save
Pakistan demanded the construction of five dams, including the Munda Dam, Kurram Tangi
Dam, Akhori Dam and the Kalabagh Dam, at by 2025 at the latest to store water and generate
electricity to meet demand.

The length of Kalabagh dam reservoir will be80km. From there Nowshera city is 110km, and if
the dam is full to its ends the height of Nowshaera will be 60 feet above that level So, the story
which has been framed by a political party of KPK, that Nowshera will drown, does not have any
truth and reality in it, rather 800.000 acres barren land will be irrigated with the rise in the level
of the river. This area is 100-150 feet above river level, when the level of the river is raised, it
would be easily irrigated.

In the same way around 1.000.000 acres of land of Sind will also be irrigated from the water
reservoir of Kalabagh Dam The politicians and feudals of Sind also have framed a story for their
poor and uneducated people that if Kalabagh Dam is constructed. River Indus will have no
water in flow and sea water will enter inside the river bed, damaging the lands. This is just a
story to confuse the poor farmers and small land owners, so that they don't get benefit of water
for their fields, which can get them a better living and education for their children Actually the
feudals have a fear that if these people get education and better living. feudals won't be able to
keep them under their thumb. In fact, Karachi and Sind is seven meters above sea level, so
there is no question of sea water flowing back into the river Only at "delta" the sea water flows in
at the time of "Mud-O-Jazr. Secondly, the bed of the river will not get dry. Once the dam is filled
water flow will be in routine and will remain as it is flowing now Same way, huge area of
Balochistan will also get water for irrigation through this dam's reservoir.

Actually, the Indian govemment is spending a huge amount against the Kalabagh Dam. India
does not want that Pakistan should ever build this dam and save the water which at present is
totally wasted and which would very badly be required in th coming days. 766

Pakistan Affairs

In addition to irrigation, Kalabagh Dam would also generate 3600 megawatt electricity, which
when added in the national Grid will bring down the electricity cost. Delay in the construction of
this dam is criminal on part of the rulers because it is their utmost duty to look after the National
Interest. People had no hope from Asif Ali Zardari or his party. but Zia ul Haq and Pervaiz
Musharaf could very easy construct it, yet they also became more political than the politicians.
They also lost their national interest only for their lust of power and to remain in seat for a longer
time.
Let me explain that from Gilgit to Kalabagh. how many dams can be constructed on the River
Indus, which have been designed by Wapda and require immediate attention as well as
authoritarian steps of the head of the state.

1-Bunji Hydro Power Project

The proposed Project is located on Indus River 83km from Gilgit. It is planned Run of the River
Hydropower Project. This will generate of 7100 mega watt in two stages. First stage will start
generation of 2800 mega watts and in second phase total 7100 mega watt will start generation.

2-Basho Hydro Power Project

The proposed scheme is along a 1km lower stretch of Basho Lungma, a left tributary of Indus
River. The confluence of Basho Lungma with Indus River is located about 40km downstream of
north-west of Skardu town and 704km north-east of Islamabad This Hydropower Project can
generate 40MW. Its cost is estimated at Rs91.243 million.

3-Diamer Basha Dam

The proposed project is located on Indus River, about 315km upstream of Tarbela Dam, 180km
downstream of the Gilgit Baltistan capital Gilgit city and 40km

downstream of Chilas city. The proposed RCC dam would have a maximum height of 272m,
and impound a reservoir of about 8.1 million acre feet (MAF), with live storage of 6.4MAF Mean
annual discharge of Indus River at the site is 1977 cusecs. The dam will Impound 15 percent of
the annual river flow. The project would cover an area of 110km2 and the reservoir would
extend 100km upstream of the dam site up to Raikot Bridge on Sharah e Rashem. This hydro
project can generate 4,500 mega wall electricity

4-Dasu Hydro Power Project

The proposed Dasu Hydropower Project is a run of river project on the Indus River located 7km
upstream of Dasu Town, District Kohistan, Khyber Pakhtunkhwa. The site is 74km downstream
of proposed Diamer Basha Dam site and 345km from Islamabad. Project will generate 5,400
MW (15 Units @ 360 MW each) hydroelectric power. It will be completed in two Stages (Stage-
1&11). Stage-l will generate 2160 MW (06 Units @ 36 MW each) with annual energy of 12,222
GWh. Stage-I will be completed in five years. The project is being financed by the World Bank.

5-Lower Spatt GAH Hydro Power Project

The proposed Spat Gah is the left bank tributaries of Indus River in Kohistan District, Khyber
Pukhtunkhwa. The confluence of Spat Gah is located 8km downstream of Dasu town, 35km up
stream of Patan town. The Project is located 365km from Islamabad and has the capacity to
generate 496 MW hydropower.

6-Patan Hydro Power Project

The proposed Patan Dam site is located on the Indus River about 4km upstream of village
Patan downstream of Keyal Khwar. The power house is planned on the left bank 4km
downstream of Besham Qila and 305km from Islamabad. This project will generateHydro
Politics Water Issues in Domestic & Regional Context
767

1300 MW electricity. The cost of this project

sestimated at Rs731 233 million (2013).

7-Thakot Hydro Power Project

This proposed hydro project is located in narrow section of Indus River, about 3km downstream
of Besham. Distance from Islamabad is about 240km. It is designed to generate 4,000MW
hydropower electricity. It cost is estimated at Rs719.628 Million (2013).

8-Tarbela Dam

The project is located at a narrow spot in the Indus River valley, at Tarbela in Haripur, shortly
located at the point from where the District Swabi then starts Here the river formerly split around
a large island close to the left bank. The main dam wall, built of earth and rock, is the world's
largest Earth Filled Dam, stretches 2,743 metres (8,999ft) from the island to river right, standing
148 metres (486ft) high. A pair of concrete auxiliary dams spans the river from the island to river
left. The spillways, located on the auxiliary dams, in turn consist of two parts. The main spillway
has a discharge capacity of 18.406 cubic metres per second (650,000 cu ft/s) and the auxiliary
spillway. 24,070 cubic metres per second (850,000 cu fus).

Hydroelectric power plant on the right side of the main dam houses 14 generators fed with water
from outlet tunnels 1, 2, and 3. There are four 175 MW generators on tunnel 1, six 175 MW
generators on tunnel 2, and four 432MW generators on tunnel 3. for a total generating capacity
of 3,478 MW. Tarbela Reservoir is 80.5 kilometres (50.0 mi) long, with a surface area of 250
square kilometres (97 sq mi). The reservoir holds 11,600,000 acre feet (14.3km3) of water, with
a live storage of 9,700,000 acre feet (12.0km3).

Mangla was to generate 1100 megawatts with a water reservoir of 5.5 million acre feet and
Tarbela was planned to

produce 3490 megawatts electricity with a water reservoir of 11.09 million acre feet

It is very important to note an astonishing fact: Tenders of Tarbela Dam were opened in
December 1966. The lowest tender was of 259 Crore Dollars while the others were of 296 Crore
Dollars. 366 Crore Dollars and 384 Crore Dollars. Ayub Khan's government selected the lowest
bid, but the World Bank did not agree to finance that. company which was from Italy and had
collaboration with a German firm Ayub Khan asked his finance minster, Mr Muhammad Shoaib,
and a civil servant Ghulam Farooq Khan to confirm two things, one, what is the international
standing of the company and secondly, can the government meet the foreign component from
its own resources The answer came within 48 hours that the company had a good standing in
the international market and that the government of Pakistan could meet the foreign component
from its own resources. So, the world Bank was informed that we did not need their financial
help. It was a great achievement, later on the World Bank also joined and provided the financial
help, but we started this dam with our own resources.

These were the people who were sincere to the nation and did not know the word "commission",
they used to spend the national exchequer as a custodian of the nation. After Ayub Khan's
regime, especially after 1977, it's very sad that our governments right from Zia regime to the
present regime, purchased everything by raising the cost by double, triple and sometimes four
times. The Zardari regime was notorious in this regard.

Another commendable vision of the then rulers and an admirable fact about Tarbela Dam is that
it has five tunnels. Right now the generation system is attached only on three tunnels, which
generate 3490 megawatts. In 2013, the Nawaz government started768

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installation of turbines and generators on tunnel number four, which on completion will generate
1450 megawatts of electricity, which when added in the national grid will reduce the cost of
electricity which has been terrifically raised because of thermal

generation. 9-Ghazi Bharota Hydro Power

Ghazi-Bhrota Hydropower Project is a run of the river project. Water from the river Indus enters
into a canal from Ghazi and falls backs in river Indus at Bharota after going through the
generation of 1450 mega watt electricity. This project was designed by the Wapda engineers
without any foreign consultancy.

10-Kalabagh Dam

The Kalabagh Dam is a proposed hydroelectric dam on the Indus River at Kalabagh in the
Mianwali District of Punjab Province in Pakistan. The dam would have 3,600 megawatts of
electricity generation capacity.

The Kalabagh Dam would provide 6.5 million acre feet of water to cultivate seven million acres
of currently barren land in addition to the 3,600 megawatts of electricity it would provide.

Some people say that Basha Dam is a substitute of Kalabagh Dam. It is very important to note
that Basha Dam is no substitute for Kalabagh Dam, not because of its altitude, which is high
enough, but because no irrigation canals can be taken out from it because of the hilly terrain.

From the above you can easily determine and understand that we can generate 33,350
megawatt electricity only from River Indus, double than our present requirement, which means
very cheap lectricity and an industrial revolution. foreover we can run railways on electricity.

which will save a lot of foreign exchange which is spent on the purchase of diesel for railway
engines. During Ayub Khan's regime, an electric train was started between Lahore and
Khanewal, which after 1977 stopped working and at present number of its installations have
been stolen or disposed off, very sorry, it's a national loss,, it's a state of sorrow, what else I can
say.

In 17th and 18th centuries, countries fought wars over control of water and rivers Then in the
19th century wars were over territorial controls. In coming days, once again, wars will be over
control of water.

FEARS ABOUT KBD


One of the most pinching problems being faced today is the lack of national consensus on
construction of Kalabagh dam. Since the plan was first conceived in 1952, its materialisation
has been frequently postponed which reveals the tragic history of division within our society and
lack of understanding on national issues. The division was mostly on political lines and not
letting the whole truth come out. The elected government representing all the people stood for it
but the provincial politics made it difficult to proceed further than the blueprint and the project
suffered due to political activism

The proposal to build Kalabagh Dam rests on the premise that Pakistan was short of power and
in order to meet the shortage various sources should be used. Along this the multi-purpose
Kalabagh dam would provide an additional storage of about 8 million acre feet (maf) of water
and reduce irrigation shortfalls by live water storage of more than 6 maf for guaranteed, assured
irrigation supplies. It would regulate and control floods in the Indus system. It would also reduce
dependence on imported fossil fuel and thermal power by generating energy equivalent to 20
million barrels of oil per year769

Hydro Politics Water Issues in Domestic & Regional Context

There was no disagreement on the need to adopt measures to meet the future power
requirements but the political groups against Kalabagh dam did not agree to commission hydro
potential by constructing storage at Kalabagh which would reduce water supply to lower riparian
regions of the country. Even no one disagree by the economic viability of the project but still
Kalabagh dam emerged as a subject of political controversy. In this perspective it is necessary
to examine the ground realities of Kalabagh dam and its impact on provinces.

For Punjab in true perspective, the Kalabagh dam has a high benefit-cost ratio. The costs are
relatively small at the loss of 24,500 acres of land, including 2900 acres of irrigated land, to
submersion and displacement of 48,500 persons. However, the benefits are substantial. The
third dam on the Indus would substantially increase the total quantity of stored water. So that
additional and timely release for irrigation purposes can be made to increase food grain
production. The 272 km long, 15,000 cusecs capacity left-bank canal will lift about 6.66 maf of
water annually from the dam reservoir to irrigate 380,000 acres in Mianwali, Khushab and
Jhelum districts.

The rabi and kharif requirements are expected to be 0.78 maf and 1.23 maf respectively. The
remaining 4.65 maf will be drained into the Jhelum, upstream of Rasul Barrage, to meet
shortages in the Mangla command area.

The Kalabagh dam will generate 3600mw of cheap hydro-electricity. While the reservoir will be
located largely in the NWFP, the power generation station will be situated in the geographical
boundaries of Punjab. As such, the royalties from hy-dropower generation will accrue to Punjab.
Industrial activity in Punjab will also get a boost with the availability of less expensive power.
The dam

will also help to reduce the effects of floods by storing peak flood flows.

In case of Baluchistan, this is not part of the Indus basin and a riparian in the strict sense of the
term. However, the 3400 cusecs capacity pat-feeder canal from Guddu Barrage irrigates about
300,000 acres in the province and after remodelling now the flow increases to 6000 cusecs to
irrigate a further 200,000 acres However, Baluchistan has recorded its opposition, based on its
apprehension that future requests for more water from the Indus will meet with little success if
the dams irrigation works up stream of Pat Feeder over stretch demand for water in the Indus
river system.

The Indus River is the only source of water, either for drinking or for irrigation, available to the
people of Sindh. Unlike Punjab, which gets considerable rain in the monsoon, unfortunately
sindh is a parched land getting less than an average of 5 inches (127mm) of rain per year.
Further, while Punjab has a large reservoir of sweet water i under its soil from which 350,000
tube wells c draw as much as 40 maf of water every year, 1 the subsoil water of most of Sindh
is as saline as the sea.

The Indus is, thus, Sindhis lifeline. However, for Sindh the main concern is to remove the Indus,
or dry it out and the difference between existence and extinction begins to narrow fast. Thus,
Sindhis case is that there is just not enough water in the Indus River system to justify another
storage dam on the Indus and that the construction of any such dam will prove to be disastrous
for Sindhis economy and ecology.

For the NWFP the Kalabagh dam has a mixed benefit-cost ratio, although the costs appear to
out weigh the benefits. That perhaps explains the fact that the NWFP provincial assembly has
passed unanimo resolution on various occasions rejecting! 770

Kalabagh dam. The benefit to the NWFP accrues in terms of availability of water to irrigate over
two million acres of lands in D.I. Khan District. It is estimated that the 157 km long, 15,000
cusecs right bank canal will lift about 6.21 maf of water annually from the dam reservoir to
irrigate 651,300 acres in D.I Khan beyond the CRB canal command. Another 732,500 acres will
be irrigated by lifting the water 700 feet! The required technological efficiency and cost of
conveying the water renders the benefits of water availability somewhat unreliable.

For NWFP the costs are substantial. Fear of water logging and salinity, because of obstruction
caused by reservoir water levels to the drainage of Mardan, Pabbi and Swabi lands. Kalabagh
dam also submerge the fertile land. The Mardan Salinity Control and Rehabilitation project.
(SCARP) will be severely affected due to SCARP drainage level being lower than the upper
level of the Kalabagh dam reservoir.

Along this the 50-kilometer Attock wshera road will be submerged by in four ovinces, only two
provinces since 50 years ave been continuously showing its certain apprehension against the
construction of Kalabagh dam and there concerns also easily clarified time to time. Like in
response to Sindhis misgiving, studies of river flows passing downstream of Kotri barrage after
construction of Tarbela dam show that on average more than 36 maf passed annually to the sea
during the period 1977-78 to 1991- 93. It is obvious, therefore, that there will be enough water
available for storage in the Kalabagh reservoir. Even after the construction of Kalabagh dam,
Sindh stands to gain (under the 1991 Water Accord) up to 2.1 maf of additional regulated rabi
early

Pakistan Affairs

increasing water requirements for food, fiber and power. This factor alone should dispel any fear
of a reduced share for Sindh, much less of the province turning into a desert.

In terms of mangroves, 95 per cent survive on salt water in the region east of Karachi and Rann
of Kutch. Studies indicate that the decrease in the mangrove forests has primarily been due to:
(a) Decrease in frequency of tidal inundation and not due to reduction in freshwater flow caused
by upstream abstractions from the river, starting with the construction of Sukkar Barrage in
1932.

(b) Uncontrolled overgrasing.

(c) Excessive cutting pressure due to the rising population of Karachi.

There is no study proving

conclusively that fish production below Kotri will be affected after construction of Kalabagh dam.
On the contrary, there would be an enormous fish catch from Kalgbagh reservoir every year.
For them Sindhis misgivings are particularly preposterous as, without the loss of a single acre of
land or the displacement of a single soul, the province at par with Punjab, which would
lose24,500 acres of land and dislocate as many as 48,500 persons.

In terms of NWFP assertion, final project designs show that the normal reservoir water level
would remain ten miles downstream of Nowshera and no protective dykes would be needed for
the town. Detailed studies indicated that, even aftera hundred years of sedimentation, river
water level would remain unaffected, even in the event of a flood of 1929 magnitude. Even
Munda dam and Swat River would provide additional protection against any flooding. Water
logging if irrigation supply. This would help to and salinity could occur if the Mardan, Pabbi
submerged or their drainage outflow blocked by reservoir levels. However, Pabbi, with the

about 7 lac acres of additional area and Swabi areas were so low as to be er cultivation. Without
Kalabagh dam, re is no source for Sindh to meet its771

Hydro Politics Water Issues in Domestic & Regional Context

lowest land level, would still remain at least 55 feet above the reservoir water level. There is,
thus, no possibility of any submergence or blocked drainage by Kalabagh reservoir in these
areas. Even the outfalls levels of the main drains of Mardan SCARP are also higher at 35 feet
above Kalabagh reservoir elevation. Thus, Mardan SCARP drains would remain operational
without any fear of blockage by the reservoir.

In the case of the Kalabagh dam, lands would be submerged in NWFP, but more so in Punjab.
The total area submerged under maximum reservoir level for only 3 to 4 weeks in a year would
be 24,500 acres or 89 per cent in Punjab and 3,000 acres or 11 per cent in NWFP In terms of
irrigated area, 2900 acres or 97 per cent in Punjab and 100 acres or 3 per cent in NWFP would
be affected. Even about 1000 acres of irrigated land had been acquired permanently for Mardan
SCARP and over 5000 acres of fertile lands are acquired for the Islamabad-Peshawar
Motorway. Along this, out of the total land which may be affected, 114074 acres of land is
already barren and saline. Also 38989 acres of land is dependent on rain which is 4.16 per cent
of the total affected land. In terms of the number of people, 48,500 persons or 58 per cent in
Punjab and 34,500 persons or 42 per cent in NWFP are likely to be affected.

The crux of the matter is that Kalabagh dam has been made a political issue and its advantages
have been ignored altogether. Ignoring the immediate and long- term benefits of the dam for the
whole of Pakistan which would certainly outweigh any disadvantages that may be there; the
members of the National Assembly are divided on provincial basis instead of solving their
technical and political differences by negotiations.
ABANDONING THE DAM

The next world war will be fought on the issue of water. Big dams are much more than simply
machines to generate electricity and store water. They are concrete, rock and earth expressions
of the dominant ideology of the technological age: icons of economic development and scientific
progress to match nur clear bombs and motor cars.

Ex-President, World Bank

The Punjab government has opposed the abandoning of the multi-purpose Kalabagh Dam
(KBD) on river Indus, and announced to take this issue to the Council of Common interest.
Kalabagh dam, arguably, was the most feasible and economical project for storage of the
floodwater and generation of cheap hydroelectric energy in the country. Instead of dumping the
KBD unilaterally, the Federal government should try to build a consensus among the provinces
to start its construction. According to Wapda report (2008) per capita availability of water in
Pakistan has gone down to only 1,070 cubic meters, from around 5,000 cubic meters in 1949-
50, while the country has lost water storage capacity equivalent to 5.13 MAF to silting at
Tarbela, Mangla and Chashma. We need to build both small and large dams to prevent water
wastage and to generate cheap hydel-power to meet this country's fast growing energy deficit.
Pakistan is witnessing food shortages, energy load-shedding. unemployment, stagnation of
agricultural and Industrial sectors, growth of poverty, inflation, budget deficit and widening trade
imbalance and further delay in the construction of the KBD would create severe problems in the
agriculture and the energy sectors, directly and in industrial and manpower sectors indirectly.

According to a report of the Worl Bank, Pakistanis energy consumption h772

Pakistan Affairs

more than tripled in the last 20 years. Still Pakistan accounts for only 0 5 per cent of the total
world energy consumption. The energy deficit has reached to 3500 MW which would be 5000
MW by 2010. The construction of the KBD is must for the matching with widening energy crisis
and shelving of it would put us in great trouble (see table)

Water reservoirs or dams have multiplier effects on the national economy. It can enhance the
agriculture output. It can enhance the overall industrial productivity. It can reduce the cost of
production and it can also generate new job opportunities..

The productivity of fresh water is also decreasing due to losses in the movement of water from
canal heads to croplands. So the construction and importance of the KBD is obvious.

Sindh is genuinely concerned that the dam will divest it of its share of the already insufficient
irrigation water and unfavourably impact the environment in the Indus delta. NWFP is worried
that vast areas of human habitation will come under water, as well as harm the flora and fauna
in the affected areas. Construction of the KBD has become a point of debate over the years. It is
interesting to note that the KBD is strongly supported by people when they are on the right side
of the table, However, the same elements oppose it by tooth and nail when on the other side.
According to the technical report after the construction of dam in the upper reaches, the share of
Sindh would go up by 2.2 million acres feet (MAF) and after two dams by 4.4 MAE The
construction of dams will also help produce 15,000 megawatts (MW) of electricity.
According to the one of the report of WAPDA, 2009 or 2010 Pakistan will have water short fall of
over six million acre feet which is equal to water stored in Mangla dam and this shortage will
continue to increase

with every passing year and the biggest sufferer will be the province of Sindh. The country
needs power generation mostly through water reservoirs so all possible efforts should be made
to start dam projects so that country is saved from encountering the expected acute shortage of
water in days to come.

It is estimated that the construction of KBD with an approximate cost of 6.5-7.5 billion dollars
would culminate in an average annual economic benefit of Rs. 60 billion to the government. It
would also enable us to generate hydel power which is much cheaper than thermal and nuclear.

кислы

VIII. Non-Traditional Security Threats in Pakistan


Role of Non-State Actors
Q. No. 8. Write note on the Afghan War since 1979 and its impacts on Pakistan.
How far the emergence of the “Non-State Actors” and Non-Traditional Security
Threats in Pakistan can be attributed to the decades-long warfare in
Afghanistan? (20

Q. No. 5. Define non-state actors. `Non-state actors are posing more threat to
Pakistan’s national security than threats from external state actors.’ Argue in
favour or against. (20)

NON-TRADITIONAL SECURITY THREATS IN PAKISTAN: ROLE OF NON-STATE ACTORS

NON-TRADITIONAL SECURITY THREATS

Definition

Non-Traditional Security Threats are referred to the challenges to the survival and well-being of
peoples and states that arise primarily out of non-military or non-belligerent sources such as
climate change, cross-border environmental degradation (global warming) gaseous emissions
and pollution and resource depletion, infectious diseases like dengue fever and epidemics,
natural disasters ie earthquakes: floods and drought irregular migration, food shortages, people
smuggling, drug trafficking and other forms of transnational crimes.

So far six branches of non-traditional security threats have been spotted which are International
Terrorism, Transnational organized crime, Environmental security Illegal Migration, Energy
Security and Human security. The list may differ with respect to every nation which will have its
own list which may differ from others. The response to each particular threat may vary
depending on whether a particular section of the population is being impacted by a particular
threat.

The Non-Traditional Security Challenges Posing Threats to Pakistan

Militancy is a deep rooted scourge that has plagued Pakistan for long. The country has
experienced different moves of militancy from intolerance to extremism and from
fundamentalism to violence. A diversified chain of challenges confronts Pakistan. These
challenges could radiate from extremism, economy, energy crisis, demographic issues and
governance problems, human security,

border security, illegal immigrations, trans border crimes, climate change, weak political system,
foreign policy issues and institutional squabbles. Most of these are inter-related and operate
simultaneously. Some of these challenges also make subsets like economy. energy and
demographic challenges making a confusing situation as to climate change which one causes
the others.

Climate Change

Climate change will continue to lay its sordid impact on human activity and sustenance in
Pakistan through frequent weather changes in temperature and precipitation. Pakistan ranks
among the 10 top countries highly prone to climate change. Even amongst top vulnerable
countries, some nations like Bangladesh and the Maldives face only one type of threat of rise in
sea level. But Pakistan face multiple threats though with just 9.08 percent of green house gas
(GHG) emissions, it remains one of the lowest contributors to the increase in global
temperature. In Pakistan high-impacts events such as floods, droughts and cyclones are
frequently happening to bring immense pressure on the state and the people.

Flooding due to unforeseeable rains like the one that hit the country in 2010 and 2011 and
glacial melt down that the people of Chitral sustained in 2015 top the list of possible threats from
global warming for a country that has the largest land mass under glacier outside the north pole.
Some other threats which Pakistan faces include droughts and desertification. Among non-
traditional climate change threats, heat wave that lashed Karachi in August 2015 top the list.

Pakistan's rapidly growing population makes unfavorable impact on all aspects ofNon-
Traditional Security Threats in Pakistan: Role of Non-State Actors

613

society i.e the economy and the environment. Population growth on massive scale add to a
country's weak position by endangering basic civic amenities which eventually push the country
to lack of clean and potable water, scarcity of housing space ultimately putting immense burden
on society.

Global Warming

The climate scientists have warned that concentration of GHG (green house gases) in the
atmosphere have reached new heights and are rapidly contributing to an average rise of 2 to
4.2 Celsius temperatures. Scientists believe that any rise above 2c threshold could trigger far
reaching and irreversible changes on earth.
The earth can cope with maximum global warming of 1.5 to 2 (degree) c. Global warming is
change in atmospheric temperature due to green house gas emission. Global warming at 3c
can result in the crossing of "many tipping points including near disappearance of the Arctic
summer sea ice, degradation of the Amazon rain forest and instability in the South Asian
summer monsoon, rendering any remedial action ineffective. In case global warming reaches
4c, climate scientists warn, only one tenth of the global population would survive. The rapid rise
in GHGS is reducing mankind's ability to limit warming to safe levels.

According to scientists, floods in Pakistan, forest fires in Russia, mudslides in China and
droughts in Sub-Sahara Africa are the results of scenarios which they had been predicting since
long due to the impact of GHGS like carbon dioxide (CO2). Methane and nitrogen oxide. These
climatic changes, scientis.. warn, can contribute to the disasters like 2010 and 2011 floods in
Pakistan happening more frequently and more intensely in future. Pakistan has some 5218
glaciers, over 13680 sqr kilometers or 13 percent of mountains in the upper Indus Basin, and
2420 lakes of which 50 are reportedly to be highly dangerous and may cause flooding in the
Indus basin.

Among other damages of global warming, Pakistan is experiencing biodiversity

loss, shifts in weather patterns and changes in fresh water supply. These changes, particularly
in patterns of rainfall, glacial retreat and snowmelt, could cause unexpected floods in rain-
deficient regions and create drought like conditions in fertile areas. These changes will rise
more glaringly after 2050 when the shrinking Himaleyan glacier would disappear.

DANGERS OF CLIMATE CHANGE

The increase in global temperatures is likely to be between two to 5.4 degrees Celsius over the
next century. An increase of 0.8 degree Celsius over the last year speaks volumes about the
steady rise in global temperatures. The top 10 warmest years occurred after 1990. This
coincided with the economic and technologic boom, with annual increases in precipitation,
snowfall and record-breaking temperatures.

The dreadful floods of 2010, 2014 and 2015 in Pakistan bear testament to this belief. Such
calamitous floods have not occurred in. the nation's history. Tharparkar has been experiencing
a prolonged drought for the past three years that has claimed many lives - primarily those of
malnourished children (official statistics on the matter remain unavailable). The trouble does not
end there.. These catastrophes destroy crops, decrease the availability of hygienic water, kill
both people and animals and begin the onset of disease.

Pakistan is home to an estimated 190 million people, according to the UN, and its population is
growing at an annual rate of 1.89 percent. As the population increased, more demands will be
imposed on finite and depleting resources. Cities of Pakistan are expanding and the urban
sprawl has exacerbated pollution levels, deforestation. habitat fragmentation and increased
demands on energy reserves.

Around 80 percent of the electricity in Pakistan is provided by burning fossil fuels such as oil
and gas. Not only are these reserves being exhausted but the problem is ålso being further
aggravated. Increased fossil fuel combustion adds to greenhouse gas614

Pakistan Affairs
emissions. Air conditioners and the gaseous spew emitted from generators also add to these
emissions. Increased heatwaves create a greater demand for energy consumption which
subsequently leads to greater demands for the main sources of energy in the country: oil and
gas.

The birds and the bees are finely attuned to their surroundings and habitats. They depend on
the natural changes in the weather to survive. The weather is what controls their breeding
seasons, the temperatures they are adapted to and the wind patterns they use for flight.
However, climate change is altering everything they depend upon. Their habitats are shrinking
and life as they know it is severely threatened, leaving life as humans know it threatened.

Without the birds and bees, there will be no more pollination of the crops and vegetation that we
rely on, no checks and balances on soil erosion or water salinity, no transpiration which brings
timely rainfall, no fertile soil, no biodiversity and no control over pests. The impact on a single
species of plants animals has devastating or consequences for other species that depend on it.

Disastrous droughts, which might expand to 70 percent of the land in several decades, are
expected if we continue with business as usual. The effects are already evident. Australia
experienced a 10-year-long drought at the beginning of this century and now their famous fruit
bats have dropped dead from a recent heatwave. Over 700 of them have died within the span of
a weekend.

The Maldives is the first sacrificial lamb of this century as it will soon drown into the rising sea.
As all these problems arise and the global population continues to grow, more violence and
even war will break out over the demand for resources.

Ecosystems have often proved to be resilient to human damage and capable of healing
themselves. But strong action must be taken to revert the system to its natural trajectory. The
recent international agreement

at COP21 and COP22 that aims to reduce global temperatures by two degrees Celsius below
pre-industrial levels through nationally determined contributions (NDCs) are all the more
paramount. But just the fact that Pakistan is a signatory is not enough. It must begin ardent
measures to draft and implement its NDCs.

The Paris Agreement created a steady flow of finances to the developing world that we must
take advantage of Developed countries have committed to mobilise $100 billion annually
towards this end. With a renowned climate change denier sitting at the helm of international
politics (Donald Trump), it has become even more imperative for the global south to rally
together and put pressure on the international community to work towards these goals.

For Pakistan to have an audible voice in the international community, it must begin setting
precedents. The phrase 'think globally, act locally' should be the maxim of our time. A
nationwide awareness campaign must be initiated. Local communities must begin working
towards ending deforestation and protecting crucial wildlife species. The extensive
decarbonising of our major cities needs to be initiated along with proper urban planning and
waste management.

Alternative energy solutions - such as solar and wind need to be put in place. These can be
established not for nationwide but community levels at the onset. China - a country we have
strong ties with - can be relied upon for support as they have broken. barriers in producing
green technology. Reducing the implications of global warming is not only imperative, it is
possible.

THE AFTERSHOCKS OF GLOBAL WARMING

For the past three decades climatologists have been raising alarms about global warming and
its consequences, and now geologists have also got involved in the issue. World's renowned
geologists are of the opinion that rapidly melting glaciers will result616

Pakistan Affairs

winter is directly proportional to the severity and intensity of floods during the preceding summer
However, this myth of the local communities needs to be evaluated and studied in detail.

Chitral is home to some 542 glaciers with an estimated volume of nearly 269 cubic kilometres
and alone counts for nine per cent of the total glacial or ice reserves of Pakistan. According to
experts from the field of environment, glaciology and hydrology all glaciers of Pakistan will melt
away completely by the year 2035.

As has been mentioned earlier, one cubic metre of glacial ice weighs almost one tonne. If by
2035 all glaciers in Pakistan melt away, as has been predicted by experts keeping in view the
present melting rate, then it means removal of 269 billion tonnes of load from the surface of the
earth's crust in Chitral alone.

The melting of glaciers in the district is quite evident from increased number of Glofs and the
ever increasing water flow in River Chitral (also known as River Kabul in the lower course) for
the last two decades.

Earthquake

Earthquakes are another lethal form of non-traditional security threats to Pakistan. There was a
severe earthquake which jolted Pakistan on 8th October, 2005. It devastated Pakistan's
northern areas with massive loss of life and property. Just over a decade later the water.
reconstruction of New Balakot city at Bakrial remains a pipedream. Like other calamities another
earthquake struck again the northern areas of Pakistan on 26 October 2015. Again the city of
Balakot was devastated by the severe earthquake.

The ill-fated victims in Malakand, upper and lower Dir, Shangla, Chitral and other location were
exposed to sheer cold weather when their homes were destroyed by the Influx of Refugees
deadly quake. The quake hit mostly underdeveloped locations.

The tectonic setting of Karachi, due to the converging proximity of the Indian, Arabian and
Eurasian plates, underscores the

substantial likelihood of seismic disasters in the region. A massive tsunami hit Karachi in 1945
Generated by an underwater quake of 8.1 magnitude, a giant tidal wave of 12 meters ravaged
the settlements Four thousand people died. The entire coastline of Sindh and Makran was
jolted. According to initial reports the death toll stood at 267 and the injured Count was 1600
about 11.000 houses were damaged.
The intensity of the earthquake on the Richter scale was almost as much as the one in 2005,
but epic centre was so deep underground that fortunately a major catastrophe was escaped.
This time the epic centre was 150 miles deep in the ground compared to barely 10 miles in
2005. The total damage was estimated at around Rs 1.5-25 billion. If the cost incurred on the
rescue and relief efforts, the cost would be double to Rs. 5 billion.

In addition to the above mentioned Non Traditional Security Threats, there are other serious
issues which exert tremendous pressure on government.

Water security is a serious problem being faced by the government of Pakistan. With rapidly
growing population the water reserves are fast depleting. Urbanization, massive increase in
tube well irrigation, reduced level of precipitation caused by climate change are also making
their adverse impact on the availability of safe and potable

Poor Governance

Bad governance is lethal for social and economic well-being of the people. Pakistan has
become a victim of bad governance for the last two decades Bad governance makes its roots
when corrupt, inefficient rulers and politicians are successful in making their way to enter power
echelons of the state.

Illegal migration and mass arrival of refugees is another Non-Traditional security threat which
brings massive pressure on the government. The Soviet invasion of Afghanistan in 1979
resulted in mass oxadus617

Non-Traditional Security Threats in Pakistan: Role of Non-State Actors of more than two million
Afghan refugees

towards Pakistan Most of these refugees

settled in camps in KPK province where they

were welcomed due to ethnic affinity Seminaries/Madaris

Seminaries/Madaris are educational set ups that impart religious education to the students
These madaris proliferated during Za ul Haq regime who gave them massive unds to carry out
their noble task of imparting religious education. But unfortunatey these madaris with the
passage of time turned into centres for promoting violence and terrorism n the name of Jihad.
They are said to be disseminating anti-state literature and hate material by brain washing the
students who are then assigned terrorist acts to destabilize the government in the name of
Jihad. In this way the analysts believe that the seminaries are promoting violence, extremism
and mitancy. This is tragic indeed as the institution of madaris is meant for religious

research and learning became the source of extremism The madaris are concentrated in Punjab
and KPK They house large number of foreign individuals from Central Asia, Middle East and
Persian Gulf

Socio-Economic Reasons Traditional Security Threats of Non

Socio-economic problems work


tremendous pressure on the state officials Socio-economic issues such as poverty. illiteracy.
unemployment leave cataclysmic impact on state machinery.

Poverty

Ever-since the birth of Pakistan, poverty has been a pressing issue of the country. Majority of
population has no access to the basic needs of man. A large number of people in Pakistan live
in slum areas which acutely lack basic amenities of life Those areaas ie Balochistan, FATA and
South Punjab are considered breeding grounds of terrorism due to acute poverty.

SEISMIC ZONES OF PAKISTAN EARTHQUAKE/ SEISMIC

Zones Catagory

Seismic Factor Ground Accelaration

Very High Hazard

High Hazard

g/5 to g/10

9/10 to 15

Possible Damage

Major

Moderate

Moderate Hazard

Low Hazard

15 to 9/20

Minor

9/20 or Less

Negligible

Pakistan Meteorological Departm

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Pakistan Affairs

Lack of Educational Facilities Literacy rate in Pakistan is alarmingly


low as Pakistan bitterly lacks in educational facilities. Enrolment in schools is below the required
standard. Number of drop outs is very high. Unemployment

The problem of unemployment has emerged as a major challenge to the country. The issue has
acquired urgency both for sustaining long term growth and for eliminating poverty. The present
government is deeply committed to the objective of enhancing employment and improving
manpower utilization.

NON-STATE ACTORS

Definition

State governments are the most important actors in the political system and international
Relations. But the state governments and their allied agencies/departments sustain immense
pressure from different types of groups, individuals and organizations which are called as non-
state actors. These non-state actors, individuals and organizations have massive economic,
political or social potential and are in a position to bring any department agency at national or
international level on its knees. The non-state actors are not allied with any particular country or
state. Non-state actors are defined as an organized political actors not directly connected to the
state but pursuing aims that affect vital state interests. The non-state actors have their base or
headquarters in a certain state but operate as well beyond the borders of the state. They are
also known as transnational actors which highlight their role beyond the borders of the state.

Types of Non-State Actors

Non-State actors include all types of Pressure Groups who have the capability to influence
policy formulation by the state actors. They are known as sub-state actors who operate within
the state. Sub-state actors

are groups of people who have common interests and are able to influence the state's foreign
policy. They are also known as Domestic Actors. They influence policies through interest
groups, lobbying, donating to political candidates or parties in their electoral campaigns.

Inter-Governmental Organization (I GOs)

Inter-governmental organizations are those organizations whose members consist of three or


more nation-states. I GOS are formed and owned by states to solve common problems which
enable them to make collective decisions to solve problems on the global level.

Transnational Actors

Transnational Actors are those actors which operate below the state level and function across
the border. There are two types of transnational actors which are the transnational corporations
(TNCs) or multinational corporations (MNCs) and the non-governmental organizations (NGOs).

On of the important NGO is the Amnesty International which is a world wide movement which
works for the safeguard of human rights on blobal level.

Terrorist Groups
The terrorists groups who advocate violence may not be called NGOs. However their mode of
action is the same as that of the NGOs i.e by interacting both with states and with relevant
populations and institutions through violence and planning attacks. These groups have great
power and are in a position to affect the relations between states. A Qaida is a fearsome
terrorist group which is currently operative on global level. The destructive attack of September,
2011 by the Al-Qaeda, had demonstrated lethal technology that enables terrorists to launch
their attacks as non-state actors. These actors are considered as transnational actors but they
act in an illegitimate and unethical manner. Most of these groups have tremendous financial
capacity and as suchNon-Traditional Security Threats in Pakistan: Role of Non-State Actors

619

are in a comfortable position to influence the state's policies, while some of them are even
capable to threaten the state's security. Most of non-state actions operate secretly making it
difficult for the state authorities to nab them.

Non-Governmental Organization (NGOs)

Non-Governmental

Organizations (NGOs) are another type of transnational actors. The NGOs are private
organizations of considerable size and resources. NGOs are being recognized alongside other
states though equal to them. Some of the NGOs are politically motivated while some work
purely on humanitarian grounds and some are economic or technical setups. There are no
single pattern of NGOs. Together IGOS and NGOS are referred to as International
Organizations.

The international terror groups may not be NGOS but they operate in the same way as the
NGOs. They interact with states and directly with relevant institutions.

Violent Non-State Actors

A violent non-state actor is an organization that uses illegal violence which is force not officially
approved by the state to accomplish their political and other objectives. Violent non-state actors
(VNSAs) pose a daunting challenge to human and national security on the global level. VNSAS
play a prominent role which is often destabilizing in every humanitarian and political crisis faced
by the international community. It is extremely difficult to quell them due to certain factors
including the adaptive character of the threat and the difficulty of developing and implementing a
coherent strategy that cause numerous victories.

Current Scenario of Non-state Actors In Pakistan

All the four Provinces and the Northern Territories have suffered most from the activities of the
non-state actors. The worst hit areas are Pakhtunkhawa, semiautonomous Balochistan and
Khyber as well as the Federally Administered

Tribal Areas (FATA) where since June 2014, a high profile military operation Zarb-e-Azab has
been launched against a number of militant groups including the TTP and Al Qaida resulting in
the death of a number of militant commanders. The operation has been designed in religious
terms, with Pakistan's two largest Islamic clerical groups the Pakistan Ulema Council and the
Council of Islamic Ideology, which continuously issue fatwahs declaring the operation a Jehad
against terrorism.

The Pakistani state likes to describe itself as a victim of its regional environment. It has indeed
been impacted by the ideological trends and rivalries that have affected the Muslim world. Iran,
Saudi Arabia and Iraq have been the sources of funding for non state armed groups of various
affiliations.

Pakistan has also accused New Delhi and Kabul of supporting the Baloch insurgency and more
recently the TTP. Al Qaida, a non-state actor has in fact been the most influential external
factor. Al-Qaida has co-operated with most anti-state Islamic organizations and has in the
process influenced their agenda.

The objectives of the violent non-state Actors

They basic objective of the TTP is to replace Pakistan state with the one of its ideology. It is a
known fact that the TTP, utterly rejects Pakistan's constitution, its basis for extisting, as well as
its strategic alliance with the US and NATO in Afghanistan.

The TTP and its associated VNSAS being systematically opposed to the state of pakistan, are
not a creation of Pakistan, nor are they in any way supported by Pakistan. This has been made
evident by the wide ranging military operations that have been conducted by Pakistan's security
forces since the birth of the TTP in December 2007. These military operations have been
populary supported by the vast majority of the Pakistani masses which has suffered from 50,000
dead at the hands of the TTP and other VNSAS attacks in Pakistan. It is widely understood that
these VNSAS are in fact the dead

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Pakistan Affairs

enemeis of Pakistan and a perpetual anathena to the future of Pakistan

VNSAS reject Pakistan's democratic principles, the course it has been following since 2008,
which led to the peaceful transfer of power through elected government in 2013.

Non-State Actors and Pakistan

Pakistan, for the last two decades has sustained worst ever accusation from the west for its
policy with respect to the dealing with the terrorists. The west has accused Pakistan that it
differentiates between those who directly attack the country ie the citizens, soldiers and
institutions which are referred as bad talibans and those who operate across the eastern border
in Afghanistan and westwards in occupied Kashmir and beyond who are called the good
Taliban. The blame game has come to be known as Pakistan's good and bad Taliban policy.
The army chief, in an interview said, "it contemporary politics, the battles are no longer between
state or non-state actors but are with supra-individuals who exploit both the national and
international space for their desired objectives. These supra individuals have the capacity to
manipulate networks, organizations and state institutions to create waves of instability and
create discord at the centre of the state institutions. Explosions are still a viable tool of war, but
implosions are the new defeat mechanism. After a few hours of COAS statement a band of
Jehadi militants launched a deadly attack in Kashmir. The attack is no surprise as the Jihadi
groups have been openly warning of their plans to increase attacks. These attacks were
certainly carried out by non-state actors but it is surprising that how these non-state elements
were able to launch their attacks under the watchful eye of the ISI and Army.

If we look into history we find no good Taliban or bad Taliban. In fact there were Mujahideen or
lashkars groups of civilian bands who were there for some common cause. With the passage of
time, some countries including Pakistan, promoted some groups of civilians to assist the state or
act in

a specific direction on state's behest. These groups are known as non-state actors.

It began in 1947/48 when some tribe! freedom fighters from FATA and the then NWFP moved
into the state of Kashmir on the pretext of subduing a rebellion. The state ruler Hari Singh asked
India for help India agreed to come to the rescue on the condition that Hari Singh first accede to
India.

Next time it happened in 1970/71 when Gen Yahya khan, in collusion with the Jamaat-e-Islami,
unleashed genocide on the hapless Bengalis with the help of Al-Badr and Al-Shams. These
were the first instance of non-state organizations being used by the state. In this particular
incident nationalism was put aside by religion. The groups were used to smash secular and anti-
nationalists. In this way, Pakistan nationalism withered away in Bangladesh in 1971 and was
replaced by religion. Then came Afghanistan which too erased nationalism and paving the way
for religion to spread its sway. Gen. Zia stepped in to reinforce religion by turning it into Jihad in
1979 onwards. Pakistan turned into the launching pad for anyone who wanted to fight in
Afghanistan. As religion became the main focus against the infidels, Madressahs emerged in
large number under Zia's patronage which became the breeding centres of the Jihadists groups.
During Afghan Jihad, typical Jihadist groups were formed One of such groups was known as
Harkatul Jihad al Islami (HUJI). The HUJI was responsible in giving birth to other outfits such as
the Harkatul Mujahideen (HUM), the Harkatul Ansar (HUA) and the Jaish-e Muhammad (JeM)
But interestingly none of these groups targeted the Russians Zia ul Ha, cleverly used the
Afghan Mujahideen to multiply the next crop of non-state actors to throw on the eastern front.
The groups mentioned above, after Soviet retreat, turned their focus towards Kashmir. It is
widely understood that three groups ie the HUJI Lashar-e-Taiba LET) and the Jaish-e
Muhammad (JeM) emerged from the same source.

By this time, hundreds of Jihadi outfits had come to the fore. Some were fighting inNon-
Traditional Security Threats in Pakistan: Role of Non-State Actors

621

Afghanistan and others in Kashmir Many had dispersed while some had re-grouped Thousands
of seminaries were operating unchecked and producing crop of young men. brainwashed with a
twisted version of religion and trained in the use of weapons.

A bloody civil war began in Afghanistan with the Soviets pull out of the country. The civil war
proved a futile exercise with no clear victor or loser. As a result the Taliban were born who
quickly swelled with some help from their friends to become the de facto rulers of Afghanistan in
1996. The other groups mentioned above extended support to the Taliban and with the inflow of
personnel. Taliban's manpower grew over time which considerably increased their influence.
However till this time the non-state actors had not posed any daunting threat to Pakistan. But
the scenario abruptly changed with the 9/11 attacks After the 9/11 attacks, holding Mullah Umar
as the main architect of the 9/11 attack, the US pounced on Afghanistan. At this moment
Pakistan had not evolved any strategy to block the influx of the Al-Qaeda and Taliban personnel
who were rushed across the border in large number into Pakistan to any point they thought was
safe for them. However Musharraf committed two errors when he tried to take his hand off the
Taliban. He opted to stick with groups which were not operating and in siding with the US. he
created enemies for himself and for Pakistan. In this way the violent non-state actor Tehreek-e-
Taliban was born it was the erroneous and imprudent policies of the people in power and the
faulty working of some state institutions that the non-state actors were born who are creating
glob. insurmountable difficulties for Pakistan.

However there are four main categories of non-state actors which come to mind.

(a) Jihadi Network

These networks do not question the Islamic character of the Pakistani state and, their focus is
on India and Afghanistan.

(b)

Organizations with revolutionary

mission within Pakistan.

These

organizations pursue

revolutionary agenda in, Pakistan and want to change the society through peaceful means.

(c)

(d)

Sectarian Groups

These groups operate on sectarian

issues.

Separatist organizations from Baluchistan.

These organizations are working on the separatist agenda and want to separate from Pakistan.
The most prominent separatist organization is Balochistan Liberation Army (BLA) which is
working for Balochistan's separation from Pakistan. The first category ie Jihadi Networks are the
only outfits which are loyal to the state. Other organizations such as Ahle Sunnat wal Jamaat
(ASWJ), LeJ, Jaish-e-Muhammad (JeM) and Harkat-ul-Mujahun are said to be linked with the
TTP and Al-Qaeda.
Non-State Actors and Internal Security desperately running to find a sanctuary. They of
Pakistan

The COAS Gen. Raheel Shanf in a recent interview said that the presence of non state actors in
Pakistan has complicated the internal security situation which would further deteriorate if such
elements are not weeded out. To ensure regional peace it is essential that all issues threatening
peace must be resolved. Sometime the regional security is Jeopardized by a single unresolved
issue issue such as Kashmir dispute. Actually the non-state actors are posing a serious
challenge to the security situation all over the

Today the security concept does not relate to the borders only, but protecting the culture and
way of life are also equally security concerns. Security does not only refer to external threats but
also concems politics, human rights, economy, water security, terrorism and insurgency. The
current security apparatus has proved inadequate to deal effectively with the threats to internal
security The presence of non-state actors inside$22

Pakistan Affairs

Pakistan has worsened country's internal security set-up and are posing dreadful threats to the
world peace. It is not possible for a single state to quell this nuisance alone. Pakistan is the only
country which is fighting against the non-state elements alone for the last 35 years.

The non-state actors are not only confined to the gun wielding elements but they belong to
different kinds. They pose different kinds of threats.

India-Pakistan Relations and the Non State Actors

Both India and Pakistan have been living with severe enmity for the last seven decades. They
have fought four wars and are continuing with border clashes and skirmises. Their failure to
resolve their mutual discord especially Kashmir issue, was responsible in the promotion of non-
state actors who came to the fore during the Afghan Jihad. As some of these non-state actors in
the Indian held Kashmir used the prevailing tension between India and Pakistan for their desired
ends, tension between the two countries flared up which aggravated the ongoing stress. These
actors carried on their activities and global communities took no serious notice of it till 9/11
attacks. The 9/11 attacks eventually stirred the global re-action on the nefarious activities of the
non-state actors and a coordinated international action was initiated against them. In December
2001 Indian Parliament was stormed that shocked the world. India blamed Laskar-e-Taiba and
Jaish-e-Muhammad as responsible for the attack and claimed that the attack was launched
under the guidance of Pakistan's spy agency. This attack seriously disturbed the relations
between the two nuclear armed countries by pushing India and Pakistan on the verge of a
nuclear catatastrophic. To dissipate Indian exasperation Pakistan took serious steps and
banned several terrorists groups such as Laskar-e-Taiba (Let), Jaish-e Muhammad (JeM),
Sipha-e-Muhammad, Sipha-e-Sahaba, Harkat-ul-Mujahideen and several other sectarian
organizations. The banned organization, however, continued their I activities for several years
with changed

names. They developed their social structure and undertook public welfare activities in the
underdeveloped remote areas. It enabled them to win public backing and strengthen their roots
in rural areas. After gaining public support, some of them organized themselves politically to
contribute in the mainstream. politics of the country.
In 2008 a terrorists attack jolted the Indian city Mumbai which caused massive damage. Once
again the political scenario of the sub-continent was stirred up to the extent of physical clash
between the two neighbors. As usual India blamed Pakistan of planning the attack through a
militant group Jamat-ud Dawa a splinter group of Laskar-e-Taiba (Let) and claimed that the
attackers, ten in number, were sent via sea route. India once again put blame on Pakistan's
intelligence agency ISI of plotting the attack. However India could not produce any worthwhile
evidence to prove its claim.

The Mumbai attack had irked India to the extent that it thought of raiding Pakistan. However the
world leaders played a positive role and asked India to desist from attacking Pakistan as
Pakistani forces were fighting the terrorists and any diversion of their focus could be detrimental
for the global harmony. To pacify the Indian authorities and cool down the world pressure,
Pakistan started a trial in the courts of the individuals whom India had blamed for the Mumbai
attack. Hafiz Saeed and Zaki-ur-Rehman Lakhvi were named as master minds of these attacks.
Pakistan took action on Indian accusation and put Hafiz Saeed under house arrest and detained
Zaki ur-Rehman Lakhavi and individuals in 2009. The Islamabad ATC some released Lakhavi
on bail but was agains other detained under "Maintenance of Public order law. Zaki-ur-Rehman
Lakhavi was finally released on April 10, 2015 as no evidence against his involvement in the
Mumbai attack ever surfaced before the court.

extremely Lakhavis' release exasperated Indian authorities and caused ripples of concerns and
anguish in India. The Indian leaders expressed their inner feelings in extremely harsh words and
blamedNon-Traditional Security Threats in Pakistan: Role of Non-State Actors

623

Pakistan once again of conniving with the attackers. The Indian foreign Ministry official sad "The
decision has reinforced the perception that Pakistan has dual policy on dealing with terrorists"
The Indian people too reacted in a hostile manner who expressed their annoyance by criticizing
Pakistani court's decision.

Pakistan's judiciary is independent and takes decision freely on the basis of credible evidence. If
valid evidences are provided appropriate action is taken in the case, but India failed to provide
solid evidence in Lakhavi's case and, therefore, no action was possible against the attackers.
India is backing anti Pakistan religious groups to stimulate terrorism in Pakistan. The US
defence secretary Chuck Hagel admitted in 2011 that India is participating in the terrorists
activities against Pakistan from Afghanistan. Several reports have confirmed that the TTP is
getting financial support from India. Indian national security advisor also admitted by saying that
the Taliban are mercenaries and they can be used against Pakistan by giving them a lot of
money. He also claimed that India will break Pakistan whenever it desired.

It sufficiently proves that the non-state actors have a dominant role to play in the South Asian
politics and they are used as proxies. These actors are extremely powerful and in a comfortable
position to impose a war on South Asia which result in the use of nuclear weapons which can
devastate whole of South Asia. South Asian states should consider this nuisance seriously and
cooperate with each other to handle these non-state actors at the world forums.

Positive Role of the Non-State Actors, Non-State Actors Promoting Peace

After the 9/11 attacks the role of non state actors have become greatly important in conflicts. In
the post-bipolar world especially after the 9/11 attack, the violent conflicts have become
unequalled warfare. Conventional warfare between two states has been replaced by
asymmetric and unconventional warfare with states using low intensity warfare lo subdue an
enemy within this context of war

and conflict, it is equally important to involve non-state actors in the promotion of peace and
stability on local and international level. International organizations (IDS) have always been
accepted as competitors in global politics and international peace and security. But in most of
the cases these multilateral institutions have to submit to the supremacy of the state
sovereignty, except where states themselves have relinquished their claim to supremacy.
International organizations (IDs) like the UN and other multilateral bodies can contribute
effectively towards promotion of peace and stability if they act collectively at international level
rather than merely becoming a source of providing legitimacy to the policies of the major
powers. But so far this has not been possible because of major power's reluctance to allow
International organizations an effective role to play. However in the current state of affairs of the
unequalled conflicts, the groups of non-state actors have expanded and become central players
in any peace and stability process.

International organizations (IOS) and Non-Governmental Organizations (NGOs) have become


more involved in the issues of peace and security especially in such instances where trust
deficit persists at the official level between the combatants. In such instances, NGOs can play a
more effective role to cool down a tense situation. However if the NGOs become too aggressive
in ensuring peace according to their terms and condition, it can boomerang as happened in the
case of India and Pakistan. The same will happen again if the NGO is funded by foreign donors
or is an auxiliary of an international NGO Transnational NGOs in the form of a channel of a
foreign NGO or an equal component of an international NGO or local NGOs, funded primarily by
foreign donors, can be most effective when they act as facilitators rather than as arbiters.

An NGO non-state actor has to be responsive to the position of the state as well as the
mainstream civil society if it intends to further the cause of peace and stability. The quasi-state
actors such as officially funded think tanks can also be effective in the624

Pakistan Affairs

furtherance of peace dividends by sponsoring peace conferences and providing a platform for
dissidents before the state is officially prepared to recognize them.

Importance of Non-State Actors

A question sometime arises as to why have the non-state actors become so relevant in the
peace and security equation today?

The growing importance of non-state actors is the result of the increase in unequalled conflicts
and warfare in which at least one party is a non-state actor. As most of the conflicts in the world
today involve non state actors, and are intera-state rather than inter-state in nature, therefore
the peace endeavors have to involve the relevant non state actors. For example the US war on
terror after 9/11 is primarily a war by the US and its allies against non-state actors, whereas war
in Iraq after the fall of Saddam Hussain has transformed itself into a war between the US and its
coalition of the willing partners on one side and a heterogenius group of non-state actors on the
other In Afghanistan the US, NATO and the Ashraf Ghani government are fighting the non-state
actors in the form of Taliban and Al-Qaeda. The Pakistani state is also fighting its war against
the non-state actors known as "Zarb e-Azab".
Therefore as the prevailing wars are being fought against the non-state actors, the peace has to
be negotiated with the non-state actors. The non-state actors, therefore, become central to any
future peace endeavours. It is because of this fact any peace talks on Kashmir and middle East
would become a futile exercise without the involvement of non-state actors. The states involved
cannot resolve the issue alone. This is because of this fact that both India and Pakistan have
started their interaction with the Kashmiri freedom fighters. Non-state actors can also help to
promote human dignity and prestige within states which in itself is a source of conflict between
the majority groups and minorities. However despite their best efforts, the non-state actors direly
need state support to become effective peace builders

which makes it imperative for them to win trus from both sides ie the state and the o society.
They have to work in alliance with the state if their role in ensuring peace and stability is to be
effective and substante However the primitive rules involving the states only in peace building
are no more applicable. International politics now involves non-state actors in all endeavours
ensuring peace and security. The relationship between state and non-state actors has
undergone a qualitative change and it has to be manifested at all levels of international relations
and especially in the context of conflict resolution and peace building.

External Interference

Inter-state interference is also of grea concern. The Baluchistan insurgency has had many
twists and turns of events since its eruption. Whatever the necessity for structura re-adjustment,
it is not within the purview of any external actor or state to interfere in the internal working of
Pakistan. There has been a flow of supply of intelligence information to prove Indian
interference in Baluchistan, ther support of terrorists and other anti-Pakistan VNSAS and
separatists to undermine the Pakistani state through violent terrorist attacks.

Indian interference in the internal affairs of Pakistan since 9/11 attacks shows India wants to
damage Pakistan. In fact India's current course of action is not only aimed at Pakistan's
destruction but also is focused on disintegration of Pakistan through the suppot of adverbial TTP
groups that are currenty based in Afghanistan's Khost and Nuristan Provinces. Terrorism/
Sectarianism in Pakistan

IX. Pakistan’s Role in the Region

X. Palestine Issue
XI. Changing Security Dynamics for Pakistan: Challenges to
National Security of Pakistan
XII. Political Evolution Since 1971
. No. 2. Discuss the role of regional and nationalist political parties in Pakistani
politics. How far these parties are necessary for the political system? (20)

Q. No. 6. Discuss the main features of Political culture of Pakistan. (20)

Q. No. 4. Describe the political system of Pakistan. Which form of government is


suitable to make the country politically stable? (20)
POLITICAL SYSTEM OF PAKISTAN

Pakistan's political system has been in the transitional state ever since it emerged as an independent
sovereign state in August 1947. Pakistan has not been able to establish a stable and permanent political
order based on democratic norms. From the very beginning there was an acute constitutional deadlock
which obstructed, for nine years, the political, social and economic development of the newly born
Pakistan and which deprived the country of a respectable place in the fraternity of nations.

The first constitution which Pakistan eventually framed in 1956, could not last long and was abrogated
after just two years of its coming into operation by the Martial Law regime in 1958. The imposition of
the first ML in 1958 was the result of the unhappy and sorry state of affairs which attracted the military
commanders to intervene and take over the reins of the civil administration. Since then the country had
to face three MLS at regular intervals which led to the political and constitutional stalemates. In 1973
somehow the elected assembly was able to evolve a unanimously accepted constitution which
contained the wide range of Islamic provisions. The constitution remained in force for nearly four years
when another ML was imposed in the country in July 1977 with the constitution placed in abeyance.
Political process and the functioning of the institutions was once again halted.

Pakistan possesses the political apparatus essential to run a democratic system in a country. The political
structure exists on which the democratic order can be safely built. But unfortunately those responsible
for the sacred job of constructing the edifice do not have the patience and stamina for a real democratic
set-up. Besides the mercurial temperament and political leanings of our politicians, there are some
other factors like disorganized political

parties, lack of stable political institutions and paucity of dedicated political leadership, which are
responsible for our wobbling political system.

Pakistan today is a federal Republic, comprising four provinces. The provinces are governed by centrally
appointed governors and local governments drawn from elected provincial assemblies and headed by
Chief Ministers. There are also tribal areas, with a total population of 2.7 million, which are under the
control of the federal government.

Primary responsibility resides, however with the central government, which is headed by an executive
President, who is elected for a renewable, five years term at a joint sitting of the federal parliament and
four provincial assemblies. The president was originally a titular head but following the 8th
constitutional amendment of March 1985, the President was given powers to dissolve the National
Assembly, appoint and dismiss the Prime Minister, the cabinet and provincial governors, He, therefore,
emerged as the dominant political figure. Day-to-day government is in the hands of Prime Minister. The
Prime Minister had a cabinet of minister to assist him/her in the day to day governmental business.

POLITICAL PARTIES

Pakistan has a multiple party system. The overabundance of political parties most of which are without a
substantial public backing and are regional, lacking in national roots, have consistently blocked the way
of democracy. They impede the smooth functioning of the larger parties by their non political and
undemocratic tactics. These parties compromise on principles for smal benefits thus damaging the
political and democratic process. The political parties. shallow in their outlook, with no programme of
national uplift and promotion of general564

Pakistan Affairs

pinnacle of authority in the executive as well as in the political spheres of the country.

In the early days of Pakistan, though political conditions were unstable, but the ethics and morals of
politicians and civil servants were lofty and honourable. Bureaucracy was small and with a few
exceptions comprised men who were both competent and devoted. They profoundly disdained
corruption and were deeply dedicated by sense of belonging to the nation.

Ayub Khan's ML struck at the roots of professional codes and personal values of the politicians and the
civil servants including the judges. Pride and diligence in these spheres of life gradually gave way to
ambitions, lust for money and authority. The successive governments promoted a public service in
which the failings of characters and performance was not considered a sin as long as the bureaucrats
blindly acted in collusion with the rulers and politicians., 'Out of this regime arose a class of bureaucrats
in all cadres but mostly in the elitist civil service and police who used their above average ability, glib
tongue and facile pen to charm. the autocratic rulers and jump over the head of their staid, rule-bound
senior colleagues'."

Bureaucracy soon became a strong element in the political structure of Pakistan. It acquired an
unassailable position in the decision-making process and policy formulation. After wielding power the
bureaucrats developed a relish for high position of authority. The unrestricted political domain extended
numerous benefits to the bureaucrats who now endeavoured to cling on to power relentlessly. The
absolute authority which the bureaucrats amassed by their becoming a formidable section of political
set up of the country made them inebriated with a 'power Peg' After tasting

1. Kunwar Idris, "Bureaucracy in Pakistan," Dawn, 9 Oct. 1994.

power the inductees became addicted to it During the later years the bureaucracy even assumed
greater authority and a permanent position in the political affairs of the country Despite attempts by
various regimes to clip its wings, the bureaucratic system wielded wider authority. It has faced purges.
'Attempts to trim it, like those in a rose creeper, have helped the bureaucratic system to blossom with
greater vigour and vitality'.3
The bureaucrats are the masters of their domain. By their expertise they have enslaved the executive
sphere. They have accumulated powers under their wings. They know how to survive by entangling the
incompetent and oblivious politicians in the hornest nest. They masterly lay their hold around the
incoming governments in a way that the ministers have no other choice than to act according to their
advice. If the minister does not follow them, he soon finds himself in a quandary and his freedom, sense
of action and decision power is quickly dispersed. 'after having spread the net, the bureaucrat relax and
watch the fun'."

The bureaucracy is a strong institution and has retained a continuity of existence as well as cohesion.
But it is a non-political institution whose institutionalisation has been used by individuals to become
political actors It has blocked participation of both the people and the politicians in the decision-making
process and has damaged itself in the process.

THE MILITARY

Pakistan inherited multifarious problems with respect to its defence and security matters after partition.
India never accepted the partition scheme and always looked for an opportunity to harm Pakistan
politically and economically. The Kashmir dispute. India's military action in Junagadh and the annexation
of Hyderabad fully convinced the

2. Gen. K.M. Arif "Working with Zia," Oxford University Press, 1995, p. 14.

3. Ibid., p. 15.

4. Ibid., p.15566

Pakistan Affairs

command. They are the civilians not military officers, who decide when and where the military should
fight. The officers are only supposed to control how the military fights.

This concept of division of labour between civilians and militaries unavoidably leads to tensions. "The
interaction of civilian with military leaders called civil military relations is an important factor in law
states use force." Military leaders are often inclined towards undermining the authority of the civilian
leaders in implementing the civilian supremacy if certain actions are taken in international conflicts.
Military officers also want autonomy of decisions once force is employed.

If tensions become acute between a civilian leadership and their military establishment, a coup d'etat
(below against the state) can occur. A coup is the seizure of political authority by domestic military
forces - a change of political power outside the states constitutional order. The emergence of a coup
attempt is difficult to forecast. If most or all of the military support the coup, civilian leaders are helpless
to thwart it and have to go alongwith it. However, if most of the military officers follow the existing
chain of command, the coup cannot take shape and is devastated.

If a coup is successful, military forces themselves control the government. Tensions between civilian and
military also raise their head in the wake of declined law and order pervading in the society. It is mostly
common in poor countries where economic disparities accelerate ring of war between different
segments of society and where the military may be the only large modern institution in the country.
The need for balance in civil-military relations has been variably defined by different scholars like
Laswell, Finer, Janowitz, Huntington and Peter Feaver. As

7. Feaver, Peter D. and Richard D. Kohan eds. Soldiers and Civlians. MIT 2000. Richelson, Jeffery, A
Century of Spies, Oxford 1995.

per Laswell and Finer the military has a proclivity for intervention in domestic politics to shape a political
system leading towards a garrison state. Scholars like Janowitz and Peter Feaver opine that a strong
civilian political oversight over military policy formulation is necessary since civilian institutions are
better equipped to provide policy direction.

Samuel Finer's treatise, 'The Man on Horseback' presented the concept of military intervention as a
consequence of weak civilian administrative and legislative institutions. This capacity deficit has been
the red rag to the bulls of military intervention in developing countries in Africa, Asia and South America.
Antidotes to this military propensity have been proposed in the shape of strengthening of civilian
institutions and capacity to govern exemplified by scholarly advice tendered by the likes of Rebecca
Schiff whose 'Concordance Theory' recommends a cooperative interaction between the three societal
institutions - the political elite, the military and the citizenry.

The best possible civil-military relations are based upon an ideal balance between the civil and military
institutions. The strength and maturity of political and legislative institutions directly impacts the
efficacy of the civilian leadership to provide leadership in national security policy formulation. In
Pakistan, despite establishment of institutions like the Defence Cabinet Committee (Now renamed
Cabinet Committee on National Security) and Defence Council, the ability of the civilian leadership to
take effective lead in national security and military policy formulation has remained a weak link. The
putative efficacy of the existing institutions to ensure smooth and efficacious interaction between the
civil and military components of national security policy formulation has been hamstrung in the past due
to a palpable lack of expertise in the civilian component to provide the desired leadership role.

The lack of political will and intellectual depth amongst the political leadership has stunted the growth
of structures and institutions required for a comprehensive567

Political System of Pakistan

understanding of the nuances and complications of military and national security affairs ceding space by
default to the military leadership. There is a dire need for strong and well-resourced advisory and
decision support institutions to provide sound policy options and input to political leadership.

The current national political terrain is in the throes of the distant hoof sounds of the man on horseback.
The salience of military decision-making in the current national security environment is reflective of a
vacuum that echoes Finer's prognostications about weak civilian governance and administrative ability.
At this moment the military leadership is confronted with a 'de jure-de facto' dilemma while the civilian
leadership is impaled on the horns of a governance dilemma begotten out of weak political will and
institutional capacity to confront the existential threats to the country's security.

In the absence of palpably bold policy initiatives to tackle the genies of terrorism and bad governance
the harried populace starts rooting for a messiah and when the Rubicon is finally crossed in the shape of
a major catastrophe like APS Peshawer public sentiment attains a Wagnerian stridency calling for
extraconstitutional measures to ameliorate their lot. Democratic transitions from autocracies always
lead towards 'anocracies' which are defined as a system of governance retaining both the democratic as
well as autocratic practices. Pakistan appears at present to be one such anocracy prone to political
inability and concomitant inefficacy that calls for a strong leadership intervention.

A status quo leadership model based on real politik and expediency geared more towards keeping
political allies happy is out of sync with the people's expectations. The political leadership needs to
realise that poor governance and a carte blanche to political allies to go for lucre and pelf at the cost of
the common people are fast eroding its moral capital. The legal capital on which the democratic edifice
of the de jure political power of the men in the stagecoach rests is being palpably challenged by the
moral capital of the de facto ground performance of

the men on horseback reinforcing yet again the well-argued postulate of Samuel Finer about the
dominant role of the military in fragile democracies.

The question arises here as to why political leaders do not realise the dangers their indecision and poor
governance poses to the democratic experience of the country. The answer may lie in the nature of the
problems confronting the country. Our current problems have become wicked problems which by
definition are contradictory and interconnected. multilayered,

The ability and will of our political leadership to cut through the Gordian knot of our wicked problems is
seriously constrained by some structural and institutional incapacities that include lack of civilian
expertise in national security affairs and absence of policy input institutions like the national security
advisor secretariat comprising experts in national security matters. The problem is further compounded
due to political compulsions of accommodating allies short on moral and national vision.

The institutional incapacities engendered out of a leadership deficit make governance a farce that is not
responsive to the needs of a population that starts looking for non democratic options to come to their
rescue. When in the public perception index the stock of institutions like the judiciary also plummets,
the situation becomes very dangerous for democracy in a country. What happens when the public
sentiment and the patriotic sensibilities of the men on horseback are in accord while the gulf between
the civilian institutions and the population widens? The concordance theory of Rebecca Schiff gets
upended into national discordance with dangerous portents for the democratic dispensation.

The threats to the democratic order emanate not from an ascendant military whose stock has risen
because of its performance in an institutional vacuum but a lack of performance by the political,
administrative and judicial institutions. The568

political leadership's inability to tackle our wicked problems with full vigour and clear vision is the real
issue that haunts governance in the country.

Since the civilian leadership and institutions have failed to come up to the public's expectations in an
environment where the military has started viewing their inaction as the main driver of the conflict and
disorder in the country, military intervention appears ominously on the horizon. With the spectre of
terrorism stalking our land, the economic crisis squeezing the lifeblood of the citizenry, and the civilian
leadership unwilling to separate crime from politics the public is rapidly losing its appetite for
constitutional propriety.
Suddenly the sheen appears a lot more lustrous on the armour of the man on horseback while the
hunkered down countenance of the man in the stagecoach only leads to contempt. In this dialectical
battle of public perception and concomitant legitimacy the last laugh will be that of someone with the
maximum moral capital.

Historical Background

When the Indian sub-continent was divided in August, 1947, the armed forces of India were divided
between India and Pakistan. The armed forces, that came to the share of both India and Pakistan, had
been trained by the British military institutions and therefore inherited the British military discipline and
culture. The very nature of the training, the military officers had received in the British institutions,
emphasized on submission to the civil authority and complete segregation of armed forces from politics.
These traditions became the cruex of the army establishment in Pakistan and were stressed both by the
army commanders and the civil authorities. Because of these inbred traditions, Ayub khan did not dare
to take over the reigns of the government when asked by Ghulam Muhammad, the governor - General
to take over the reigns of government 1954. However, when the political conditions worsened and the
civilian base debilitated, a new framework of civil-

Pakistan Affairs

military relationship emerged. In the wake of quickly slithering political conditions when Iskander Mirza
looked towards military in 1958, Ayub khan jumped over the invitation and imposed the first Martial law
in the country which ruthlessly put down the infant political order. There were some cogent reasons for
the extreme change in the attitude of the General towards the politics which pushed the army towards
the drastic action.

Immediately after the partition Pakistan faced multiple problems. There was hardly any area free of
turmoil. Pakistan inherited comparatively weaker administrative machinery. The armed forces were
weaker and less organized. Then security threat from India and Afghanistan also laid their nefarious
impact on Pakistan and lack of geographical contiguity added to newly born Pakistan's woes. With the
death of the Quaid-i-Azam in 1948 and assassination of Liaquat Ali khan, Pakistan was deprived of any
personality of high stature who could steer the rudderless nation to its goal. These factors created
political instability which in itself spurred economic deterioration. As a result of these maladies,
maladministration, rapid fall of foreign exchange assets, the price hike, hoarding and black marketing
permeated in the whole system. Military in Pakistan like military in other developing countries was the
only organized department having the largest pool of skilled manpower. Thus an acute imbalance
surfaced between the highly disciplined and integrated military and an undisciplined and corrupt civilian
society. During 1947-58, the military was the emissary of national reconstruction and national
integration. It had been helping the civil administration to maintain law and order and combat natural
catastrophes.

The civil-military, relations have been at the heart of political development in Pakistan. The army often
shaped the constitutional thinking and even directly took the task of constitution making. It generally
distrusts what it considers self-seeking, corrupt and faction ridden politicians operating from the
platform of political parties. The 196"4160E88-1ZEO OW wwwins lang nain 13anc libgy

Political System of Pakistan


constitution drafted under army's surveillance after 1958 coup gave indirect elections which snatched
the right of vote from the mass public which politically alienated the majority of eligible voters. The
1962 constitution also brought non-party elections and an all powerful president which reduced the
parliament to a rubber stamp. The more Ayub tried to curb the public expression, the more it developed
conflict and trust deficit between army and the disenfranchised sections of the people. During and after
Zia's rule, the ISI, which expanded its activities during the Afghanistan war played a pivotal role in
politics by promoting party alliances and preparing secret files of the politicians.

System of basic Democracy of Ayub Khan

The first 'new' local body system was introduced by Gen. Ayub khan under the Basic Democracies order
1959. This order aggravated the already prevailing mistrust between the army and the civilian aspect of
Pakistan, Ayub khan believed that democracy was as alien a concept to the people of Pakistan as was
the English language and therefore, it needed to start from a very basic level.

As a matter of fact this line of thought was first introduced by Maj. Gen. Iskander Mirza who believed
that overwhelmingly illiterate masses were bound to act foolishly. Having no training in democracy they
could not run democratic institutions, but needed a controlled democracy.:"

This is how the concept of experimenting with the democracy came into vogue to be adopted by all
successive military dictators. Obviously it pushed masses away from the army which was seen as usurper
of peoples rights. Ayub khan ensured that none of his opponents was elected as a BD member. A
number of politicians were disqualified under the elective bodies Disqualification order (EBDO).

569

Gen. Zia, again to get legitimacy for his regime. Local body elections, held by Zia regime put those
traditional political families in power who had switched loyalties and pledged support for Zia and his
military junta. The Zia government, like Ayub, disqualified all those candidates who were considered to
be opposition loyalists or even sympathizers.

To achieve this objective Zia set up a parallel election authority for conducting local body elections,
called the Local Government election Authority (LGEA). This body was headed by a pro-rigime judge and
run by pliant officials. It superseded the election commission of Pakistan.

Gen. Zia ul Haq adopted ruthless measures to quell all opposition parties who ever dared to question his
ML. He used highly repressive means to crush Movement for Restoration of Democracy in the Province
of Sindh said to be launched by the PPP. Zia's oppressive measures contributed a lot in giving a fillip to
anti-army sentiments.

Pervaiz Musharraf's Devolution of Power

Pervaiz Musharraf assumed power by dismissing Nawaz Sharif's elected government in 1999. After
sitting on the throne Pervaiz Musharraf unveiled a seven point agenda to fix the country. The key
component of this scheme was the devolution of power at the local level.
To make his scheme a success Gen Pervaiz Musharraf created a group of loyalists at the local level. The
new system was to produce a large number of councilors, nazims and naib nazims, all of whom were
answerable to Gen. Musharraf.

The local body system was a matter of life and death for Gen. Pervaiz Musharraf. He pledged massive
authority to local budies institutions. In 2001 local body polls, most of the candidate returned
unopposed because those who opposed Gen. Pervaiz Musharraf were discouraged from filing
nomination papers for the polls. The 2001 local body polls were held in highly restrictive atmosphere. To
bring only loyalists to power,

General Zia ul Haq

The local body system BD system remained dormant till 1979. It was revived by670

Pakistan Affairs

the military government placed a ban on normal electoral activities. These highly autocratic steps gave
root to anti-military sentiments and were instrumental in stimulating antagonism in the civil-military
relationship.

The above discussion proves that it might be easy for a disciplined army to bulldoze an incapable
administration and take over the reigns of the government in a developing country. The military may be
able to arrest political slide, introduce certain social and economic reforms and speed up economic
reforms to boost economic growth. But it cannot face up the real problems which pave way for a coup
detait i.e creation of a workable structure of political activity which can operate smoothly without the
backing of the military commanders. It is because of this reason that once the military tread on the
political path, it becomes very difficult for them to sever their link with politics and go back to their
original position. The military commanders keep on watching closely the political activities even after
the resumption of the constitutional life, and if the new political system does not function or solve the
problems facing the society, or if there is an agitation by the disgruntled elements, the military
commanders again step in on one pretext or the other i.e introducing a new system or replacing a
heterodox regime. Military take over is always carried out on the pretended reasons of bad governance
and corruption but it is very strange and incomprehensible that military too falls a prey to corruption
and eventually collapse. When the military commanders intervene, they vociferously declare that they
have come for ninety days and would leave after peaceful transfer of power, but ultimately the military
falls in love with power and prolong their stay until they are compelled to abdicate on public pressure or
physically eliminated by sabotage.

Emergence of Bangladesh

The separation of East Pakistan and the military defeat in 1971 greatly tarnished military image in the
public eye. However some responsibility of the debacle also cast
back on Mr. Z.A Bhutto and his PPP who with his fiery rhetoric paved the way for the military action
which led to Indian army intervention and eventually the fall of Dacca On 16th December 1971.

Military Junta is usually considered incapable of dealing with more complex issues of governance and
rather smother the smooth functioning of the system with their rigid and dictatorial style. It is unable to
transform its organizational and technological skills to their country's set ups.

The Civil-military relations in Pakistan are very cumbersome Disgruntled politicians, who find it difficult
to form government by constitutional means, resort to unconstitu tional tactics to topple the sitting
government and lure the army to take over government and frequently repeat the episode.

The country is exposed to serious internal threats, including the challenge of coping with the needs of its
rapidly increasing population, human resource development, unemploy ment, sluggish economic
performance, alleviating poverty, addressing and reviewing civil-military relations, governance and
above all extremism. There are perils in civil as well as military ways of handling issues and solving
problems. The civilian institutions lose their democratic character with the military rule in place which
leads to stagnation of civilian set-up. The consensus on policies through negotiation withers away. The
military, therefore, becomes the part of the problem rather than shock observer. Moreover in military
rule the masses lose their confidence in the institutions which ultimately affects the performance in a
negative way. There is a crisis of governance and political parties lack democratic culture. The issues of
national integration are a big hurdle in the way of democratization of Pakistan. The process of political
and democratic development remained thwarted by the long and repeated military intervention. In
addition the religious intolerance and sectarian divide present a daunting challenge. Other challenges to
the civil society and state include lack of political will the moral void in the administrative set up. Political
System of Pakistan

571

The state is a reality, a political organism based on the constitution. The state it animated when the
people inhabiting its areas pass a constitution which defines the rights and duties of its citizens. The
constitution is a sacred document and must be safeguarded.

and fast declining human rights and law and order situation. We are in a dire need of that culture and
system which allows the people to face the challenges of change and to create opportunities for the
betterment of the people so that they can shape their destinies.

The civil-military relations need to become strong in the wake of extremist terrorism. Strong civil-
military relations are required for a positive counter-terrorism strategy aimed at bringing peace and
stability to the country. This will have special significance in view of the post 2014 situation in
Afghanistan in which Pakistan will have to play a key role.

Treason Trial of Pervaiz Musharraf

The treason trial of Pervaiz Musharraf has once again raised the question of civil military relations as
such a question can never be raised in a stable country. In sound set-up there is never a question about
who is in charge of the military apparatus. Though the Nawaz government may have been pushed by
judiciary initiating the treason case against Musharraf, this case has sufficient potential to hit at the
roots of civil-military relations in the days to come. Musharraf has claimed that he has the backing of the
army and he was surprised why Gen Kiyani did not take a stand against what appeared a clear case of
vendetta by one or two persons i.e Justice Iftikher Muhammad Chaudri and PM Nawaz Sharif. The said
trial case is an institutional case issue as it involves the high office of the COAS. If the army allows the
treason case to continue and let Musharraf be punished according to the constitution, a dangerous
precedent will be established about the powerful office of the army chief.

The Imbalance of Civil Military Relations

The military and the civilian set-ups are two important segments of the state. They have to function in
harmony with each other to make a state a workable entity. As such a balance of working relationship
must exist between the important departments of the state,

The state has a number of institutions which function according to the dictates of the state. Police is one
such institution which is responsible for protecting the citizens, while the army, another state body, is a
larger organization which has sophisticated weapons and enough resources to defend the borders
against foreign aggression. It also assists the state to fight natural calamities like floods, earth quacks or
epidemics and mass riots and agitation that can make law and order situation worse. Terrorism is
usually taken on by a special unit of law Enforcement Unit called Special weapons and Tactics (SWAT)
teams.

It is the state's constitution that defines the limits of state's authority to use these institutions to curb
violence. It can be done only if a fair amount of balance of power exists between the civil and military
relationship. A government that does not have a clear mandate from its people loses its moral authority
to use military effectively. Therefore, it is imperative that the elections should be free and fair so that
the party that comes to power has no issue of legitimacy.

The political opponents of the sitting government invite the military to topple the ruling party on the
pretext of election rigging. The political leaders who want the military to act in an extra-constitutional
way disturb the balance of power between the civil and military establishments. The military
commanders who respond to the SOS calls by the ambitious politicians deviate from their professional
path of soldiering to become the part of the vested interest. In the process they lose their creditability
and fail as politicians as they strike deals with the vested interest to survive and plunder national wealth.
The MLS of Gen. Zia ul Haq and Gen. Pervaiz Musharraf are the best example of this sordid power play.
Both Zia and Musharraf failed572

Adorably in their endeavors to become politicians and their exalted position and high prestige as
soldiers was brutally tarnished. One (Zia) escaped further disgrace of facing trial in the civilian courts
with his inglorious demise in a plane crash, while the other is still being dragged and chastised in the
courts to become a living example for any future adventurer. Both Zia and Musharraf allowed aside
popularly elected Prime Ministers. If Zia went to the extent of eliminating his opponent physically,
Musharraf slapped a forced exile upon his adversary to keep him away from the power corridor.

One of the most important job of the military general staff is to guide the executive In matters of
security, submit analytical reports to the government on security risks to the state and carry out the
orders given to it. Unfortunately we have not been able to develop institutions to provide a platform to
the military to perform its duty to the state. In the absences of a platform the military has no other
option but to use political clout to carry out its professional duty of protecting the state.
A professional military officer cannot be accused for misuse of power if he is acting on the orders of
elected state authority. Court martial proceedings are used to punish those officers who have violated
the military code in the performance of their duties. In view of this Pervaiz Musharraf violated the
military code when he dethroned the elected PM Nawaz Sharif on 12th October, 1999. The military itself
should initiate proceedings against those who violate the military code. At the same time the civilian
government should Initiate proceedings against those politicians who collaborated with the military
officers to impose martial law. The Judges who legitimized the martial law to gain some personal
benefits should be denounced to prevent such happening in the future.

An army officer is expected to obey the orders of his superior. Those politicians who promote the idea
that a soldier who dies while performing his duty cannot be called a martyre sow the seeds of mutiny.
The army should be given due respect as they defend

Pakistan Affairs

the country at the peril of their lives and any gesture or statement which is intended to injure the pride
and morale of a soldier should be avoided. The former COAS Gen. Mirza Aslam Baig proposed a three
point formula to normalize tense civil-military relations. 1. the high treason case against Musharraf
should be withdrawn and he should be allowed to move abroad, 2- PEMRA should ensure that no TV
channel telecast programmes that undermine the prestige of the army and 3- ministers and other
political leaders should be barred from speaking against those who defend the country even at the cost
of their lives. Gen. Baig was of the view that constitution cannot block a military intervention if the
people and the rulers continue with their hostile attitude towards the army commanders.

But the people truly respect the army for its vital role in nation building and providing essential support
to civilian administration in disaster and crisis management and boosting economy. The people's
hostility against army takes place only when a few military commanders try to become politicians and
indulge in plundering like petty ambitious politicians. They tend to occupy every lucrative slot in the
civilian set up in the name of purging the 'bloody civilians" who have created the mess. The ML
authorities, on one side loath the bloody civilians for their corrupt, sluggish and anti-social conduct,
while at the same time relish the civilian way of life and tend to cling on to the civilian administration.
Gen. Raheel Sharif, the COAS, claims that he is fighting to end militancy in politics. The PM Nawaz Sharif,
co-chairman Asif Ali Zardari and Quaid-e-Tehreek Altaf Hussain view Gen- Raheel's fight as a turf war, a
dispute in which the GHQ is seeking to obtain increased political space and influence.

This is Pakistan's current dilemma of civil-military relationship. It is a turf war because the PM Nawaz
Sharif resisted the launch of operation Zarb-e-Azab, it is a turf war because Quaid-e-Tehrik Altaf Hussain
is resisting the ongoing operation in Karachi And it is a turf war because the co-chairman Asif Ali Zardari
is an integral part of the4160E88-17E0:00

573

Political System of Pakistan

civilian leadership's resistance to the GHQ's maneuvers in Karachi.


The Co-Chairman Asif Ali Zardari unleashed a tirade against army Chief Gen. Raheel Sharif on 16th June
2015 and warned him of dire consequences if the army did not stop its interference in the civilian
domain. Zardari's harangue was meant to persuade army to desist from challenging his mandate, but at
the same time indicated the acute lack of cordial and workable civil-military relationship. The Rangers
raided the Sindh Building Control Authority (SBCA) on 15th June, 2015 an action which could not have
been taken without GHQS' approval. Ranger's action was the first in the past 16 years by which the GHQ
turned its guns towards white collar crime:White collar crime is a crime committed by a person of
respectability and high social status. White collar crime financially motivated non-violent crime
committed by government or business professionals. "And a game-changer is an event, idea or
procedure that affects a significant shift in the current way of doing or thinking about something".

Asif Ali Zardari's June 16, 2015 outburst was in sheer bad taste which revolved around the institution of
the military which is expanding its reach into financially motivated non-violent white collar crime. The
PM Nawaz Sharif too cannot support the GHQ's infringement into civilian systematic financial
corruption.

THE BAJWA DOCTRINE AN AGGRESSIVE AND UNREASONABLY BELIEF THAT YOUR COUNTRY IS BETTER
THAN OTHERS

After 70 years of extreme chauvinism, we are finally into the doctrine of realism which focuses on the
peaceful coexistence with the neighbouring countries.

The Bajwa Doctrine, initiated by the rationalistic and logical Gen Qamar Bajwa and his equally able team
of the top military command, is all about realising the changes

taking place around the country and reshaping policies according to the needs of the modern times.

The doctrine is very clear about the democratic future of the country. Believing in the importance of the
constitution, the doctrine wants to ensure the proper respect of all the institutions of the state. The
years of collective experience of the military have proved that the supremacy of law is a major deterrent
against terrorism.

It is a considered view of the command that the capacity of civilian institutions like Police, Civil Services
and civil intelligence agencies needs to be enhanced for strengthening the country. International Vision:

It was very courageous on the part of Gen Bajwa to tell the Afghan authorities in unequivocal terms that
Pakistan has no expansionist designs about Afghanistan. This doctrine openly abandoned the idea (if it
ever existed) of strategic depth and Afghanistan as the fifth province of Pakistan. The Bajwa Doctrine
seeks total peace on western borders and wants to make Iran and Afghanistan as its erstwhile allies. Gen
Bajwa has tried to rekindle the deep friendship with Saudi Arabia, Qatar and the USA who were unhappy
with the Nawaz government for different reasons. Some successful moves of strategic cooperation have
again befriended these estranged countries who at times have conflicting interests with each other.

The Bajwa Doctrine is not about the role of a hateful neighbour trying to destabilise others but
establishing Pakistan as a proud peace-loving country which wants peaceful coexistence with the world.
But if provoked, threatened or pressurised it will show its full muscle power to the enemy to prove its
strong commitment to the motherland.
About India on the eastern border, the doctrine understands that there can be no war between two
neighbouring nuclear countries. It thinks that India though stubborn for the time being because of
extremist Modi

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regime but within two to three years due to its growing economy will realise the need of a peace
dialogue with Pakistan. The doctrine till then will continue its wait and see policy about India. The
doctrine continues its engagement policy with the USA but this time Pakistan is not ready to be involved
in the infighting within Afghanistan.

Counter-terrorism strategy:

The Bajwa Doctrine focuses on the internal security and believes in totally wiping out terrorism from
Pakistan. It is making sure that no safe havens be spared for the terrorists. The doctrine's only priority is
Pakistan. The old idea of distinguishing between good or bad Taliban seems to have died down. The
doctrine has fought against terrorism of every hue and colour. Gen Bajwa and his team has a clear vision
of peaceful and prosperous Pakistan and they want to make Pakistan totally violence free. They want
the militant groups to be de-weaponised and brought to the mainstream like Ireland and other strife-
stricken countries where warring groups were dealt in an ideal way.

Gen Bajwa had met Afghan President Ashraf Ghani and told him that as a first step both, Afghanistan
and Pakistan should stop being used against each other. The border fencing on the Pak Afghan border is
the hallmark achievement of the Bajwa Doctrine which will benefit both the neighbours.

The Bajwa doctrine stands for regional peace and, like China, wants to make peace with India while
keeping our differences on core issues. The doctrine is ready for peaceful negotiations but without
compromising on the Kashmir issue. The doctrine is fully aware of the Chinese advice to Pakistan that
instead of war, other peaceful measure be negotiated for Kashmir issue.

The Bajwa doctrine is fully aware of the international perspective since the general himself had been in
UN Peacekeeping Force interacting with different nationalities. The doctrine analysed the USA Canada
business relationship and reached to the conclusion that initially Canada was at Jess but now it's in
profit. This example can

help Pakistan to develop trade with China and India taking care of our own business interests.

The doctrine wants good relationship with the USA and is ready to work with them on the controversial
issues. The vision negates any idea of direct or indirect war with former ally USA and stresses the need
of resolving all issues through dialogue.

The doctrine has painstakingly worked on improving relationship with Iran and Gen Bajwa's visit to Iran
and Iranian foreign minister Jawad Zarif's visit to Pakistan are being considered as very fruitful. The
Bajwa Doctrine has successfully mended the damage done to Pak-Saudi relations during the last regime
of Nawaz Sharif. It has also normalised the relations with UAE which seemed to be at loggerheads during
the Sharif regime because of the issue of voting for Turkey instead of UAE for EXPO 2020.
Roots of the Command:

Gen Bajwa, though a continuation of the superb military leadership who are professionally trained to
the perfection, yet like US President Woodrow Wilson who gave the idea of the League of the Nations
for the peaceful world after the Second World War, Gen Bajwa is a brave commander ready to fight
against every enemy but at the same time he is kind at heart who wants to see this world peaceful.

Political Vislon:

Like all great setups, the doctrine has certain flaws as well. The doctrine is gullible on some hot and
controversial issues. The love of the institution makes it gullible.

The doctrine sometimes believes in the raw stories presented to it by its own intelligence system.
Despite these usual flaws, the Bajwa doctrine is sure that the Panama JIT was totally unbiased. It is also
dead sure that no pressure was exerted on the judiciary by any agency.

So Bajwa doctrine clearly says that army had no direct role in politics and it takes exception to mention
of army in ousting4L60E88-1ZE0:40 59172:40 tours Jered noto Jaane Jingy

na

Nawaz Sharif. This doctrine is of the view that Panama descended upon Nawaz Sharif accidentally and
army did not play any role in the court decision against him. Rather Gen Bajwa told PM Nawaz Sharif
soon after becoming COAS that he will stand by the government except in the Panama case. The
unauthentic journalistic feel is that about 70 per cent of Panama material was provided by the dear and
near ones of Nawaz Sharif while only 30 per cent was collected by JIT itself

The doctrine fully knows that some states had their own complaints against Sharifs so they also wilfully
provided proof against them. Recently, the UK has also sent money laundering report of the Sharif
family.

Gen Bajwa even wanted to write to the Supreme Court of Pakistan to exclude military men from JIT. He,
however, did not do so on the pretext that the Supreme Court might consider it as an effort to
jeopardise the proceedings of the court.

The Bajwa Doctrine has wilfully taken a soft look and it does not want to repeat the cruelties committed
during the Zia regime. The doctrine has to retreat on certain issues like creating forward bloc because it
strictly avoided using brutal force. The doctrine is so soft that when Nawaz Sharif complained to the
army chief that a brigadier in Panama JIT was harsh with Mian Tariq Shafi, he personally made sure that
this type of complaint is never repeated. The general feeling in the establishment is that 18th
Amendment has become a major cause of unbalance between Federation and the provinces. The
provinces do not have the capacity to handle Higher Education Commission and nor do have the means
to deal with law and order. The doctrine will be happy to do away with 18th Amendment to which it
sees more dangerous than six points of Sheikh Mujeeb. The perception is that the amendment has
changed Pakistan from a Federation to confederation.

of e at e e
1

The doctrine has strong commitment to democracy but the "soft spoken Bajwa" would not like to be
remembered as Nero playing flute when Rome was on fire. Gen

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575

Bajwa was in a position to impose the martial law on the eve of Khadim Rizvi Dharma when attacks were
being carried out on the houses of N leaders but he did not go for this option because of his
commitment to democracy.

The doctrine stands by the Supreme Court and other institutions and is bound by Article 68 of the
constitution to do this. Any effort to subvert the working of the institutions would mean that redlines
has been be crossed.

Financial Management:

The professionals of the Bajwa doctrine totally reject Ishaq Dar's financial vision and feels he damaged
the state by his policies. The doctrine is however happy with new chap Miftah Ismail and his financial
vision. The analysts believe that the financial management of Zardari despite oil crisis was better than
the Sharifs. Zardari enhanced the exports while Dar failed miserably due to artificially holding dollar
price under strict control. The doctrine is more interested in imposing financial and educational
emergency rather than wasting money on Metros and Motorways. The doctrine is also unhappy on
throwing away 120 billion rupees in the name of Benazir Income Support Program and would like to
convert this huge fund to some purposeful means.

Historic roots:

Pakistan Army is much above caste and creed or ethnic and religious divides and all selections are done
much above these relationships.

Gen Bajwa, if seen in the continuation of Pakistani perspective, is the first Jat son of the soil who has
been given military command of the army in the 70 years of national history. It was 170 years earlier
when the last native son of the soil, another Jat of the Sindhu clan, Gen Sher Singh Attariwalla, fought
valiantly at the battlefield of Chillianwala, District Gujrat - the same district Gen Bajwa's Warraich
mother belonged to. The battle of Chillianwala was the only war won against the British in 100 years of
colonial history of this land.

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Quite interestingly, though Gen Sher Singh was the commander of Sikh army. 1,500 Afghan Muslims
warriors led by Dost Muhammad Khan were also part of his force. Later, Gen Sher Singh had to
surrender like the last Mughal king, Bahadar Shah Zafar, or like the French hero, Napoleon Bonaparte.
Gen Sher Singh met the same fate as of abovementioned great heroes and remained exiled to Banaras
till his last breath.

Gen Bajwa, the 16th commander of Pakistan Army, belongs to the 62nd course.

The whole world knows that the selection process in the army is purely merit based. The appointment of
16 army chiefs in the last 70 years shows the regional and ethnic diversity of military leadership. Coming
from different areas, distant places and diverse communities, they represent the institution like a single
unit. The list of Pakistan's army chiefs along with their native districts and their respective clans is as
follows:

Gen Kayani was a chain-smoking philosopher general who was best to the minutest details, while Gen
Raheel was more concerned about his image making rather than merely focusing on his professional
work. Gen Kayani prepared the army for anti terrorism narrative and successfully transformed the
troops from jihadi mindset to the national narrative. Gen Raheel asserted his role as against the civilian
rule but by the end of his career he did not leave his lasting effect on army and the country. In contrast,
Gen Bajwa is totally at ease with himself, no pomp and show, humble and human. No fake pride and no
tall claims.

He has no pretensions of being philosophical or having deep wisdom. He has no wish of false image
making. He is not interested in any conspiracy to take the reins of power. He wants to retire at the end
of his tenure and will not seek any extension He is making no effort to become the greatest general or
the field marshal of this country because he is contented on what he has already got.

Pakistan Affairs

He is neither stiff necked and robotic like Raheel and nor unpredictable and deep thinking like Gen
Kayani. He is sociable and close to the realities of life and wants to resolve the issues by actions in the
right direction. Above all, this doctrine is ready to listen and learn from its mistakes. The general himself
like Gen Musharraf is a patient listener and appreciative of rational thinking. He is warm during
socialising and takes deep and affectionate interest in intrinsic human relationships.

The success of any doctrine is not measured by intentions but by the results. The history will judge this
doctrine as the others were judged by the deliverance. It is common practice that the people in power
forget their main focus and spend most the time on trivialities.

Securing Pakistan from external threats, transforming the fictional state narrative closer to the facts and
strengthening political and economic system are the needs of present times. Let see whether the
doctrine passes the test of time or not.

MORE INFORMED DEBATE

A doctrine should ideally be a large concept which can help guide or shape specific policies or strategies,
over decades (if need be). Take one of the most famous doctrines of the Cold war era, the Truman
doctrine.

Stating that the Soviet Union was essentially an expansionist power, the doctrine (named after the then
president of the United States), aimed at providing support to any state threatened by 'communism'.
Initially, this resulted in financial help to states such as Turkey and Greece; later, the Marshall Plan to
assist the war-torn economies of Europe came about.

The doctrine helped shape the famous 'containment policy of the US towards the Soviet Union, which
stayed in place for most of the Cold War, leading even to military interventions such as the Vietnam War
in the 1960s. Political System of Pakistan

577

And why was it named after Truman? Because till his tenure as president, Washington was still inclined
to pursue a less hostile policy towards Moscow which had been an ally of the US towards the end of the
Second World War.

In contrast, the Bajwa doctrine so far, appears to offer no such specific details, a Unique Selling Point so
to speak, which would allow observers to distinguish it from a general policy of a state. Which state does
not aim for peaceful borders or a violence free society? Surely, this cannot be a significant departure
from the recent past?

Second and more importantly, a vague doctrine seems to deny the contribution of the previous army
chiefs, and hence, the institution as a whole.

Take the idea of a peaceful Pakistan, free of militancy, which is said to be part of the Bajwa doctrine. Is
this a goal that has come to light now? Have we, including the military, not been working for this, for
some years now?

Unfortunately, this is not the first time that a larger goal has been ascribed to an individual.

35 of

During the tenure of Gen Raheel Sharif, commentators in mainstream media as well as unknown social
media warriors behaved as if the good general, by taking the decision to take the war into North
Waziristan, had somehow begun the war against militancy in Pakistan.

Gen Raheel Sharif may have taken the critical decision of going into North Waziristan and extending the
operations into Karachi and other urban areas, but he built upon the successes of his predecessor.

Indeed, it was Gen Ashfaq Kayani who built the foundation (and more) of the war against militancy. It
was under him that the Pakistan Army cleared Swat and six of the seven Federally Administered Tribal
Areas. One can debate and criticise his decision to not extend the operation to North Waziristan but one
cannot deny his contribution to the progress Pakistan made

against militants. It was this success that Sharif built on; allowing him to move the military into North
Waziristan as well as begin the 'intelligence-based operations' against terrorist rings in urban centres.
Gen Bajwa is now building on the work/effort of both Kayani and Sharif.
There is another way of looking at these military operations all the three - chiefs were simply carrying
out operations to clean the country of militancy because that is what the military, as an institution,
considered the appropriate policy. Since the time of Kayani, military officials continue to point out that
most of the senior generals have served in the conflict-ridden areas of the country and that they are
aware of the militant threat facing the country.

Indeed, the experience and

perception of those in a position to formulate policy, shapes that policy. Perhaps, what we have seen
post 2007 is an institutional policy -and an institutional policy can't be called a doctrine, which is
ascribed to an individual.

For this is then unfair to the institution and its policy.

This is not to say that Gen Bajwa doesn't have the foresight or the vision to shape a doctrine. He can. But
his team needs to provide more details, allowing those of us on the outside to understand how this
doctrine is different from what came before and from what his predecessors were aiming for. Indeed,
every leader can aspire to leave behind a legacy but this requires more than just concluding a war begun
earlier.

IDEAL CIVIL MILITARY RELATIONS

Civil and military institutions have

emerged wiser by learning from misunderstandings and follies of the past. Both institutions have
realised that, while their operational DNAs may be different and the style and mannerism of their
respective articulations are quite unique, their spirit and objectives remain the same. Both institutions
want to make Pakistan great and ensure the nation remains proud of their endeavours. 578

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The year 2008 was a watershed in the country's history as the key stakeholders evolved a consensus on
the need to allow the democratic project to take root by carefully nurturing it.

What is particularly encouraging is that, despite these differences on policy issues, the stakeholders
preferred to engage with one another to articulate their respective positions. They also demonstrate
their willingness to resolve issues through dialogue without jeopardising democracy. This mindset of
restraint and cooperation represents a departure from the past when even minor differences could
cause an upheaval.

The political forces in Pakistan have also recognised the need to resolve their differences through
political engagement instead of undermining each other for petty interests. The manner in which all
parties - despite their differences and varying ideological positions have expressed their unstinted
support for democracy suggests the extent of the change that has swept through the political landscape
of the country.

There is a complete consensus within a Pakistan's civil and military leadership about the nature,
dynamics and gravity of the challenges that the country is facing. This consensus augurs well for nation-
building and is critical to efforts to put the country back on track after a decade of terrorism. Civil-
military cooperation, which was underway during the previous political administration, has been taken
to the next level during the tenure of the present government.

Now that civil-military relations are stable, predictable and more sure-footed than before, there is a
pressing need to reflect on a complete consensus on the broad contours of challenges and the way
forward to tackle them.

The incumbent government has made a conscious effort to institutionalise the civil-military cooperation.
A framework of mutual cooperation and co-dependence between civil and military institutions has been
put in place to deal with the complex web of problems.

The civil and military leadership have had an honest and frank conversation about what is needed to
take the country forward. This is a conversation that was long overdue.

There is now a consensus on three fundamental issues of considerable importance: the vision regarding
future of the state of Pakistan, concerns about who will do what and how, and what the accepted means
of a change in government should be.

The first point relates to establishing the primacy and ascendancy of the state of Pakistan over all non-
state actors by eliminating terrorism, militancy, radicalism and extremism. Operation Zarb-e-Azb is a key
initiative launched to flush out terrorism in all its forms and manifestations and establish the writ of the
state. The military operation has enjoyed the complete ownership and broad-based support of the
political forces.

The second point relates to the nature and manner of cooperation between the civil and military
institutions, starting from the federal to the provincial levels. The apex committees, which have
representation of the military, provide suitable forums for frank discussions and decision-making on key
security challenges.

The implementation of the China Pakistan Economic Corridor requires an elaborate and comprehensive
cooperation between the civil and military institutions. Similarly, the realities of urban terrorism and the
imperative of eliminating the mindset that generates terrorism call for concerted engagement and a
deep-rooted cooperation. Such engagement must be forthcoming in a structured and institutionalised
format between the civil and military leaders.

With regard to the third point, the rules of the game have clearly been drawn up between the civil and
military leaders and were reflected during the sit-in.

There is now a clear consensus on the fact that the only way to change a government is through fair,
free and transparent elections which are in line with the procedure contained in the constitution Every
government must offer itself for public4160E89-1ZEO:40 12:48

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Political System of Pakistan

Muslim community to wage struggle for their are satisfied by its performance, they will renaissance.
accountability at the end of its term. If people either elect it again or reject it. The peculiar set of
domestic, regional and foreign policy challenges that Pakistan faces require concerted cooperation,
consensus on the fundamentals and a unanimous approach on how to deal with them..

The history of our civil-military relations has enabled every institution and dispensation to understand
that, in the past. pulling in different directions only pulled the country apart. Today, we are indeed
wiser, and thus better off.

Assumptions cannot be allowed to replace facts. Absolute cooperation and understanding which comes
only through - uninterrupted dialogue with one another and realising and appreciating every organism's
constitutional and legal spheres and responsibilities - are critical and inevitable for the continued
stability and prosperity of Pakistan.

Such interactions between the civil and military components serve a very meaningful and positive
purpose. As a nation, we face complex and multifaceted challenges, both within and outside the
country. A synergy of thought and purpose needs to be put in place to addressing these challenges
prudently.

These are, without a shadow of doubt, extraordinary times and the whole nation needs to stand united
behind the vision of prosperous, secure, stable democratic Pakistan. Stable civil-military cooperation is
the key to achieving this purpose.

THE RELIGIOUS ULEMA

After the partition the religious parties were engaged in the struggle for the fulfilment of the target of
making Pakistan a true Islamic state. However the efforts to make Pakistan a true Islamic state could not
succeed.

Due to their sustained efforts for the Islamic system the religious parties became a dominant political
faction of the country. The great agitational potential and the fiery rhetoric of the religious Ulema
combined with their divergent views on religion, have made them the abhorred faction of the political
system of Pakistan. With their conflicting ideas, the religious Ulema have created enigmatic situation in
the religious and political affairs of the country. At no juncture of the political history of Pakistan, the
religious Ulema found themselves in accord with the government on the question of legislation on Islam.
Particularly the religious Ulema have been at the loggerheads with the PPP regimes. The Bhutto Regime
was ultimately overthrown as a result of acrimonious bickering with the religious parties. It not only
resulted in the overthrow of an elected government but actually ended up with the execution of a
popularly elected PM of the country.

The religious parties, tend to confront the government in a militant way to press for the acceptance of
their point of view and interpretation of religious principles. They are in a position of erecting the most
dreaded street power which is capable of shaking even a stable government. The religious parties have
captive following in the form of dini madrasahs'. The students of these centres are at beck and call of
their respective patrons, ready to launch the most dreadful street agitation to blackmail a sitting

Religious parties and their prominent leaders have acquired immense influence in the political set up of
Pakistan. Undoubtedly government. the religious Ulema contributed a great deal in the freedom
movement of the Muslims of India. Their contributions towards developing awareness amongst the
dormant Muslim society for their national identity cannot be overlooked. The religious leaders by their
fiery eloquence awakened the slumbering

FACTORS OF POLITICAL INSTABILITY IN PAKISTAN

Political stability is a pre-requisite of the political, social and economic development of the state.
Political stability and economic development are inter-dependent. The580

Pakistan Affairs

stability of political institutions is essential for the solidity of other institutions in the society. Absence of
political stability gives way to lawlessness, anarchy and turmoil which eventually pushes the country
towards disintegration.

Political instability is greatly instrumental in promoting violence, hatred and polarization in the society. It
divides the society into hostile factions which raps the unity and solidarity of the country.

Unfortunately Pakistan has been a victim of acute political instability eversince the partition of the sub-
continent. Most of Pakistan's political institutions are the symbols of political instability, mismanage
ment and bitterly lack in homogeneity. It is a grave threat to Pakistan's integrity as well as a formidable
impediment in the way of national progress and development. Following factors can be attributed to
Pakistan's instable political conditions.

1. Multiple Party System

Pakistan has multiple party system in which numerous parties operate to vie for the political power.
Multiple party system has more disadvantages than the advantages. It suits those nations who have
acquired a solid political base and where greater amount of political awareness exists in the society. One
of the most essential ingredient of the multiple party system is the economic well being of the society
and in abundance availability of natural resources. Widespread of education is another pre-requisite of
the multiple party system.

Pakistan is a society where multiple party system makes its adverse impact because Pakistan miserably
lags behind in the educational and economic spheres. Despite sincere endeavours Pakistan could not
develop stable economic base considered necessary for the progress of other sectors.

Multiple party system has a number of characteristics which are responsible in creating political
instability in the state. It severely decreases the utility and prestige of the parliament due to constant
intrigues and maneuvering in which the members and

ministers excessively indulge. Coalition governments which are the prominent feature of the multiple
party system, are notoriously unstable and short lived. Government has no continuity in policy matters
or programme, Combinations and compromises on which the government depends prevents the
solution of national problems and damages the unanimity of opinion in the cabinet and the legislature.

In multiple party system, usually no single party commands decisive majority in the parliament with the
result that no party is in a position to form the government. Hence coalition have to be formed. But
coalitions are inefficient and weak set ups and are immensely prone to instability. They are exceedingly
brittle and can fall any moment. Differences rapidly develop among the coalition partners and assume a
serious nature to be resolved easily. Due to the rampant difference of opinion in the coalition smaller
partners tend to switch over to the other side on better and more attractive terms and conditions.

Pakistan's political history is replete with the disastrous failures of the coalition governments which have
added much to the instable political conditions in the country. Multiple party system have played havoc
with the country's political set up in the past. The period between 1950 to 1958 was symbolic of acute
political instability when the country had seven prime ministers, with one or two having the shortest
tenures in office. After every month or so coalitions were formed and demolished which made the
mockery of our political system. The province of West Pakistan was the centre of political intrigues,
conspiracies and wranglings. It was a spectacle of a fierce power tussle between the Muslim League and
Republican Party. As both the parties could not get majority in the parliament, both frantically ran for
the partners to set up their coalition governments.

The smaller groups made the best use of the uncertain conditions. The mini factions like NAP exploited
the situation to the maximum and dictated their terms for extending support in the parliament.
ThePolitical System of Pakistan

581

NAP, with a meager mandate played hide and seek with both Muslim League and Republican and was
instrumental in creating quanderies in the political sphere of the country.

Almost a similar situation exists at present. At the centre and in three provinces coalitions are
functioning. Each government is heavily dependent on the support of the smaller groups who can make
or unmake the existing set-up.

2. Disorganized and Weak Party Structure Strong and well organized political parties play important role
in establishing and maintaining political stability. They are the vital part of the stable political order and
greatly help in the smooth functioning of the political system.

Unfortunately Pakistan has badly lacked in the stable and an organized party system. Multiple party
system has led to the unstable and badly organized party structure in Pakistan. Soon after the
independence the Muslim League, the founder party of Pakistan, failed to keep up its strength due to
poor party organization. The party lacked in proper discipline resulting in the party falling in the hands of
corrupt and self centred politicians. The Muslim League failed to weld the different political and ethnic
groups and rather indulged in political squabbling. Consequently the country was dismembered in 1971
mainly due to the instable political conditions in the country.

The Muslim League was further divided into various factions. In 1970 and all subsequent elections, three
different groups of the Muslim League contested the elections. At present the Muslim League has six
different groups after the names of their regional leaders which amply displays the dismal picture of
Pakistan's party system.

3. Constitutional Deadlocks
After independence Pakistan was confronted with deep constitutional deadlock. The various constituent
assemblies set up after independence to frame the constitution for the newly born Pakistan could not
produce a workable constitution for nine long years.

The constitutional dilemmas proved to be a major reason for the political instability that has plagued the
political history of Pakistan. The inordinate delay in producing a workable I constitution which could
establish a political system in which the people could participate in the decision-making process on
important national issues, was a major factor for the failure of national integration in Pakistan.

Pakistan had three constituent assemblies. Ayub Khan also gave a constitution to the country in 1962
which was subsequently abrogated in 1969. The first constitution of Pakistan promulgated on 23 March,
1956 which failed to satisfy different political and ethnic groups of Pakistan. The constitution introduced
parliamentary democracy in the country which could not function smoothly. The constitution inducted
the notorious principle of parity which drifted the Eastern part away from the rest of the country. The
Eastern part, after having failed to reconcile with the parity proposal and other issues, eventually broke
away to emerge as the independent state of Bangladesh in December, 1971.

4. Eighth Constitutional Amendment The 1973 Constitution was amended for the eighth time in 1985.
The said eighth amendment gave powers to the President of Pakistan to dismiss the sitting government
if he (President) was convinced that the government was not functioning properly or the country's
situation was such which demanded fresh mandate by the electorate. The President, under the Eighth
Amendment could dissolve the assemblies and hold new elections within ninety days.

The first assembly was dissolved under the Eighth Amendment in 1988 by Gen. Zial ul-Haq who
developed differences with the then Prime Minister Muhammed Khan Junejo. The Government of
Muhammad Khan Junejo was dismissed on the charges of inefficiency and corruption which, however,
could not be substantiated. Then in 1990 the government of Benazir Bhutto was dismissed by Ghulam
Ishaq Khan on the same pretext of inefficiency and corruption. In 1993 the government of Nawaz Sharif
was dismissed582

by President Ghulam Ishaq Khan on the popularly elected assemblies have fallen prey to this notorious
amendment of the 1973 Constitution which has severely curtailed the political freedom of the Prime
Minister. The Prime Minister, by the Eighth Amendment, has been made a prisoner of presidential
whims who has been placed in a domineering position by the amendment. The constantly hanging
'Sword of Democles' in the shape of Eight Amendment, made the Prime Minister highly vulnerable who
found it extremely difficult to pull on with the President if the President developed a different
perception of the political affairs of the country. The amendment established the supremacy of the
President over the parliament and rendered the Prime Minister, the popularly elected member of the
parliament, subservient to the President's outlook of the national affairs. The eighth amendment in this
way has been greatly instrumental in giving a spur to the political instability in Pakistan.

Political and Economic Challenges

The international agency, Moody's, while retaining Pakistan's B3 rating maintained that the country's
medium-term economic outlook was strong on the back of China- Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC)
project, aimed at addressing critical infrastructure constraints and continuing macroeconomic stability-
enhancing reforms initiated under the International Monitory Fund (IMF) three-year Extended Fund
Facility which ended last year.
However, it drew up a long list of vulnerabilities for Pakistan's economy, particularly the burgeoning
current account deficit caused by the rising imports and falling exports as well as widening fiscal deficit.

According to the agency, the foreign exchange reserves though grew up fourfold during the past four
years was still low as compared to the current account payments.

The IMF had also showed similar concerns for the economy of Pakistan. when

Pakistan Affairs

it reviewed the situation under the Article IV charges of nepotism and inefficiency. Three Consultation.

While praising the present government's efforts over the past four years to salvage the economy, it
noted with concern that macroeconomic stability gains made during this period have begun to erode
which posed serious risks to the economic outlook of the country.

According to it, the current account deficit has widened and was expected to be at three percent of the
GDP in fiscal year 2016-17 because of the quickly rising imports and declining exports.

In all these and other reviews, the current account deficit was highlighted as one of the major concerns
for the economy in the coming days.

It is in this context that the State Bank of Pakistan allowed unprecedented depreciation of over three
percent in the exchange rate of local currency for the US dollar earlier this month.

The move was in line with the long running demand of the exporters who are steadily losing their share
in the international market, as well as with the IMF's position that the local currency is overvalued in the
range of 10 to 20 percent.

However, the move drew a strong reaction from the finance minister who favours a strong rupee in an
effort to keep inflation under control to avoid political backlash for the government at the time when it
is heading towards general elections.

The government's move not only caused dismay for the country's exporters but many analysts also
believed that it has also weakened the resolve of the central bank to assert its independence.

The growing apprehensions with regard to dismal performance of exports which ultimately lead to
further increase in the current account deficit were fully backed up by the All Pakistan Textiles Mills
Association (APTMA) recently when it reported that the country has tremendously lost its
textile4160888-IZED OW

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Political System of Pakistan


exports share in the global market to its competitors.

In view of these concerns, all that is is needed is a concerted effort by the government to critically look
into the situation and take the requisite measures on urgent basis to stem the rot.

However, it seems that the economy and related matters are no longer in the priority list of the
government, which is also evident from the meeting between Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif and the
representatives of the Sialkot Chambers of Commerce and Industry last week.

Everyone had expected that the prime minister would use the opportunity to discuss the problems
faced by the business community and explore ways and means to jack up the country's declining
exports. A problem which has been highlighted by the international agencies, the central bank as well as
the businessmen of the country, who call it a major challenge for the economy as it would ultimately
pile up pressure on the foreign exchange external payments. reserves for making

According to the IMF, the future contracts and obligations of the central bank stood at 3.6 billion dollars
in June as against two billion dollars a year ago, which means that the country's foreign exchange
reserves would slide down to around 17.23 billion dollars as against 20.83 billion dollars reported as on
July 14.

Ironically, there was no mention of these concerns and challenges in the speech of the prime minister
broadcasted on television.

The main focus of the prime minister's address to the businessmen was Panamagate scandal and the
politics of agitation that the opposition adopts, particularly Imran Khan's Pakistan Tehreek-e Insaaf.

The prime minister recounted the achievements made by his economic team but conveniently ignored
the gathering storm which everyone believes is around the corner.

Though he squarely blamed the opposition for what was not achieved by his government and accused it
of creating hurdles in the economic progress of the country. In fact his government should also partly
share the blame.

The government's excessive obsession with politics is also partly responsible for the current state of
affairs.

There has been regular mention of a steep fall in the exports by the international agencies as well as the
central bank over the past several months, but unfortunately, there has been no serious effort on the
part of the government to address this issue.

In January, the prime minister announced a hefty package of 180 billion rupees to boost exports, but
after that there were no back-up effort to make this package a success. Resultantly, the exports did not
fare well in the last fiscal year despite a series of incentives announced by the government.

Energy shortages, high cost of production, sales tax returns, overrated local currency and lack of value
addition are some of the problems which are adversely affecting the exports.
The government maintains that it had addressed the energy problems to a large extent by ensuring
uninterrupted power supply to industry, but industry officials say high cost of electricity has made it
difficult for them to run their businesses.

Several other issues also needed proper attention from the government, but very little effort has been
made by its functionaries to attend to these problems.

The government has a commerce minister, who was expected to launch serious. efforts to address all
these concems, but no such endeavour was visible on his part or his ministry.

With government now completely bogged down with the Panama papers issue, one does not foresee
any move by the authorities to address the consistent584

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problems in the coming months, particularly when the finance minister himself has been embroiled
heavily in the controversy.

Ironically, Pakistan' Muslim League Nawaz (PML-N) has been known as a business friendly country as its
leaders themselves have been very successful businessmen. The members of this community formed
the bedrock of its government's support.

However, the business community has generally complained that it was not given due attention during
the current tenure of the PML-N government.

Now that all eyes are set on the decision of the Supreme Court on the Panama papers issue which will
decide the fate of the prime minister as well as his finance minister, one does not expect the
government would be able to concentrate on the economic challenges faced by the country, even if the
court verdict was not as adverse for the government as expected by the opposition.

From now until the general election, the country would virtually be in an election mode in which the
government would try to take popular and populist measures to win the support of the masses and
avoid any step that create negative sentiments among the people.

The business community and exports have to wait for matters to settle down to get their concerns
addressed and this period may extend to the general elections and thereafter.

POLITICAL CULTURE OF PAKISTAN

The political culture is a particular distribution of political attitudes, values, feelings, information and
skills. As peoples' attitudes effect what they do, a nation's political culture affects the conduct of its
citizens and leaders throughout the political system.

As a nation we have adopted such attitudes and modes of behaviours which have deeply affected the
conduct of our citizens and have left an ever-lasting impact

on the conduct and behaviour of our leaders. Our attitudes as a nation have affected our political system
by introducing unique trends in politics. The multiple party system, an important feature of our political
set-up, has not helped us to gain political maturity but rather contributed greatly in developing a
Machiavellian state in Pakistan. The institutions in the political system of Pakistan like the military, the
bureaucracy and judiciary instead of strengthening the roots of democracy, helped greatly in promoting
the undemocratic, autocratic and 'Yes Sir Syndrome' in our political and administrative system by their
own ignorance and disregard for the democratic norms. They became plaything in the hands of the
ambitious, inefficient and corrupt politicians who destroyed their morals and professional integrity by
using them to grind their own axe. There are religious Ulema, a dominant sector of the political system
of Pakistan, who have used the religion to blackmail the successive governments. They have made the
best use of their agitational muscle in destabilizing the political system of the country. Our political.
culture reflects the trends, attitudes and perceptions floated by the political institutions and actors. It
exhibits the divergent, conflicting and the polarized views of our leaders, political and religious parties
and institutions on the national issues which promote hatred and hostility. The main characteristics of
the political culture of Pakistan are as follows:

1. Undemocratic

It is a common knowledge that eversince independence we have done great damage to the democratic
institutions by our intolerant attitudes. There are frequent party defections by the party members. We
are not used to criticism and lack in tolerance which is considered a pre-requisite for the success of
democracy.

Unfortunately democracy in Pakistan was grafted on an authoritarian State and society, and was not the
outcome of any major struggle between the privileged and unprivileged, the powerful and the
powerless Such a struggle would have brought democratic harmony to the state. Political System of
Pakistan

585

It is usually the party in power who strikes, at the roots of democracy by adopting autocratic and
repressive methods to subdue the quarreling opposition. The members of opposition are harassed. They
are implicated in false cases and sent to jail. The public meetings of the opposition parties are disturbed.
The agitations and rallies of the opposition are brutally lathi charged, the participants of the rallies,
including the women are manhandled, insulted and sent to jail for disturbing public peace and law and
order.

However the people in Pakistan like to have democracy, but there are trends in society which hinders its
growth and they cannot be done away with overnight. Our institutions simply abhor democracy.
Bureaucracy has shifted the blame on to the political parties of hindering the democracy. They have
often charged the political parties with failure to practice inner party democracy and with frequent
changes.of party loyalties on the part of the party members.

Military rulers in the past have invariably opposed democratic trends on the same pretext that the
political parties are a major impediment in the growth of democracy. They often stated publicly that the
'bloody civilians cannot manage the country, if it is to exist, a more disciplined section of the society,
must take over the responsibility to govern it."

2. Horse-Trading
The phrase 'Horse-Trading' was first. used in the American politics which means, to bargain or trade
shrewdly. Horse-Trading basically relates to defection of a member belonging to one party who, on
being allured from the other side for a ministerial assignment or other matèrial benefits like bank loans,
huge amounts, residential or commercial plots and lucrative jobs for self and relatives, sells his loyalty
and joins the other party.

Trading commences the moment when a legislator uses defection to bargain for something and he
changes loyalty for another party. It becomes 'Horse-Trding' when the legislator dictates onerous terms
for consideration as a reward for his defection such as a heavy price, a high office and other benefits.
Horse-Trding has been rated as a highly pernicious, immoral and unethical act.

Horse-Trding or defection have become the scourge of our political system. It has struck at the roots of
democracy in Pakistan by blocking the way of democratic development of political institutions. It leads
to political instability and chaos which may eventually rock; the very foundation of democracy. It
emerged during the first tenure of Benazir government when efforts to destabilize her government were
launched by the opposition parties. The government, however, was able to frustrate the move of the
opposition to dislodge the government. The government had a narrow escape when it was able to
disperse the no-confidence move by a narrow margin.

Subsequent governments, have also indulged in the immoral practice of Horse Trding. The term Horse-
Trding was replaced by a new nomenclature as 'Lotacracy' during the recent times when the PML was
split into two clear factions. A number of legislators defected the PML (N) and set up separate group
after the name of ex-PM Muhammad Khan Junejo. These MPAs, and MNAs were the close political allies
of Nawaz Sharif who decided to desert him in his political battle with other parties.

The political parties can play an effective role in crushing the serpent of Horse-Trding which is quickly
devouring the democratic and healthy elements in our political system. It can be done by agitating the
voters of the constituencies of those politicians who change their party loyalties and thus indulge in the
loathsome activity of Horse-Trding. But unfortunately the situation in our country is contrary to that. All
political parties when they are hurt by 'defections' cry out loudly but when it suits them, they welcome
it.

‫ار‬

7.

Aziz-ud-Din Ahmad, "Political Culture in Pakistan," The Nation, 17th June, 1992. 586

3. Power Politics

Majority of our political elite and ruling classes belong to the heirs of the collaborators of the British
rulers. Their forefathers and ancestors were the proteges of the Britishers who sprinkled innumerable
favours on them for the personal service they rendered to their British benefactors. These collaborators
extended their utmost and sincere cooperation at the expense of their brethrens and joined hands with
the invaders for personal gains. In order to justify his collaborative action, the local collaborators
glorified the invaders. In return the collaborators were allowed to rule his people and area on behalf of
the foreign rulers.
The collaborators, which constituted the local elite developed the power worship inclination that
continues to be a significant trend of political set up of Pakistan. The power worshipper disregards the
vices of the power holder. He glorifies everyone who happens to be in the power slot and justifies
collaborating with him. Due to this tendency of power worship our political system has been confined to
the few privileged classes and the general public has no say and role to play. We have a closed political
system in which the senior echelons of civil and military bureaucracy operate in a clandestine manner.
The ordinary citizens are not allowed to play a part in this political game of snake and ladders. They are
not aware of the moves made by the stalwarts to score points against each other. They have become
politically apathetic because their past struggle for the dethronement of the incompetent rulers did not
produce any positive results. The power worship has become the chief characteristics of our political
elite, a quality they inherited from their ancestral predecessors.

4. Intolerance

Intolerance to others point of view is a glaring characteristics of our political culture.

8. Prof. M. Rashid, "Politics of Power Privilege". The News Int. 28 July, 1995.

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Pakistan Affairs

In Pakistan, criticism is not tolerated, particularly when the person being criticised is a known and
established leader, the criticism is rebuffed with hostility. The critics is branded as disloyal and anti-state
worthy to be condemned to the gallows An easy way to deal with the opponent's point of view, which is
never considered with a rational and cool approach, is to declare him a foreign agent, a CIA man or a
KGB tool, a traitor or a heretic fit for the stake. As the dissenter understands that his views will not be
welcomed, he resorts to plotting against the leadership and forms his own group to split the party.

False cases are instituted against the opponents to involve them in the treason cases. The opponent's
party is banned and all its record is confiscated and offices sealed. A dissenter within the party is
harassed with kidnapping, brutal beating. arrest and implication in the false cases and eventually killed
in a mysterious way. By these tactics the opponent is refrained from spreading his views.

The educational institutions have turned into battle fields where rival political factions, through their
allied students organizations, adopt gruesome methods to silence the opposing group. Even the
polished, enlightened and serious political leaders resort to violent tactics and threaten to pull out
tongues and break legs of the people who dare to speak against their ideas.

5.

Ultimatums

Pakistan's political culture displays widely the politics of ultimatums and threats. Usually the leaders of
opposition frequently hurl ultimatums at the government if their demands and dictates are not met by
the authorities. Their demands usually revolve around the resignations of the high functionaries of the
government and they set the last date for meeting their demands. They issue threats of launching
movement from one corner of the country to the other or 'wheel jam', 'gherao', 'jallao' or Dharna's The
opposition asks the Prime Minister or the President to step down, or the P M. is askedPolitical System of
Pakistan

587

to tender public apology on the government's policy or decisions. If the P.M. or President do not accede
to opposition's demands, the opposition launches a campaign to weaken the government. It damages
public property by ransacking and resorts to sabotage activities to shake the government from its feet.

6. Male Domination

Like other social spheres, Pakistan's political system is also dominated by the male members of the
society. Male chauvinism is an obvious feature of our political culture. Woman plays a subordinate role
in the tribale and feudal set-up. She is referred to as a 'footwear' for the man. Many political leaders,
who vociferously plead for women's rights, keep their own wives and other ladies well within the
confines of their homes.

Though women have been given equal status in the constitution, they are not encouraged to come on
equal footing with the .men. Political rights of the women are recognized by the constitution but they
are not allowed to take part in the political activities. There are separate seats in the legislatures for
women. These seats are always given to a few ladies. The women are discouraged to take part in the
general elections.

7. Factionalism

Our rural society, the core of our political system, is divided into zones of influence with every village
having two power centres led by rival Chaudhries and Khans. The situation is also reflected within the
political parties where it has assumed the form of factionalism. The ambitious politicians very much like
to lead their groups within the party. The party is thus split into various factions each of them led by the
prominent party leader. Factionalism thus has become the prominent feature of our political culture.

8. Corruption

Corruption of all sorts such as political corruption, moral corruption and fiscal corruption has permeated
in the body politic of Pakistan. It has become the inseparable

element of our political culture. Although corruption is generally associated with bribery, it also includes
misappropriation, misuse of power, favouritism, nepotism and the government servants and politicians
receiving gifts and presents from the people.

Political corruption may be defined as the adoption of immoral practices in which politicians indulge in
order to defeat their . rivals and to win the elections with the ultimate aim of ascending the political
power. The politicians also employ corrupt and unethical means to cling on to power if they already
happen to hold it.

Money and blackmailing are the two effective instruments of political corruption. It is usually the party
in power which tends to involve in political corruption. It has an edge over the opposition in terms of
financial resources and the arm twisting organs of the state machinery. These methods are used
extensively to extract political allegiance out of the opponents and the dissident party members...

When the elections are announced the politicians set forth to manouver the coming elections in their
favour or their party. The -politicians who wield power at the time of elections, indulge in all sorts of
activities to bring the results in favour of their party. Particularly the winning of elections becomes a
prestige matter for the party in power. They just cannot afford to lose the elections while their party is in
power. Voters are bribed in cash and with promises of numerous benefits when the candidates will
return to the legislatures.

When actual balloting takes place the political corruption is employed to the maximum. Results are
manipulated and changed in favour or against certain, candidates. Tampering with the ballot boxes,
addition of fake ballot papers duly marked in favour of a certain candidate, destruction of votes cast in
favour of the opponents, disappearance of the ballot boxes containing more votes in favour of other
party's candidates are some of the familiar and unfair588

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means commonly employed during elections in Pakistan.

Another very significant mode of corruption in our political set up is the plundering of national wealth
and economic resources. It begins the moment the government is saddled into power. Right from the
day one, methods are adpoted to win over the legislators of other political parties by offering them all
sorts of baits. They are promised powerful ministries, important assignments and fabulous amounts of
cash, FAILURE OF PARLIAMENTARY allocation of lucrative agencies, plots, agricultural land and so may
other benefits.

DEMOCRACY IN PAKISTAN

Every government and its close associates consider it their birth right to amass the national wealth and
economic resources. The high government functionaries devise unique strategies to plunder national
wealth. Huge bank loans are issued to the near relatives of the government functionaries on easy terms
and mostly on fictitious and fake sureties.

Cash bribe is given to the legislators in form of developmental funds. General Zia invented this strategy
and allocated Rs. 50 lakhs to each MNA of the non-party assembly. Similarly the late P.M. Muhammad
Khan Junejo gave Rs. 4 lakhs each to the members of the local bodies institutions in order to consolidate
his political position. Subsequent elections held in 1988, 1990 and 1993 could not check this trend of
accumulating national wealth under the garb of developmental funds and bank loans. Operation Changa
Manga and operation. Mingora were manifestation of this corrupt system'.

Though charges of corruption and financial malpractices are levelled against the politicians and
government functionaries, but they are never confirmed in the courts. The ministers. clever politicians,
fully aware of the tunes of their misappropriation, do not leave behind

9. Suhail Warraich, "Political Corruption", Pakistan: A History of Corruption. The News International, 29
July, 1994.
the imprints of their misdeeds which makes it difficult to bring such corrupt politicians to the book. 'Yet
the public in general is convinced of the dishonesty of its elected representatives. This belief is
reinforced by the lavish life style and rapidly accumulating wealth of those in power, no matter which
political party they belong to, the general feeling is that of helplessness, as in the case of a terminally ill
patient whose malady is too 10 far gone to be curbed."

Democracy in Pakistan has had a chequered history. Twice the country's constitution has been
abrogated (1958 and 1969) and twice suspended (1977 and 1999). No prime minister has yet completed
his or her tenure. They have been either dismissed by ambitious presidents or adventurous generals or
forced to resign. Parliament in Pakistan has seldom if ever been its own master, and has been used
generally as a rubber stamp to validate the decisions made elsewhere. These are hard facts and make
even a robust optimist skeptical about the future of democracy in the country.

At the time of independence, the. Government of India Act 1935, with some amendments, was adopted
as the constitution of Pakistan. The Act provided for parliamentary form of government. Under the
original 1935 Act, the governor-general, being the representative of the British government wielded
enormous discretionary powers. Though most of these powers were taken away by the amended 1935
Act, some of them remained intact. The most important discretionary power of the governor-general
that remained intact was the power to appoint and dismiss the cabinet or council or

Apart from constitutional provisions, two other factors strengthened the governor general's position:
One, Quaid-e-Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah, who became the first

10. Ibid. Political System of Pakistan

589

special mention: One, the power to appoint a

PM; two, the power to sack a PM.

governor-general, given his stature, could not be expected to play the role of a titular head. Two, with
the passage of time the Muslim League lost its strength and mass appeal, and there was no other strong
and stable party to fill the vacuum. The result was that the PM did not enjoy the support of a strong
party in the legislature, which weakened his position vis-a-vis the governor-general. Thus, as the political
history of Pakistan advanced, the position of the head of the state became stronger and that of PM
weaker..

The first major demonstration of this fact was the sacking of Prime Minister Khawaja Nazimuddin by
Governor-General Ghulam Muhammad in 1953, at a time when Nazimuddin was commanding the
support of the majority in the legislature. This act of the governor-general struck at the heart of
parliamentary democracy whose fundamental principle is that a government should change either
following an adverse vote in parliament or by the electorate.

The dismissal of the PM was the beginning of a series of events that would culminate in the overthrow
of parliamentary democracy in Pakistan five years later. It was followed, the next year (1954) by the
dismissal of the Constituent Assembly, which also acted as federal legislature, in a dramatic fashion. To
clip the wings of the governor-general, the assembly had passed a bill whereby he was divested of his
powers to dismiss the PM. However, the governor general retaliated by sacking the assembly.

An ailing Ghulam Muhammad was replaced with Iskandar Mirza, whose views about democracy were
similar to his predecessor's. He from the very outset sought to strengthen the position of the head of
the state and weaken parliamentary institutions. It was during his governor generalship that the country
adopted a new constitution, on March 23, 1956, and became a republic. The constitution, called the
1956. Constitution, also set up a parliamentary government. Although it sought to make the head of the
state or president a figurehead. The constitution did leave him with some discretionary powers. Of
these, two deserve

Coming back to president's discretionary powers in the 1956 Constitution, he was empowered to
appoint as PM a member of the National Assembly who in his opinion was likely to command the
confidence of the majority of its members. In the presence of a multiparty system and weak and instable
political parties, that power was enormous. The president was also empowered to sack the PM if, in his
opinion, the latter had ceased to command the support of the majority in the national Assembly.
However, the constitution did not specify how the president would determine that such a situation
existed.

In country with well established conventions, the president would convene a session of the parliament
to test his opinion. However, that did not apply in case of Pakistan, and Mirza dismissed PMs or forced
them to resign one after the other. Take an example. Hussain Shaheed Suharwerdi was appointed PM in
September 1956. when some of his coalition partners parted ways with him and his position in the
National Assembly weakened, he request5ed President Mirza to convene a session of the Assembly to
determine whether the PM still commanded the support of the majority in the house. That request was
perfectly legitimate. However, Mirza turned down the request and asked Suharwerdi to quit or face
dismissal. The PM resigned.

The power to hire and fire PMs became a lethal weapon in the hands of the president. Thus during
1950-58, the country had seven PMs, whereas India during that period had only one. PMs were changed
not by an adverse vote in parliament or at general elections which were not held until 1970, but. by
whimsical presidential orders. Parliament, in fact, became a chessboard on which the president played
his political game playing off one faction against another. However, it will not be fair to lay the entire
responsibility at the door of the president. Political parties had their share of blame as well. In
democracy. political parties are the ultimate instrument of political stability. Take the example of
India590

Pakistan Affairs

whose remarkable political stability owes a lot to the Congress Party. Pakistan, conversely, lacked any
strong political party. The Muslim League lost its strength. Apprehensive of its defeat, the party did not
seek a popular mandate. The result was that in the 1954 provincial assembly elections in East Pakistan, it
was routed. In West Pakistan as.. well, the party cut a sorry figure. A process of disintegration in the
party set in, which led to the formation of the Republican Party rightly labeled as the king's party. As a
result of party instability, coalitions were formed and broken. Coalitions prompted lawmakers to change
their loyalties frequently and dance to the tune of the president.
Intense as was the power struggle among political parties, by and large, they all agreed that President
Mirza would not be re elected. And what happened was not much difficult to predict. Just as his
predecessor had dismissed the constituent assembly for daring to curtail his powers, Mirza, convinced
that he had no chance of a re-election, dismissed parliament, abrogated the constitution and invited
army chief Ayub Khan to assume power. That happended on October 7, 1958, which means that
Pakistan's first constitution lasted only two and half years.

The new ruler, Ayub Khan, believed parliamentary government was not fit for Pakistan and thus put in
place a system calculated to making his position supreme. His constitution, called the 1962 Constitution,
established presidential form of government. However, that system was a mockery of constitutionalism
for it had made president all powerful but responsible to none. Moreover, that system was a departure
from the fundamental principle of presidential form of government separation of powers between the
executive headed by president and the legislature.

The 1962 Constitution worked for seven years and was scrapped by its own architect, President Ayub,
when in the face of mounting public pressure he decided to quit and handed over power to another
army chief.

The present 1973 Constitution again set up a parliamentary system. Executive powers were vested in
the cabinet headed by the PM responsible to a popularly elected parliament. Constitutional provisions
as well as strong position of the ruling Pakistan People's Party (PPP) in parliament strengthened the
office of the PM and reduced president to a figurehead. People hoped that finally Pakistan might have a
strong and stable. parliamentary democracy. However, that was not to be. The country's second general
election was held in 1977, which were swept by the ruling PPP led by PM Zulfikar Ali Bhutto. The
opposition attributed the PPP victory to massive rigging, launched an anti government agitation, asked
the PM to quit and demanded fresh elections under a neutral caretaker set up. The ruling party denied
rigging and offered opposition negotiations, which were held. However, before any tangible results
could come out, the army intervened, clamped martial law and dismissed the assemblies.

The new military ruler General Ziaul Haq, came with a promise to hold elections in 90 days and to
transfer power to the elected assemblies, but he did not have favourable views about democracy,
particularly its parliamentary offshoot. He made a number of amendments to the constitution, which
were later validated by the parliament as quid pro quo for lifting martial law, with the result that when it
was revived in 1985, it was a different constitution.

The most important amendment to the constitution was the insertion of Article 58-2. (b) of the Eight
Amendment, which empowered the president to dismiss the National Assembly on the ground of a
constitutional crisis. The amendment again established the supremacy of the president over the
parliament and the PM to merely an adviser to the president. The Article, in particular, was a Damocles
sword on elected parliaments and PMs, which struck at every parliament and elected PM until it was
repealed in 1997 by the Nawaz Sharif government the only government in Pakistan after Z.A. Bhutto's to
command aZ160E88-IZED 90w 591228:4

591

Political System of Pakistan


two-thirds majority in the parliament necessary to amend the constitution. With the removal of Article
58-2(b), the position of the PM was again strengthened, which continued till he was ousted in a coup by
the armed forces.

General Musharraf has made a number of amendments to the constitution, including the revival of the
discretionary presidential power to dismiss the National Assembly, thus, again, making both the
parliament and the PM subservient to the president. It was the threat to use that power that above all
forced Prime Minister Zafarullah Jamali (2002-2004) to step down.

The failure to establish strong parliamentary democracy in Pakistan can be attributed in the main to two
factors: constitutional provisions and lack of parliamentary conventions. Constitutional provisions
empowering president to dismiss the parliament or the PM, bottlenecked growth of parliamentary
democracy, Political history of Pakistan may have been different if Article 58-2(b) was never part of the
constitution or president did not have the power to dismiss the PM. The fact that no parliament in
Pakistan has ever completed its tenure can be ascribed to such constitutional provisions.

However, this does not tell the complete story. Constitutional provisions, though exceedingly important,
are not sufficient to guarantee the success of democracy. This is because, as a noted political scientist
says, there is always a difference between what a constitution on paper is and how it actually works.
Behind constitutional provisions stand constitutional conventions, which in the end determine how a
constitution actually works. For instance, in both the UK and India, the head of the state is empowered
to dismiss parliament in his discretion. But does the head of the state there do that in his or her
discretion? No. The reason is that presidential or monarchical power is governed by constitutional
conventions, which ensure that this power is not exercised arbitrarily. It is the lack of strong
parliamentary conventions in Pakistan that is

the other principal factor which has impeded the growth of democracy. The dismissal of PM Nazimuddin
in 1953 by the governor general prevented the growth of the convention, that it is only parliament
which can make or break a government. The 1954 dismissal of the Constituent Assembly prevented the
growth of the convention that the life of parliament can terminate only if it has completed its term or
the cabinet wants fresh elections. The unwillingness of the opposition to help the government repeal
the Eighth Amendment between 1988 and 1996 prevented the growth of the convention that.
politicians on both sides of the political divide should cooperate in establishing the supremacy of
parliament. The Nawaz Sharif government's tug of war with the judiciary undermined the principle of
the independence of the judiciary and rule of law vital to smooth functioning of a democratic order.

Both constitutional provisions and conventions are necessary to set up strong and stable parliamentary
democracy. In particular, it is the presence or absence of conventions that determines whether a
democratic form of government is democratic in substance as well. Pakistan's experiment with
parliamentary democracy bears this statement out.

FEDERALISM IN PAKISTAN THE FEDERAL STRUCTURE AND PROVINCIAL CONTROVERSY

A federal state divides authority between self-governing parts and the central whole,. each part
operates in its sphere as defined in the fundamental law (Constitution). The United States and
Switzerland are the best examples of federal states of the modern world.
Under the federal arrangements, matters considered of primary importance to the country as a whole
are assigned to the national government. Usually these include foreign relations, defense, foreign trade
and a monetary system. Functions deemed principally of local affairs include such matters as regulation
of local trade, public education and roads and highways. All592

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federal systems find it difficult to distribute powers between central and local governments on a
permanently satisfactory. basis. Changing conditions often make obsolete the distribution of powers;
hence, constitutional crises recur in countries using the federal plan.

The map of the world reveals that nearly all countries of very large area have adopted the federal
systems. Among the far-flung nations using federalism in one form or another are the USA, Canada,
Australia, Mexico, Brazil, Argentina, former USSR, India and Pakistan. Historical our ethnic factors have
made unitary government difficult in virtually all the modern nations that have federal systems. If the
strong commitment to the federal principle is lacking and a set of viable functioning institutions to
support federal practices is not available, it is difficult to claim that the country in capable of sustaining a
workable federal system.

It were British colonialist who sowed the seeds of federalism in India. The British government which
despite its own evolution as a unitary system quickly understood the cultural, linguistic and geographical
diversity of the Indian society and found federal system as most appropriate way of governance for
India. The constitutional reforms introduced after the war of independence of 1857 accepted this fact.
Consequently devolution was introduced in the Sub-Continent. After that the Government of India Acts
1919 and 1935 accorded autonomy and higher status to the provinces. With the introduction of these
constitutional reforms the provinces attained a distinct position as being the basis of Governance. As the
quantum of provincial autonomy. granted by the Act of 1935 was limited, the Indian political parties i,e
the Muslim League and the Congress as well as the regional political groups started asserting further
congress in demanding greater provincial autonomy. The demand was raised in the Delhi proposals. Its
was also advocated strongly in Quaids fourteen points. During the round table conferences the demand
for

provincial autonomy was made in a more vociforerous manner. It was the main demand in the Lahore
Resolution of 1940 and re asserted till 1947.

Form the social points of view, Pakistan conditions demanded that it should be a federal state. The vast
cultural and divergent historical legacies of its federating units, Pakistan constituted a federal state from
the day of its inception as an independent and sovereign country.

In a federation the federating units, among themselves, agree to have a federal central government for
certain specific objectives,. For the rest of purposes they want to keep their distinct separate identity in
tact. There are at least six factors which motivate the unites to set up a central authority: Which are a
follows:

1. to have common defense against any possible military threat from outside

2. to be free and independent of foreign domination


3. urge for economic growth.

4. some political understanding between

the units. 5. to share geographical association 6. similar political institutions.

However the mere presence of these factors may not ensure the smooth working of a federation and
much will depend on leadership and statesmanship of the political leaders and actors at the opportune
time.

Similarly there are generally five factors which operate behind the desire of the federating units to
maintain their separate and distinct status.

1. A unit's previous, status as a distinct

political entity. Their economic interests. 2.

3. Their separate geographical dimensions.

autonomy. Muslim' league took lead on 4. Their diverse social institutions.

5. Sense of unique nationhood evolved through history. All the eleven factors were present in the case
of Pakistan. They were the motivating force to forge ahead for common cause. These desiresPolitical
System of Pakistan

593

both for a federal union and provincial autonomy existed and wee to be transformed into active
institutions.

PROVINCIAL/REGIONAL CONTROVERSY THE PROBLEM OF THE QUANTUM OF REPRESENTATION

Ever-since partition Pakistan plunged deep into constitutional deadlock due which the sacred work of
constitution making was delayed for nine long years. It was only in 1956, after hectic endeavors to
produce a constitution, that Pakistan was able to have a constitution.

The nine long years were wasted in a futile struggle to decide the quantum of representation between
the two provinces of Pakistan, i.e East and West Pakistan. The constitution making, in the very
beginning, fell a prey to unnecessary squabbling between East and West Pakistan over the share of
representation and power sharing in the federal structure. Pakistan, at the time of partition, was
geographically a unique country having two wings separated by 1000 miles of hostile. territory
belonging to India. East. Pakistan comprised one seventh of the total area, East Pakistan consisted of the
single province of east Bengal, while the territory in west was further divided into a number of provinces
and states. Form economic point the eastern region was a compact area but its economy was no organic
part of that of the Western region.

The western part was industrially more advanced. East Pakistan was almost entirely agricultural. West
Pakistan is also mainly agricultural. The exponents of regional autonomy for east Pakistan claimed that
the economic problems of the eastern wing were different from those of the west, but this was not the
whole truth. Both wings of the country were different from those of the west, but this was not the
whole truth. Both wings of the country were under-developed and required planning and capital for
their development.

were The cultural and linguistic differences also responsible for creating misunderstanding between the
people of the

two wings. In addition to that geographical separation and location had its toll and further widened the
gap. The people of western region spoke different languages whereas Bengali was the only language of
the Bengalis.

These difficulties and differences were exploited by a group of disgruntled and knavish politicians in east
and west Pakistan. They aired provincialism and id considerable harm to feelings of national unity. Delay
in constitution making provided them and excellent opportunity to disrupt the state.

Apart from the problems peculiar to Pakistan, the organization of a federal state is usually complex. A
federation is formed to overcome differences; it therefore has to work -out a compromise between the
desire for union and the anxiety to safeguard the interests of the federating units. If a federation has
homogeneity of population, its difficulties are lessened. In case of Pakistan there is not only lack of
homogeneity between the provinces but even in the present Pakistan there are differences among
different sectors of the population. The problem of federal organization, therefore, become more
complicated in Pakistan. The formation of a federation is a recognition that certain governmental
functions cannot be discharged adequately by the federating units individually but need handling on a
broader basis. Within certain limits the needs and interests of the federation must normally. prevail over
the separate interests of individual provinces or states.

The distribution of powers between federal and provincial government sis a prominent feature of the
federal system. This problem was not peculiar to Pakistan, it has to be faced in framing any federal
constitution. An indispensable quality of the federal state lies in a fair distribution of powers between
the federal authority and the federating units.

Geography and history demanded that Pakistan should have a federal government. While there was
general agreement over the federal form of government, conflicts594

developed, however, between those who wanted maximum autonomy for the provinces with a weak
centre and those who favored a strong federal central government with provinces enjoying limited
autonomy. The makers of the constitution found it extremely troublesome to conclude an agreeable
path between these two conflicting view. The problem was further compounded by the lack of
understanding and mutual trust between the peoples of the two provinces i.e. east and West Pakistan.
Disgruntled politicians in both wings wanted not merely provincial autonomy but also a weak centre.

It is rather strange that demands for maximum autonomy came first form the larges unit, namely East
Pakistan, which should not have had any fear of domination. But unfortunately this fear was already
deep rooted in East Pakistan.

The dominance of the civil military bureaucracy is a permanent factor in the long history of the country
spread over almost six decades. This domination also means the subjugation of the political process and
constitutionalism. This had wide-ranging implications for the federal society a larger part of which was
deprived of not only autonomy but even the more general rights. The people felt themselves neglected
by the central government. They did not have a reasonable, fair and adequate share in the central
government and administration. It was the dominance of military bureaucracy nexus under which began
the Punjabi - Bengali conflict which was never resolved amicably. The provinces of NWFP, Sindh and
after 1970, Balochistan, also shared the same grievances, which were once voiced by the Bengalis. The
people and Bengalis in particular feared any increase of power of the centre, which would mean a
corresponding decrease of their power and influence.

Pakistan's endeavours to chalk out a workable political system turned out to be fruitless. It was a long
trail to write a viable constitution. The search for a workable constitution continued till 1973 beginning
from the Basic Principles Committee Report. In 1954 somehow, the Muhammad Ali Bogra

Pakistan Affairs

formula was able to bring about consensus between the quarrelling unfortunately the Governor groups.
But General dissolved the assembly and the consensus so achieved, failed to give birth to a constitution.

The blatant act of the Governor General savagely damaged the political process and paved way for the
military bureaucracy connivance in the country to further pollute the political climate. The nex cabinet
that included the C-IN-C Genera Ayub Khan, quickly set up ONE-Unit scheme in the western part. The
ulterior motive behind this satanic move was to dilute the numerical superiority of the Bengalis by
bringing west Pakistan at par with East Pakistan.

The one-Unit scheme was the moving force in the 1956 constitution. It remained in tact till the 1962
constitution. Despite some prominent Bengali leaders like Suharwardy and Maulvi Fazal ul Haq
compromised on the parity scheme, nevertheless the scheme was eventually rejected by the Bengalis
and some smaller provinces of west Pakistan. The notorious ONE-UNIT scheme was done away with in
1971 by General Yahya's Legal Framework Order which acknowledged the principle of one-man one
vote.

During 1947 to 1971 certain sectors of Centre-Province relations were under ex cessive stress because of
over centralization. In some ways the constitutions of 1956, 1952 and 1973 embodied the spirit of the
1935 Act In certain cases the central power was increased and these constitutions did not allow even
that proportion of autonomy. which was given by the Act of 1935.

In accordance with the federal principles Pakistan's three constitutions contained legislative lists that
contained the central and provincial subjects with their relevant jurisdiction. The 1956 constitution
provided three lists i.e. central, Provincial and con current. The 1962 constitution had only one list for
the centre while the remaining subjects were left for the provinces. The 1973 const tution gave two lists
of central and residuePolitical System of Pakistan

595

action for this purpose. East Pakistan was lost due to it despite being the largest province in terms of
population. Balochistan fell a victim to it in 1950's 1960's 1970's and currently is sustaining the intensive
military action. Sindh fell a prey to it in 1960's and 1980's and NWFP experienced it in 1970's.
subjects which wee left for the provinces. In all these constitutions all the major subjects were reserved
for the centre which made the provinces almost non-existent.

The previous two constitutions i.e. 1956 and 1962 failed and were abrogated. After the will of all the
political parties in the constituent assembly. The constitution of 1973 did not provide sufficient amount
of provincial autonomy but it did provide a framework for it which could be enlarged subsequently. It is
a matter of great disappointment that none of the constitutions of Pakistan backed the vital ingredient
of provincial autonomy. The 1973 constitution could not ensure it for itself and subsequently suspended
In 1977 and held in abeyance by the military commanders. On both occasions provincial constitutional
orders were proclaimed with an object to prove that constitutional set up was intact, but in fact on both
occasions the provincial autonomy was trampled by the military rulers. Both military take overs resulted
in regional unrest. Sindh erupted during Zia's rule while Balochistan plunged into rebellious
confrontation regime. under General Musharraf's

The institutions created by the constitution could not function smoothly during the last three decades.
The National Finance Commission remained non-existent. It has rarely been able to evolve a consensual
formula for resource distribution among the provinces and the centre.

History shows that the central power holders, whether they are civil military bureaucrats or their civilian
collaborators, rely on autocratic means while dealing with the champions of provincial autonomy.
Provincial rights and identities are suppressed for the cause of nationhood. It was done in the case of
East Pakistan and other provinces.

Undemocratic and coercive means are employed to snub and subdue the provincial leadership. This is
done by co-opting Individuals from the ongoing system. These tactics give root to disillusionment which
eventually cause deep hatred in the local masses. If regional resentment goes out of political control,
coercive action is taken. Every province has been subjected to military

The use of autocratic means have thwarted stable centre province relationship and with the passage of
time the issues have multiplied and become complicated. Now the provinces are clamouring for their
rights and demanding greater share in resources. With the expansion of the market economy in the
country, prospects of Inter-provincial econo mic activity have also increased. All provinces would like to
maximize their benefits from this but this could be done only if mutually agreed upon rules of the game
are followed. Central dictates would lessen the prospects of individual provincial advantages".

FEDERALISM AND NATIONAL INTEGRATION IN PAKISTAN

It is distressing to note that even after 58 years of independence, Pakistan continue to grapple with the
problem of federalism have complicated the problems of governance and political management building
strains in the political process.

Federalism strives to create a political union comprising diverse regions and people on the basis of a
mutually constitutional and legal framework that determines the relationship between the federal
authority and its constituent units. It is an attempt to accommodate divergent regional ethnic and
linguistic identities and interests in a political union. They recognize the advantages of becoming
members of a bigger and federal state. Federalism is a multi-level political and administrative
arrangement that provides opportunities for participation at the federal or
8,

Dr. Syed Jaffer Ahmed: Federalism in Pakistan: Imperatives and impediments. Dawn, Lahore. August 14,
2006. 596

Pakistan Affairs

national and provincial state levels. These multiple opportunities enable the minority or the
disadvantaged groups to share own and develop a sense of partnership in a broader political context. It
is dynamic process of forming a composite community providing for distribution of political powers
under some constitutional and legal arrangement.

These are (a) the units must share a sense of community (b) distribution of powers with constitutional
guarantees (c) There should be no sharp inequalities in size .population and resources (d) Greater
decentralization (e) Democratic form of government and (f) Equitable sharing of economic resources.
Pakistan was established as a federal sovereign state in August 1947. Given Pakistan's ethnic, linguistic
and cultural diversities federalism was the logical choice.

However, despite a broad consensus on the need of creating a federal system, Pakistan faced serious
problems in evolving a working federal system, which could ensure unity in diversity and promote
harmony and interdependence among different political entities in the state

As the nationalist euphoria that marked the last phase of the independence - movement dissipated,
regional and ethnic identities acquired political salience. These demanded their recognition and
accommodation in the political process. There was an increased emphasis in the political discourse on
being Bengali, Sindhi, Boch, Pathan and Punjabi. The central government invoked Islam to
counterbalance regional and parochial sentiments and emphasized unity based on Islamic principals.
However, it did not establish participatory political system and failed to address the concerns of the
provincial interests.

The interim and the regular Pakistani Constitutions (1956, 1962 and 1973) created strong center,
reinforcing the centralizing trends inherited from the pre-independence

British Indian political arrangements. The Central government often disregarded the political sensitivities
of the people of different provinces and used its constitutional powers either to remove a provincial
government or to install a new government of its choice. also came to the rescue of its favorite
provincial government This compromised provincial autonomy and created a strong impression in the
provinces that the central government did not tolerate dissent and wanted to rule the province with a
firm hand The central government took the advantage of weak and divided political forces by
manipulating them to its advantage. It never had problem in winning over a section of local and
provincial leaders to apply pressure on those leaders who refused to fall in line with the central
government.

Centralization was accompanied by non participatory governance and political management Neither
free election were held regularly nor the central government respected democratic norms. Such a non
representative and dictatorial management of affairs increased resentment in the provinces that wanted
political, administrative and financial autonomy. Most complained that even the autonomy allocated to
them in the constitution was not being given to them.
As a matter of fact, dictatorial and authoritarian political system negates the spirit of federalism,
accentuate distrust and mutual fear. That is what happened under the first two constitutions and bitter
resentment developed in the late 1960s in what was then East Pakistan. A good number of leaders of
the smaller provinces of Sindh and the NWFP were also critical of the domineering role of the center.

and The repeated military intervention a periodic constitutional break down also undermined the role of
provinces and not democratic trends in Pakistan. The 1973 Constitution attempt to address the question
of provincial autonomy and it provided more powers to the provinces than the previous constitutions.
However, the civilatPolitical System of Pakistan

597

government (December 1971- July 1977) often violated the spirit of provincial autonomy and rights
given in the constitution.

The imposition of Martial Law in July 1977 and suspension of the constitution shifted the total control of
the state and government to the Chief Martial Law administrator. The tradition of strong center
continued even after restoration of political and constitutional rule in 1985. Pakistan underwent another
phase of direct military rule during 1999-2002 and then returned to constitutions rule. However, the
legacy of centralized government of military rule has persisted economic development is an important
element of state building. It can foster national unity when fruits of economic development and
equitably distributed among different regions and classes of people in the country.

In Pakistan, enterprise, the policies of free private investment privatization of state enterprises,
especially and under the military regime, resulted in concentration of wealth in the hands of few people
Economic disparities to the disadvantage of smaller provinces and the poor people increased over the
last six years. These disparities have now become the major grievances of the provinces against the
center. It is not surprising that the central government is finding it difficult to evolve a consensus among
the provinces on the national financial commission award which has been delayed by 3 years.

Facing economic crunch, each province is advocating a formula for distribution of funds in the federal
divisible pool that serves its interest. However, there is a consensus that the national resources could
not be distributed among the provinces only on the bases of population. A multi factor formula is likely
to be adopted for the NFC award but the provinces and the federal government have not been able to
agree on its details. Two other issues need immediate attention

the NWFP's demand for its due share of the net profit by hydro power generated in that province and
Balochistan's demand for increase gas royalty.

Another institution for inter-provincial coordination and conflict management is the council of common
interest which has not met for years. Unnecessary delay in resolving financial and administrative affairs
accentuate distrust among the provinces and the federal government. The opposition to the
construction of the Kala Bagh Dam various development projects, including the Gwader Port, and
distribution of river water is caused mainly because of the lack of trust between three provinces and the
federal government. The issue of Kala Bagh Dam which gained prominence again in the backdrop of
Central government's efforts to achieve consensus, will have to be resolved through political means in a
manner that the no province entertains that feeling of denial of its rights.
The disregard for constitutional means in resolving the issue may cause further strains on the
federation. Given Pakistan's political history, regional and ethnic diversities and a relatively developed
regional consciousness and identity federalism with autonomy to the provinces remains the only viable
option for addressing political, economic and administrative issues. There is a need to move in the
direction of democracy, fair and free elections, and decentralization and provincial autonomy.
Autonomous and strong provinces mean a strong Pakistan.

Pakistan, since its creation, is in pursuit of having good relations with other countries particularly the
Muslim states. Pakistan's bilateral relations with Saudi Arabia have been strengthening with the passage
of time. 598

Pakistan Affairs

XIII. Pakistan and US War on Terror


Q. No. 8. Discuss the issues and mistrust in US-Pakistan relations after the
withdrawal of the US troops from Afghanistan. (20
Q. No. 7. Discuss the changing trends in Pakistan- US relations since 2001.(20

Q. No. 8. Discuss revival of Pak-US relations in context of present US-Taliban


peace process. (20)

Q.8. Critically evaluate the role of Pakistan in “The War on Terror”. (20

Foreign Policy of Pakistan Post 9/11


Q. No. 5. Every state designs its foreign policy on its National interests rejecting
feelings and emotions. Why did Pakistan prefer emotions, feelings and Ideology
in its foreign policy? Also analyze its impact. (20)

Q. No. 6. Write note on the post 9/11 foreign policy of Pakistan. What role do
you foresee for Pakistan in regional and global politics in the near future? (20)

XXVI. Economic Conditions of Pakistan


Q. No. 7. “Population explosion in Pakistan is emerging as the greatest threat
to the economy of Pakistan”. Comment. (20)
CPEC
Q. No. 4. CPEC is a flagship project of One Belt One Road (OBOR) and a regional
game changer. Explain. (20)
Q. How CPEC phase II will galvanize industrialization and employment in
Pakistan

WAR ON TERRORISM

On September 11, 2001, the USA was rocked by a massive terrorist attack when three
highjacked civilian planes, belonging to a US airline company, plunged into WTC. New York and
Pentagon Washington, killing thousands of innocent civilian population. Another plane which
was heading towards the White House was downed by the missile attack which saved the US
President's official residence, the symbol of US political supremacy. The terrorists who rammed
three highjacked airliners into the World Trade Centre and Pentagon on September 11 did more
than just destroy the premier symbols of American financial and military might. 244

Pakistan Affairs

The attack was severe, nerve wrecking and caused a psychological set back to the American
citizens who found it difficult to believe it. It was a suicidal attack which expressed deep
abhorrence of the US policy of discrimination. The attack simply baffled the whole of the world
with its accuracy and intensity. It also bewildered the Bush administration which so far has not
been able to get the clue to unearth the attackers and their sponsors. President Bush, visibly
perturbed and deeply shocked, vowed to go on war against those who had launched this woeful
terrorist act on the USA, so far unprecendent in the history of mankind.

Terrorism is a loathsome activity as it targets the innocents who are absolutely unaware of the
end they are going to meet as a result of terrorist act. It is most heinous activity as it does not
accomplish the object before the terrorists and only kills the innocent people. It spreads panick,
horror and disturbance which is meant to uproot the fabric of the civil society. The terrorist
activity consists of a series of acts intended to spread intimidation and destruction in a
population. These can be carried out by individuals and groups opposing a state or acting on its
behalf. The amount of violence is often disproportionate deliberately symbolic to hit a target
which would convey a message to the rest of the population. Terrorism appears in many guises
and today society faces many kinds of terrorism.

The devastating Sep. 11 attack on the US territory completely changed the global power
perceptions and notions of strategic defence. The psyche of liberal western democracy also
appeared to have undergone a change overnight. There was a profound impact on some of the
most powerful interconnected economies of the world. One of the first security measures taken
in the aftermath of the Sept. 11 attacks was the grounding of commercial aircrafts. The
suspension of flights had adverse impact on the airline business. Some airlines became
bankrupt and nearly 100,000 jobs were lost in airline industry in the USA and Britain.

The Bush administration announced that it will search out the terrorists and punish them. Initially
they held Osama Bin Laden as the prime suspect and demanded that the Taliban should hand
him over to the US for trial. As all of the actual perpetrators were dead, hence the hectic hunt for
the mastermind organization that could be held responsible. Could not be carried out effectively.
The US declared that it would also take action against those countries harbouring the terrorists.
The US administration held Taliban responsible for protecting Osama Bin Laden and providing
bases to his terrorists network Al-Qayeda to operate against the USA and other nations. They
warned that severe military action would be taken against Afghanistan if they do not surrender
Osama Bin Laden to the USA. The Taliban adamantly rejected the US demand and refused to
hand over Osama Bin Laden. The Taliban negated the allegation that Osama was responsible
for the Sept. 11, terrorist attack. They asked for evidence and declared that Osama would be
handed over to a third country if found involved. Osama Bin Laden has long declared himself a
bitter enemy of the USA. He speaks in apocalyptic terms about a holy war against America.

After the September 11 attack Osama denied his involvement in the attack. In his latest denial
he praised those who carried out the attack. It will be difficult to establish Bin Laden's
involvement as all those who carried out the attack have perished. It proves that America's
blame on Bin Laden was not based. on concrete evidence implicating Osama Bin Laden. It also
exposed America's weak intelligence system and showed that the Bush administration, in order
to divert the people's wrath, put the whole blame on Bin Laden without any planning or having
any valid evidence against him. It is, therefore, imperative that the countries or individuals
targeted for action must be provided with sufficient evidence of their involvement in terrorist
activities. A clear distinction have to be maintained between the acts of terrorism and foreign
policy difference between the US and countries concerned. The US put a deadline for the
Taliban to act and hand over General Pervaiz Musharraf

245

Osama Bin Laden. But the Taliban turned down the warning and declared that Osma Bin Laden
will never be handed over.

On October 7, 2001, the US and Britain launched the first of series of massive air strikes against
targets on the major cities of Afghanistan. Both US and Britain expressed their determination to
wipe out the conservative and fundamentalist regime of Taliban to replace it with a moderate
one because the Taliban had provided sanctuaries to the terrorist and their network. The US
and Britain accused Taliban of sponsoring terrorism world wide by proving shelter to a terrorist
movement. Off shoots the movement were believed to be responsible for the devastation in
New York and Washington.

The USA formed a coalition of nearly forty nations to wage US war against terrorism. The forty
nations coalition fully supported the US in its war against the terrorism. The rest of the nations
also backed USA war against terrorism. Most significant Support came from the 57 nations OIC
which extended full backing to the US war against the terrorists and their network. However the
OIC meeting which passed the resolution Supporting the US, was disrupted by the conflicting
views of the participants over the issue of terrorism. It ended without taking any other decision
with respect to the Muslim world's approach towards terrorism.

The joint American and British military action against Afghanistan set in motion a chain of
events which many fear might plunge the entire region into an unprecedented crisis. Though the
Americans said that the attacks on Afghanistan would be short and targeted, but there are no
indications of the war ending soon. It is going to be a long haul with serious repercussions for
the region particularly for Pakistan.
The US led coalition launched their attack on Afghanistan by associating the Northern alliance,
a deadly enemy of the Taliban. The US gave massive military assistance to the Northern
alliance to uproot the Taliban. The Northern Alliance inflicted a

crushing blow on the Taliban by capturing 'Mazar-e-Sharif, one of Taliban's stronghold with
immense strategic importance. With the fall of 'Mazar-e-Sharif, the Talibans who had lost
world's sympathies because of their obduracy, were virtually demolished as a ruling group.

After the fall of 'Mazar-e-Sharif, Kabul too fell to the charging Northern Alliance on 13th
November 2001. The occupation of Kabul sealed the fate of the Talibans who desperately fled
in search of sanctuaries to avoid the American wrath.

Although it was obvious, after the fall of Mazar-e-Sharif, that the Taliban would not be able to
hold on Kabul for long, yet its precipitous retreat was unexpected. The Taliban termed their
fleeing from Kabul as strategic retreat. They vowed to start guerrilla warfare to recapture Kabul.

Despite the fall of Kabul, it would not be easy for the Northern Alliance to occupy Kabul
permanently. The Northern Alliance, in the backdrop of brutal activities of rape, looting and
killing, would find it quite awesome to govern Afghanistan. They will be opposed by the large
number of Taliban sympathizers who will detest them (Northern Alliance) being the stooges of
the coalition.

The fall of Kabul caused political vacuum which will have to be filled quickly. Most of the
countries, which were not the part of the coalition but wanted the removal of the Taliban are not
very optimistic of the Northern Alliance's ability to govern Afghanistan. Even if the US come to
their help in forming a government, it will not succeed.

President Musharraf has demanded that multi-ethnic and representative government may be
instituted in Kabul. He has asked the UN to launch its efforts to demilitarize Kabul to avoid
atrocities.

Despite its symbolic importance, the fall of Kabul might not mean much if the Taliban top
hierarchy has survived and they have been able to conserve their forces and control over other
parts of Afghanistan. The fate of Al-Qaeda, Mullah Omar and Osama Bin 246

Laden hangs in uncertainty. The fall of Kabul is likely to set in chain of events which will have far
reaching impact on the future happening in Afghanistan. The most significant fall out of the
demise of Taliban is that the entire region would be plunged into civil strife with the beginning of
Guerrilla war activities.

PAKISTAN'S ROLE IN THE WAR AGAINST

TERRORISM The government of Pakistan was placed in an extremely awkward position over
the question of extending assistance to the USA in its war against terrorism. Within hours of
attacks on WTC and Pentagon, all eyes in Washington were focused on Islamabad even though
Pakistan maintained no links with the group allegedly responsible for the most potent single
strike in the history of international terrorism. For some people Islamabad's unrelenting support
for Afghanistan's inflexible Taliban regime indicated an indirect relationship with the prime
suspect Osama Bin Laden. This rendered Pakistan a suspect in the eyes of the US and many
other western countries.
President Musharraf quickly grasped the grim situation and its possible ramifications for
Pakistan. Now was the opportune time for the correct policy decision to either abandon the
Taliban or face the consequences. President Musharraf could become a hero for the Islamists in
the region if he had decided to resist the Americans and follow the policy of military
establishment to support the Taliban. On the other hand siding with the US led international
community in the war against terrorism could fetch great dividends for the faltering economy of
Pakistan. Either way, the decision would not only have a direct bearing on country's foreign and
domestic policy, it was also to decide President Musharraf's fate as the country's military ruler.

In view of the highly sensitive nature of the choice, sceptics were simply startled by President
Musharraf's ability to take firm policy decision within days of the September 11 happening. He
informed the Americans of his government's willingness to extend complete support in their
endeavours against

Pakistan Affairs

terrorism. He also tried to take his people into confidence, apprising them of compulsions of the
government and the consequences which Pakistan would have to face in case of resisting the
Americans. Addressing the nation on radio and television on September 19, Musharraf argued
that resisting the US led campaign against international terrorism could spell complete disaster
for the country. He said, support for such a campaign was O certain to elevate Pakistan's status
as a responsible state and open up new avenues for economic prosperity. The President
informed the people that the Americans had asked for cooperation in three crucial areas of
intelligence sharing on Taliban and Osama Bin Laden, use of Pakistani airspace and logistical
support.

The US responded swiftly by lifting all kinds of sanctions imposed on Pakistan i.e., nuclear
related sanctions against both Pakistan and India including the Pakistan specific restrictions
under the Pressler, Glenn and Symington amendments. The US ambassador to Pakistan
offered assurance of more financial assistance to strengthen Pakistan's programme. economic
and reforms

President Musharraf offered maximum support to the US in its military action against Taliban.
He said that he and his government were fully convinced that there was sufficient evidence
leading to connection between the Sept. 11 terrorist act and Osama Bin Laden. It was an
extreme shift from Pakistan's earlier position which repudiated any involvement of Osama Bin
Laden in the terrorist attack. It is also highly significant that Pakistan has joined hands with the
US and other western nations to remove the absolutist Taliban regime. President Musharraf
declared that Taliban's days were numbered. Pakistan had extended all sorts of assistance to
the Taliban regime during their formative years. It helped Taliban to consolidate their position.
Pakistan was the only country which continued recognizing the hard line Taliban government. It
also helped it in its war against the opposition Northern Alliance. Thousands of Pakistani Islamic
fighters, along with the Arab General Pervaiz Musharraf

247

Mujahideen, have been a crucial part of the Taliban war machinery. Islamabad's unwavering
support for the conservative Taliban administration had aroused international reaction.
Pakistan's policy of supporting the Taliban had serious repercussions at home as it promoted
sectarian killing of innocent worshippers.
There was an immense pressure on the government of Pakistan from the USA to extend
maximum assistance after the terrorists attack of September 11. General Musharraf explained
his policy and said that new policy decision was necessary to compromise to save the country.
The Americans did not leave much ground to Pakistan when President Bush bluntly told the
military government that either you are our friends or foes. With this American gesture it was felt
that in case of resistance the US would use Indian bases to launch military attacks on
Afghanistan which would have acutely jeopardised Pakistan's security. Pakistan, eversince
independence has been facing security threats from India. Two wars were fought between India
and Pakistan. Till recently India tried its best to get Pakistan declared as a terrorist state. It has
launched a blistering campaign against Pakistan to accuse it for terrorist activities. India has
been levelling baseless allegations of sponsoring terrorism in Kashmir. All acts of terrorism
sponsored by Indian agencies, were blamed on Pakistan.

In the light of this scenario, it would have been fatal to resist the USA in its endeavour to
eradicate terrorism. India offered, voluntarily, every sort of assistance to the USA to launch its
strikes on Afghanistan which was turned down by the US. The US refusal to accept its support
greatly offended the Indian government high officials who held Pakistan responsible for the
disgrace they had to face by the US refusal to accept Indian offer of assistance. Moreover
Pakistan's becoming a front-line state and her closeness with Washington added much to
India's distress.

Therefore Mussharrafe decision to go on to the US side was a in the right

direction. It protected Pakistan's interest and also the nuclear installations. Mussharraf's
decision was highly instrumental in diluting Indian hostile posture and putting Pakistan in an
impregnable position.

The religious parties reacted sharply to Pakistan's decision to support US in its war against
terrorism. There were wide scale street protests against the government's decision. Particularly
the demonstration in Quetta and Peshawar were swift and relentless. However the army came
out to control the situation. General Musharraf took a bold decision in the face of strong and
clamourous agitation of opposition Islamic groups. While the Islamists are out on the streets
condemning the government, almost all the major secular parties and elements are backing
General Musharraf for taking a bold and courageous policy decision.

General Musharraf also took administrative action to further consolidate his position in the wake
of his policy decision to support the US in war against terrorism. He swiftly removed three top
army generals, one time his close allies in October 12, 1999 coup, who were known for their
radical Islamist views. The changes which coincided with the British and American attacks on
Afghanistan were the part of General Musharraf's plan to bring his own liberal loyalists, who
support the pro-west policy shift, into key positions.

So far Gen. Musharraf has been successful in countering the challenge from pro-Taliban groups
with the army fully behind him. However it is feared that his support base in the army may
decline if the anti American agitation becomes more violent. The question before Gen. Pervaiz
is that how long he can trust his army colleagues. It is believed that shuffling in the top brass of
army must have make cleavages in the top hierarchy of the army which may prove dangerous
sometime for Gen. Pervaiz and

his other colleagues supporting him. N


PAKISTAN AND US WAR ON TERROR

PAKISTAN AND US WAR ON

TERROR

A report titled 'Body Count' revealed that after 10 years of war on terror nearly 100,000 Pakistanis have
perished in the US war on terror. The study revealed that almost 1.3 million people were killed directly
or indirectly in Iraq, Afghanistan and Pakistan in the war on terror led by the US. The investigations
carried out by the UNO, government agencies and NGO's divulged that one million people were killed in
Iraq and 220,000 in Afghanistan in the US led war on terror.

Background:

Pakistan remained US'ally ever since its inception as a sovereign state in 1947. Though the close
association had to sustain Jolts and shocks of mistrust yet it survived the traumas of misunderstanding.
It was rightly quoted that Pak-US relation is a marriage of convenience meaning that sometimes close
friends while sometimes discontented associates. In continuation of these relations Pakistan became
hand in glove with the US in the wake of militant offensives, target killings, attacks on logistic tankers
and suicide bombing on its security forces and civilian population. Pakistan is playing a highly important
role in this war against terrorism and has received massive aid from the US. The said aid was used to
eliminate terrorism. Despite this hefty aid the loss of innocent people, threats to Pakistan's integrity,
security and sovereignty could not be mitigated. FATA has become safe sanctuaries for the fleeing Al-
Qaida and Taliban absconders. FATA is about 27,220 Sqr kilometers in size. It shares a 600 km
penetrable border with Afghanistan Durand Line. The TTP and other militant groups are involved in
terrorist activities in different parts of Pakistan.

The Taliban expanded their terrorist activities to the restive areas of Pakistan particularly in KPK,
Baluchistan and Punjab with a view to put pressure on Pakistan government to keep distance from the
US. Lahore the main city of Punjab became the frequent target of terrorist attacks killing hundreds of
innocent civilians and destroying churches and Imambarghs to fuel communal hatred. The massive
escalation of terrorism posed mind-boggling challenge to the government of Pakistan, security forces
and the law enforcing agencies. The timid and faceless terrorists presented a direct threat to the
integrity, security and sovereignty of Pakistan. The terrorists are doing their utmost to pressurize
Pakistan to draw back from the US led war on terror, as Pakistan, because of its unique geopolitical
importance is playing a crucial role in this war against the Taliban and Al-Qaida in Afghanistan. The US,
NATO and ISAF troops stationed in Afghanistan absolutely bank on, for their logistical support, the
supply line which runs through Pakistan via Khyber Pass.

Other Developments

On 23 March, 2002 the Saudi born Zayn-al-Abidn Muhammad Hasayn Abu Zubaydah was arrested by
Pakistani security officials. A joint raid by the US and Pakistan was launched to arrest him. Zabaydah is
said to be an important and high ranking official of Al-Qaida. He is incharge of Al-Qaeda operations and
responsible of managing Al Qaeda camps.
Another important Al-Qaeda member Bin al Shibh was arrested in Pakistan after a gunfight with police.
He lived in Hamburg. Germany and is the financial supporter of Al Qaeda. He was meant to be another
highjacker but he was refused entry in the United States. Pakistan and US War on Terror

367

On 1 March, 2003, another highly important member of Al-Qaeda was captured from Rawalpindi. He
was one of the high ranking officials of Al-Qaeda and was directly involved in planning the 9/11
September attacks. He was also linked to ordering the killing of wall street journal reporter Daniel Pearl,
the USS cole bombing and the terrorist attack at the El Ghriba synagogue in Djerba, Tunisia. He posed
himself as the head of the al-Qaeda military committee.

In 2006 Pakistan was blamed for aiding and encouraging the Taliban in Afghanistan by the NATO. But
later on NATO withdrew its allegation as no credible evidence against the ISI or Pakistan government for
sponsoring terrorism ever came to light.

The Afghan government has blamed the ISI of providing assistance to the militants including Mullah
Dadullah, a senior military commander of the Taliban, Pakistan has denied the allegation. India is
constantly accusing Pakistan's intelligence agency ISI of launching several suicide attacks in Kashmir and
other parts of India which include 11 July 2006 Mumbai train bombings. Many other countries like
Afghanistan and Britain have blamed Pakistan of state sponsored terrorism.

Pak-Afghanistan Border Dispute

Pakistan Afghanistan tense relations can be attributed to the differences that erupted on the
demarcation of Durand Line. The Durand Line was demarcated in 1893 by the British civil servant Sir
Henry Mortimer Durand and the Afghan ruler Amir Abdul Rehman khan between Afghanistan and
British, India and was named as Durand Line. The British government in fact, wanted to make
Afghanistan a buffer state to protect India's Northwest frontier against Russian force's onslaught. The
1500 miles long Durand Line was a political and strategic act which provided a smooth route for the
military movement. The ethnic formation of the areas, being divided by the demarcation of boundary,
was not taken into account at the time of drawing the boundary line. Tribes and

villages were divided without keeping in mind the humanitarian links of the areas.

The native Pakhtun tribes on both sides paid no heed to the demarcated border because the reactionary
and dyed in the wool Pakhtuns wanted to live in accordance to their own traditions and customs. The
successive governments of Pakistan adopted unforgiveable dereliction of duty to the tribal region after
independence in 1947. They utterly failed to provide basic facilities of life necessary to improve standard
of living in the tribal areas Acute lack of education and sustenance was responsible in creating unrest
and paved way for ignorance and backwardness. The overall literacy rate in the tribal areas is 17.42%,
per capita income. $500 and 60% population lives below the national poverty line.

The madrassas took possession of the educational structure of the tribal regions. Unemployed youth
was luried by the Jihadis to join their ranks. The deep gorges of the region and forlorn areas turned into
breeding ground for smugglers, bootleggers and terrorists. The mountainous tribal belt become rebel's
abode who abused religion and challenged government's writ. They earned money by smuggling and
drug trafficking. Relations between Pakistan and Afghanistan have never been cordial. When Pakistan
sought the membership of the UNO, Afghanistan, despite being a Muslim country. cast a dissenting
vote. Pakhtun's are Afghanistan's largest ethnic group. Despite being a minority in Pakistan, Pakhtun's
prefer to live in Pakistan than in Afghanistan. For the last many year. Afghan leaders have refused to
recognize the Durand Line and liked to occupy Pakistan's Pakhtun dominated Tribal regions to form an
independent and separate Pakhtunistan.

The Historical view of Pak-US Relations

When the cold war began the US looked frantically for new allies to bridle the Soviet Union. The US was
in a dire need of allies who could prove an impediment in the way of Soviet expansionism. However
when368

the compulsive need disappeared some of the allies which were not required any more and whose geo-
political importance was secondary were shown the door with the same haste with which they were
embraced. Pakistan was one of those countries whose geo-political importance varied due to its internal
changes, regional balance of power and US global interests.

Before 9/11 Pakistan-US relations were not based on ideal understanding and were considered as
estranged. Pakistan was already over-whelmed due to multiple sanctions for nuclear programme and its
commonwealth membership had been annulled. Despite causal relations the US somehow was able to
extract support from Pakistan in the war against terrorism by threats and lucrative incentives. On Sept
13, Deputy Secretary of State Richard Armitage handed over a formal list of the US demands to Pakistan
which were not open to discussion and Pakistan was told in clear tone "you must accept all seven parts".
Colin Powel the US Secretary of State told President Musharraf in a telephonic talk "you are either with
us or against us." The threatening gestures of the American officials worked immense pressure on
President Musharraf who yielded and decided to join the coalition forces and promised to provide
logistic and intelligence support to the US in its war against terror.

9/11 Disaster and its Impact on Pak-US Relations

On September 11, 2001, the whole world was dumbstruck when the al-Qaeda terrorists rammed their
aircraft carrying nearly 300 passengers, into the New York Trade Centre and Pentagon, Washington city.
The petrifying attacks on the world Trade centre and Pentagon Washington baffled the world with
massive loss of life and property. It was reported that nearly 2700 innocent people perished in attacks
on the world Trade Centre. The heinous attacks extremely puzzled the civilized world as nobody could
imagine that such a gory act of terrorism could take place on the territory of a Super Power of
frightening military and economic

Pakistan Affairs

potential like the US. Within hours of these bewildering attacks, Pakistan's unique geographical location
put it face to face with most upsetting situation. The US asked Pakistan to discard the Taliban, discard
Islamic Jihad, discard Islamic fundamentalists and join the US in its operation to dislodge Afghan
government said to be harboring Osama Bin Laden, the architect of the 9/11 attacks. The US in clear
terms warmed Pakistan either to become its frontline partner against the war on terror or be ready to
face the US wrath. The 9/11 attacks had left everyone perplexed with their intensity and severity and
Pakistan found itself delicately lodged on the horns of dilemma as what to do or which way to go. Its
options were acutely restricted and discouraging. The world abruptly changed rendering the policy
makers clueless.

9/11 and War of Interests

Since 2001, America and its allies are at war with terrorists and world is in a perpetual state of turmoil.
The vested interest i.e the terrorists, warlonds, drug barons and war industry tycoons are minting
money and the hapless people around the world are terrified.

Authentic evidence has confirmed that the champions of free world and democracy secretly support
terrorist organizations through hidden hand's (agencies) to keep armed conflicts alive promoting the
interests of war industry. The real beneficiary of war on terror is military industrial complex. The rulers
in America and west are captives in the hands of tycoons of war and oil industries.

It is a fact that much before 9/11 America and its NATO allies had decided to invade Afghanistan. This
decision was reached at Berlin during the joint meeting of council of Ministers in November 2000. 9/11
was just a pretext for invading Afghanistan. The real cause of concern was Turkmenistan Gas pipeline
project in which powerful corporate entities had financial interests. It was not the existence of al-Qaeda
that prompted the US to invade Afghanistan but corporate interests of America and its allies. Pakistan
and US War on Terror

369

George W. Bush appointed Afghan born Zalmay Khalilzad as special envoy to Afghanistan nine days after
the US-backed interim government of Hamid Karzai entered office in Kabul. This appointment knew the
real economic and financial interests at stake in the US military intervention in Central Asia.

Khalilzad was deeply involved in the long-running US efforts to reach to the oil and gas resources of the
region which were so far unutilized but known to be the second largest in the world after the Persian
Gulf. As an advisor to UNOCAL, an American oil company. Khalilzad drew an analysis of a proposed gas
pipeline from the former Soviet Republics of Turkmenistan across Afghanistan and Pakistan to the Indian
Ocean. He participated in talks between the oil company and Taliban officials in 1997, which were aimed
at putting into effect a 1995 agreement to build the pipeline across western Afghanistan.

UNOCAL was a leading company in the formation of the Centgas Consortium, whose primary function
was to bring gas to the market from the Daulatabad Field in Southeastern Turkmenistan, one of the
largest energy reserves. Khalilzad also spoke in favour of the Taliban to facilitate his main task of
bringing gas to market. He said, "the Taliban does not practice the anti-US style of fundamentalism
practiced by Iran." He said, "We should be willing to offer recognition and humanitarian assistance to
promote international economic cooperation. He further remarked that it was time for the US to re-
engage Afghanistan.

Khalilzad's suggestion to re-engage Afghanistan was bound to fetch great profits to UNOCAL which was
unable to bring gas and oil to market from landlocked Turkmenistan. The oil industry connections of
Bush and Dick Cheney were playing the dominant role in US-Afghan policy which the western media
portrayed it as a war on terrorism.
The subsequent invasion of Iraq using the spectre of weapons of mass destruction and appointment of
Khalilzad as US

Ambassador to Iraq proved beyond any doubt that the reality of war on terror was nothing but Guest for
oil.

Barrack Obama faithfully followed the policy of his predecessor. On assuming power, he promised more
military operations in war ravaged Afghanistan to please the war industry tycoons. No US President was
ever interested in fighting terrorism. The US and its allies just launched oil and war bonanzas" around
Afghanistan, Iraq and Pakistan with multiple objectives which were ensuring continuous huge profits for
war industry. control over oil and gas rich countries and containment of China by physical military
presence in its neighboring countries.

After the 9/11 attacks the Bush administration decided to hit Osama Bin Laden and his al-Qaeda
network and the Taliban government. It created serious difficulties for Pakistan. In this critical situation
Pakistan government kept on apprising the Taliban leaders about the gravity of the setuation and trying
to convince them to hand over Osama to the US and dismantle Al Qaeda network but all in vain.

Pak-US Relations after the 9/11 Cataclysm

The 9/11 disaster shook the whole world with its brutal ferocity. The US once again rushed towards
Pakistan with a bag full of money as if nothing has happened since it last left Pakistan in the lurch and as
if Pakistan had been waiting that the US would one day realize its mistake. However the US was received
with mixed emotions.

Immediately after the attacks President George W. Bush announced that the US, as its top policy, his
administration would launch a fight against terrorism. Therefore he abruptly changed his strategy and
asked world nations, including Pakistan, to come forward and extend a hand of co-operation to the US in
its endeavor to uproot the scourge of terrorism. He also threatened the global powers either to stand
with the US, shoulder to shoulder, or be prepared to face US wrath. For the purpose of fighting
terrorism, the US formed a large and strong coalition ever-seen370

Pakistan Affairs

Cost of Joining War on Terror

after the II World War. The coalition made fight against terrorism its prime objective and to eradicate Al-
Qaeda network. It also focused on eliminating terrorism from backing terrorist groups. The 9/11 tragedy
proved a boon from heaven for the Bush administration to invade Afghanistan in October 2001. The US
and the coalition badly needed Pakistan's support due to its unique geo-strategic location due to various
reasons. Pakistan and the US had worked closely during the Cold War to expel the USSR from
Afghanistan who had occupied Afghanistan in 1979. Due to this reason Pakistan was needed by the US
and the coalition to eliminate terrorists from Afghanistan. Also the US wanted to keep Pakistan away
from the Taliban as it feared that Pakistan may at any time support the Taliban on religious affinities.
Pakistan shared 2640 km long border with Afghanistan which could facilitate Taliban and Al-Qaeda
movement to make it difficult for the US and the coalition to take effective action against the Taliban
and Al-Qaeda. Pakistan at any time could send its troops to fight alongside the Jihadi volunteers against
the coalition which would have created insurmountable problems for the US to dismantle the Taliban
government in Kabul. The peculiar geo strategic and geo-political location of Pakistan also made it a key
state and as such it was in a comfortable position to take care of the US interests in the whole region.

By surrendering unconditionally to the US demands, Musharraf plunged the country in the war on
terror. Musharraf's decision was not based on the general consensus and the political leadership stood
divided on the question of co-operating with the US. The religious political parties opposed Musharraf
government's decision to eradicate extremists elements on the US and Indian pressure. India tried to
take advantage from the global situation when its parliament was attacked by the militants on
December 13, 2001. It worked tremendous pressure on Musharraf government to give up its Kashmir
policy. India moved its forces to Pakistan borders to further pressurize Pakistan to submit to Indian
demand.

Pakistan had to suffer heavily on military aspect by joining the US war on terror. A large number of
Pakistan's troops were deployed on border with Afghanistan. Nearly 2000 Pakistani soldiers and about
one lac civilians lost their lives in the war on terror. Before the war on terror Pakistan enjoyed friendly
relations with the Taliban. When the Taliban government was removed, Northern Alliance came into
power in Kabul which adopted hostile policy towards Pakistan. The new Afghan government was
extremely hostile towards Pakistan and pro Indian in its policies. After the 9/11 disaster Pakistan's
influence in Kabul rapidly slide while Indian impact swirled quickly. This precarious situation rendered
Pakistan highly vulnerable which heightened regional volatility. The expanding Indian sway in.
Afghanistan and Central Asia is a daunting mishap for Pakistan's foreign policy. India has set up its
conulates in Jalalabad, Kandhar, Heart and Mazar-e-Sharif which is a matter of grave concern for
formulators. Pakistani policy The new Indo-Afghanistan collaboration after the 9/11 cataclysm is the real
source of conflict between India and Pakistan.

Therefore India's deep entanglement in Afghanistan has serious ramifications for Pakistan. The presence
of an unfriendly government in Afghanistan is bound to make Pakistan's western border susceptible to
attacks and interference in future. Pakistan failed to keep in check the mounting. Indian influence in
Afghanistan and Central Asian Republics (CARS). India accrued more benefits than Pakistan from the
alliance against terror. It was able to improve its relations with China, Afghanistan, CARS and the US.

The alliance on terror laid its sordid effect on Pakistan's various aspects like social, economic and
political. Pakistan had to sustain adverse impact of its involvement in the US led war on terror.
Extremism and foreign interference were the worst disadvantages which Pakistan had to face for its
involvement in the war on terror. Pakistan and US War on Terror

371

Pakistan's remote regions i.e FATA WANA and Baluchistan became the easy targets of terrorist attacks.
Suicide attacks, bombing, killing of innocent civilian masses and clashes between the security forces and
extremists is Isis. became daily routine. A massive suicidal attack was launched on Army Public school
Peshawar on 16 December, 2014 which killed nearly 145 innocent school children and a number of staff
members. The gruesome attack shook the country with its remorseless severity.

CONSEQUENCES OF U.S WAR ON TERROR

The US war on terror' triggered a new age of global conflict. The unfolding events in the Middle Eastern
chapter of the war on terror are now entering a decisive phase of a deadly conflict.
The main turning point in this story was the Arab Spring. The war in Syria and Iraq that was initially
started as civil unrest has now spread almost into all of the Middle East, Afghanistan, Pakistan and the
Horns of Africa. The vested interests and direct involvement of global actors in this war have affected
the entire political scenario of the Muslim world.

The serious response of the international community, mainly from the western world, over the recent
refugee crisis is highly appreciable but unfortunately is not the solution to the crisis. They are treating
the symptoms instead of the actual root of the whole crises. If this conflict keeps going at the same
pace, then it's quite inevitable that the wave of refugees will continue to increase in the coming months.

The recent economic boom in Iran, as a result of a nuclear deal, and the recent Intervention by Russia to
support the regime forces in Syria can further intensify the conflict. Iran and Russia are trying every
possible option to strengthen Assad, while Saudi Arabia, Turkey and the US are backing the rebel forces
to overthrow the current Syrian regime.

Apart from these stakeholders, the most horrible outcome of the US war on terror, which is now making
inroads into the grassroots of the international political order,

ISIS is now successfully gaining ground in Egypt, Yemen, Saudi Arabia, Libya, Afghanistan and Pakistan.
The group is battling the Kurds, Iran-backed militias, the US air force, Al-Nusra, Turkey and now Russia.
Moreover, they are fighting a proxy war with Al-Qaeda in different parts of the Middle East. The multiple
fighting fronts of Isis and the augmenting state of unrest in the Middle East show that more massive
displacements are to be expected in the region. On the other hand, the African turmoil is also getting
worse with the successful expansion of Boko Haram and Al-Shabab.

The migration of people on a massive scale due to relentless conflict situations can change the entire
demographics of the world. Refugee camps have always served as recruitment centres for insurgents.
Up till now it has been estimated that more than 200,000 people were killed in the Syrian war, fou
million people have become refugees and 7.6 million people IDPs. Apparently, there is no possibility in
the near future that these refugees will be able to move back to their homes and normal lives once
again.

The difficulties that refugees face in Europe put them in a state of uncertainty. Around 6,000 refugees
have been arriving on European shores per day. This has created a gigantic crisis in Europe. The UN high
commissioner for refugees has criticised the handling of the refugees by European countries in this
regard. "When in 1956, 200,000 Hungarians fled to Austria and Yugoslavia, not only were people
properly received, but a relocation programme was quickly put into place and 140,000 people were
relocated to other countries. What was possible then should be possible now".

The mishandling of the refugees can have enormous repercussions for global peace and security. The
refugees are already filled with grievances and hatred for the west, 372

Pakistan Affairs

as they perceive the western world to be responsible for the disorder in the Arab world. As far as the
Arab world is concerned, only Lebanon and Jordon are managing about two million refugees whereas
the six rich Persian Gulf countries have done absolutely nothing for the refugees.
This ignorant behaviour will certainly generate hostility among the refugees. After World War II, this is
the largest refugee movement, and groups like Isis will definitely try to exploit their sentiments to
launch expected assaults against the Persian Gulf countries and the western world.

The grand migration of Syrian refugees would most probably change the entire demographical
landscape of international politics. The main point of apprehension is that there is no effort at mitigating
the real root cause of the crisis.

In the recent UN General Assembly session, instead of considering a peace strategy for the Middle
Eastern crisis, international players sought an opportunity to dominate and control the strategically
pivotal Middle Eastern region. There was no major opposition to the Russian entanglement in Syria at
the General Assembly and elsewhere.

President Putin claimed that Russian arms to Syria would "prevent 'even bigger' refugee flow to
Europe." As per Timothy Snyder in Time, though, the "Russian policy in Syria is aimed toward the
transformation of the country into a refugee factory. In Ukraine, Russian intervention generated two
million refugees among precisely the people Moscow claimed it was protecting. In Syria, it has been the
Assad regime, which Russia has now supported, that has been responsible for the vast majority of the
refugees".

Furthermore, in the ongoing US presidential campaign, the policy proposals on the Middle East being
presented by people like Donald Trump shows that the situation could get more worse. On the contrary,
a reasonable candidate like Senator Rand Paul, who is trying to resolve these

critical issues through non-violent political means, is not getting any major appraisal in the presidential
campaign.

It is time the international community used dialogue and political settlement before it gets too late. The
fire in Syria and Iraq could move to other parts of the world if it is not contained on an urgent basis.

The international community has to devise a strategy in which transnational actors or illegitimate
entities like Isis are engaged in some sort of political dialogue. Otherwise in the current multi-polar
world groups like Isis may very soon emerge as global political forces.

The refugee crisis is significant because these refugees would certainly end up joining such groups if
they are not treated properly. Therefore, the massive displacement of the refugees needs to be
contained through ceasefire and political dialogue, in order to resolve the expanding fire in the Middle
East. 373

Pakistan and US War on Terror

Lamp 23

FOREIGN POLICY OF PAKISTAN

In the simplest way, the foreign policy can be defined as the connections or association amongst the
sovereign states. However, in the broader perspective the Turkey. foreign policy is said to be those
endeavours of the independent states which they embark upon to develop close relations between
them in order to benefit from each other's achievements in various fields of human activity. The foreign
policy is usually referred to as the general principles by which a state governs its re-action to the
international environments.

The foreign policy pertains to that aspect of a nation's sovereign image which is in touch with the
external aspect of the statecraft. It can also be understood as the close association between the
sovereign states covering their view points and outlooks on the international affairs.

Foreign policy is a nation's contemplation, longing and reflection of domestic political trends and
behaviour. It is always the product of interaction of many forces like ideological, historical, economic,
national interests and geo-political locations. These factors determine the country's outlook in world
affairs. It is more or less, a compatible standpoint taken over by a nation in its dealings and connections
with other nations with respect to the affairs falling beyond the ambit of the conventional alliances or
convenient settlement.

The peculiar location of Pakistan with its linkages with the West and Central Asia, its cultural and
ideological orientations as well as circumstances surrounding its birth culminating in the partition of the
Indian sub continent make the task of fashioning a rational approach to international affairs complex
and difficult. The wars with its hostile neighbour, the loss of its eastern part, its policy with regard to
Afghanistan and its friendship and dependence on the USA constitute the salient elements of its foreign

relations. To these may be added close links with China and the Muslim countries especially Saudi
Arabia, Gulf States, Iran and

Another very important factor has been

the weak and unstable political system and the emergence of military as a dominant political force
making the task of foreign policy formulating still much difficult.

GUIDING PRINCIPLES OF PAKISTAN'S FOREIGN POLICY

The guiding principles of Pakistan's foreign policy are firmly based in country's Islamic ideology, its rich
cultural heritage and historical background, especially the intense struggle for freedom. As an Islamic
and Non for Aligned country Pakistan supports, with all its hearts, the Islamic causes and upholds with
will the principles of respect independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity of states. Pakistan also
openly corroborates the non-use international relations established as behavioural of force in well as
the standards honourable neighbourliness, peaceful co existence and amicable collaboration for mutual
gains.

of

Pakistan's strategic location made it a focal point of the world. Particularly the Super Powers, due to
Pakistan's highly important geographical location, indulged into an ardent tug of war in order to
establish a stronghold in Pakistan ever since the independence. Moreover the hostile Indian attitude,
combined with the Super Powers vying for establishing influence in the newly born country, made
Pakistan immensely vulnerable. The political climate in the sub continent before the independence, was
also a dominant factor in moulding Pakistan's foreign policy after the partition. The long standing
animosities between the Hindus and the Muslims during the freedom struggle. 374

were in fact, the maturing of thoughts and pressing methodology for ripening and developing Pakistan's
relations with other states.

DETERMINANTS OF PAKISTAN'S

FOREIGN POLICY

The foreign policy of a country reflects the behaviour pattern of a nation based on its collective wisdom
in dealing with other nations. It can neither be based permanently on the wishful thinking of an
individual, nor on the idealism of a group. The national goals, more or less, at external ends, as collected
carefully through records of the nations, remain consistent, although they may be inharmonious
internally with the man and the groups in power from time to time. A multitude of factors contribute to
the making of an outlook in dealings with nations of the world abroad. Friends and foes, as with
individuals, are determined by the history and the geography of a nation. No country. whatever its
economic potential, can remain isolated from the outside world any longer.

The foreign policy of a nation compared to its internal policy is much more important and significant, as
any change in the latter may not have any dire consequences whereas a change in the former may have.
The foreign policy in other words, greatly serves the national interests while policies in other areas may
cater to individual or special interests of a group or individual. Similarly, the handling of the external
policy needs persons more adept in their execution than those in other policy areas. A successful foreign
policy fills the gap where physical strength is wanting. Thus it is not an easy task to frame the foreign
policy of a country. A number of factors have to be kept in view in this regard. The following five factors
are discernible in the formulation of Pakistan's foreign policy.

(i) Ideological Obligation

(ii) Historical Legacy

(iii) Geographical Location

(iv) The Indian Threat

(v) Economic Compulsions.

Pakistan Affairs

IDEOLOGICAL OBLIGATION

Islamic ideology is a very important factor in the determination of Pakistan's foreign policy. Pakistan calls
itself a Muslim country for two reasons; firstly, more than 85 per cent of the population adhere as to
Islam. of the Secondly, Pakistan was created to meet the irresistible urge of Muslims subcontinent to
have a homeland of their own where they could preserve in safety and tranquility their religion, culture
and way of life and where they could live in peace and prosperity. The late Prime Minister of Pakistan
Liaquat Ali Khan once said:
"The underlying idea of the movement for the achievement of Pakistan was not just to add one more
country to the conglomeration of countries in the world or to add one more patch of colour to the multi-
coloured global map. Pakistan came into being as a result of the urge felt by the Muslims of this
subcontinent to secure a territory, however limited, where the Islamic ideology and way of life could be
practised and demonstrated to the world. A cordinal feature of this ideology is to make Muslim
brotherhood a living reality. It is, therefore, part of the mission which Pakistan has set before itself to do
every thing in its power to promote closer fellowship and cooperation between Muslim countries."

It should be noted that pro-Islamic tendencies formed the basic part of the thinking of the leaders
struggling for Pakistan. The Muslim leadership championing the cause of the Musalmans of India spoke
also for the grievances of the Muslims all over the world.

The world events affecting the Muslim fraternity came regularly under consideration in the formal
gatherings of the Muslims. The Russo-Turkish war (1877), The Anglo-Afghan war (1878), the Greco-
Turkish war (1897). the Italian invasion of Libya (1911) and the Balkan war (1912), formed part of the
annual resolutions of the Muslim political gatherings that had been held during this period. Dr. M.A.
Ansari was deputed under the same spirit to lead a medical mission in the Balkan war in support of the
Turks. Similarly, thePakistan and US War on Terror

375

Muslim League session at Calcutta in 1912 condemned the Russian encroachment on the Iranian
territory. The Khilafat agitation after World War I in support of the Turks is one of the landmarks in the
Indian Muslims' struggle against the British. The Agha Khan led a mission to London in 1921 for the
restoration of Khilafat and as a protest against the British damaging the Islamic unity in the Turko-Arab
world. The Muslim League in its annual session at Aligarh in 1925 condemned the British action in Iraq.
The fall of the King of Afghanistan in 1929 was lamented that year and Nadir Khan's achievements in
Afghanistan were hailed in 1933 Howrah session. The West's move in 1933 to hand over Palestine to the
Jews and the wartime division of Iran in 1941 were strongly condemned in such annual sessions of the
Muslim League. The Muslim League in its 1943 Karachi session asked the Allied Powers to give freedom
to Libya, then liberated from Italian control and to set Morocco, Algeria and Tunis free from the clutches
of France.

On June 6, 1946, while speaking at a meeting of the All-India Muslim League Council, Quaid-i-Azam
warned the West against the consequences of assigning Palestine to the Jews and condemned the Dutch
imperialist hold on Indonesia.

A nation so imbued with affection for its brethren in faith, all along its struggle for a homeland, could
not ignore this interest on achieving a state. "With the birth of Pakistan the hope of Pan-Islamic Unity
and brotherhood brightened afresh amongst the Islamic states of Asia."

In fact, from the very beginning Pakistan made concerted efforts to come closer to the Muslim countries
of the world, and to form a union of the Islamic nations. This policy has been consistently pursued by its
policy makers to this day and is likely to be pursued in future.

subcontinent had been the haunt of foreign invaders from the north since times immemorial. The
Russian expansion in the north-west of India and the Chinese presence in the north east urged the
British authorities in the subcontinent to devise a mechanism assuring safety against the northern
threats. The British northern command at Rawalpindi, the Quetta Staff Training College, the extension of
Indian railway line to Chaman and Landikotal, the creation of the militia force in the tribal belt in the
north-west and the establishment of a powerful intelligence and surveillance station at Peshawar are
but a few instances in this regard. This threat perception, as of natural consequence, was inherited by
both the successive states after the partition of India in 1947. The Russian advances southward during
the last century had aroused international concern the world over and the new state of Pakistan could
not shut its eyes to it. Pakistan inherited from the British files of the India Office the fear of Russia like
that of China by India. The decision makers of Pakistan's foreign policy always sought western assistance
to ster the Russian advance towards their territory, though at present there is an interregnum period in
this threat perception.

GEOGRAPHICAL LOCATION Geography controls political environment

of a country and the prize of modern international politics is the earth. The term may also be used to
describe political geography considered in terms of the structure of the world and its component states,
or to refer to those aspects of foreign policy planning that must take into account various geographical
factors such as location, size, shape, climate and topography. Geopolitics, therefore, involves varying
degrees of historical determinism based on geography and it also affects the country's foreign policy and
her national interests. Napoleon aptly said about 175 years ago that "the foreign policy of a country is
determined by its geography the political significance of an area bears a well defined relation to its
climate, land-forms and natural resources." Ideologies can change, socio-political systems can change,
but a state must retain

HISTORICAL LEGACY

Both India and Pakistan were successors to an administration which carried certain defence objectives in
the area. The378

Pakistan Affairs

towards other countries. President Ayub Khan argued:

We have an enemy, an implacable enemy in India" and he referred to "India's ambitions to absorb
Pakistan and turn her into a satellite."

Consequently, Pakistan's foreign policy was shaped in a defensive mould from the earlier days of
independence, which urged it to look for security arrangements elsewhere. Thus Pakistan found itself
placed in a camp opposite to India. Both China and the West under this programme find a significant
place in Pakistan's security plan.

ECONOMIC COMPULSIONS

Few states were born as poor as Pakistan in 1947. The Muslim minority of India occupied the north-
western highland and the eastern rimland of India. Industrially these areas did not figure anywhere on
the map of the subcontinent. Pre-partition industrial and commercial growth was associated with
Calcutta, Bombay and Madras which form part of new India. On the reverse, there was very little
industry in the areas that were to become Pakistan. Thus the new state of Pakistan was confronted with
a multitude of socio-economic and political problems and looked for foreign assistance and loans in her
struggle for economic and political survival. The first Prime Minister Liaquat Ali Khan's visit to America in
1950 was actuated by the same considerations.

The American economic aid to Pakistan started in fiscal year 1951 and it gradually began to increase
after signing by Pakistan of mutual security assistance agreement and its participation in the SEATO and
CENTO (Baghdad Pact) in 1954 and 1955 respectively. This aid factor is very strong in shaping our foreign
policy even today.

Almost fifty years have elapsed since the evolution of policy pursued by Pakistan in dealing with nations
abroad. It has, during the course of this period, seen both the fruit and the bruises of it, yet it is clinging
on to the spirit it imbibed at an early stage of its formation. There has been little substantive

change in its overall international performance or outlook. All the aforesaid factors and forces lie at the
root, constitute the determinants of Pakistan's foreign policy and in all this India factor is the most
important.

SEVENTY YEARS WORKING OF PAKISTAN'S FOREIGN POLICY

Beginning:

Pakistan emerged on the world map as a sovereign state on 14th August, 1947 after a two-pronged
struggle, first for independence from remorseless colonial rule and the freedom for the people of
Muslim Majority areas from the imminent threat bf economic, social and political supremacy by another
people with the yearning of preserving their separate identity. The Muslim League had to wage a long
and at times bitter, political fight, but the issue was ultimately resolved by agreement.

QUAID-I-AZAM'S VISION OF PAKISTAN'S FOREIGN POLICY FRIENDSHIP WITH ALL 1947-53

When Pakistan became a sovereign state, the Quaid-i-Azam lived only for one year after independence.
During this short period, in addition to laying the foundation of so many institutions of establishment he
described the main objectives of Pakistan's foreign policy and stated.

"Our foreign policy will be of friendship with all irrespective of colour, creed or religion. We do not
cherish aggressive designs against any country or nation there lies in front of us a new chapter and it will
be our endeavour to create and maintain goodwill and friendship with Briton and our Neighbour
Hindustan alongwith other sisterly nations too that we all together make our greatest contribution for
the peace and prosperity of the human kind"

In the light of the Quaid's vision Pakistan developed friendly relations with the newlyPakistan and US
War on Terror

372

Pakistan is also very close to the Persian Gulf and the Gulf of Aden areas which are the main source of oil
supply to the West. Its location at the head of the Arabian sea (the governments. trade route via the
Suez Canal between Europe and Asia) have a significant importance to the United States for its strategic
interests in the region. The decision. makers of Pakistan's foreign policy are fully conscious of it and have
not failed to use its importance to the country's advantage.

Other elements of geo-politics, size and population also have their bearing on Pakistan's foreign policy.
Among the Muslim countries and other Asian countries only a few are bigger than Pakistan in terms of
size and population. This partly explains why Pakistan is not prepared to accept an inferior position in
international affairs. The arid and semi-arid climate of Pakistan along with the ethnic characteristics
produce a healthy and well built population in the country whom the British have often chosen to call a
'martial race. The land of Pakistan is fertile with adequate irrigation facilities under the Indus river
system. Some valuable mineral resources are also available such as gypsum, rock salt, limestone, crude
oil, coal, chromite, sulphur, iron and natural gas. There is also not much imbalance in its import-export
ratio which characterises most of the third world countries. All this provides Pakistan the necessary
power base of a medium range power and encourages its decision makers to in Pakistan. play an
important role for Pakistan in world affairs.

INDIAN THREAT

From the day of independence, Pakistan was involved in a bitter and prolonged struggle for her very
existence and survival. Its strategic environment has been largely conditioned by its perception of a
security threat from India. The two nations have fought three wars (1948, 1965 and 1971) within the last
five decades and experienced countless border clashes. To obviate any threat from India, Pakistan's
security planners, in defence terms, have been constantly engaged in search for a near parity situation
with India. A ceaseless effort to

improve and expand Pakistan's military machine in order to search and maintain a relative parity has
been undertaken by all the

Pakistan's fear of India was deepened and its problems of security and survival rendered more complex
by the outbreak of Indo-Pakistan hostilities over Kashmir soon after the Partition. This was followed by a
communal holocaust and mass migration,.. India's refusal to give Pakistan its due share of arms and
financial assets, India's violent take-over of Junagarh and Hyderabad, the stoppage of river water
flowing into Pakistan etc. The Indo-Pakistan enmity as a matter of fact, is rooted in history. Both regard
the partition of India as a tragic blunder, each attributing its own explanation to it. The Hindus are
looking forward to a day when India will be united under them as legendary Mahabharata. The Muslims
see in it a loss to their political hold on the subcontinent, firstly, on account of the British
highhandedness and secondly, because of fraudulent stratagems of the Hindus to corner them within
the subcontinent. To a Pakistani, an Indian is his arch enemy, always hatching plans to und his existence.
To an ordinary Indian the agreement to allow Pakistan to come into being was a tragic blunder which
needs rectification. The Indian hegemonic role over the subsequent years further strengthened this
mistrust in the minds of the intelligentsia

India is militarily almost ten times as strong as Pakistan but Pakistan's basic aim is to offset India's
military superiority and mobilise world opinion in order to compel India to hold a plebiscite in Kashmir.
Hence, Kashmir is a touchstone of Pakistan's foreign policy and Pakistan tends to judge its international
friends and foes by the measuring rod of the Kashmir question. However, relations with India have been
very complicated. "There are a complex of social religious, historical, political and psychological forces all
tending in a sinister combination to antagonise the two states." The fixation on India has in fact largely
shaped Pakistan's relations with and attitude378
Pakistan Affairs

towards other countries. President Ayub Khan argued:

We have an enemy, an implacable enemy in India" and he referred to "India's ambitions to absorb
Pakistan and turn her into a satellite."

Consequently, Pakistan's foreign policy was shaped in a defensive mould from the earlier days of
independence, which urged it to look for security arrangements elsewhere. Thus Pakistan found itself
placed in a camp opposite to India. Both China and the West under this programme find a significant
place in Pakistan's security plan.

ECONOMIC COMPULSIONS

Few states were born as poor as Pakistan in 1947. The Muslim minority of India occupied the north-
western highland and the eastern rimland of India. Industrially these areas did not figure anywhere on
the map of the subcontinent. Pre-partition industrial and commercial growth was associated with
Calcutta, Bombay and Madras which form part of new India. On the reverse, there was very little
industry in the areas that were to become Pakistan. Thus the new state of Pakistan was confronted with
a multitude of socio-economic and political problems and looked for foreign assistance and loans in her
struggle for economic and political survival. The first Prime Minister Liaquat Ali Khan's visit to America in
1950 was actuated by the same considerations.

The American economic aid to Pakistan started in fiscal year 1951 and it gradually began to increase
after signing by Pakistan of mutual security assistance agreement and its participation in the SEATO and
CENTO (Baghdad Pact) in 1954 and 1955 respectively. This aid factor is very strong in shaping our foreign
policy even today.

Almost fifty years have elapsed since the evolution of policy pursued by Pakistan in dealing with nations
abroad. It has, during the course of this period, seen both the fruit and the bruises of it, yet it is clinging
on to the spirit it imbibed at an early stage of its formation. There has been little substantive

change in its overall international performance or outlook. All the aforesaid factors and forces lie at the
root, constitute the determinants of Pakistan's foreign policy and in all this India factor is the most
important.

SEVENTY YEARS WORKING OF PAKISTAN'S FOREIGN POLICY

Beginning:

Pakistan emerged on the world map as a sovereign state on 14th August, 1947 after a two-pronged
struggle, first for independence from remorseless colonial rule and the freedom for the people of
Muslim Majority areas from the imminent threat bf economic, social and political supremacy by another
people with the yearning of preserving their separate identity. The Muslim League had to wage a long
and at times bitter, political fight, but the issue was ultimately resolved by agreement.

QUAID-I-AZAM'S VISION OF PAKISTAN'S FOREIGN POLICY FRIENDSHIP WITH ALL 1947-53


When Pakistan became a sovereign state, the Quaid-i-Azam lived only for one year after independence.
During this short period, in addition to laying the foundation of so many institutions of establishment he
described the main objectives of Pakistan's foreign policy and stated.

"Our foreign policy will be of friendship with all irrespective of colour, creed or religion. We do not
cherish aggressive designs against any country or nation there lies in front of us a new chapter and it will
be our endeavour to create and maintain goodwill and friendship with Briton and our Neighbour
Hindustan alongwith other sisterly nations too that we all together make our greatest contribution for
the peace and prosperity of the human kind"

In the light of the Quaid's vision Pakistan developed friendly relations with the newlyPakistan and US
War on Terror

379

established Muslim countries and supported the freedom movements of Indonesia, Algeria, Tunisia,
Morocco and Eritrea against the Western colonial powers.

However India responded with a hostile posture despite Jinnah's yearning for peace and friendship. It
forcibly occupied princely states of Janagarh, Hyderabad and Jammu and Kashmir despite all factors
supporting their accessin to Pakistan. India's act of forcible occupation triggered the war with India over
Kashmir in 1947. In addition to this unethical and illegal act, India persuaded Afghanistan to turn down
the Durand Line as the permanent boundary between Pakistan and Afghanistan to create Political
difficulties for Pakistan. The antagonistic behaviour paved the way for permanent hostilities between
Pakistan and India. That marred the development of friendly relations between the two neighbours.

Joining Western Pacts 1953-1963

During this time the two super powers of the time i.e. USSR and the US, invited Pakistan's Prime
Minister to pay a visit to forge friendly relations. But the Indian hostile demeanour and spread of
communism in Asia landed Liaqat Ali Khan in a state of exasperation as what to do or to which way
should he go. But eventually Liaqat Ali Khan justice decided to prefer the USA in 1950 because the Soviet
Union's economy after the Second world war had been shattered and Moscow was not in position to
assist Pakistan's developing economy without sophisticated weapons and paucity monetary resources.

Liaqat Ali Khan's preference to the USA obviously aroused Soviet-Unions' wrath as it demonstrated
Pakistan's tilt to the West dominated by the USA. It obviously pushed the Soviet Union towards India to
create a permanent security threat for Pakistan.

The Pak-US rendezvous paved the way for the Mutual Defence Assistance Agreement which was agreed
upon in 1954.

According to the agreement the US agreed to provide modern war training to Pakistan's armed forces.
The training greatly helped in enhancing the professional capacity and capability of Pakistani troops
against India.
The conclusion of SEATO and CENTO in 1954 and 1955 reinforced Pak-US ties. The US used these
regional blocs to bridle the Communism in South, West and East Asia. The US fully reciprocated and
rewarded Pakistan's support against the Soviet Union with massive economic and military aid. The US,
however withheld its support to Pakistan during 1965 war then the US flew its spy aircraft from Badabair
Peshawar in 1962. It also resorted to placing economic and military sanctions on Pakistan after the 1965
war.

The Changeover (1963-72)

The US extended military assistance to India under the garb of Sino-India war of 1962. The Soviet Union
threatened Pakistan of retaliation when US spy plane U-2 spy plea which had taken off from Badaber,
Peshawar, was shot down. Pakistan was forced to re align itself in the aftermath of these developments.
On almost every issue that arose in relation with India, Pakistan found itself confronted with India's
refusal to resolve the differences on the basis of law and

Despite its hostile attitude Soviet Union offered credit and technical assistance for oil exploration in
Pakistan in 1961. New vistas were explored during the visits of the then foreign minister Zulfiqar Ali
Bhutto and President Ayub Khan to Moscow in 1965. Ayub Khan was able to convince the Soviet Union
to extend assistance to Pakistan in implementing 30 development projects during the Third Five year
plan (1965-70).

Pakistan also approached Britain, for economic and defence problems posed by Indian threat. USSR
adopted a balanced posture and came up with a balanced approach with regard to the Kashmir
problem380

Pakistan Affairs

and remained nutral during the 1965 war and mediated Tashkent Declaration signed in 1966.

During this period Pakistan's relations with China rapidly developed on friendly terms. Several
agreements of shipping and border demarcation were signed between Pakistan and China in 1963 to
promote bilateral relations. When Pakistan supported China in its bid to neutralize the US attempt at
isolating Beijing regionally, Chinese President Zhou Enlai declared Chinese support for the Kashmir's
struggle in February 1964.

Non-Alignment (1972-79)

When Z A Bhutto assumed office of President of remaining Pakistan after the disaster of 1971 break up
of the country, he launched efforts to restore the confidence and rebuild morale and confidence, re-
orient failed policies both at home and abroad and rehabilitate Pakistan in the world community.

For this objective he tried to diversify Pakistan's foreign policy by leaving the Commonwealth and SEATO
in 1972. He cultivated Pakistan's economic, and diplomatic relations with Eastern European, Asia,
African and South and Central American states. Pakistan also renounced CENTO in March, 1979 to join
the Non Aligned Movement in September, 1979.

Even before the 1971 debacle Bhutto trid to mend fences with the United States. After his election
victory in 1970 Bhutto visited Washington on 18 December, 1971 to reassure President Nixon that
Pakistan was completely with the US and he wanted to further promote good relations. President Nixon
promised that the US would do all within its powers to help Pakistan and that the cohesion and stability
of Pakistan are of critical importance to the structure of peace in South Asia.

Bhutto concluded Simla Agreement with India on 2 July, 1972 that facilitated the

release of 90,000 prisoners of war from Indian captivity. After hosting the OIC summit in Islamabad in
February 1974, Bhutto was successful in restoring Pakistan's public perception after separation of East
Pakistan. China and Soviet Union developed stable relations with Pakistan under Bhutto. The Soviet
Union provided lavish loans to help Pakistan's economy to flourish.

Pakistan's Nuclear Programme

In came to light in early 1960s that India was acquiring nuclear technology not only for peaceful
purposes but also to produce weapons to threaten its neighbours. While emphasizing peaceful uses in
public statements, India was establishing the entire nuclear fuel cycle facilities, including production of
bomb-grade plutonium that would give India the capability to produce nuclear weapons.

The 1971 calamity compelled Pakistan to launch its nuclear programme to attain balance against Indian
design. Pakistan's defence capability was inadequate to protect its territorial integrity as East Pakistan
was split by Indian army to create Bangladesh. Pakistan, therefore was compelled to devise its own
means to ensure its security and survival. India's irresistible desire to exploit Pakistan's internal political
issues, assistance to separatist elements in East Pakistan, violation of the principle of non-interference in
internal affairs and military intervention and India's deep hatred towards Pakistan and unwillingness of
allies to extend assistance to Pakistan led to Pakistan to devise its means to ensure security and survival.

Pakistan, therefore, concluded an agreement with France in 1976 to acquire a nuclear reprocessing
plant. The US withdrew it's A-7 aircraft offer in 1977 and suspended economic assistance and military
sales to Pakistan to thwart Pakistan from establishing uranium enrichment facilities. The US also
succeeded to convince France in 1978 toPakistan and US War on Terror

381

agreement to supply sitting ruler Hafeez Ullah Amim and placed Babrak Karmal, leader of the Parcham
faction, as President. The Soviet intervention provoked a deep sense of anxiety in Pakistan. Suddenly the
Soviet superpower advanced to Pakistan borders. The security personnel believed that if allowed to
consolidate its hold, the Soviet Union could later leap down the Bolan and Khyber passes to fulfil the
historical czarist ambition for access to the warm waters.

back out from the reprocessing plant.

Relations with the USA, 1972-79

Due to the opposition expressed by the US towards Pakistan's nuclear programme, Pakistan withdrew
from SEATO in 1972. However Pakistan did not relinquish CENTO as it still wanted to maintain relations
with Washington. The US gave importance to Pakistan's friendly gesture in the context of its Middle East
policy. Richard Nixon's adminis tration continued to express concern about Pakistan's economic and
security, woes.
The Afghanistan War (1979-88)

Culturally both Afghanistan and Pakistan were very similar. On partition the Afghan Government
denounced the Treaty Amir Abdur Rehman had signed in 1893by which Durand Line was established as
the boundary with British India. The Government of Afghanistan, on prompting by the Soviet Union,
launched a territorial claim, in the guise of support for Pakhtoonistan which it wanted to delineate out
of Pakistan.

Sardar Daoud, an extremely antagonist concluded an agreement with Soviet Union. But the agreement
soon became a futile attempt and by 1976 Sardar Daud realized that the Soviets had their own designs.
To neutralize Soviet unfluence, Sardar Daoud began his efforts to improve relations with Pakistan.
Sardar Daoud entered into dialogue with PM Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto, General Zia ul weapon Haq in July,
1977.

Sardar Daud's new policy extremely irked the Soviets. A coup called the 'Saur Revolution' was launched
on 27 April, 1979 in which Sardar Daud and his entire family was assassinated. All other rulers who
succeeded Daoud were also eliminated. The law and order quickly deteriorated which lured Soviet
Union to interfere.

On 26 December, 1979, the Soviet entered Afghanistan. They removed the

The Soviet annexation of Afghanistan in December, 1979 baffled the world with its overwhelming
seizure. It also led the US to forget the past and forge ahead to form a détente with Pakistan to defeat
the occupying Red Army in Afghanistan. The CIA and ISI prepared a group of fighters to fight against the
Soviet forces. The Soviet forces were defeated in 1988 and Pakistan became the second largest recipient
of American aid after Israel. However the Afghan war left its nefarious impact on Pakistan's economy
and security as it gave a fillip to the proliferation of weapons and stimulated religious extremism.

Pakistan's Foreign Policy after Cold War (1990-2001)

The Soviet Union decided to withdraw from Afghanistan in 1989. The moment the Soviet forces
withdrew from Afghanistan the nuclear issue began command Pak-US relations. The US asked Pakistan
to stop its research programme. When Pakistan refused the Pressler Amendment. was applied. The US
immediately cut off $ 700 million in assistance which it had promised to Pakistan during 1988-94. It also
declined to allow the transfer of F.16 aircrafts and other military equipment for which Pakistan had paid
a billion dollars in cash. However when Benazir paid a visit to Washington the Clinton administration
removed the embargo on Pakistan provided military equipment worth $ 368 million. 1382

Pakistan Affairs

Pakistan's recognition of the Taliban Government in May 1997 stimulated inter- national umbrage and
disapproval. It laid its negative impact on Pak-US relations.

9/11 and After

The horrendous terrorist attacks on the World Trade centre and Pentagon on 11 September, 2001 took
everyone by sheer surprise and provoked a metamorphosis of world politics as the television showed
the high jacked aircrafts sinking into the enormous military and economic symbols of American
supremacy. In addition to physical damage the lethal terrorists attacks killed more than three thousand
innocent human beings caught in the ordeal. The unheard off assault on the US mainland was more
destructive and fearsome than the attack on Pearl Harbour in 1951. The American people were shocked
and fumed with deep sense of President of Pakistan issued a strong statement of denouncement and
sympathy. The President declared utmost assistance to Washington to deal with the perpetrators.

The terrorist attacks developed a perplexing situation for Pakistan. Pakistan had to adopt a strategy that
would curtail risks to its own security and strategic interests. It had to pull along free of defiance and
avoid exasperating the US.

Soon the objectives of US policy began to surface. Secretary of state Colin Powel declared that US
expected the utmost corporation from Pakistan. On 13 September, 2001 President Bush said those who
harboured terrorists would be taken as terrorists. To entice Pakistan, the US lifted sanctions imposed by
Clinto administration on Pakistan in 1998 because of its nuclear tests. After 9/11 attack, the US not only
lifted the sanctions on Pakistan, but also made Pakistan its most trusted ally in its war on terror.

During the Musharraf regime, Pakistan and India decided to reduce their nuclear India.

stockpile and resolve the Kashmir issue in the Agra Summit of July, 2001. However the stubborn Indian
attitude destroyed the very purpose of Agra summit. PPP Government (2008-2013 Onward)

The PPP saddled in power after winning the 2008 general elections with Yousaf Reza Gillani as Prime
Minister. The PPP government though was ridden with massive corruption, it was however successful
expanding the foreign relations. The number of agreements were signed with the USA in October 2009
including Kerry-Lugar Bill t give non-military grant to Pakistan. Pakistan showed its inclination of
fostering close relations with Russia. Pak-Iran relations als improved after the conclusion of Pak-Iran Gas
Pipeline.

Current Domestic Scenario (2013 revenge. General Perveiz Musharraf the then Onward)

The PML-N government under Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif accomplished two significant objectives on
the foreign policy Firstly the country became full member of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization
(SCO) that with provide ample opportunity to work in collaboration with China, Russia and Central Asian
Republics in fighting the three evils of terrorism, extremism and separatism in the region. Secondly
China is going to invest around $ 60 billion through China - Pakistan Economic Corridor to upgrade
Pakistan's transport facilities and energy sector However the PML-N government has failed to remove
confusion and puzzles in the country's foreign policy. It is still not clear that the ill-conceived policy of
strategic depth toward Afghanistan and India has been discarded or not.

Despite the lifting of sanctions on Iran by the US, the Government continued to poke its nose in terms of
completing Pakistan's portion of the IP gas pipeline this has prompted Iran to further cement in ties
withPakistan and US War on Terror

383
The Government also could not employ skilful diplomacy to highlight gross violations of human rights in
the valley of Kashmir by India. The Indian lobby successfully thwarted the sale of F-16 to Pakistan and
refunding Pakistan's amount paid for the purchase of the F-16s.

The US is still asking Pakistan to do more against the Haqqani Network in North Wazirastan. Pakistan lost
about 50,000 lives and over $ 120 billion in the War on terror. The US is reluctant to conclude a nuclear
accord with Pakistan and does not support Pakistan's desire to join the Nuclear Supplier Group (NSG).

FOREIGN POLICY CHALLENGES The new government emerging from 2013 elections will face difficult
domestic

problems.

The external challenges it will confront are equally daunting. The most urgent foreign policy challenges
could be summed up in three words: Afghanistan, America, India.

After a decade of inconclusive war, Afghanistan is in the midst of another troubled transition. Compelled
by unachieved objectives, enormous costs and domestic opposition, the US and its more despondent
NATO allies are in the process of withdrawing their military forces from Afghanistan.

Nevertheless, the US hopes to retain a 'friendly' government in Kabul, a large US- financed and US-
trained Afghan army and a US-Special Forces contingent to support the Afghans and conduct
counterterrorism operations in Afghanistan and along the Pak Afghan border.

Pakistan's foremost objective is to neutralise the terrorist campaign being waged against the state by
the Tehreek-e-Taliban Pakistan (TTP). The path of negotiations with the TTP, proposed by some of the
potential new leaders, is unlikely to succeed.

The TTP's political objective - a theological polity within and beyond Pakistan -is beyond the scope of the
negotiable.

Elements of the TTP are foreigners or foreign-sponsored; the revived tensions with Kabul imply that the
TTP will continue to have 'safe havens' in Afghanistan; and a compromise cannot be forged without the
military option on the table front and centre.

The best way to deal with the TTP is to target the most recalcitrant leaders; break the group's loose
unity and negotiate only with those prepared to accept Pakistan's Constitution and its territorial
integrity.

A second priority for the new government is to halt the US drone attacks on Pakistan's territory. It will
be difficult to convince the US to halt such strikes, if it is true that it got some Pakistani nods and winks.

The US will be even less disposed to accommodate the new government if it is seen as being 'soft' on
terrorism and the Taliban. Shooting down drones will provoke a conflict with the US that can only end
badly for Pakistan.
Halting the drone attacks can be achieved through well-considered diplomac If Pakistan means business,
it should register a legal case opposing the use of drones against Pakistani territory and citizens without
its permission.

This can be done in the Security Council, the Human Rights Council and the International Court of
Justice. Pakistan could also make its agreement to 'deliver the Afghan Taliban to the negotiating table
conditional on a US commitment to halt the drone strikes.

The new government's third and larger objective in Afghanistan, no doubt, will be to ensure that the
political and security structures the US leaves behind are not hos tile to Pakistan's interests.

Islamabad has a vested interest in promoting a negotiated peace in Afghanistan and using its influence
to bring Mullah Omar, the Haqqanis and Hekmatyar to accept an equitable power-sharing agreement.
384

But some forces, evidently including Hamid Karzai, seem to be working against such an agreement.
Kabul's recently escalated rhetoric and the resulting border clashes are ominous signs. Cross-border
conflicts could persist.

Pakistan's new government will need to play an active role to build peace through resort to leverage and
compromise with power players within and around Afghanistan.

America's post-Afghan strategy could also embroil Pakistan in the confrontation with Iran on the nuclear
issue. An open conflict between Iran and the Western powers would severely threaten Pakistan's
stability and security.

At the very least, Pakistan will need to keep out of the corifrontation on this issue. At best, an active new
government could play a positive role to promote a compromise between Iran and the 'international
community'.

Pakistan's competitive and unpredictable relationship with India could confront the new government
with a repeat of past challenges.

At present, Kashmir's resistance to Indian rule is relatively dormant but still real. A particularly egregious
act of Indian oppression could spark a major political erup- tion in Kashmir and reignite the armed
struggle.

A new Pakistan government, composed of 'nationalist parties, will be obliged to express its support for
the Kashmiris, verbally and perhaps materially, inevitably sparking a crisis with India.

Conversely, given the deep-rooted grievances of the Kashmiris and other Muslim and minority groups in
India, a major act of terrorism there seems almost inevitable, sooner or later.

Although New Delhi will know that Pakistan's authorities are not involved, it is likely, as usual, to blame
Islamabad, leading to another crisis in Pakistan-India relations.

To avoid such periodic but foreseeable problems, it would be wise for the Pakistan
Pakistan Affairs

government to propose some 'rules of the road' on how the two governments should respond to such
events in order to avoid unintended confrontation or conflict.

Another latent but potentially lethal danger arises from the absence for the past several years of an
arms control and security dialogue between Pakistan and India.

Today, India is the largest purchaser of advanced weaponry, most of which fighters, missiles, anti-
ballistic missiles, aircraft carrier-are planned to be deployed against Pakistan. India's nuclear weapons
programme is also capable of open-ended expansion following its US-sponsored admission to the
Nuclear Suppliers' Group.

Pakistan will be obliged to acquire or develop capabilities to neutralise the threat from the growing
Indian arsenal.

It should be particularly disconcerting that this unequal arms race is taking place without mutual
understanding of the adversary's military or nuclear doctrines.

Given the danger of potential confrontations over Kashmir, terrorism and other outstanding issues, it is
in the vital interest of Pakistan and India to regulate and moderate their military competition. The new
government cannot continue to turn a blind eye to the strategic danger in the subcontinent.

Pakistan's Foreign Ministry has an imposing responsibility to propose sound policies to respond to these
challenges. It must rise to the occasion.

CHINA AND PAKISTAN

The change of attitude on the part of its Western allies and particularly the US, compelled Pakistan to
reconsider its commitments towards these alliances and look for new friends who were to be more
trustworthy. China was rapidly emerging as a mighty power and it was no longer possible and advisable
for Pakistan to ignore a mighty neighbour. According to Ayub Khan, "If we would not establish normal
relations with all three big neighbours, the best thing was to have an understanding with two of them.
ItPakistan and US War on Terror

385

was on this basis that I set out to normalise our relations with People's Republic of China and the Soviet
Union. It is in this sense that our geographical location and the political compulsions inherent therein
have determined the course of our foreign policy in recent years"."

Pakistan extended recognition to People's Republic of China in 1950. As such Pakistan became third non-
communist country to recognize People's Republic of China. Diplomatic relations between China and
Pakistan were established in 1951.

Pakistan's desire to cultivate friendly relations with China obviously annoyed the US. By 1962 Pakistan-
US relations were not as cordial as were in the 1950's. Consequently the US suspended its economic
assistance to Pakistan. During the war of 1965 the US placed an embargo on the supply of military aid to
Pakistan, a decision which only an unfriendly country would have thought of taking.

In its bid to normalise its relations with China, Pakistan launched a vigorous campaign to back China's
entry in the UNO. Pakistan's Foreign Minister Mr. Manzoor Qadir openly criticised the US policy of
opposing China's admission in the UN and advocated China's membership of the UN. In 1961 Ayub Khan
unequivocally supported China's entry in the UN. Pakistan voted in favour of China's entry in the UN.
China eventually won her seat in the UN mainly due to the support of Pakistan.

An agreement on the demarcation of boundaries was concluded between China and Pakistan in 1962.
The then Foreign Minister of Pakistan Mr. Zulfikar Ali Bhutto went to Peking to sign the agreement. The
agreement further cemented the relations and paved the way for the development of friendly relations
between the two nations in future.

An agreement was concluded between China and Pakistan to establish the air link between the two
countries. PIA had requested the Chinese government for the permission of flying to Japan through
China. The Chinese government granted the permission to PIA to fly to Japan through China, Pakistan
expressed its profound interest in the Afro-Asian affairs which further brought Pakistan and China
closer. Trade and cultural activities were promoted by the exchange of trade and cultural delegations
between the two countries. Educational facilities were exchanged to promote the educational contacts
between the two nations. China gave a loan of 60 million dollars to Pakistan to meet its import
expenditure.

Ayub Khan paid a visit to China in 1964 which gave a boost to normalising relations between China and
Pakistan. The two governments issued the joint communique in which it was reaffirmed that maximum
efforts shall be made to bring the relations between the two nations on friendly and cordial pattern.
China extended its unflinch support to the cause of Kashmir and impressed upon India to fulfil its
promise of holding plebiscite in the held Kashmir. During the war of 1965 China came forward to help
Pakistan with every kind of assistance and issued ultimatum to India.

China extended substantial aid to Pakistan for the development of its industrial base. China also
provided technical and financial assistance for the development of Pakistan's industry. It offered to
establish a heavy mechanical complex at Taxila. The Taxila complex is an excellent engineering project
catering to the educational and mechanical needs of Pakistan. Karakoram Highway was built with the
help of China. Pakistan and China were linked by the Silk Route on the Karakoram Highway which is the
living example of Pak-China friendship.

1. M. Ayub Khan, 'Friends not Masters' Op. Cit.,

p. 118.

In 1970 China gave assistance to develop mining, transport and industry in Pakistan. However, China did
not come with386

substantial assistance during the 1971 crisis in East Pakistan. It adopted rather a more diplomatic
posture by advising Pakistan to settle the East Pakistan dispute through political dialogue with the East
Pakistani separatists.
PAK-CHINA PARTNERSHIP

Pak-China partnership and friendship is more than 50 years old, and is based on trust, understanding
and mutual respect. The opening of Pakistan's consulate at the port city of Shanghai will also facilitate
economic growth. China is appreciative of special incentives being provided to its investors.

Pakistan has announced market economy status (MES) to China. China will provide 500 million dollars
for investment to Pakistan. Pakistan believes in productive economic co-operation than assistance. The
two countries have commonalties of views on regional and international issues. China supported
Pakistan's membership in Shanghai Cooperation Organisation. The strategic partnership has
strengthened bilateral economic, trade and cultural ties and its positive effects in regional progress,
prosperity are visible. Pakistan wants to benefit from Chinese experience. China is already contributing
in boosting Pakistan's economy through implementation of mega projects. Future investment, joint
ventures and private linkage is a manifestation of bilateral desire to enhance the beneficial interactions
in the aftermath of Prime Minister Shaukat Aziz's visit, termed by President Hu Jintao as "the most
successful."

During formal talks in Great Hall, both sides agreed to expand cooperation in trade, infrastructure, use
of natural resources, power production, industrial and commercial ventures.

In an address at Tsinghua University in Beijing, the prime minister Shaukat Aziz dwelt at length on
Kashmir, Palestine, Afghanistan and political/economic issues. He highlighted Pakistan's position on
terrorism and radication of poverty. The establishment of

Pakistan Affairs

rapport with China's fourth generation leadership is a step in the right direction.

Presently, Pakistan-China business contacts stood at 4 bills US dollars. Shaukat Aziz informed his Chinese
hosts in unequivocal terms that Pakistan cherishes its friendship with China, and would like to exploit it
for mutual economic benefits, which grew 30 per cent during the past year. The pledge for
establishment of China's specific Exclusive Economic Zones (EEZs) manifests Pakistan sincerity to give
boost to investment Chinese companies can invest in textile, information technology, construction,
electronic and food processing, Pakistan has the potential to be a regional manufacturing centre for the
export of Chinese products to Central Asia, Middle East, South Asia and Afghanistan.

Vice mayor of Shanghai Zhou Yu, while assuring Prime Minister Shaukat Aziz about the conversion of
diplomatic contacts into mutually beneficial economic relations stated "China considers Pakistan a
strong and reliable partner and looks forward to develop bilateral partnership in the economic field."
China has extended viable support in sector where other are reluctant to Co-operate. With Chinese help
Pakistan has been able to have Gwadar Deep Seaport. During meetings with Chinese Entrepreneurs
Shaukat Aziz assured them of better returns. During the visit, Pakistan and China signed agreements on
expansion work on Gwadar port, 1500 housing units project in Lahore, Oil and Gas exploration, free
industrial zone for China, extension in Saindak project, cooperation for Chashma Nuclear Power plant
and extension in its Phase-II, Protocol on concession on 186 items under existing PTA and extension of
tariff concession in 913 items. The establishment of Joint Study Group (JSC). MOUS between Pakistan
Software Export Board (PSEB) and Chinese ZTE Telecom Corporation Pakistan, Royal Fan and Chinese
MIDEA for manufacturing electronic equipment on transfer technology basis.
The prime minister asked the Chinese International Water and Electric Corporation for early completion
of "Mangla Dam's risingPakistan and US War on Terror

387

project. Progress on provision of 169 bogeys and 60 locomotive engines to Pakistan Railways and
improving signalling and track system was reviewed during his meeting with top leadership of Dongfang
Electric Corporation.

Establishment of Joint Economic Commission, Housing project. joint Investment Company. Chinese
Investment in Agriculture sector will go a long way in Pak China interaction. Pakistan-China defence co-
operation has been developed in tandem. During his meeting with the Chinese Defence Minister
General Cao Gangchuan, Shaukat Aziz discussed co-operation in the field of non-traditional security.
Joint anti-terror efforts will be beneficial to ensure security and economic development. Pak-China
strategic partnership would be helpful in the long run. Indo-American strategic partnership would be
helpful in the long run. Indo American strategic partnership is a fait accompli. Although there is an
apparent thaw in Sino-Indo relations, India justifies continuation of nuke programme due to China India
has always denounced Pak China Boundary Treaty of 1963. USA wants to restrict Chinese economic
development. In its National Missile Defence (NMD) System and Theatre Missile Defence (TMD) System,
no doubt, China is one of its targets for economic reasons. The idea was presented on 5th June, 2000, by
the former US president Bill Clinton during his visit to Moscow. He left its actualisation to his successor.

The exchange of high level visit is the hallmark of Pak-China multifaceted relationship. The partnership
remains constant despite regional/global changes. Pakistan-China partnership, without doubt, is a role
model of understanding.

The early phase

Pakistan was the first Islamic country and third noncommunist state to accord recognition to the
People's Republic of China. Although Pakistan established diplomatic relations with China in 1951, the
actual

consolidation of relations started in the early 1960s, when Pakistan changed its previous stance and
supported China's seating in the UN in 1961. In the 1962 Sino-Indian border war, the US rushed military
assistance to India, which Pakistan, being an allay of the West, considered detrimental to its security
concerns and moved out of the Western orbit (SEATO and CENTO). At that point in time, a commonality
of interests seemed to be emerging between Pakistan and China. It was the shared sense of an evolving
geostrategic environment in which the two countries amicably negotiated and signed an agreement on
the demarcation of their common border in March 1963. In the following years, Pakistan on its part
sincerely helped China to end the isolation that both the superpowers wished to impose on China, by
signing an air-transport agreement and trade agreement and helping China maintain contact with a
number of countries, especially the Islamic world. Similarly, China played a commendable role in its
support of Pakistan in achieving a ceasefire in the 1965 Indo Pakistan war by issuing stern warnings to
India. Following the war, China, also in attempt to compensate for war losses, supported Pakistan with
military equipment including tanks and aircraft. In the 1960s, Pakistan-China relations evolved on firm
foundations of mutual trust and confidence.
In the early 1970s, Pakistan played an important role in facilitating secret communications between the
US and China that resulted in Henry Kissinger's secret visit to China followed by President Richard
Nixon's historic visit. Sino-US normalization of relations was perceived in Indian strategic thinking as the
emergence of a US-Pakistan China strategic triangle, which prompted India to sign a treaty of peace,
friendship and cooperation with the Soviet Union. It could be termed as a kind of a security treaty
because Article IX of the treaty stipulated that in "the event of either party being subject to an attack or
threat thereof, the high contracting parties shall immediately enter into mutual consultations in order to
remove such threat388

and to take appropriate effective measures to ensure peace and security of their countries."

Pakistan Affairs

This development introduced a new dimension to the region, especially if seen in the context of the Cold
War, and also created more space for further consolidation of Pak China relations. The other
development, which had profoundly influenced Sino-Pak relations, was the Indo-Pakistan war in 1971,
followed by the Chinese military and economic assistance to Pakistan. Later, on the issue of
Bangladesh's application for membership to the UN, China, on Pakistan's request, exercised its veto
power for the first time to stall the move, which helped Pakistan to secure in a bargain the release of its
POWS and the return of troops to their prewar positions. The Indian nuclear explosion of 1974
introduced a new dimension to the strategic balance in the region and gave fresh impetus to expanding
Pak-China defense cooperation. Between 1971 and 1978, China assisted Pakistan in building two
defense- related mega projects, first, the Heavy Rebuild Factory for T-59 tanks, and second, the F-6
Aircraft Rebuild Factory. Chinese intent to make Pakistan self-reliant in the production of a conventional
weapons system, without attaching any political strings to its assistance, cultivated deep-rooted respect
and goodwill for China in Pakistan.

The end of the 1970s witnessed international developments of immense consequences that continued
to impact on the entire region throughout the following decades and even today. These were the Iranian
Islamic Revolution in February 1979, the declared hostility of the new Iranian leadership towards the US,
and in the later part of the year, the invasion of Afghanistan by the Soviet Union. Invasion of Afghanistan
created a situation of two hostile fronts for Pakistan-India and Afghanistan- threatening peace and
stability in the region. At this crucial juncture, China stood firmly by Pakistan and condemned the
invasion of Afghanistan as a "hegemonic action" that posed a threat to peace and stability not only

for the region but for the entire world. Pakistan and China had a shared perspective and developed
coordinated strategies to deal with the Afghan situation. China provided covertly, in the following years,
military supplies worth $200 million annually to the Afghan resistance groups, and extended political
support to Pakistan at all international fora.

Throughout the 1980s, Pakistan-China relations continued to develop into a comprehensive relationship.
While China improved its relations with India towards the end of the the 1980s, Pakistan did not feel
that China's improving relations with India were at the cost of China's relations with Pakistan. Although
there was a visible shift in the Chinese stance on Kashmir, Pakistani policy makers believed that China's
improved relations with India would act as a restraining factor on Indian belligerency towards Pakistan.
Pakistan always supported China on all issues important to Chinese national interests such as
sovereignty over Hong Kong, Taiwan, and Tibet and issues relating to human rights and democracy.
China always appreciated and counted on Pakistan's strong support as a trusted friend over all these
issues at international fora.

Following the withdrawal of Soviet forces from Afghanistan in 1988-1989, the regional strategic
dynamics changed once again. The US, after having achieved its strategic interest of rolling back
communist aggression, claimed victory over the former Soviet Union and abandoned Afghanistan.
Pakistan's support was no longer required by the US, so it came under US sanctions for secretly
developing nuclear weapons; an issue to which the US turned a blind eye for a decade during the Afghan
War. Throughout the 1990s, Pakistan remained under US sanctions and China was the primary source of
Pakistan's military hardware procurements. During this period, Pakistan-China defense related
cooperation also substantially increased. China's support for Pakistan's nuclear and missile programs
became aPakistan and US War on Terror

389

constant irritant in Sino-US and Sino-Indian relations, especially the issue of supply of M- 11 missiles and
500 ring magnets to an "unsafeguarded" nuclear facility. China, on its part, despite tremendous US
pressure to cut off high-technology links with Pakistan, remained steadfast in its commitment to
strengthen Pakistan's defense capability.

Under a 1986 agreement on nuclear cooperation for peaceful purposes, China had started work, since
1993, on a 300-MW nuclear power plant at Chashma in Pakistan. During his visit to the US in November
1997, Chinese president Jiang Zemin withstood American pressure and stated that China would not
compromise on its commitments to Pakistan regarding the transfer of nuclear technology for peaceful
purposes, The Nation, November

CURRENT SCENARIO OF SINO-PAK RELATIONS

SINO-PAK FRIENDSHIP

With China, unlike most other nations, we get the nearest thing to an association economic or otherwise
that we can attract on the international stage. Both nations tout themselves as "all weather partners"
and the need for companionship is felt in both countries simultaneously justifiably so. While the Indian
presence, historically, has been a cause apprehension for both the countries, the US of influence in the
region is one that alarms China in particular. And hence having Islamabad on their back is pivotal for
Beijing.

During the entire Osama Bin Laden soap opera, China defended the Pakistani government though the US
continued to haul over coals, and blamed our hierarchy - left, right and center for the exacerbated
situation of terrorism. Standing firm in the support of its ally, in what in all honesty was a tricky scenario
it was a major statement of support from Beijing.

After Pakistan enunciated its desire 'o have a seat on the UN Security Council at

the 66th General Assembly session in September, the bid was backed by China immensely. Since China
visualises Pakistan's importance in the maintenance of global peace and security, it did not shirk in
echoing Pakistan's voice.
CHINESE ASSISTANCE

China's help in the construction of Gwadar Port has been well documented, and while it aids Chinese
aspiration of opening up an energy and trade corridor from the Gulf, it goes without saying, that the
potential boost to our economy is massive. China has also helped us in building our principal nuclear
power generation facility at Chashma, another 330 MW unit has commenced in October 2011 as well,
and a couple more projects are in the pipeline at the same opulent spot. China National Nuclear Corp
has said that it was also in talks over the construction of another 1-gigawatt atomic plant in Pakistan.
China is also the key supplier of conventional arms and has also supported our nuclear weapons
programme in the past also providing us with milita gear that includes fighter jets and frigates. Amidst
the nuclear proliferation and safety clamour, this, undoubtedly, is a strapping move from Beijing.

Chinese aid for flood relief purposes was another feather in the cap of Sino-Pak friendship. China has
donated $4.7 million, with another $5 million promised by Liu Jian Chinese Ambassador to Pakistan, in
addition to the $18 million donated in 2010. China has also supplied 7,000 tents for the flood victims,
another laudable contribution in easing out the pain of the multitude of people that suffer. BILATERAL
TRADE

Last year's bilateral trade numbers depict a trade volume worth $8.7 billion, which substantiated a 27.7
per cent rise from the statistics in 2009. However the trade flow is still skewed in favour of China, with
the Chinese exporting goods worth $6.9 billion to Pakistan and Chinese imports were valued at $1.7
billion-25.5 per cent and 37.2 per cent rise from 2009, respectively. Nevertheless there is a buoyant
optimism on our side of the390

border that these numbers would amplify precipitously in the near future, with bilateral trade numbers
as far as $15 billion being anticipated. To further bolster the trade correlation between the two
countries, China has frequently assisted a lot of our major projects. Two of the most momentous
projects are; Gwadar Port in Baluchistan - lucrative sea route and the Karakoram Highway linking
western China with the northern parts of Pakistan, and if upgraded would provide a channel for energy
imports in China from various other markets.

BACKING ECONOMY

Even though the two nations signed a free trade agreement and five-year development programme on
trade and economic cooperation in 2006, followed by the approval of the economic proposals of 36
projects worth more than $13 billion in 2010, the bilateral trade still doesn't post up groundbreaking
numbers. The Sino-Pak bilateral trade volume of $8.7 billion last year doesn't come out on par, when
compared with most other countries. Sino-US trade volume posts huge numbers with a towering $380
billion last year. Sino-India trade in 2010 amounted to $61.7 billion and the number escalated further,
crossing $35 billion mark in the first half of the current year a 16 per cent rise from the same time in
2010. Even China-Vietnam the bilateral trade volume was worth more than $10 billion in 2010.
Considering our ties with China, and the universally flaunted companionship, the diminutive trade
numbers are absolutely unfathomable. If we are to bring to fruition the forecasted tally of $15 billion
bilateral trade volume annually, and benefit from our intimate political relationship in tangible returns
we have to streamline our approach.

Instead of merely focusing on enhancing the trade volume, we should look to ameliorate our industrial
base. China can lend a hand in this cause by producing goods for export in Pakistan and employing local
labour force. This would indeed be un-sailed waters, as far as approaches towards enhancing bilateral
economic ties are oncerned. However a customary hurdle is

Pakistan Affairs

the security threat and the cultural differences. Chinese companies haven't. expanded their bases, from
tip to toe, in terms of their presence in the Pakistani market, and a reassessment on the part of our
Chinese counterparts would not only bump up their market exposure, but also fortify our industrial
foundation.

EDUCATIONAL EXCHANGE

Another tool that has not been properly utilised is the educational exchange programmes, especially at
the university level. By allowing the cream of both the nations to blend, and acquire the positives from
each other's potential would have been rewarding for both the sides.

READRESSING SECURITY CONCERNS

China has vehemently

asked Pakistan to take notice of Uighur militants and undertake a robust action against them. The
Uighur militants originate from the western Chinese region of Xinjiang, but have penetrated inside the
Pakistani territory, doling out their menacing intent. On 5th July 2009, the Uighur antagonism boiled
over and violence broke out between the Uighurs - essentially Muslims - and the Han Chinese in
Xinjiang, resulting in 197 casualties. A lot of them were Han inhabitants who were executed in
stonehearted assaults on the part of the Uighur militants. Pakistan categorically condemned the riots,
receiving acknowledgement from China.

Another awful issue marring the Sino Pakistan bond is the safety concerns regarding the wellbeing of the
Chinese nationals working in Pakistan. Numerous Chinese workers have succumbed to militant attacks in
the past hence resulting in the plunge of the number of employees from China willing to toil here. Most
of them aren't willing to risk their lives and rightly so.

Therefore, the security factor has got to be given paramount importance to perk up our ties and ensure
that we get the assistance of the Chinese expertise in enhancing our economical dynamics. Especially,
considering the fact that ourForeign Policy of Pakistan

391

particular area has unfortunately become a hub of terrorism, we need to counter this disparaging
hazard to move ourselves - in all facades of national prosperity-forward.

COUNTERING DRUG TRAFFICKING

Cross-border smuggling of drugs has been a cause of uneasiness for both the neighbouring countries.
Chairman Standing Committee on Interior Senator Talha Mehmood recently expounded the increasing
trend of smuggling that has rung alarm bells in both the countries. Talha Mehmood made our intentions
clear by announcing that paramilitary forces like the Anti Narcotics Force (ANF) and the Federal
Investigation Agency (FIA) would be deployed to curb this practice.

He also asserted that there was an underhanded involvement of "some foreign agencies" in Gilgit-
Baltistan and hence the reinforcement of the law and order situation via strengthening law enforcing
agencies is the need of the hour. The scheme is spot on; let's hope so is the implementation.

Prime Minister Yusuf Raza Gilani recently described Pak-China friendship as "higher than mountains,
deeper than oceans, stronger than steel and sweeter than honey." And while that may be over-the-top
poetic lingo, one perceives the raison d'etre behind the couplet.

While the sceptics continue to downplay China's contributions, citing Chinese lack of intent in 1965 and
1971, what is indubitable is the fact that this moment. right here, right now is the most significant
chapter of the Sino-Pak tale. The US animosity has grown following the Osama bin Laden debacle and
the Haqqani Network blame games and so has the Indian command over sub-continental matters.
Hence Pakistan-China friendship is pivotal for us in this rickety epoch. And, since we aid China's
superiority in the region as well and have an imperative role in China's global expansion of clot; it's not
as if we are clinging on to a wild-goose chase.

CHINA PAKISTAN ECONOMIC CORRIDOR (CPEC) GATEWAY TO CPEC

GWADAR has enormous potential from all angles and dimensions for any kind of business activity
whether known or emerging with ever developing technologies. Gwadar Port and Free.

Zone, a leading flagship project of CPEC, has been handed over to M/s China Overseas Ports Holding
Company (COPHC) Pakistan under a Concession Agreement for a period of 43 years.

Gwadar International Terminals Ltd.. (GITL), being a Warm Water Natural Deep Sea Port and because of
its strategic location, will be a gateway and hub of world business and trade and will cater to all types of
international commercial activities generated from one business to another irrespective of quantity,
quantum and magnitude.

On March 7, 2018, a regular weekly container liner service of COSCO Shipping started from Gwadar
Terminal targeting the large untapped market of coastal trade between national seaports, Afghan
Transit Trade (ATT), regional trans-shipments and global exports and imports. Trade of multiple
commodities, especially seafood, fruits, vegetables, marble, minerals and many other locally available
commodities, will be highly benefitted.

The Gwadar Free Zone Company Ltd. (GFZCL) shall bring extensive economic benefits such as tax holiday
for 23 years and land lease up to 99 years to the upcoming businesses. The Zone provides most
attractive incentives package, connectivity to the regional trade hubs and pro-business policy
framework. The objective is to go the extra mile to fulfil investors' needs and support all activities that
promot international commerce. 392

Gwadar Port and Free Zone, located at a strategic position, is the CPEC gateway, and provides enormous
opportunities and a window into the landlocked Central Asian Republics. The goal of Free Zone is to
bolster global market presence by attracting new businesses and foreign investments in general trade,
services, manufacturing, logistics, transit and trans-shipment business.
Gwadar Port Authority (GPA) supports . Zone-registered companies comprehensively, provides
convenient public utilities and services to make sure that every investor can focus on the business
comfortably without any obstacle. The Zone enjoys significant geographical superiority due to its
proximity to vital node of international trade. The total area earmarked for it is 923 hectares (2,281
acres) immediately west of the existing multipurpose terminal and the planned container terminal. The
Zone is an integral part of the port and is designed to ensure optimum utilisation of port infrastructure.
The Zone sits next to the Gwadar Port which is going to become a future transit and trans shipment hub.

The South Area of the Zone (60 acres) is included in Phase-l project (i.e. Initial Area). which develops a
Commercial Logistics Zone (CLZ) with the leading functions of commodity exhibition, transit and
distribution relying on the existing port, as well as five industrial units. The work on Initial Area has been
completed and inaugurated in January 2018.

The companies that have already set up their businesses in the Initial Area are: Business Centre by China
Construction and Communication Company: Jolta Tech Co. Ltd., Pakistan; Sinotruck; Zhejiang Litchi
Stainless Steel Tube Factory; Nigbo Huilong Renewable Resources Technology Co. Ltd; Delight Food
Industry Co. Ltd., Pakistan; Tianjin Cereal & Oil Trade Co. Ltd; Exhibition Centre by Linyi Trade City
Overseas Ivestment (Pakistan) Co. Ltd; Zhong Guo Yu ei International Fishery (Gwadar) Co. Ltd;

Pakistan Affairs

Habib Bank; and many other Pakistani financial, logistics and trade service providers.

Dedicated utilities services like electric power plant with production capacity of 7.5 MW and water
desalination plant with 0.5 million capacity, has been set up in the Free Zone to facilitate the investors.

Processing and manufacturing areas are being developed in the North Area and divided into sub-zones.
Daily necessities and small household appliances, fishery, stone processing, transportation machinery
manufacturing and metal processing are the main introduced industries.

Tax exemption policy has been adopted in the development of bonded logistics. The Zone aims at
becoming an important node of the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor, a demonstration zone of China-
Pakistan's capacity cooperation, and a new economic engine in the western region of Pakistan. The Free
Zone during the initial construction and production phase (2018-23) will provide job opportunities for
more than 38,000 people and would assist increasing Pakistani's trade volume, FDI and national
economy size.

Gwadar Port and Free Zone is uniquely located at the junction of One Belt One Road, specifically
designed to provide the most promising investment opportunities for business. These opportunities are
not only available for Pakistani and Chinese investors, but also for other countries. It provides enormous
opportunities and a window into the landlocked Central Asian Republics.

The goal of the Gwadar Free Zone is to bolster global market presence by attracting new businesses and
foreign investments in general trade, services, manufacturing. logistics, trans-shipment and bunkering
business.

We will support Free Zone companies fully and comprehensively to provideForeign Policy of Pakistan
393

PAKISTAN China-Pakistan Economic Corridor Gwadar-Khunjrab Routes

CHINA

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AFGHANISTAN

Quetta

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BALOCHSTAN

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Long Term CPEC Alignment

Peshawar Karachi Motorway Gwadar D.LK Via Quetta Indus Highway

LEGEND

Motorways

ARABIAN SEA

Karachi
convenient public utilities and services and to make sure that every investor can focus on core business
activities comfortably without any obstacle. Further developments are well underway and we ensure
and encourage more enterprises to invest here and share the prosperity with Pakistan.

Pakistan's businesses view China's promise of $46bn investment with a focus on building a China-
Pakistan Economic Corridor as a potential game changer.

It considers the convergence of the country's interests, prohibitively deficient in infrastructure, with
those of China- which is keen to expand its economic footprint in South and central Asia- a big boon for
ordinary and corporate citizens of the country.

National Highways National Highways. Total Length: 12,131 Km

the business leaders wished China had transferred some token amount of the multi billion pledge
instantly for some doable projects to shore up investors confidence and generate an uptick in the
market.

They saw the long-term nature of projects for the lack of an instant market response. But for a brief
spurt in the capital market, the commodity and currency markets did not react to the deal.

The businessmen missed the inclusion of their class in the two days of festivities in Islamabad and found
it rooted in the ruling party's style of governance, and probably China's preference for a singular state
authority over multiple stakeholders.

Bod you

Yes, it is great if Asia's rising giant is 1. Having being disillusioned in the past willing to hold our hand, but
there is no free many times over tall talk about the economy, lunch in business. The economic corridor
will394

Pakistan Affairs

benefit Pakistan, but its value to China is probably yet to be understood - business leader Majyd Aziz

Many of them also expect political bickering on the issue of unilateral change in the China-Pakistan
Economic Corridor's (CPEC) earlier route, which can strain inter provincial harmony that is necessary for
the implementation of the mega project.

They fault smaller provinces, particularly Sindh, for not being able to negotiate a fair cut in the huge
deal. They particularly mentioned the Karachi Circular Railway project, which have been sold to the
Chinese had the PPP-led government done its homework and pursued it properly.

They want the government to share details of economic deals with the private sector, as it is not clear
how the amount will be channelised and what exactly would be the combination of aid, loan and grant
for project financing etc.

CPEC OPENING NEW AVENUES


The money being poured in the power and transport infrastructure under the multi-billion-dollar China
Pakistan Economic Corridor. (CPEC) initiative will improve Pakistan's competitiveness internationally and
link it with more countries than it is doing business with at present. That will create a huge space for
foreign direct investment in the country's export industries.

"To encourage exports you have to be competitive internationally. Many factors play a role. The
government is working a lot on that. (Energy and transport projects under) CPEC will make Pakistan's
exports more competitive.

"Investments in special economic zones, railway, roads and ports will significantly cut export costs," Mr
Bruno Olierhoek, the president of the Overseas Investors Chamber of Commerce and

Industry (OICCI) that represents nearly 200 foreign companies operating in Pakistan, noted in an
interview with Dawn. St

He was asked to comment on why foreign investors operating in Pakistan were focused on the domestic
market alone and reluctant to invest in export industries.

"Availability of energy and infrastructure upgrade will make it viable for others (foreign investors) to
invest in new export opportunities. It will help create more export-oriented companies also (to export
goods) to china.

"Empty containers returning to China don't make sense. The whole objective of CPEC is to not just
create a road from China, but to improve competitiveness of the country and connect it with more
countries than it is doing business with today. It is because of this possibility that CPEC is a game
changer."

But Mr Olierhoek cautioned that availability of energy and infrastructure upgrade wouldn't
automatically attract foreign private investment. "CPEC is good news (for Pakistan) but the government
should also work hard on dismantling other barriers keeping foreign investors at bay.

"For example, perception on Pakistan tends to be more negative than the reality on ground. People
overseas are still scared because of the perceived law and order situation although it is a different story
once they are in the country."

He conceded that foreign investors in the past have remained more market-centric because of energy
and infrastructure bottlenecks and a "young, dynamic and big domestic. So domestic market has a lot of
opportunities and a lot of investment is going there."

He didn't agree that foreign investors were waiting for China to take care of Pakistan's energy and
infrastructureForeign Policy of Pakistan

395

shortages before they invested in the export industries.


"CPEC creates opportunity for everyone and it is a misperception that it is only for China. But still it is
early days. Investment (in power and transport schemes) is done mostly by Chinese companies but like I
said when you have infrastructure in place it opens opportunities for other investors as well."

CPEC is not a giveaway from China, Mr Olierhoek said. "It is a loan to Pakistan and Pakistan is using it to
increase its infrastructure and address its energy issues. This is something that is (also) misunderstood
abroad that China is somehow giving money to Pakistan. It isn't the case.

"Of course Chinese are negotiating good deals for their companies. So Pakistan should make sure these
investments are used in its best interest.":

Foreign direct investment: Mr Olierhoek sought to dispel the impression that foreign firms operating in
Pakistan aren't investing in new Greenfield projects and pointed out that OICCI members had reinvested
$2.2 billion from their profits in 2016, which was roughly the same as $2.6bn received by the country as
FDI (including Chinese investment on CPEC related projects).

"The foreign companies already operating in Pakistan have positive sentiment and are investing here for
the future. The size of reinvestment shows that we believe in Pakistan.

"Of course part of our reinvestment is for maintenance and small upgrades. But some of the money has
also gone into new projects. OICCI member firms represent 14 different businesses sectors and they
have invested in new projects across those sectors of the economy."

He said foreign direct investment flowing into Pakistan was less 1pc of its GDP, lower than other regional
countries like India and Bangladesh and required to be raised to at least 3pc of GDP.

"New investors look at (the) existing investors to see if they are reinvesting. This is something the
government should use to attract foreign investment. The OICCI wants to speak on behalf of the country
(to attract new companies). We have no agenda. We are objective.

"Investors always have a choice of investing in Pakistan, in neighbouring countries and elsewhere in the
world. Reinvestments are a very strong signal of our belief in Pakistan."

He urged the government to abolish the super tax that was levied for one year but now has been
extended into its third year, pay tax refunds, solve post-c'evolution inter provincial issues, reduce
corporate tax, facilitate legitimate repatriation of dividend (to foreign shareholders of companies).

"These are a few easy things that can be done. Businesses like consistency, predictability and
transparency. The government can form a kind of federal council to work with the investors to improve
ease of doing business ranking, and remove the impediments like multiplicity of (provincial and federal)
regulations, higher tax burden on documented sectors, and so on, and attract new foreign investment."

Uncertain 2018: With elections approaching, Mr Olierhoek feared uncertainties to increase over the
next several months. "...before the next elections the government will be focusing on voters in this
transition period as opposed to decisions that have long-term impact (on the economy). That leads to a
bit of uncertainty. But of course business goes on as usual. 396

Pakistan Affairs
"Overseas investors look at long-term perspective on the economy... and the long- term perspective is
that Pakistan still has enormous potential in different business sectors. That explains why OICCI
members are consistently more bullish than overall and 87pc of them say they would continue with
their investment plans for 2018."

CPEC: INVIGORATING NATIONAL MARITIME SECTOR

On August 12, 1973, the National Assembly elected Zulfiquar Ali Bhutto as the country's Prime Minster.
A month later, on September 19, the elected Prime Minster arrived at the White House on a state visit.
In warmly greeting the visitor, President Nixon declared, 'the independence and integrity of -Pakistan is
a cornerstone of American foreign policy. In his talks, the Prime Minister of Pakistan sought US help to
construct a new port at Gwadar, on the Arabian Sea coast of thinly populated Balochistan. Although
Nixon responded that he would have the proposal examined carefully, his National Security Council
briefing paper indicated no "great interest in having a facility in Balochistan which would stir up the
Soviets, the Indians and the Afghans without greatly contributing to the U.S. interests. The
administration took no action on the proposal which China's Premier Zhou Enlai strongly seconded when
Kissinger visited China in November 1973.

Over four decades later, the geo-politics in the Indian Ocean are witnessing a complete reversal. China
has turned that sobering counsel given to the United States in its own favour. With the latter now firmly
locked in strategic alliance with India, China finds a tremendous opportunity in Gwadar and through it
access to the maritime highways of the Indian Ocean.

The China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) is part of China's massive 'One Belt One Road (OBOR)-
transcontinental and transoceanic initiative. Via a network of rail road and motorways envisioned under
the CPEC, the port of Gwadar will connect China

with Central Asia, Africa, Middle East and Europe. It will economically uplift China's western regions of
Tibet and Xinjiang which remain largely underdeveloped compared to eastern provinces. Through the
Corridor, China also circumvents the Strait of Malacca, a major conduit of Beijing's oil imports. Of the 6.1
million bbl/d of oil that China currently consumes, nearly 52 percent (3.2 million bbl/d) is supplied by
Middle East, duly shipped through sealines in the wester Indian Ocean.

The CPEC is a windfall opportunity for Pakistan's unattended maritime sector. With the issue of
continental shelf now resolved favourably, Pakistan has a positive chance to conduct marine scientific
research in the 290,000 sq km of sea area under its jurisdiction. The Chief of the Naval Staff is the
principal advisor to the government of Pakistan on maritime related matters. A committee comprising of
representatives from all shades of national maritime sector must be promptly constituted under the
Chief of the Naval Staff. The committee should identify possible areas in the sector that can be
invigorated in collaboration with Chinese assistance. The final recommendations could then be
presented before the Senate Standing Committee on CPEC before being taken up with the Chinese
government. The effort to galvanise maritime sector could be easily made an adjunct part of CPEC.

An extensive mapping and oceanographic survey of our maritime zones including sea bed is already
overdue. This can now be undertaken jointly with China Key modalities could be worked out at higher
level between the two governments' along with appropriate strategy for exploitation sustainable
development as well as prof sharing. The process however must take into consideration the concerns of
Balochistan Both Pakistan and China have fairly modem oceangoing survey vessels in their inventory Our
national and coastal economy is greatlyForeign Policy of Pakistan

397

tied to the sea. The latter supports a large local community in Balochistan and Sindh that dwells along
Pakistan's 990 km long coastline.

The hitherto lackluster performance of National Institute of Oceanography (NIO) too needs to be
revitalized with the support of Chinese and local marine science expertise. A true and sustainable
exploitation of Pakistan's maritime zones based on genuine scientific research will yield rich dividends
for the country in terms of living, non-living resources as well as minerals like oil and gas hydrates.

Pakistan National Shipping Corporation (PNSC) is the only Public Sector Enterprise showing profit since
around 2002. Despite that, PNSC lifts only a trifling percentage of national cargo. It is noteworthy to
mention that bulk of Pakistan's sea based cargo is transported via foreign carriers draining about US $
3.5 billion annually. The corporation accordingly needs to be injected with a fresh lease of life. The
government must consider setting up at least one to two shipyards at Gwadar as part of infrastructure
under CPEC. New ships to lift national cargo could be constructed in local yards with Chinese assistance.
Karachi Shipyard and Engineering Works (KSEW) is the only shipyard and oldest heavy engineering
establishment in Pakistan catering for shipbuilding, ship repair and general heavy engineering.

Lastly, with CPEC maturing, the maritime commercial traffic will rise in the region and so will the
responsibility and task of the Pakistan Navy. Both, PN and PLA Navy must devise and formulate a long
term strategy to guard their maritime interests in the region.

The success of CPEC will however depend on Pakistan's political resolve, addressing the concerns of
marginalized population over and above revisiting its foreign policy that readjusts to the developing geo-
politics in the Indian Ocean.

Challenges Posed By The Pak-China Corridor

Recently, the Chinese President Xi Jinping and the Pakistani premier Nawaz Sharif signed a massive MoU
of approximately $46 billion to construct the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC). Spanning
approximately 3,000km, the CPEC is part of the mega Silk Road project initiated by China to firm up its
connectivity to Europe, Central Asia and Africa through road and port networks. The MoUs include
agreements on other joint ventures, including financing for the energy, infrastructure, trade and
technology sectors.

These projects provide Pakistan with a promising opportunity to overcome its chronic economic
challenges, primarily in the energy. trade and technology sectors. However, there are fundamental long-
term structural cones quences of this agreement, which may possibly have negative impacts on the
Pakistani economy.

First, due to the needless secrecy and confidentiality displayed by the ruling party, there is a lack of
transparency surrounding the entire venture, as pointed out by economists Dr Kaiser Bengali and Dr
Ashfaque Hasan Khan. There are several doubts about the breakdown of investment in the
aforementioned areas and the precise nature of the loans. Under the World Bank type tied loans, for
example, bids for projects are invited from a group of companies from the creditor nations, enabling
them to be awarded to the most cost-efficient companies. From the details that are sluggishly emerging
about the deal with the Chinese, there appears to be no public bidding or announcement of these
projects, rendering ambiguity to the entire process. In order to ensure transparency and accountability,
essential details regarding the projects must be shared with parliament and with the public.

Consequently, it is suspected that a major proportion of these loans will be funnelled back to China,
benefiting only Chinese construction firms and experts. Not

IS398

only is this unscrupulous, it may translate into disastrous economic consequences for Pakistan, since the
methods commissioned may not be as cost-efficient or the most economically viable, as otherwise
ensured under public bidding. The Planning Commission and/or the finance ministry could play a pivotal
role by identifying the economic feasibility of these projects, and an ancillary role in the implementation
in order to ensure maximal economic efficiency.

A second concern that needs to be addressed by the government is related to the long-term economic
costs and benefits of the Chinese investments, such as those related to the energy sector. While it may
be true that the injection in the energy sector could possibly enable Pakistan to overcome its energy
crises in the short- and medium term, the long-run issues plaguing the energy sector will continue to
persist. The main issues aggravating the energy sector are related to its low productive capacity,
inefficient distribution network with high line. losses and anaemic governance. Long-term benefits can
only be realised if Pakistan manages to undertake significant structural reforms in this sector. Chinese
investment in the energy sector partially fills an exponential vacuum created by the fragile governance
structure, but also indicates the government's indifference towards the critical economic reforms
proposed to successive regimes. Therefore, in the short-to-medium-term, the investment might benefit
our energy-sapped industries, translating into moderately-above potential output growth of between
four to six per cent, but presents minor, real long-term gains unless imperative economic reforms are
undertaken. Worse still, it might further intensify the existing problems in the energy sector due to our
dependency on foreign capital to fill the vacuum.

Third, there are crucial issues related to our economic capacity, and our ability to absorb the massive
investment. In order to translate any short-term gains into long-term economic success, Pakistan should
aim to increase its absorption capacity-say, in the labour markets - by investing in both

Pakistan Affairs

vocational training programmes, and by revitalising the education sector. This will assist Pakistan in
generating semi-skilled labour in the short run to accommodate the Chinese investment, and skilled
labour in the long run to generate persistent economic prosperity in future decades. It would be prudent
for the government to exploit the surplus in its public expenditure resulting from the Chinese
investment, and support the development of rural areas, and invest in oft ignored areas related to
health policy and women empowerment. Continuous reliance on outsourced technical and
administrative expertise will not benefit Pakistan in the long run.

Although the CPEC is currently plagued with uncertainties, there is immeasurable scope for progress.
The government is advised to consult and involve all stakeholders, and utilise this opportunity to initiate
long-delayed economic reforms, and build a firm governance and accountability structure, which will
pave way for both short and long-term economic growth. Otherwise, Pakistan will be permanently
reined through external assistance.

The China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) is an under-construction development program to connect


Gwadar Port in southern Pakistan to China's northwestern autonomous region of Xinjiang via highways,
railways and pipelines to transport oil and gas. Chinese Premier Li Keqiang was among the first
advocates of the project; since then Chinese President Xi Jinping, former Pakistani President Asif All
Zardari and Pakistan Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif have become strong supporters of the project. When
the corridor is constructed it will serve as a primary gateway for trade between China and the Middle
East and Africa. In particular oil from the Middle East could be offloaded at Gwadar, which is located just
outside the mouth of the Persian Gulf, and transported to China through the Baluchistan province in
Pakistan. Such a link would vastly cut the 12,000-kilometre route that Mideast oil supplies must now
take to reach Chinese ports?'Foreign Policy of Pakistan

399

The project received a major boost when control of Gwadar was transferred to China's state-owned
China Overseas Ports Holding in February 2013. Built by Chinese workers and opened in 2007, Gwadar is
undergoing a major expansion to turn it into a full-fledged deep-water commercial port. Pakistan and
China have signed agreements for constructing an international airport at Gwadar, upgrading a section
of the 1,300 kilometre Karakorum Highway connecting to Islamabad and laying a fibre-optic cable from
the Chinese border to the Pakistani city of Rawalpindi.Oxs1With the development of the corridor Central
Asia, traditionally an economically closed region owing to its geography and lack of infrastructure, will
have greater access to the sea and to the global trade network. The Pak-China Economic Corridor
Secretariat was inaugurated in Islamabad on August 27, 2013).

On November 2014, Chinese government announced that it will finance Chinese companies to build
$45.6 billion worth of energy and infrastructure projects in Pakistan as part of CPEC. Documents quoted
by Reuters show that China has promised to invest around $33.8 billion in various energy projects and
$11.8 billion in infrastructure projects which will be completed by 2017 at most. The deal includes $622
million for Gwadar port, According to Reuters, under the CPEC agreement, $15.5 billion worth of coal,
wind, solar and hydro energy projects will add 10,400 megawatts of energy to the national grid of
Pakistan.

CHINA-PAKISTAN ECONOMIC CORRIDOR: ROAD TO THE FUTURE?

The history of Pak-China relations can be traced back since 1950. Both China and Pakistan managed their
relationship in a very productive and expressed way. Despite confusion over some issues, especially
during the first half of 1950s and 1970s, impacted the ties, but the two nations never let them
altogether spoiled. Both of them helped each other at the crucial times.

Pakistan helped China to connect to the world. Pakistani air space was opened for Chinese airline and
PIA made travel easy for Chinese. On the other hand, China also supported Pakistan during the times of
need and helped Pakistan build its military and economic capabilities, especially Heavy Mechanical
Complex, Taxila in 1968, Ordinance Factory in East Pakistan in 1970 and Aeronautical Complex (Javaid
and Jahangir, 2015). During the sanctions imposed by USA in 1980s, 1990s and 2000s, China helped
Pakistan in every field. USA also left Pakistan after the Afghanistan war and Pakistan had to face many
problems on the economic front. At that time China came forward to help Pakistan.

CPEC (China-Pakistan Economic Corridor) is the very important and joint venture of Pakistan and China.
This is known fact that paradigm of power has been shifting towards the east from the west. Now the
world will no longer remain uni-polar, soon it would become bipolar, due to coming forth soft economic
Sino-Power. Besides India, some European Union (EU) countries do not feel comfortable with the CPEC-
based growing relationships. Background interaction with policy makers in Islamabad and elsewhere has
revealed that these countries consider that at the end of the day Pakistan can straighten its political and
economic focus on China, instead of Europe and USA. CPEC project symbolizes the growing mutuality of
interest and the vision of a shared politico-economic future on the part of two neighboring countries
that has nothing to do with UK-EU fears. It creates a new framework of interaction on the basis of
economic connectivity and regional cooperation which will have far reaching positive implications for
the two countries.

The proposed CPEC project recognizes the new realities of global and regional politics by cultivating a
more systematic, up graded and need-based interaction for socio economic, industrial, energy and trade
development. This also provides an opportunity to China and Pakistan to improve their interaction with
Central Asia, West Asia,

a is400

the Middle East and Europe. Both Pakistan and China are expected to gain from the proposed
connectivity through highways, railways, sea-lanes, energy pipelines and electricity transmission lines.
They will equally contribute to the socio-economic develop- ment of other countries that become part
of these arrangements. The list of priorities in energy sector projects calculates a total capacity of 10400
MW of power generation in Pakistan at an estimated cost of $15,506 million. Both the sides have
entered into serious considerations to evaluate return on the projects and risk management. The
primary focus is thermal and wind power in order to put them into operation by the year 2017-18. The
hydro power projects are imagined to be operational around 2020.

China and Pakistan have developed strong mutual trust through the multilayered two-sided interaction
over the last six decades. This experience reveals that "there are no contradictions in the strategic and
political goals of Pakistan and China, and they have found out over the years that their relationship is
mutually rewarding". Currently, there is a new ball-game of interdependence in international and
regional politics and positive connectivity with immediate neighbors. This will require changes in
Pakistan's foreign policy strategy that has, in the past, preferred closer economic ties, trade and security
interaction with the far- away states. Now, Pakistan will be required to cultivate more active relations
with the immediate neighbors for sharing energy and pursuing economic development and trade. This
will give a major boost to Pakistan's economy.

CPEC, however, is a game changer. This phrase is commonly used in one sense: so much investment
coming in and Pakistan will surely surge to middle-income status on its back. In a slightly less obvious
sense is the corridor's game-changing design. CPEC is a state-to-state cooperation agreement. The
governments of Pakistan and China are the ones reflecting over its modalities. At our end, multi-party
conferences and the

Pakistan Affairs
occasional chief ministerial-level meeting have no de jure authority over the actu projects. To put this in
simpler terms, CPEC is a centralizing force in Pakistan's politica system that places a lot of eggs in the
federa government's basket.

The major reality is that china is going invest in Pakistan's history's ever biggest FD in Pakistan, the
country which is facing economic uncertainty since 1970's. Therefore Fabian tactics are required to carry
on the project and to counter with the Machiavellia strategy of competitors. Therefore, it is high time to
join the hand of government for the sake of the country's development and for the sake of a nation's
prosperity.

PAK-RUSSIA RELATIONS

The emergence of Pakistan as an independent and sovereign state with a big population and plenty of
resources, was a significant event of the history of the sub continent. All the independent nations of the
world expressed their desire to develop friendly relations with Pakistan. Especially the two Super-
Powers showed their keenness for cultivation of close ties with Pakistan.

The Soviet government had always been desirous of fostering close relations with the Asian nations
because of the unique locations of the sub-continent. The Soviet Union was very keen to develop its
friendly relations with Pakistan because Pakistan was an access to the warm waters of the Indian Ocean
which was of vital importance for the USSR for its trade purposes. The warm waters of the Indian Ocean
also provided an outlet to the oil rich areas of the Middle East. Thus close relations with Pakistan were
at matter of life and death for the USSR.

The Soviet leader Stalin immediately extended an invitation to the first Prime Minister of Pakistan Khan
Liaquat Ali Khan to visit Moscow in 1949. However, Pakistan gave a cold shoulder to the Russian
invitation and instead accepted the invitation by the USA for a visit to Washington by the Prime Minister
Liaquat Ali Khan. Pakistan's acceptance of American invitation exposed her claims to its non-aligned
policy. With the Foreign Policy of Pakistan

401

acceptance of American invitation Pakistan came to be known as a fully committed and aligned nation.
The acceptance of American invitation by Liaquat Ali Khan cast doubts on non-alignment policy and
provided positive evidence of pro-Western bias which was to become pronounced in the later years'.2

Pakistan sought the membership of SEATO in 1954 and of CENTO in 1955 which corroborated Pakistan's
pro-West inclination in its foreign policy. It gave tremendous spur to the mistrust which had already
taken roots in the USSR with Pakistan declining the Soviet invitation and was instrumental in developing
a hostile attitude in the outlook of the Soviet Union. Pakistan's membership of the Western alliances
was understood in the USSR as a rude gesture by a neighbour. The Soviet government reacted sharply to
this discourteous posture of Pakistan and proclaimed that Kashmir was an integral part of India. The
USSR in retaliation, extended substantial military and economic assistance to India to demonstrate its
pique and give initial thrashing to Pakistan over its unfriendly demeanour.

Nevertheless the Soviet Union continued its efforts to lure Pakistan into its orbit of friendship. In 1956
the USSR offered technical and economic assistance to Pakistan in its bid to attract Pakistan for
developing close relations. It also offered its technical knowledge for the peaceful uses of atomic energy.
The same year the USSR offered her assistance to Pakistan for building a steel mill. In order to express
her sincerity in cultivating relations with Pakistan, the Soviet Deputy Prime Minister came to Pakistan in
1956 and openly declared that 'problem of Kashmir should be decided by the will of the people. But
Pakistan kept showing a cold shoulder to the USSR and various governments of Pakistan continued
toeing pro-West policy.

The relations between Pakistan and the USSR received a severe set-back when

2. Mushtaq Ahmed, "Foreign Policy Pakistan", Karachi, 1963, p. 27.

3. Ibid., p. 51.

Pakistan allowed the use of its air base to the USA. Tension grew higher between the two countries
when the USA used Pakistan's air bases for spying on the USSR. A US aircraft U-2, which took off from
Peshawar in May 1960, was detected by the Soviet radar which was shot down and the pilot was
arrested. The Russian Prime Minister Khrushcheve burst out with deep anger and threatened to take
strict action against Pakistan.

In 1961 a ray of hope for the happier connection between Pakistan and the USSR emerged when Russia
made an offer to explore oil in Pakistan which Pakistan accepted. A number of agreements followed for
air links, exchange of cultural delegations, assistance for mechanisation of agriculture, building of power
projects and for the promotion of technology and scientific knowledge.

The Soviet Union offered a credit of 30 million dollars to Pakistan. It also offered to give training to
Pakistani engineers. In 1964 the USSR gave a credit of 19 million dollars to Pakistan for the purchase of
heavy machinery,

In 1965 Pakistan looked for the friends in the communist world. It had already developed ties with China
and was keen to develop friendly relations with the USSR. President Ayub Khan visited Moscow in order
to take a fresh start. Ayub Khan clarified Pakistan's position with reference to its membership of the
Western alliances to Kosygin and assured that by joining the Western alliances Pakistan did not carry ill
will against her neighbours.

The USSR offered to mediate between India and Pakistan during the war of 1965. Kosygin arranged a
meeting between Ayub Khan and Lal Bahdur Shastri at Tashkent. An agreement was concluded between
India and Pakistan due to the mediatory role of Kosygin by which the hostilities between India and
Pakistan ended.

After 1965 the Soviets and Pakistani leaders exchanged visits which helped in promoting better
understanding. The USSR despite protests by India and other countries, extended military assistance to
Pakistan402

Pakistan Affairs

Ayub paid a second visit to Moscow which furthered the process of co-operation.
During 1965-70 trade between Pakistan and USSR rapidly increased. A number of trade agreements
were concluded between the Soviet Union and Pakistan. The USSR also extended assistance to Pakistan
for the development of projects.

USSR, however, could not reconcile with Pakistan's friendship with China and Pakistan's membership of
the Western alliances. In order to reduce Chinese influence in the region, USSR looked for a trustworthy
ally. In the shape of India USSR eventually found a trusted friend to frustrate Chinese influence in the
region. USSR extended massive military assistance to India during its war with China.

Russia delineated a scheme of Asian security which in fact was aimed at containing China. But Pakistan
refused to join the scheme against China. It infuriated USSR very much. Pakistan's role in providing links
between US and China extremely annoyed USSR as well.

USSR and India concluded a defence treaty which was the part of the Asian Security Scheme. The Indian
Foreign Minister announced after the conclusion of the treaty 'that India could count upon the Soviet
Union for total support in the event of a conflict with Pakistan'.

During the war of 1971, USSR openly sided with India. It also warned other nations to keep away from
the war. Pakistan's allies, particularly the US, came up with a nominal assistance. USSR's support to India
proved decisive. It provided diplomatic cover to India's involvement in East Pakistan crisis by extending
support in the security council. It also provided massive military assistance to India which enabled her to
walk into East Pakistan. The US assurances and its vainglorious remonstrances of dispatching the
seventh fleet to intervene in the war could not make any impact on the crisis while on the other hand
Soviet's sincere assistance to India did make the desired impact on the

Asian Recorder, 1971, p. 10501.

outcome of the war and Pakistan was dismembered.

During 1972 Pak-Soviet relations were almost at the verge of collapse. Bhutto in view of the Russian
unfriendly and hostile posture, launched his 'preventive diplomacy' which was aimed at avoiding the
global power intervention which made the weaker nations an easy prey to the punitive diplomacy by the
stronger nations. Bhutto visited Moscow in March 1972 and tried to break the ice. The Russian leaders
were adamant and showed their displeasure over Pakistan's attitude towards USSR. Bhutto's visit was
greatly helpful in removing misunderstanding and paved the way for normalization of relations with
USSR.

Bhutto paid a second visit to Moscow in 1974. He was successful in acquiring substantial assistance for
the Karachi Steel Mill. Trade was also expanded between the two countries. Russia also extended
assistance to Bhutto in his efforts to improve relations with Afghanistan. Bhutto was successful to a
great extent in reducing the Russian hostilities towards Pakistan.

Pakistan's relation with Russia once again reached the lowest ebb with the Russian troops occupying
Afghanistan. On 26th December, 1979, Soviet troops landed in Kabul. On 28th December the Russian
Ambassador in Pakistan informed Gen. Zia that his country had sent a 'limited military contingent' to
Afghanistan at her request to assist her in dealing with foreign interference. He informed that the
contingent would be withdrawn as soon as its task was done'."
Pakistan was one of the fifty one countries who vehemently condemned Russian infiltration in
Afghanistan and called upon the UN Security Council to deplore the Soviet action and demanded the
withdrawal of foreign troops from Afghanistan.

The rape of a weak neighbour stunned the world and seriously threatened the regional peace. A
destabilized Afghanistan and the presence of the Soviet military forces on her Western borders greatly
worried

5. K.M. Arif, "Working with Zia", p. 310. Foreign Policy of Pakistan

403

Afghanistan for eighteen months and the hold

Pakistan. If the Soviets were allowed to consolidate their hold in Afghanistan, their election. next target
would be Pakistan and Iran. To subjugate Pakistan would fulfil the age-old Soviet desire to gain access to
the warm waters of the Arabian sea'.

In the present circumstances Pakistan decided to protect her national interests. She openly criticised the
Soviet military intervention in Afghanistan because it was against all norms and principles enunciated by
the UN charter. as

The Soviet invasion of Afghanistan, however, had a profound effect on Pakistan's geopolitical situation
Pakistan became a frontline state in the Cold War. Altogether more than 3 million Afghan refugees fled
to Pakistan, and the country became a base for mujahideen fighting against the Soviet troops.

After the Soviet Union completed its troop withdrawal from Afghanistan in February 1989, warfare
continued between the mujahideen and Afghan Communist government in Kabul. Soviet Union
eventually disintegrated and the Central Asian Republics of Azerbaijan, Kazakhstan, Kyrgystan,
Tajikistan, Turkmenistan and Uzbekistan emerged as independent sovereign states.

The demise of the Soviet Union and the end of the Cold War, however, resulted in a re-assessment of
Pakistan foreign policy. The Afghan resistance could not dislodge the Kabul regime. The heavy burden of
the Afghan refugees continued and Pakistan wanted to establish linkage with the newly emerging
Central Asian Republics of the former Soviet Union. Pakistan decided in early 1992 to press for a political
settlement. The communist government in Kabul was ousted in May 1992 and replaced by a fragile
coalition of various mujahideed factions.

In March 1993, the government of Nawaz Sharif brokered agreement an between Burhanuddin Rabbani
of Afghanistan and Gulkideen Hikmatyar, Rabbani's longtime enemy to share power in

6. Ibid.

Pakistan-Russia relations are undergoing a process of normalization, which presently is moving at a slow
pace and will take some time to reach a stage when the relationship can be termed completely normal.
Although the frequency of high-level meetings between the leaders and officials of the two countries
has increased, substantive improvement in relations at the operational level is still awaited. The intent
of both countries to improve relations is gradually becoming more evident. Pakistan seems to be more
enthusiastic in improving relations with Russia in comparative terms. There are solid reasons for this
relationship to grow in the future. Among them is the changing geostrategic landscape of this region
that provides the rationale for Russia to improve its relations with the region's large and medium-sized
powers. For Russia, the benefits of improving bilateral relations with Pakistan are well defined,
especially in the context of a regional framework for antiterrorism cooperation Pakistan's as well as
interest in buying Russian weapons systems and expanding economic interaction. Pakistan stands to
gain by improving its relations with Russia in terms of having alternative options such as, for its security
needs, technology transfer in the scientific and research fields, access to the Russian market for its
exports, and strengthening relations with its Central Asian neighbors which are difficult to develop
beyond a certain level without having improved relations with Russia first. What are the impediments to
improving Russia Pakistan relations? In fact, Pakistan's relations with Russia (former Soviet Union) are
marred by the Cold War legacy. The two countries happened to be in opposing camps during the Cold
War years. In the 1960s and 1970s, Russia's patronage of Pakistan's archrival India and Pakistan's special
relationship with China further constrained the possibility of normalization of relations between the two
countries. The situation further deteriorated when the Soviet Union invaded Afghanistan and Pakistan
became404

frontline state in the US proxy war against the Soviet Union. After the withdrawal of Soviet troops from
Afghanistan and the collapse of their client communist regime of Najibullah, Russia continued to support
the anti-Taliban non-Pushtun militias, commonly known as the Northern Alliance in Afghanistan. So,
even after the end of the Cold War and dismemberment of the Soviet Union, Pakistan's strategic
interests continued to remain in conflict with Russian interests. Before the events of 9/11, Russia
actively supported all US-sponsored resolutions at the UN, condemning and imposing sanctions on the
Taliban regime in Afghanistan. Pakistan was one of the three countries, besides Saudi Arabia and the
UAE, which had accorded recognition to the Taliban regime. So, the mistrust and suspicion of each other
continued to exist until Pakistan, following the events of 9/11, pragmatically changed its policy on
Afghanistan by denouncing its support of the Taliban.

Pakistan, post 9/11, emerged as a crucial member of the international coalition formed by the US
against terrorism. Whatever success the antiterrorism coalition has achieved in Afghanistan to dismantle
the Taliban regime and destroy the al Qaeda network would have not been possible without the active
support and help of Pakistan. The largest number of wanted terrorists-over six hundred-sent to
Guantanamo Bay have been apprehended by Pakistan or with its support. It was after Pakistan's
antiterrorism role was fully acknowledged by the international community that Pakistan and Russia
began to find common ground for engagement. The other factor that encouraged improvement in Pak
Russia relations was the beginning of a Pak India composite dialogue process. To some extent, evolving
Indo-US strategic partnership has also influenced setting in of the process of normalization of relations
between Pakistan and Russia. As India is interested in buying arms from the US and its allies, it would
reduce the Indian arms market share for Russia. So obviously, Russia seeks new markets for its arms
export, and it would create a commonality of interests between

Pakistan Affairs

Russia and Pakistan. However, the lega Indo-Russian relations would continu influence Moscow's
decision on that co the near term.

A perceptional gap between Pakistan Russia still exists on the issues of lem relig and nuclear
proliferation. Russia consi that in transnational networks of extremists and terrorists, which are inv in
destabilizing the Russian territories Chechnya, Daghestan, and parts of Ce Asia, Afghanistan- and
Pakistant groups are involved, directly or indire Pakistan, while acknowledging the exist of the problem
of extremism and terroris the country, does not see extremism sp over into Central Asia or the Rus
Federation from its territory and refers to indigenous nature of the problem. In fac a result of the
Pakistan government's pol to rein in religious extremism and bul forward-looking moderate society, the
fo of extremism are becoming increas weaker in the country. The weake process of extremism, along
strengthening antiterrorism cooperation Russia, will hopefully have a positive in on bridging the
perceptional gap between two countries. Pakistan's nuclear prolifer control is yet another issue between
the countries. While Pakistan's position is d which is that it is as responsible a state Russia on this count,
Russian leadest remains apprehensive that nuclear mat could fall into the hands of terrorists
apprehension is more rhetorical than realist Post-1998, Pakistan has been able establish effective
institutions such as National Command Authority and has introduced stringent laws on the expo
sensitive materials and technologies.

An important event in the context of Russia relations was the Pakistani pres Pervez Musharraf's visit to
Moscow invitation of President Putin in February 2 It was the first visit by a Pakistani leade the last
thirty-three years. Although I did not have much impact on the o context of the two countries'
relationship an icebreaker, it did initiate a process of thisForeign Policy of Pakistan

405

level dialogue, which would hopefully help deepen mutual understanding. President Musharraf's visit
was followed by the Russian foreign minister Igor Ivanov's visit to Islamabad in June 2003 Pakistan's
foreign minister Khursheed Mahmood Kasuri visited Moscow in 2004, and Prime Minister Shaukat Aziz,
in October 2005, to attend the SCO meeting. During the visit, Prime Minister Shaukar Aziz also met, on
the sidelines, with his Russian counterpart Mikhail Fradkov to discuss bilateral relations.

Russia's becoming an observer at the Organization of the Islamic Conference (OIC) in June 2005 and
Pakistan's gaining observer status at the SCO was no coincidence, but apparently both countries
accommodated each other in their pursuits. President Musharraf, when he met with President Putin at
the June 2006 SCO summit in Shanghai, thanked President Putin for supporting Pakistan in obtaining
observer status in the SCO and sought Russia's support to become a full member. Reciprocating,
President Putin thanked President Musharraf for Pakistan's support for Russia gaining observer status at
the OIC. Both presidents expressed satisfaction with the good diplomatic and political ties and agreed on
the need to boost ties in the trade, commercial, and economic field.

What are the areas, other than antiterrorism, where Pakistan and Russia can have meaningful
cooperation to improve bilateral relations? According to President Musharraf, "It is in both Pakistan and
Russia's interests to broaden their ties, but this needs to be done bilaterally and not with an Indocentric
approach. I think that while bilateral relations are good and we have political and diplomatic
understanding between our countries, we have to translate it into economic and trade relations."

He identifies two prospective areas for economic engagement: one, textiles, which is the largest export
commodity of Pakistan, and two, the oil and gas sector-exploration and pipelines-in which Russia has the
requisite expertise and interest as well.

On the trade side, Pakistan has extended complete support to Russia to be part of the WTO; however,
this is on condition that Moscow signs an FTA with Islamabad. Pakistan's cabinet has allowed the
Ministry of Commerce to start negotiations with Russia to explore the possibility of signing an FTA.
Pakistan is seeking market access for leather, surgical instruments, sporting goods, and textiles. Russia
has also agreed to return $108 million to Pakistani exporters who had exported articles to the USSR
before its disintegration. Trade between the two countries is showing signs of expansion, though the
balance is in favor of Russia. In 2004-2005, the bilateral trade volume reached $320 million from
$134.24 in 2003 2004 and $100 million in 2002. Around 90 percent of Pakistan's exports to Russia were
textile items. Since few Pakistani businesses have direct contact with Russian entrepreneurs, several
other countries are reexporting Pakistani textile products to Russia. According to experts on textile
business, Pakistan can increase its export to Russia up to $500 million from the current twenty million if
Pakistan can trade directly with Russia.

In the energy sector, good prospects for Pak-Russia cooperation are emerging. In October 2005 during
his visit, the Gazprom chairman, Aleksei Miller, held separate meetings with President Musharraf and
Prime Minister Shaukat Aziz in Islamabad. The government of Pakistan signed a MoU with Gazprom for
cooperation in the oil and gas sector. Cooperation under the MoU includes. research and development
of gas fields, development and operation of underground gas storage systems, oil and gas exploration
and production, development and research to explore Pakistan's untapped potential, especially in
offshore areas, besides assisting Pakistan in conversion of diesel vehicles to CNG. In addition, Gazprom
would provide training facilities to Pakistan's oil and gas sector personnel in Russia. The chairman of
Gazprom also expressed interest in purchasing Pakistan's Oil and Gas Development Company Limited
(OGDC) and Pakistan Petrol Limited (PPL), besides406

Pakistan Affairs

developing the Iran-Pakistan-India gas

pipeline project.

The Russian consortium of oil and gas companies five-member delegation, headed by Aleksandr Bornov,
visited Pakistan in April 2006 and expressed keen interest in the cross-border pipeline, LNG, oil, and gas
exploration and upgrading of oilfields. The two sides discussed prospects of investment in Pakistan's oil
and gas sector. Bornov said that they would mobilize a reasonable number of drilling and exploratory
rigs. logging equipment, unitary pipeline construction machinery, and high-caliber professionals to
Pakistan shortly.

There are some other Russian oil and gas companies that have concluded MoUs with Pakistan's private
sector oil and gas companies for local contract bidding. Similarly, the chairman of the Board of Directors
of Magnitogorsk, Iron and Steel Works of Russia, Viktor Rashnikov, has committed to investing $2 billion
over a period of five years for the upgrading and modernization of Pakistan Steel. If the current
commitments from the Russian side are materialized, it is expected that during next two to four years,
Russian investment of four to six billion dollars will come into Pakistan.

Economic interests would certainly facilitate improvement in the political climate between the two
countries. Pakistan attaches great importance to its relations with Russia and would like to further
develop these in all areas of mutual interest. Admission of Russia as an observer in the OIC and
Pakistan's admission to the SCO as an observer has provided additional fora for the two countries to
develop understanding and cooperation. Russia has extended conditional support of Pakistan's full
membership of the SCO, only if India also joins at the same time. So far, India has not applied for official
membership and does not appear to be doing so in the near future. Pakistan strongly feels that Russia's
relations with India should not be a constraining factor in developing cordial relations with Pakistan. The
two countries have common interests in promoting peace and stability in South Asia, Afghanistan, and

Central Asia, besides containing an eradicating the menace of terrorism. The two countries have very
similar views on the situation in the Middle East and on the nuclear issue of Iran. Pakistan and Russia
need to shed the baggage of history and move forward under new circumstances which provide
numerous opportunities in mutually beneficial cooperation. However, this may not be possible unless
concerted efforts are made by both countries to develop a deeper understanding of each other
correcting misperceptions, removing misgivings, and developing respect for each other's legitimate
interests in the regional context.

In the light of strained ties between US and Pakistan, both sides i.e. Moscow and Islamabad, expressed
their desire to re-invent their broken linkage. The two countries are currently looking forward to hold
the second session of their inter-governmental commission, constituted to promote bilateral co-
operation.

The minister-level commission is expected to meet in November 2011 in Islamabad for the second
consecutive year, which indicates that the two countries attach high level importance to the initiative.
The focus of the meeting will be on economic co operation, but both sides also want to forge a strategic
partnership.

Recent regional developments have forced Pakistan and Russia to come close to each other. Russia
wants to get more involved in regional affairs as it is wary of the growing influence of the US and Nato in
the region. It also knows that Pakistan can play a key role in the Afghan endgame.

Better relations with Moscow sut Islamabad's long-term strategic interests as t seeks to diversify
resources needed for meeting its economic, energy and defence requirements, particularly in continuing
problems with Washington that has been so far its biggest supplier. view d

Russia has offered Pakistan a wide range of counter-terrorism equipment. TheForeign Policy of Pakistan

407

package on offer include 10 MI-17 helicopters of unarmed configuration.

When Russian military Chief Col- General Alexander Postnikov visited Pakistan in May 2011, he
discussed with Army Chief Gen. Ashfaq Pervez Kiyani the possibilities of expanding defence ties by
holding joint military exercises, exchanging trainees and trainers and selling and buying weapons. The
Russians have also offered to sell Sukhoi Superjet-100, a modern aircraft with a capacity of up to 95
passengers.

Moscow has shown special interest in energy projects. A working group of both countries met in August
2011 to explore cooperation in this sector. Russia had agreed to invest $500 million in CASA-1000
(Central Asia-South Asia) electricity transmission project.
At the same time, details for upgradation of Pakistan Steel Mills in two phases by Russia are being
finalized. The upgradation would increase PSM's production capacity from 1.1 million tons to 3 million
tons per year. Pakistan has also sought import concession for 200 tariff lines.

The ties have been pushed by President Asif Ali Zardari and his Russian Counterpart Dmitry Medvedev,
who are said to have developed a rapport. The two presidents have met six times in the past three
years.

RUSSIA OFFERS ASSISTANCE FOR ELECTRICITY IMPORT PROJECT

Russia offered an investment of $ 500 million in establishing a transmission system for the Central Asia
South Asia 1000 megawatt (CASA-1000) power import project, which will bring electricity from
Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan to Afghanistan and Pakistan.

The offer was made in a meeting of six member Russian delegation headed by state secretary and
deputy energy minister YP Sentyurian with Pakistan's Federal minister of water and power in Islamabad
on June 28,2012.

The two sides discussed various matters of mutual interest and co-operation in the energy sector. They
agreed to sign a memorandum of understanding for energy co-operation. The Russian delegates
expressed interest in investing $ 500 million in the CASA-1000 project. They were also willing to
modernization provide and assistance rehabilitation for of Muzzaffargarh and Guddu thermal power
plants and their conversion to enable them to run on cheaper fuel like coal.

Welcoming the delegation, Ahmed Mukhtar asked them to help Pakistan modernize hydro electrical
plants, participate in construction of 500 kilovolt transmission line for import of 1000-megawatts of
electricity from Iran and other projects like Tarbela 4 extension, coal and renewable energy and
transmission lines.

Russia has sought a detailed engineering design and feasibility study on the Iran Pakistan pipeline for
evaluation before gong ahead with financing the project

BUSINESS WITH RUSSIA Especially military cooperation

The 'milestone' military cooperation pact signed with Russia signals the maturing of a very important
relationship at a very crucial time. Traditionally India's largest arms supplier, Russia has been moving
close to Pakistan for some months now. In June 2014, Moscow lifted its arms embargo on Pakistan, and
there has been repeated talk of importing military hardware, especially Hind helicopters that can prove
very useful in Pakistan's war against terrorism. Interestingly, this embrace comes at a time when the
Americans are drawing down from Afghanistan and Moscow, painfully aware of Pakistan's reach, seems
anxious to plug the right security holes. With a coordinated Pak-Russian-Chinese policy. handling the
Afghan fallout, and internal militancy in all countries, will become that much more manageable.

There are also important international connotations alliances. Russia is408

once again emerging as a serious global player, but the rise is not without complications. There is a new
Cold War of sorts between Moscow and US-EU, which has intensified over the Ukraine crisis, but was
building in the wake of the Arab Spring, where Islamabad continues to have influence of its own. It's
when the Spring reached Syria, and the Americans sided with the position of their GCC and Turkish
allies, that Russia (along with China and Iran) defended the Assad regime, eventually propping up the
most significant bulwark against spreading al Qaeda and IS barbarity. While Pakistan remains close to
the Saudis and the Americans, its closeness to an emerging global axis of significance, which is closer to
its geographical sphere of influence, is important. It not only opens up new political and business
options, but also positions Islamabad as a possible broker between opposing power axes.

Firstly, though, the interaction should be used to increase bilateral trade, as is the norm in the new
world. Current annual trade of $542 million is unsatisfactory. True, military technology will take
precedence. Russia can serve as a welcome addition to our hardware source, which currently is
principally American. US systems are extremely expensive, and procedures unnecessarily complicated
and lengthy. The Russian option is without such hurdles. And following military exchanges, there should
be more diverse trade, particularly in the field of energy.

PAKISTAN, RUSSIA VOW TO PROMOTE ENDURING PARTNERSHIP

Pakistan and Russia Reaffirmed on Wednesday their commitment to substantially strengthen the
consultative mechanism on strategic stability and contribute to promoting an invigorated,
comprehensive and enduring partnership between the two countries.

The 9th meeting of the Pakistan-Russia Consultative Group on Strategic Stability was

Pakistan Affairs

held in Moscow where Additional Foreign Secretary Tasnim Aslam led the Pakistani delegation and
Deputy Foreign Minister Sergey A. Ryabkov headed the Russian side, said a message received here.

The talks were held in a cordial and friendly atmosphere. The two sides reviewed developments on
international arms control, non-proliferation and disarmament as well as strategic stability both at
regional and global levels. They discussed areas of cooperation in the bilateral domain and at
multilateral forums.

The two sides agreed to convene the next meeting of the consultative group in Islamabad at mutually
convenient dates. APP

The European Union in its final report on Pakistan's May 2013 elections said the polls were more free
and fair than previous elections. It, nevertheless, warns that non implementation of certain legal and
procedural provisions leaves future elections vulnerable to rigging. The EU observer mission came up
with 50 recommendations for electoral reforms in Pakistan. The EU also noted that by-elections are an
opportunity for implementing improved practices.

PAKISTAN, RUSSIA SIGN $2.5BN ACCORD FOR LNG PIPELINE

Power plants near Lahore to be connected

with terminals in Karachi:


Islamabad: Pakistan and Russia signed here on Sunday an agreement for laying a $2.5 billion pipeline to
carry imported liquefied natural gas (LNG) from Karachi to Lahore.

Sidestepping the normal bidding requirements, the agreement was signed as a government-to-
government deal. Moscow would provide a loan of $2bn in return for the award of the contract to state-
run Russian firm RT Global, an arm of Russia State Corporation.

The Russian company will be responsible for laying the 1,100km pipeline, which will be called North-
South Pipeline. It will be capable of carrying 12.4bcm (billion cubic meters) per annum to connect
LNGForeign Policy of Pakistan

terminals in Karachi with consumption

centres near Lahore.

409

The agreement was signed by Minister for Petroleum and Natural Resources Shahid Khaqan Abbasi and
Russia's Energy Minister Alexander Novak. Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif attended the signing ceremony

The two sides had agreed during a recent meeting between President Vladimir Putin and Prime Minister
Sharif in Ufa to award the contract to the Russian firm without bidding against which the Russian
government would extend financing.

The project indicates the likelihood of Russia providing LNG to Pakistan at a later stage and also
Pakistan's desire to diversify its economic and trade relations.

Russia is the world's second largest natural gas producer and is looking for new markets after its recent
conflict with Ukraine which caused deterioration of its relations with Europe, its major hydrocarbon
export market.

Under the commercial agreement, Pakistan will provide 15 per cent equity and the Russian company
85pc. Russia will invest $2bn and the project is expected to be completed by Dec 2017.

The project will be carried out on the build, own, operate and transfer basis. It would be run by the
Russian firm for 25 years to recover investment with profit, before handing it over to a Pakistani entity,
informed sources said. The Pakistan government will provide a sovereign guarantee for the loan.

An official statement quoted the prime minister as saying at the signing ceremony that Pakistan wanted
to develop a multi dimensional relationship with Russia in various fields trade, defence, energy. 1
infrastructure and culture.

Pakistan had signed similar a government-to-government agreement with China for laying a $2.5 billion
pipeline from Gwadar Port to Nawabshah in Sindh.

Economic and trade relations between Islamabad and Moscow have remained
severely affected for about five decades because of cold war tensions, even though Pakistan's two major
ventures the Pakistan Steel Mills and largest hydrocarbon producer Oil and Gas Development Company
came into being with financial and technical support of the erstwhile Soviet Union in the 1960s.

The two sides have been cosying up over a couple of years and have signed a few memoranda of
understanding in recent weeks enabling Russian energy firms to enter Pakistan's oil and gas exploration
and production sectors through government-to government contracts.

A Russian delegation, led by Energy Minister Alexander Novak, arrived in Islamabad on Thursday night
for signing the agreement.

It held a meeting with Petroleum Minister Khaqan Abbasi and Prime Minister's Adviser on Foreign Affairs
and National. Security Sartaj Aziz.

The Russian firm is expected to begin work on the project in about four months and complete it by the
end of December 2017. The Second phase of the project involving the setting up of compression stations
is expected to be completed by May-June 2019.

"Pakistan is expecting President Putin to pay a landmark visit to Islamabad for performing the ground-
breaking of North South Pipeline early next year," the official statement said.

PAK-US RELATIONS

The emergence of Pakistan as a sovereign and independent country in 1947, was a unique event of the
history of the sub continent. With the partition of the Indian sub continent, two sovereign countries,
India and Pakistan, came into existence. The partition was the culmination of a sustained and ardent
freedom struggle of the Muslims of the sub-continent who decided to part ways with the dominant and
biased Hindu majority who eagerly desired to permanently subjugate the Muslim minority. The Muslims,
therefore, had410

Pakistan Affairs

to wage a struggle to escape the Hindu domination which would have been blatant and vengeful after
the British had quit the sub-continent.

The Hindus and the Congress politicians in particular were not happy over the partition of India as it had
pulled the downtrodden Muslim community from their jaws. The Congress politicians did their best to
stop the partition of India and eventually accepted it with a hope that one day the partition would be
undone by the turn of events.

Pakistan, therefore, was born in chaos and crisis. It had to face the security problems from the very first
day of its coming into existence due to the hostile attitude of the Indian politicians who eagerly looked
for the opportunity to undo the partition of the sub-continent. On the very outset Pakistan became
heavily dependent on the foreign assistance both in economic and military spheres for her survival.
India's continued threats and domineering posture compelled Pakistan to look for ways to protect her
territorial integrity.
In the early 1950's the US had delineated a programme known as 'Marshal Plan' which aimed at the
recovery of Europe and extending assistance to various Asian countries. After the partition the US
immediately extended an invitation to the Prime Minister Liaquat Ali Khan to visit Washington. The USSR
had also extended the invitation to Pakistan for a visit to Moscow by the Prime Minister Liaquat Ali
Khan. But Liaquat Ali Khan preferred to visit Washington which confirmed Pakistan's tilt towards the
West.

Liaquat Ali Khan's visit to the US in 1950 and the Korean crisis in 1951 paved the way for the close
relationship between Pakistan and the US. By 1953 the two countries had come to understand each
other's point of view and the stage was ready for the mutual co-operation. As a consequent to the visit
by Liaquat Ali Khan Pakistan received aid from the USA. In November, 1953 Ghulam Muhammad visited
the USA. At the conclusion of the visit it was announced that

a military agreement between Pakistan the USA would soon be concluded.

On 19th May, 1954, Pakistan signed th Mutual Defence Assistance Agreement w the US. The same year
Pakistan joined the South East Asia Treaty Organisation. The SEATO was formed mainly to conta
communism which was rapidly growing as a challenge to the Western system. The USA urged its allies to
join hands with her to cut the growing influence of communism which posed a formidable threat to the
Westen Capitalist System. By joining the SEATO Pakistan acceded to the US demands to fight
communism in collaboration with the US. In fact Pakistan was under obligation to fight communism
while she received no guarantee of collective action against attack by foreign aggression. The
membership of SEATO committed Pakistan fully to the Westem block. 'It was no longer possible for
Pakistan to keep away from the conflict between the two major blocs'.

A year later in 1955, Pakistan joined the Baghdad Pact. By joining these two pacts Pakistan became
America's most allied ally in Asia, Pakistan was now firmly on the side d the USA and gave an impression
of dancing to the American tunes. In 1959 Pakistan-US bilateral Agreement of co-operation was signed
and the US agreed to provide military assistance to Pakistan. Between 1954-65 Pakistan received
military assistance of 15 billion dollars. The economic aid in the shape of PL-480 and other loans
amounted to 3 billion dollars.

The pressing reasons behind joining the SEATO and CENTO were the security problems. Due to the
constant hostility from India, Pakistan had to look for the allies who could extend both moral and
material assistance needed to strengthen its borders 'It was obvious that Pakistani leaders in signing
these pacts were motivated primarily by their desire to improve the defensive capacity of Pakistan
against India'. By joining

7. Dawn, 2 Oct., 1954.

8. Khalid B. Sayeed, 'The Political system of Pakistan', p. 269. Foreign Policy of Pakistan

411

SEATO and CENTO Pakistan also benefited In the field of diplomacy. The membership of SEATO and
CENTO pushed Pakistan closer to Iran and Turkey which eventually paved the way for the conclusion of
RCD.
However, if Pakistan gained out of its membership of the SEATO and CENTO it had to pay a high price as
well for its membership of these pacts. As a result of the membership of CENTO and SEATO Pakistan was
wedded to the US assistance and her indigenous defence production was put on the back burner. The
diplomatic cost was high too as Pakistan lost its diplomatic freedom and its image as a non-aligned
nation received a severe jolt. Pakistan also earned the Soviet ire and the Arab world was visibly annoyed
on Pakistan's membership of the Western pacts. Being the founding member of the Baghdad Pact
Pakistan acquired deep irritation of the Arab world. President Nasir of Egypt criticised Pakistan and
accused her of indulging in divisive activities in the Arab world"."

Pakistan sincerely pursued its pro-west policy till 1958. The US on the other hand, in negation to its
commitments, demonstrated its keenness to go to the Indian side. The US extended lavish military
assistance to India during the Sino-Indian border clash in 1962. The manner and speed with which the
US extended military assistance to India raised many eye brows in Pakistan. It developed suspicion in
Pakistan about her own position as the American ally. The US tilt towards India subsequently affected
the mutual relations between the US and Pakistan.

American attitude became instrumental in giving rise in Pakistan to the need to re assess the policy
considerations. A widespread feeling developed in Pakistan that USA no longer gave importance to its
commitments to the military pacts and allies. Consequently with the change in American attitude the
policy-makers in Pakistan frantically looked for other allies in the region who could take on Pakistan's
security and peace requirements effectively.

In 1963 the US, ignoring Pakistan's concern, extended further military assistance to India. The US
absolutely gave no heed to Pakistan's protest about the Indian military built up. When India attacked
Pakistan in 1965, it frequently used American weapons in the war against Pakistan. The US, to further
aggravate the situation, suspended military aid to both India and Pakistan. The suspension of military
equipment affected Pakistan's position precariously as Pakistan was totally dependent on the US for the
supply of weapons. The US role during the 1965 war and its supply of arms to India seriously debilitated
Pakistan's defence potential and was meant to encourage Indian aggression against Pakistan.

Due to the American role in the 1965 war and its pro-India policy, a great deal of resentment developed
in Pakistan. People were extremely disillusioned with the US who decided to leave its most trusted
friend in the lurch. Pakistan, therefore, decided to turn to China's side who had by now emerge mighty
nation. The US sharply reacted with resentment and annoyance over Pakistan's tilt towards China. But
the changed US policy had left no other alternative for Pakistan than to look for other friends. 'In her
search for peace and security, Pakistan developed friendly ties with China, a step that was highly
distasteful to the US."

During Nixon administration there was a happy turn in the US-Pakistan bilateral relations Washington
now understood Pakistan's geographical compulsions. Washington's appreciation of Pakistan's
requirements gave new dimensions to Pak US relations. By 1968 a number of pacts for aid were
concluded between the two countries.

Though the US was not happy over Pakistan's relations with China, but it requested Pakistan to arrange
a meeting between Nixon and Mao Ts Tung, the Chinese leader. The US realized the growing influence
of China in the region and desired to ease down tension between her and

9. M. Ayub Khan 'Friends Not Masters', p. 156.


10. Gen. K.M. Arif, 'Working with Zia', p. 331412

China. Pakistan played a desired role to bring China and USA closer. But during the 1971 crisis the US
attitude despite Pakistan's positive role in US-China meeting, though generally sympathetic, sent wave
of a disappointment throughout Pakistan. The US did not support Pakistan whole-heartedly in the war
and never liked to condemn India on its blatant aggression against Pakistan. The US attitude proved that
Pakistan did not gain anything out of its brokerage of the US-China meeting. Pakistan's role in arranging
Nixon Mao conference offended the Soviet Union and eventually pushed her nearer to India culminating
in the shape of defence pact between the two countries.

Pak-US relations became strained once again in 1976-77 when Pakistan desired to acquire nuclear
technology. America vigorously opposed Pakistan's attempts to acquire nuclear capability for peaceful
and domestic purposes. In order to obstruct Pakistan's efforts for nuclear development, the US in April
1977, suspended project aid to Pakistan on the plea that Pakistan had concluded an agreement with
France to buy a reprocessing plant. Pakistan was urged to cancel the agreement for the purchase of the
reprocessing plant. When Pakistan refused to surrender, the Carter administration in Sept. 1977, cut off
the military and economic aid to Pakistan. France, however, succumbed to the American pressure and
suspended the reprocessing plant deal: Pak-US relations were at the lowest ebb during Carter
administration and President Carter deliberately avoided a visit to Pakistan at the time of his visit to
India and Iran.

The US exploited Pakistan's weak economic condition and exerted tremendous pressure on her to drop
the Chashma processing plant and to sign NPT.

The Soviet invasion of Afghanistan in December 1979 gave a severe blow to the US sense of pride. The
Soviet occupation of Kabul set a formidable challenge to the US global position. It has stirred the US
vanity from the roots. The US quickly waked up from its slumber to realize the gravity of situation. In
April 1980 the US informed Pakistan that

Pakistan Affairs

America recognized the Durand Line as the Pak-Afghanistan international boundary. I offered to send a
delegation to Islamabad to discuss security problems which might have arisen with the Soviet
occupation of Afghanistan. It also offered to lift embargo on economic aid to Pakistan despite its nuclear
programme.

Carter administration quickly understood the importance that Pakistan had acquired in the changed
geo-strategic environments. A US delegation comprising Dr. Brzezinski and Mr. Christopher visited
Islamabad in February, 1980. Dr. Brzezinski emphasised that the Soviets should not be allowed to
consolidate in Afghanistan and that the cost of their presence in Afghanistan should be as high as
possible. He also emphasised on the closer ties between Pakistan and the USA.

The US offered economic and military aid package of 400 billion dollars to Pakistan. It was described by
Dr. Brzezinski as 'Seed Money. Pakistan was informed that the Glenn and Symington amendments were
major obstacles in providing aid to a country which had acquired nuclear technology. The US authorities
told Pakistan that the US law would be amended accordingly to enable the US Government to extend
substantial aid to Pakistan. Since the aid offer was too meagre to even purchase the 'Peanuts', Pakistan
therefore, declined the offer. The aid package was too small to have enhanced Pakistan's defence
capabilities.

The rejection of the aid offer stunned the US policy formulators. It caused an emotional set-back to
Washington and the US authorities were simply startled over this rejection by a developing country like
Pakistan. The US was surprised at Pakistan's negative response, despite her pressing needs'.12

The US, despite the offensive gesture by Pakistan, desired to promote bilateral relations with Pakistan.
The US expressed its keenness to help Pakistan. Christopher, Deputy Secretary of State. Warren

11. Gen. K.M. Arif, "Working with Zia', p. 333. 12. Ibid., pp. 334-335. Foreign Policy of Pakistan

413

conveyed the US feelings to Pakistan and urged to promote bilateral relations if Pakistan liked to
renounce its nuclear programme. Pakistan did not move on the offer and refused to kneel down. There
was a prompt reaction on Pakistan's uncompromising gesture. All kinds of project aid was stopped to
Pakistan. 'Under US influence the IMF, the World Bank and the consortium countries acted in concert to
exert an economic squeeze. Pakistan's requests for loans and debt rescheduling were parried and she
was advised by the officials of IMF and World Bank to improve relations with America'. 13

Ronald Reagan won' the US presidential election in 1980. With the change of administration in
Washington, American perception of the international situation and especially of Asia marked a visible
change in the policy. The Soviet occupation of Kabul became primary concern to the US. Pakistan was
seen as a front line country capable of resisting Soviet pressure. The US had realized a need for a more
stronger and stable Pakistan in the wake of Soviet threat in Afghanistan.

Reagan administration made ambitious aid offer to Pakistan. It also desired to redefine bilateral
relationship with Pakistan an on the basis of mutual acceptance. Pakistan, in view of the past betrayals
by the US, did not jump on the offer and displayed her qualms in accepting the offer. However, in the
face of Soviet threats on its borders, Pakistan decided to respond to the US offer positively. as Pakistan
was not in a position to face the Soviet Union alone.

In the beginning Reagan administration was appreciative of Pakistan's delicate position in the wake of
Soviet annihilation of Kabul. The Secretary of State Gen. Haig was sympathetic towards Pakistan and
demonstrated his profound appreciation of Pakistan's precarious position with the Soviet Union
growling on its borders. Pakistan clarified its position with respect to its nuclear programme and
explained that she would not compromise on her nuclear venture.

Gen. Haig assured that Pakistan's nuclear programme would not become a hurdle in Pak-US bilateral
relations.

Pakistan sent a technical delegation to Washington to negotiate the deal with the US. A deadlock
developed during the course of discussion on the question of the delivery of F-16 air-craft. Pakistan
wanted the first batch within one year. The US expressed its inability to meet the request on technical
grounds and production difficulties. The talks failed. President Zia had to intervene to convince Reagan
on Pakistan's genuine difficulties. President Reagan responded positively.
In September, 1981 an agreement was concluded between the two countries. The US agreed to provide
a package of 3.2 billion dollars of economic and military aid. The aid was spread over the years 1982-87.
Congress accorded its approval to the aid package on the condition that the aid would be suspended if
Pakistan ever tried to transfer nuclear device to any non-nuclear state or received a nuclear device from
any other country.

After the Congressional approval of the aid package, the Reagan administration started employing the
arm twisting methods against Pakistan on its nuclear development programme. It began clamouring
about Pakistan's nuclear programme and invariably warned Pakistan that the aid might be cut off if
Pakistan ever became nuclear weapon state. The US exerted tremendous pressure on Pakistan to sign
the Non-Proliferation Treaty.

U.S. 1990 AID CUT-OFF

With the Soviet withdrawal from Afghanistan, beginning in May 1988, however, Pakistan's nuclear
activities again came under close U.S. scrutiny. In October 1990. President Bush suspended aid to
Pakistan because he was unable to make the necessary certification to Congress. Under the provisions of
the Pressler amendment, most economic and all military aid to Pakistan was stopped and deliveries of
major military equipment suspended. Narcotics assistance of $ 3.5 million annually, administered by the

3. Ibid., p. 336. 414

Pakistan Affairs

State Department's Bureau of International Narcotics Matters, was exempted from the aid cutoff. In
1992, Congress partially relaxed the scope of the aid cutoff to allow for P.L. 480 food assistance and
continuing support for nongovernmental organizations (NGOs). P.L. 480 food aid totaled about 55
million in both FY 1997 and FY 1998. The Foreign Operations Appropriations Act for FY 1996 included an
amendment introduced by Senator Hank Brown that allowed a one-time release to Pakistan of 368
million in military hardware ordered before the 1990 aid cutoff.

One of the most serious results of the aid cutoff for Pakistan was the nondelivery of some 71F-16 fighter
aircraft ordered in 1989. A search was made for a third country buyer in order to reimburse Pakistan
$658 million it had paid for 28 of the fighter planes. Deeply frustrated by the nondelivery of its planes
and the nonrefund of its money, the Pakistan government reportedly considered going to count over
the matter. In December, 1998, the United States agreed to pay Pakistan $324.6 million from the
Judgment Fund of the U.S. Treasury- a fund used to settle legal disputes that involve the U.S.
government - as well as provide Pakistan with $ 140 million in goods, including agriculture commodities.

TERRORISM

In testifying before

the House International Relations Committee in July 2000, U.S. Coordinator for Counterterrorism
Michael A Sheehan stated that "Pakistan has a mixed record on terrorism." Although it has cooperated
with the United States and other countries on the arrest and extradition of terrorists, "Pakistan has
tolerated terrorists living and moving freely within its territory." He further noted that although Pakistan
is itself a victim of terrorism, it bears some responsibility for the current growth of terrorism in South
Asia. That we are allies makes it all the more important that we cooperate to rid the area of terrorism."
In early 2001, the U.S. Federal Bureau of Investigation began offering antiterrorism training courses for
Pakistan Police officers in the United States.

According to the U.S. State Department report on global terrorism for 1999, there was continuing
terrorist-related violence in Pakistan as a result of domestic conflicts between sectarian and political
groups. Much of the violence in Punjab province reportedly related to rivalry between the extremist
Sunni militant group Sipah-i-Sahaba Pakistan and their Shiite counterpart, Sipah-i-Muhammad Pakistan.
In Sindh province and particularly in Karachi violence and terrorist incidents related to struggles
between the government and the Muttahida Quami Movement (MQM) political party, which represents
Urdu speaking Muslims, and their descendants, who migrated from India at the time of partition in
1947.Domestic violence reportedly lessened significantly following the October military coup.

In February 1995, Pakistan and U.S. officials cooperated closely in apprehending in Islamabad the
suspected mastermind of the New York World Trade Center bombing who was quickly extradited to the
United States. In a possibly related incident, two Americans on their way to work at the U.S. consulate in
Karachi were shot and killed in March 1995. On November 12, 1997, four American employees of Union
Texas Petroleum Co. and their Pakistani driver were killed in a terrorist attack in Karachi. Some
observers have speculated that the killings may be linked to the November, 10 conviction of Pakistan
Mir Annual Kansi (or Kasi) for the murder of two CIA employees in 1993. On June 5, 1998, the U.S. State
Department announced a reward of up to $2 million, under its Counter-Terrorism Rewards Program, for
information leading to the arrest or conviction of those individuals responsible for the deaths of the four
Americans. On November, 12, six rockets were fired at U.S. and UN officers in Islamabad, including the
American Embassy. The coordinated attacks, which caused little damage, were believed to be linked to
UN-mandated sanctions on Afghanistan's Taliban government, which took effect on November, 14.

India continues to claim official Pakistan support for militants fighting in Kashmir, whileForeign Policy of
Pakistan

415

mutually exclusive. But in the case of Pakistan, it is increasingly clear that holding fair and transparent
elections provides the best chance for stabilizing the country. Ultimately a popularly elected civilian
government working hand-in-hand with a strong military focused on its primary mission of battling
extremists will provide stability and security for the Pakistani people. There has been some discussion of
the formation of a national unity government in the run-up to an election, but such a step should only
be pursued with the full agreement of the major political parties and with the understanding that it
would help restore democratic rule. A major complicating factor for the election process is the
continuing campaign of suicide bombings, including last week's attack in front of the Lahore High Court
that killed dozens of police officers.

Pakistan maintains that it provides only political and moral support. In 1998-99, India claimed that
Pakistan was responsible for a series of terrorist attacks on Hindu Pandit villages in remote areas in
which families were brutally killed and their villages burned. There have been allegations that four
Western tourists, including American Donald Hutchings, kidnaped in 1995, may have been killed by
militants associated with a Pakistan- based group, Harakat-ul-Mujahidin (HUM). Since October 1997, the
HUM has been on the U.S. State Department's list of foreign terrorist organizations. The HUM is widely
believed to be responsible for the December, 1999 hijacking to Afghanistan of an Indian Airlines plane.
Many of the charges against Pakistan appear to stem from the presence of several thousand Islamic
fundamentalists from various countries who went to Pakistan to participate in the Afghanistan war and
who remained in Peshawar area Some of these fundamentalist groups allegedly have been involved in
assisting the Kashmir separatist movement with Pakistan government support. In the North-West-
Frontier Province, many religious schools suspected to be fronts for terrorist training activities
reportedly receive funding from Iran and Saudi Arabia..

The dramatic events in Pakistan over the last ten months, punctuated by the December 27, 2007,
assassination of liberal politician and two-time Prime Minister Benazir Bhutto, cast doubt on the future
stability of the country and raise questions about U.S. policy options for helping tame the growing
unrest. In addition to frequent civil protests deploring President Pervez Musharraf's heavy- handedness
toward the judiciary, violent conflict has escalated, including: a bloody confrontation last July between
Pakistani military forces and Islamic extremists at a mosque in the heart of Islamabad; a spate of suicide
bombings that have left over 600 Pakistanis dead in six months; and a growing presence of Taliban-
backed extremists in the northwest part of the country, particularly in the Tribal Areas bordering
Afghanistan.

Conventional wisdom holds that in this part of the world stability and democracy are

A flawed election viewed as rigged by Musharraf would lead to further civil unrest that could bring
Pakistan to a dangerous tipping point. The violent protests and arousal of ethnic tensions sparked by the
Bhutto assassination demonstrate the state's fragility. Pakistan has held eight elections in its 60-year
history, but next month's may prove to be the most important one yet. President Musharraf's credibility
has plummeted in the eyes of most Pakistanis, and his regime's handling of the Bhutto assassination has
only compounded his problems. Video footage of the attack shows Bhutto was probably killed by a
bullet, rather than from a head fracture, as initially claimed by the Interior Ministry. The contradictory
statement has fueled public mistrust of the Musharraf government, which was already running high due
to his imposition of emergency rule in early November last year.

The situation in Pakistan is fluid and delicate. The U.S. should refrain from making abrupt policy changes,
and instead remain engaged with both civilian politicians and the military leadership in an effort to
ensure Pakistan weathers the current turmoil. Washington should increasingly view Musharraf as a
transitional figure whose influence is likely to decline in the months416

Pakistan Affairs

realities and an opportunity to think anew and

The grisly 9/11 attack engulfed the US, World's sole super power with deep anger and anguish. The US
quickly responded and delineated its plan of action President George Bush, fuming with deep anger,
threatened strong action against the terrorists and announced that the US would take action of its own
choice to punish the terrorists. He also warned other nations not to provide sanctuaries to the
perpetrators and vowed to take stern action against those who harboured the terrorists.

ahead. The U.S. relationship with Pakistan will likely go through an adjustment period as act anew.
Washington shifts from dealing mainly with Musharraf to a more broad-based government run by
civilians. The U.S. needs to exercise patience as Pakistan seeks to resolve its domestic turmoil,
encouraging the democratic process and criticizing any further attempts by Musharraf to undermine it.
POST 9/11 FOREIGN POLICY OF

PAKISTAN

On September 11, 2011, the whole world was traumatized when the Al-Qaeda terrorists rammed their
air craft, carrying nearly 300 passengers, into the New York's World Trade Centre and Washington City.
The petrifying attack on the World Trade Centre startled the world with massive loss of life and
property. It was reported that nearly 2700 innocent people perished in attack on the World Trace
Centre. The despicable attacks baffled the civilized world as nobody could believe that such a gory act of
terrorism could take place on the territory of a super power of massive military and economic potential
like the US. Within hours of these contemptible attacks, Pakistan's unique geographical location pitched
it face to face with the most disturbing situation with the US asking Pakistan to discard the Taliban,
discard Islamic Jihad, discard Islamic fundamentalists and join the US in its operation to dislodge Afghan
government said to be harbouring Osma Bin Laden, the main architect of the 9/11 attacks. The US, in
clear terms warned Pakistan either to become its frontline partner against the war on terror or be ready
to face the US wrath. The 9/11 attacks had left everyone dumbfound with their intensity and severity
and Pakistan found itself on the horns of dilemma as what to do or which way to go. Its options were
acutely restricted and discouraging. The world abruptly changed rendering the policy makers clueless.

Pakistan was already overwhelmed by domestic and external challenges and crises when the 9/11
catastrophe put it face to face with new alarming and menacing

The US was able to stir up the global response to its plan and organized combined action against the
terrorists. A coalition of 40 allied nations was formed who came up with all kinds of help to assist the US
in its undeavours to weed out Al-Qaeda. The US also pulled in NATO to participate in its campaign and
got strong resolutions passed unanimously the very next day condemning the attack.

The international community, despite its political, ethnic, religious and cultural diversities expressed its
unanimous resolve to eliminate terrorism from the roots and put their weight behind the US to
accomplish the target of bringing the perpetrators to justice and to prevent and wipe out the scourge of
terrorism for ever.

Foreign Policy Options for Pakistan after 9/11

The message to Pakistan was both threatening and jolting. The US Deputy Secretary of Defence declared
that US action will be directed at "removing the sanctuaries and support systems" and ending states
which sponsor terrorism". Joseph Biden, Chairman of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee warned
Pakistan that it must decide whether "it is a friend or an enemy. Bush administration officials made it
clear that they expected solid and positive support from Pakistan and simple condolences and lipservice
for help will not suffice. President Musharraf was told point blank that failure to cooperate in the fight
against global terrorForeign Policy of Pakistan

417

would put his country on a collision course with the US.


Pakistan, therefore, came under heavy pressure to obey US commands to sever its relations with the
Taliban and to cooperate in nabbing Osama bin Laden.

Pervaiz Musharraf immediately buckled down under the US warnings and agreed whole heartedly to all
the demands of the US. The Taliban were discarded overnight and the bases were provided to the US to
launch military operation against Afghanistan. General Perevaiz Musharraf was cowed to accede to the
American demands and extend solid and positive assistance to US to carry out its war on terrorism.

Pervaiz Musharraf addressed his people on TV and tried to justify his decision to sell out Pakistan's
foreign policy which Pakistan had followed for decades. Pervaiz Musharraf got a clear message from
Washington that if Pakistan did not cooperate with the US, it could find itself a target in any retaliation
for the 9/11 terrorist attacks. At this moment Pakistan stood perilously exposed to the most frightening
challenge of its chequered history. In his speech on 19 September Musharraf reaffirmed Pakistan's
"Unstinted support" to the US war against terrorism. The US asked Pakistan to seal its border with
Afghanistan, cut fuel supply to the Taliban and block all kinds of movement and activities of the Al-
Qaeda. Pakistan's immediate and whole hearted response to American demands puzzled everyone and
even the Americans were amazed on this unexpected turn of events. However the military government
claimed that it was all done in the best interest of the country.

General Musharraf addressed the nation on 12 January 2002 and announced comprehensive measures
to stamp out terrorism, violence and extremism from Pakistan to reinstall its true image as a forward
looking and liberal Islamic state. He declared that Pakistan will not allow its territory to be used for any
terrorist activity. In order to reaffirm his resolve to uproot

terrorism from Pakistan, President Musharraf banned militant outfits which included Lashkar-e-Taiba
and Jaish-e-Muhammad.

The US responded favourably to Musharraf's unconditional surrender by throwing lavish aid for
Pakistan's defence and economic redemption Pakistan's sins were pardoned and a nation which was
being termed as a 'failed state' before 9/11 stood vindicated as a trustworthy frontline partner of the
global coalition against terrorism.

Pakistan's Image after the 9/11 Carnage

After the 9/11 disaster Pakistan's image on global level was severely tarnished which compelled the
foreign policy formulators to launch their endavours for new policy options. Particularly Pakistan's image
in the Islamic and Arab world was immensely damaged after the 9/11 tragedy. The Islamic and Arab
World hold Osama Bin laden and Al-Qaeda in high veneration and consider them as heroes of Islam.
9/11 is seen as Islamic retribution for the wrongs and atrocities inflicted on the Islamic world by the
United States. In this background Pakistan's involvement with the US to sever overnight all contacts and
sponsorship of Pak-Islamic causes cannot be considered appropriate with respect to Pakistan's linkage
with the Islamic World. Pakistan was seen as a willing associate of the 'Great Satan' in the persecution of
Muslims and acting against the interests of Islamic.

Pakistan and Western Europe

With the 9/11 attacks vast Al-Qaeda network came into focus with some branches operating in
Germany, Britain, France and Italy. Some terrorists linked with Al-Qaeda were arrested in some
European countries and their connection with Pakistan brought into focus Pakistan's underhand policies
of state sponsored terrorism.

If some of the European countries, especially Britain, lauded Pakistan, other could not remain
unconcerned to Al-Qaeda's operative units likely to infest the Islamic and specially Pakistan expatriate
communities418

Pakistan Affairs

existing in Europe. Therefore Pakistan's external relations with Western Europe were bound to sustain
heavy stress and become a foreign policy predicament.

U.S. Assistance Programs

Washington should continue to provide robust economic and military assistance programs to Pakistan,
but improve the way it monitors and leverages this aid. The Bush Administration's recent decision to
begin programming through the U.S. Agency for International Development (USAID) the $200 million
annual direct cash transfer was a welcome development. Providing this aid in the form of socio-
economic projects that directly impact the lives of average Pakistanis, rather than through cash transfers
to the Musharraf government, constitutes a major improvement in how the U.S. disburses and
administers its large-scale assistance programs to Pakistan. The majority of this assistance should go
toward public education to boost current U.S. aid to the education sector, which now stands at about
$60 million annually. Only about 42 percent of Pakistani children between the ages of five and nine
attend school, and adult female literacy is only about 40 percent.

Recent calls to cut military assistance, on the other hand, are unhelpful. The U.S. already cut F-16 sales
to Pakistan once in the past, and doing so again will only confirm for many Pakistanis that the U.S. is a
fickle partner not to be trusted. Cutting U.S. military assistance to Pakistan would demoralize the
Pakistan Army and jeopardize our ability to garner close counterterrorism cooperation, thus playing into
the game plan of extremists seeking to create a sense of chaos in the country.

Tribal Areas: The Bush Administration's

commitment to provide $750 million over five years to develop the Federally Administered Tribal Areas
(FATA) is a step in the right direction. Broad-based economic development of this impoverished area is
necessary to uproot extremism. USAID has implemented assistance programs in the FATA for several
years, including road building and school construction, and through

opium cultivation eradication programs that were successful in the 1980s. USAID and the government of
Japan are currently rebuilding 130 schools in the FATA. Although the US will have to provide aid initially
through Pakistani government channels, especially in areas where security is an overriding issue USAID
should seek out potential non governmental organizations that could work in these areas so that
eventually it can work through them rather than relying solely on the local administration.

Over the long term, U.S. assistance should encourage political reform that incorporates the institutions
of the tribal lands fully into the Pakistani system. Some have argued that the Pakistan military is loath to
implement political reform in these areas, and that only the democratic parties would move in this
direction. Political parties are currently prohibited from operating in the FATA, while a political agent, or
federal bureaucrat, runs the affairs of each of the seven FATA agencies. There are 12 seats reserved for
FATA members in the National Assembly (the lower house of parliament) and eight in the Senate.
However, parliament has no authority to legislate on matters concerning FATA, and the FATA legislators
wield little authority. The Pakistan People's Party (PPP) has petitioned the Supreme Court to enforce the
Political Parties Act in the FATA that would extend Pakistan election laws to the region and encourage
political activity. The petition claims that since the political parties are not allowed to field candidates for
elections, the mosques and madrassahs (religious schools) have been able to assert undue political
influence in the region.

Nuclear Issues

Preventing Pakistan's nuclear weapons and technology from falling into the hands of terrorists is a top
priority for the U.S. While there is no immediate threat to the security of Pakistan's nuclear weapons
during the current political transition, Washington will need to be diligent in pursuing policies that
promote the safety and security of Islamabad's nuclear assets. The results investigations into Pakistani
nuclear scientist ofForeign Policy of Pakistan

419

Abdul Qadeer Khan's nuclear black market and proliferation network demonstrate the devastating
consequences of nuclear proliferation by individuals with access to state-controlled nuclear programs.

Although A.Q. Khan avoided engaging al Qaeda on nuclear issues, earlier revelations about a group of
former Pakistani military officials and nuclear scientists who met with Osama bin Laden around the time
of September 11, 2001, remind us of the continuing threat of the intersection of terrorism and nuclear
weapons in Pakistan. On October 23, 2001, acting on an American request, Pakistani authorities
detained Bashiruddin Mahmood and Abdul Majeed, two retired Pakistan Atomic Energy Commission
(PAEC) officials. Since their retirement from the PAEC in 1999 they had been involved in relief work in
Afghanistan through a non-governmental organization they established called Ummah Tameer-e Nau
(UTN). In November 2001, the coalition forces found documents in Afghanistan relating to UTN's
interest in biological weapons. This prompted Pakistani security forces to arrest seven members of
UTN's board, most of whom were retired Pakistani Army officials and nuclear scientists.

Recent media reports reveal that the U.S. has been assisting Pakistan in improving the safety and
security of its nuclear weapons over the last six years.[10] This kind of cooperation is possible because
the Bush Administration carefully nurtured relations with Pakistan, including through provision of
military hardware and military-to-military exchange programs.

Recent media hype surrounding the issue of the safety of Pakistan's nuclear weapons, including
statements about the possibility of the U.S. seizing Pakistani nuclear assets, is damaging to the bilateral
relationship. The current civil unrest does not directly endanger the safety of Pakistan's nuclear arsenal.
The main threat stems from the potentiality of al Qaeda penetrating the system clandestinely through
retired officials with extremist sympathies as in the UTN case cited above. For this reason, it is more
important to focus

on helping Pakistan institute procedures like improving its personnel reliability programs than to discuss
openly plans for emasculating its nuclear capabilities. Former Deputy Director of the CIA John
McLaughlin summed up the situation well when he said recently that he was confident "that the
Pakistanis are very serious about securing this (nuclear) material, but also that someone in Pakistan is
very intent on getting their hands on it."

U.S. Policy Recommendations

Develop a Strategic Approach to Defeating the Taliban and use Tough Diplomacy to Bring Islamabad on
Board. While continuing large-scale military and economic assistance programs to Pakistan, the U.S.
should use tough and reasoned diplomatic persuasion to convince Islamabad to work closely with the
U.S. not only against al-Qaeda but also against the Taliban. emphasizing that such an approach will serve
Pakistan's long-term strategic interests Convincing Pakistan on this front becomes much more difficult if
we start cutting military assistance programs.

We must avoid repeating past mistakes. In his new book How We Missed the Story: Osama bin Laden,
the Taliban, and the Hijacking of Afghanistan, author Roy Gutman details many of the mistakes made by
U.S. officials in developing policy toward Afghanistan and Pakistan in the run-up to the 9/11 attacks. In
Gutman's book, a senior retired Pakistani Army official notes that U.S. policymakers could have
convinced Pakistani military officials to adopt a tougher policy toward the Taliban in the late 1990s. He
said that top U.S. officials should have sat down with Pakistan's top military strategists and convinced
them that the Taliban was ultimately a threat to Pakistan itself. The senior retired military official noted
that Pakistan at the time feared that putting pressure on the Taliban would provoke an extremist
backlash, but that well-argued outside persuasion could have coaxed Pakistan into "extricating itself to
the winning side."

Gutman provides several examples of a fragmented U.S. policy toward the terrorist420

threat in Afghanistan and Pakistan throughout the 1990s and the lack of a strategic, diplomatic approach
to achieve the goal of defeating al-Qaeda and its Taliban affiliates. To develop such a strategy, it is
important to understand the symbiotic relationship between the Taliban and al-Qaeda. The Taliban
receives valuable assistance from al Qaeda in fighting coalition forces in Afghanistan, while al-Qaeda
relies on Taliban support to sustain a safe haven in the Pashtun-dominated areas of Pakistan. While it is
possible to peel off "guns-for-hire" that may not be ideologically motivated by anti West pan-Islamism, it
would be folly to believe the U.S. or Pakistan can convince the Taliban leadership to break its
relationship with al-Qaeda. As Gutman notes, "pursuing patient diplomacy with the Taliban in 1999-
even after top U.S. officials knew that bin Laden had effectively hijacked the regime...sent a signal of
indecision and weakness to both Mullah Omar and bin Laden."

In many ways, we are in the same diplomatic position that we were during the late 1990s with Pakistan.
We need Pakistan to crack down harder on Taliban elements within its borders but its fears that this will
cause a backlash in Pakistan and its mistrust of U.S. objectives in the region are hampering our ability to
obtain full Pakistani cooperation. It is essential that the U.S. and Pakistan develop a strategic dialogue on
defeating the Taliban/al-Qaeda phenomenon and view the issue in a context that also addresses
Pakistan's strategic stakes vis a vis Afghanistan. The Bush Administration's recent plan to send 3,000
additional U.S. Marines to Afghanistan is an important signal that the U.S. is committed to stabilizing
Afghanistan and ensuring a moderate, pro West regime succeeds there.

Build up Pakistan's Capability to Confront Terrorists and Focus on Developing Tribal Areas. The U.S. will
need to build up Pakistan's capacity to take on the Taliban and al-Qaeda in the Tribal Areas and focus
substantial attention on developing these areas economically. Washington must con
Pakistan Affairs

vince Islamabad to work more closely in join efforts that bring U.S. resources and military strength to
bear on the situation in North and South Waziristan and employ a combination of targeted military
operations and economic assistance programs that drives a wedge between the Pashtun tribal
communities and the international terrorists.

A large-scale U.S. troop invasion of Pakistan's Tribal Areas could have disastrous consequences for the
Pakistani state and would not provide a lasting solution to the problem. A more effective strategy
involves working cooperatively with Pakistan's military to assert state authority over the areas. Once
they are secure, substantial assistance should be provided to build up the economy and social
infrastructure. Washington's pledge of $750 million to develop the Tribal Areas over the next five years
is welcome but the aid should not be delivered until it is clear the Pakistani authorities have the upper
hand in the region and can ensure the aid does not fall into the wrong hands. This wil require U.S. access
to the region and a clear commitment from the Pakistan government to counter Taliban ideology.

The U.S. should conduct counter insurgency training programs for the Pakistan military, especially the
Frontier Corps, whose troops know the terrain of the FATA but have little experience with
counterinsurgency operations. This training will both build trust and stronger ties between the U.S.
military and its Pakistani counterparts, as well as better prepare the Pakistan security forces to fight al-
Qaeda and Taliban in the Tribal Areas.

To address rising Islamic extremism, Washington should encourage the Pakistan government to enforce
the rule of law against militants who use the threat of violence to enforce Taliban-style edicts and to
close down madrassahs that are teaching hatred against the West that leads to terrorism. The Pakistan
government also needs to take steps to root out from the security establishment any remaining pockets
of support for militants, including those with links to the Kashmir insurgency or the TalibanForeign Policy
of Pakistan

421

Without a complete break from Islamist militancy, Pakistan's security apparatus will be increasingly
unable to protect Pakistani citizens from terrorist violence, leading to further destabilization of the
country.

Maintain Robust Assistance Programs. The U.S. should refrain from cutting assis tance to Pakistan
because it sends a wrong signal at a time when we need to demonstrate that the fight against terrorism
is a joint endeavor that benefits Pakistan as much as it does the U.S. and the global com munity. Because
of the abrupt cutoff of U.S. aid to Pakistan in 1990, the U.S. lost valuable leverage with Pakistani leaders
and created a feeling of mistrust between our two countries that still plagues the relationship. The
Pakistan military views the U.S. as a fickle partner that could exit the region at any time. This lack of faith
in U.S. commitment to the region hurts our ability to garner the kind of counterterrorism cooperation
we require from the Pakistani government. Pakistani soldiers are dying in the battle against terrorism,
and average Pakistanis are beginning to question whether these sacrifices are being made solely at the
behest of the U.S. rather than to protect their own country. Conditioning assistance only fuels the idea
that Pakistan is taking action to fight terrorism under coercion, rather than to protect its own citizens.
In conclusion, the U.S. must remain closely engaged with Pakistani civilian politicians and the military
leadership during the political transition. The U.S.-Pakistan relationship is crossing troubled waters, and
anti-Americanism is reaching the boiling point. A strong U.S. public stance supporting the process of
democracy without focusing on any one particular leader or party would help calm the situation. Despite
frustration over lack of Pakistani success in uprooting the terrorist safe haven in the border areas, the
U.S. should refrain from cutting military assistance and develop a strategic approach to addressing the
problem.

KERRY-LUGAR PAKISTAN

AID BILL

Ever since President Asif Ali Zardari ascended the Presidency he has been voicing Pakistan's concerns
about various issues. These included militancy /terrorism and economic pressures amid efforts to
declare Pakistan a failed state. Zardari on several occasions pointed out if Pakistan is destabilized, it
would have far-reaching repercussions for world peace and tranquility. He, therefore asked the world
leaders to appreciate Pakistan's endeavors to combat militancy.

Two influential US senators introduced long-awaited legislation to over-haul and expand US assistance
to Pakistan amid deep concerns about the nuclear-armed country's stability.

Democratic Senator John Kerry, the chairman of the Senate foreign Relations Committee, and
Republican Richard Lugar, the panel's ranking member, held a joint press session after presenting the
bill.

The measure aims to triple US non military aid to Pakistan, bringing it to 1.5billion dollars per year over
the next five years, and advocates for extending the increase over the following five years.

It also calls for conditions on US military aid, saying Pakistani security forces must show they are "making
concerted efforts to prevent al-Qaeda and associated terrorist groups from operating in the territory of
Pakistan. "They must also show they are "making concerted efforts to prevent the Taliban from using
the territory of Pakistan as a sanctuary from which to launch attacks within Afghanistan; and are not
materially interfering in the political or judicial processes of Pakistan."

The legislation calls for "benchmarks for measuring the effectiveness of US assistance" at a time when
many in the US Congress are openly skeptical of the effectiveness and desirability of boosting US aid to
Islamabad. 422

Pakistan Affairs

The legislation requires US President Barack Obama to give US lawmakers a detailed report on US
strategy and semi- annual reports thereafter on the effectiveness of the assistance as well as any waste,
fraud or abuse.

It also requires US Secretary of State Hillary Clinton, in cooperation with Defense Secretary Robert Gates
and Director of National Intelligence Dennis Blair, to craft annual reports on Pakistani security forces.
Clinton was also directed to work up a comprehensive strategy with Gates and Blair fault. for coping
with violence along Pakistan and Afghanistan's shared border.

The non-military assistance aims to bolster Pakistan's democratic institutions, including through police
reform, anti- corruption efforts, battling the illegal drug trade and promoting an independent report.
judiciary.

And it seeks to boost access to public primary and secondary education and vocational training, food
security and agricultural development, quality public health, and higher education.

"The Kerry-Lugar approach towards Pakistan emphasizes a long-term relationship built on mutual trust
and cooperation: only then will the people of Pakistan see the United States as an ally with shared
interests and goals, such as defeating militant extremists that threaten the national security of both
countries."

The announcement came two days before US President Barack Obama hosted Presidents Hamid Karzai
of Afghanistan and Asif Ali Zardari of Pakistan amid concerns about efforts to fight the Islamist threat in
the region.

The Pakistan officials lauded the US intentions and termed it as highly positive step. "The reason that we
say it positive is because it talks about consolidating democracy in Pakistan, help transform the
relationship between the US and Pakistan into a deeper, broader, long-term strategic engagement with
the people of Pakistan amongst other things. We have also noted

that the US chimes with Pakistan's views of a strategic and holistic view to ensure peace in the region."

He added that Kerry-Lugar Pakistan Enduring Assistance and Cooperation Enhancement Bill (PEACE Act
of 2009) was still in the form of a bill, and one had to wat for the legislation from the House d
Representatives to see what final shape the bill takes. Spokesman said it was essentialy a non-military
assistance bill and so far there were no harsh conditions that Pakistan could

The Government also appears to be at ease with the fact that certification will be needed to ensure that
the assistance provided to that date is making substantial progress toward the principal objectives
contained in the Administration's strategy

"Pakistan would like to explain how the sum, to be received, will be spent and we welcome
accountability and frown on squandering," the spokesman added Republican Richard Lugar had on
Monday remarked, "We should make clear to the people of Pakistan that our interests are focused on
democracy, pluralism, stability. and the fight against terrorism." Observing that these are values
supported by a large majority of the Pakistani people, he said: Pakistan is to break its debilitating cycle
of instability, it will need to achieve delivering government services, and promoting broad based
economic growth.

However some analysts have expressed their doubts on the Kerry-Lugar Bill as being another attempt to
seek control over Pakistan under the garb of economic assistance. They believe that the Kerry-Lugar
(KLB) is itself problematic even though it may appear angelic in view of the massive amount ie $1.5
billion per year authorized for five year The KLB delinks security or military assistance from non-military
assistance but has conditionalities attached to both.
In terms of security, the assistance is on year-by-year basis and the US President has to certify that
Pakistan's Security forces-thatForeign Policy of Pakistan

423

is the military which means army-are making concerted efforts to prevent Al-Qaeda and other terrorists
groups from operating in Pakistani territory. Despite the fact that our security forces have been doing
their best under the trying circumstances, "the US continues to put forward the mantra of "do more".
Such certification would put our security forces under US pressure for a decade at least."

The US President will have to certify that the military is taking the necessary steps to prevent Taliban
from hiding and taking refuge in Pakistan, The US Secretary of State will have to submit to Congress an
annual report on the "progress" of Pakistan's security forces.

The KLB has also attached conditionalities with respect of rule of law. independent judiciary and
democracy which may be lauded but absolutely irrelevant and impertinent. The KLB also provides
$5million to US ambassador in Pakistan to provide "Critical need development or humanitarian
assistance" which is meant to buy loyalties and enable the US ambassador to interfere in Pakistan's
domestic affairs.

The US House of Representative's Foreign Affairs Committee endorsed a bipartisan measure to authorize
a combined package of $2billion in Security assistance for Pakistan over next five years.

The Pakistan enduring assistance and Cooperation Enhancement Act, which will be passed by the full
House and later reconciled with the Senate version, speaks of enduring relationship with Pakistani
people but was mainly meant for security assistance for Pakistan to its anti-terrorism performances.
Howard Berman, Chairman of the House Foreign Affairs Committee which cleared the legislation said,
"we need to forge a true strategic partnership with Pakistan,

Kerry-Lugar Bill: Still seeking control over Pakistan. Shireen M. Mazari News International May 6, 2009.
Kerry-Lugar Bill: Still seeking control over Pakistan. Shireen M Mazari. The News International May
6,2009

strengthen its democratic government and do what we can to make Pakistan a force for stability in a
volatile region"

The measure HR 1886 will triple US economic assistance to Pakistan to $1.5 billion a year with a
particular focus on strengthening democratic institutions, promoting economic development and
improving public education system with an emphasis on access for women and girls. The bill will also
establish a permanent Pakistan Democracy and Prosperity Fund for non-military assistance which
demonstrates America's long term commitment to Pakistan's democratic future. The bill will also
approve $400 million annually for Pakistan counter-insurgency Capability Fund for five years.

The legislation emphasizes on rigorous vigilance on the aid to ensure that the people are truly benefiting
by the assistance. It asks for constant oversight and auditing. The bill has established a set of principles
that would govern US-Pakistan ties including the actions that the two countries should take to maintain
a robust, relevant and lasting relationship
Senator John Kerry stressed the need for continued US support to help Pakistan take care of the people
displaced from Swat after the military operation launched to eli minate the Taliban from the Malakand
region. Kerry said that the current humanitarian crisis in Swat valley is a pressing immediate need. He
said it is also an opportunity and appreciated the administration decision to send $110 million in
humanitarian aid. He declared we have a chance to demonstrate America's friendship for Pakistani
people.

Americas friendship with Pakistan is entering a new and exciting phase. The Kerry Lugar Bill signals a
dramatic shift in how American power seeks to engage with Pakistanis.

The Kerry Lugar Bill exposes several pleasant realities. Its analysis of Pakistan development challenges is
reasonably com prehensive. It indicates genuine American interests in serious Pakistan issues. The Bill

The News International Friday May 22, 2009. 424

Pakistan Affairs

represents a very good summary of country's development challenges and other issues. The Kerry Luger
Bill is a well crafted closed. document that makes no secrets of its motivation.

The KLB begins by reaffirming that Pakistan is a valuable partner and that its efforts to contain the
Taliban and Al-Qaeda militants has resulted in deaths of thousands of Pakistani civilian and military
personnel. It recognizes that the recent economic crisis has severely damaged Pakistan's economy while
recent military operation in Swat and South Waziristan have displaced millions.

The KLB speaks volumes of the need to consolidate democracy, promote judicial independence and the
rule of law, provide modern education, madrassah reform, "public -private partnerships" and people to
people contact. It also aims at improving Pakistan's anti-nuclear proliferation, counter - terrorism and
counter insurgency capabilities.

The Kerry Lugar Bill which after approval by the cabinet came to be know as Kerry-Lugar law empowers
the President of the US to help Pakistan democratize, capacity build spread economic freedom and take
care of internally displaced persons. The US will support Pakistan to establish "frameworks that promote
government transparency." Also it will provide support to promote professional caliber of police, a free
media, strengthening civil society and non governmental organizations and facilitate an independent
judiciary.

The KLL will also help Pakistan to strengthen its social and economic sectors. These include rural
development, vocational training for youth, microfinance, improving health services, investing in higher
education, providing humanitarian assistance to the refugees and "building - capacity" for NGOs and civil
society.

One of the important objective of the Kerry - Lugar Bill is to prevent any Pakistani territory from being
used as a base or a source for terrorists activity in Pakistan. Annual report will be required to establish
that efforts were made to eliminate Al-Qaeda, Taliban and close down Jaish-e-Muhammad and Lashkar-
e-Taiba, also Pakistan will be
required to prevent neighboring countries and madressahs linked to Taliban will have to be

Another objective of the bill is to help strengthen the institution of democratic governance and promote
control of military institutions by a democratically elected civilian government. "The Kerry Lugar Bill is its
proponents say, an attempt by the United States to establish a long term partnership with Pakistan. But
given the level d assistance, its wide dispersal and intrusive conditions, the effects seem likely to be
negligible on the ground and politically counter productive."

PRESIDENCY OF BARAK OBAMA

Barak Obama stepped in as 44th US President on 5th November, 2008. With Obama's ascension to the
US Presidency, was hoped that Pak-US relations, which had been strained during George Bush's era,
would be repaired and both countries once again, would forge ahead as good allies However some very
significant events took place ever-since Obama took charge of the US presidency which have cast doubts
and suspicions on the bilateral relations between the two friendly countries.

The US invaded Afghanistan on the pretext of capturing Al-Qaeda terrorists claimed to be hiding in
Afghanistan. With the invasion of Afghanistan, relations between Pakistan and the USA began to
deteriorate gradually.

After the 9/11 attacks the US completely changed its policy options. President Gorge Bush categorically
asked Pakistan to be with the US. Pakistan had no other option than to join the US led war on terror.

On May 2, 2011 the US Navy Seals attacked Abbottabad compound and killed Osama Bin Laden who was
hiding there for six year long. The killing of Osama bin Laden completely changed the scenario of Pak-US
relations. Pakistan genuinely felt betrayed on

Ihsan Niaz: Kerry-Lugar Bill rhetoric of overeagerly Daily Dawn. "Encounter" 24-10 2009Foreign Policy of
Pakistan

425

US action of raiding Abbottabad compound. The US, unilateral action of trespassing Pakistan's
sovereignty compelled Islamabad to seriously re-consider its policy options with respect to its relations
with the US. It took some bold steps which infuriated the US as it never reconciled with the idea of
Pakistan showing face to reconciled the US.

The US began pushing Pakistan to the wall. In order to put pressure on Pakistan, the US withheld
military aid which was meant to fight terrorism in Pakistan. The stoppage of military aid created
difficulties for Pakistan to continue its efforts against the terrorists. Pakistan tried to convince the US on
its compulsions and urged the US to resume military aid to Pakistan.

The US kept on telling Pakistan to do more against the terrorists and linked the resumption of aid with
taking strict action against the terrorists. The US accused Pakistan of having close kinks with Taliban and
other Jehadi outfits. But Pakistan rejected these claims vehemently.

Relations between the two allies further deteriorated with the mounting US pressure. The US asked
Pakistan to take action against.. Laskar-e-Taiba and Haqqani networks. Some high ranking US military
and government officials, during their visit to Islamabad, described the LeT as a potent terrorist outfit
considered a threat to the US. The US officials demanded that the Pakistani authorities should proceed
against the LeT to dismantle its vast Jehadi infrastructure led by Hafiz Muhammad Saeed.

The US accused Pakistan of having ties with the Haqqani network, which Washington considered a
fearsome terrorist Jehadi network involved in attack on US Embassy in Kabul. The US ambassador
Cameron Muntor, in his interview with state run Radio on Saturday Sept. 17, 2011 claimed that
Haqqanis were responsible of attack on US embassy that killed and injured several US and Nato troops.
He further claimed that the US has authentic evidence linking Pakistan to the Haqqani network. The
Ambassador demanded that Pakistan must severe its ties with the Haqqanis. The Haqqani network one

of the most feared insurgent groups in Afghanistan rejected US claims of operating from Pakistan.
Sirajuddin Haqqani the leader of the group declared that the group have no sanctuaries in Pakistan any
more.

The relations between the US and Pakistan received a severe set back when the US accused Pakistan of
exporting terror and violence to Afghanistan. Mike Mullen the top US military officer on Thursday 22
Sept. 2011, accused Pakistan of exporting violent extremism to Afghanistan by allowing militants to act
as an "arm of Islamabad's intelligence service". In a scathing and unprecedented public condemnation of
Pakistan, Admiral Mike Mullen said the Pakistan's ISI (Inter-Services Intelligence) was actively supporting
Haqqani network extremists who have targeted US forces in Afghanistan. He said that the Haqqani
network acts as a veritable arm of Pakistan's Inter-services Intelligence agency". Mullen informed the
Senate Armed Services Committee, with ISI backing the Haqqani militants carried out a September 10,
2011 truck bombing attack on a Nato base in Afghanistan that wounded 77 Americans. Mullen also
blamed Haqqani insurgents for an assault on the US embassy and Nato headquarters in Kabul. Mullen
claimed that "by choosing to use violent extremism as an instrument of policy, the government of
Pakistan and most specifically Pakistani Army and ISI, Jeopardized not only the prospects of our strategic
partnership, but also Pakistan's opportunity to be a respected nation with legitimate regional influence".

SECOND TENURE OF PRESIDENT BARACK OBAMA

President Barack Obama won his second tenure of American Presidency. He took oath of his office in
January, 2013

Perhaps most significant implication of Pak-US aid relation is the possible changes in the US
administration in the second tenure. The Secretary of State Hillary Clinton has been replaced by Senator
John Kerry as Secretary of State. 426

Pakistan Affairs

Senator John Kerry, currently the Chairman of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee has been
enjoying the top position at the State Department.

He is also enjoying good relations with the Afghan President and also with Pakistani officials. He can be
more helpful in US Afghanistan relationship in the post withdrawal period after 2014 and highlight
Pakistan's role in regional stability.
This will, of course, be encouraging for Pakistan-US relationship, particularly aid related as he is aware of
the ground realities of this region particularly of Pakistan, the political will, the capacity of fund utility,
etc.

Hs is one of the senators along with Senator Richard Lugar who sponsored Kerry Lugar aid package to
Pakistan, which meant that Pakistan will get $ 1.5 (b) annually from 2010 to 2014, on account of
economic assistance which was subject to different certifications.

Nevertheless, in history of aid relations with US the Enhanced Partnership with Pakistan Act was
considered to be a long lasting one. It was to increase the civilian aid given to the country as compared
to previous aid.

Pakistan so far received just $2.8 billion instead of $ 4.5(b) under the arrangement of Enhanced
Partnership during the last three years. The major chunk of the released budget has also gone to the
civil society organisations and a very meager amount goes to the government fund disbursing agencies.

In addition to the civilian aid commitment, a package of $2 billion military aid was also announced in
October 2010, which also meant to have more military cooperation and buying US manufactured arms
and related accessories from 2012 to 2016. It was considered that this will be helpful in combating
terrorism and help in developing anti-insurgent efforts of Pakistan.

Unfortunately, the release of financial assistance has considerably been irregular, the Department of
State suspended aid

programmes under the plea that EPPA's goa of providing $ 1.5 (b) of economic aid was met in 2010 but
not for FY2011 and 2012.

On the one hand, there is a strong feeling about the US aid that it is too small for what Pakistan is
performing and expected to deliver, and on the other side there is a strong view prevailing in US that
military and civilian aid has failed to stop extremism and militancy or stabilize the civilian government
The national economy continues to suffer Pakistan.

The critique urges the United States to apply conditions on military, but not civilian assistance and to
give both the U.S. Agency for International Development (USAID) and its implementing partners more
freedom to devise and prioritize their efforts in socio economic conditions in Pakistan.

International Crisis Group Asia Report June 2012, points out that the US has lopsided focus on the
security concerns which has entrenched the military's control over state institutions and policy, delaying
reforms and aggravating Pakistani public perceptions that the U.S. is only interested in investing in a
security client.

On the other hand, if Pakistan is unable to deliver expected results then why US should still invest funds
in civilian and military aid in Pakistan? Why despite threatening statements the aid is not being stopped
completely?

One thing is very obvious that if aid is stopped under the plea of not delivering goods it will take things
to the worst scenario and it will be counterproductive. The suspended aid from US sends a wrong signal
to other international investors.
This will further limit the government's capacity to control terrorist activities, equally damaging the US
economic and security interest in Pakistan.

A short term strategic approach in security matters is a lapse in US foreign Policy approach towards
Pakistan. This approach will never work in Pakistan. Foreign Policy of Pakistan

427

Pakistan should not be seen just in the context of security perception of Afghanistan or even US post-
withdrawal scenario of Afghanistan. Pakistan is facing a host of problems and extremism could be on top
but it cannot be tackled with a short term security centric US assistance objective.

According to Economic Survey of Pakistan, the country spent $68 billion since 2001 whereas US
assistance in this period was even less than one third of what was spent

The Obama Administration has to be cognizant of the fact that Pakistan is neither unable nor unwilling
to deliver, but the fact remains that Pakistan is a fragile state economically.

Pakistan's estimated per capita GDP of $2,792 (at purchasing power parity) in 2011 ranks it 136th of 183
world countries. From 2008 to 2010 we are facing inflation of nearly 5 percent of our GDP growth; on
education government spends less than 2 percent which is lowest even in the region with the lowest
tax-to GDP ratio of 9 percent only.

The energy crises and power shortfall has taken Pakistan toward a doomed economy, we are lacking
access to modern energy services and infrastructure, the available old infrastructure is overburdened
which is one of the causes of the power wastage. Karachi goes without light more than 10 hours a day.
There are internal security challenges for Pakistan which its institutions are not very capable to handle.

In such a situation, the pursuit for winning hearts and minds is an overly ambitious target of the US
objective in Pakistan. The real change will come only when financial assistance is able to bring economic
development to Pakistan and responsibility of aid utilisation is transferred to the government of
Pakistan.

As far as the KLB assistance is concerned it is considered of vital importance to both US and Pakistan.
The aid should be continued without any disruption and without reform related conditions as it will be

development first which can assure any conditionality accomplishment requirement.

For reform purposes, US administration should give a more realistic timeline to achieve the targets
rather than just counting the percentages of US aid dispensed to Pakistan.

In the present and coming aid assistance, there are two most noteable assistance programmes which
need administration's certificate or waivers. One is Enhanced Partnership with Pakistan Act of 2009, and
the second is the State and foreign operations appropriations provisions found in the Consolidated
Appropriations Act, 2012.
Nevertheless, recently when US aid transfer to Pakistan was threatened, Hillary and Obama took a stand
on the commitment and said that Pakistan should get aid, and on September 13, 2012 very quietly a
"national security" waiver for Pakistani military aid was issued.

The State Department quietly notified Congress of its intent, "consistent with U.S. national security
interests," to waive the certification requirements of the EPPA.

For the FY2013 on some temporary funding requests to US administration, there is some shifting away
from its core assertion that aid was to support a partnership with Pakistan to its economic stability
objectives also.

Now it states that "The United States seeks to foster economic and political stability in Pakistan through
sustained assistance, which directly supports the core US national security objective to disrupt,
dismantle, and defeat Al Qaida, as well as to deny safe haven to it and its affiliates in the region".

There is a debate inside the Congress about Pakistan as one of major US aid receiver and its
effectiveness. Pakistan expect a modest approach from the Obama Administration with modification in
its policies from just security-centric to development centric. 428

Pakistan Affairs

PAKISTAN, US AGREE TO BUILD ON IMPROVEMENT IN TIES

Pakistan and the United States agreed to keep up the momentum of improvement in bilateral relations
through high-level engagements and stronger counterterrorism cooperation.

"The two leaders agreed to maintain high-level engagements to strengthen cooperation in areas of
mutual interest," the Prime Minister Office said in a statement after US Vice President Mike Pence's
telephonic conversation with PM Shahid Khaqan Abbasi.

Mr Pence told Mr Abbasi that the US wanted to "further build this relationship" for peace in the region.

This was the second call from a senior 'US leader to PM Abbasi in as many days. Secretary of State Rex
Tillerson had called a day earlier.

The calls precede Secre-tary Tillerson's expected visit to the region next week. Mr Tillerson will visit
Pakistan during the trip that will also take him to India, a senior official at the State Department was
quoted by Reuters as saying on Wednesday.

The relations between Pakistan and the US have witnessed marked improvement over the past few
weeks following a series of recent interactions, including PM Abbasi and VP Pence's meeting in New
York on the sidelines of the UN General Assembly session in New York; Foreign Minister Khawaja Asif's
visit to Washington, where he met Secretary Tillerson and a visit by a US interagency delegation led by
Lisa Curtis, Deputy Assistant to US President and Senior Director for South Asia at the National Security
Council, to Islamabad.
The tone of US leaders on Pakistan too has significantly softened as could be noticed during Mr
Tillerson's speech on Indo-US ties on Wednesday at the Center for Strategic and International Studies
(CSIS), a US think tank.

The safe recovery of US citizen Caitlan Coleman and her family by Pakistani security

forces on intelligence provided by the US ha come to epitomise the resumed counte terrorism
cooperation between the countries.

"Vice President Pence thanked government of Pakistan and praised professionalism of the Army and
intelligence agencies for the swift respons and safe recovery of the US national Cat Coleman, her
husband Joshua Boyle ar their three children," the PMO said.

President Trump, while hailing th recovery of the American family, had earle described it as "a positive
moment" in Pak-US ties.

Talking to VP Pence, PM Abbasi sač Pakistan would continue to act on "actionable intelligence" provided
by the US.

Vice President Pence, the PMO said also accepted the invitation of the prime minister to visit Pakistan in
the near future.

A statement released by the Whit House press office said Mr Pence emphasised the need for a
"continued and sustained cooperation" against militants.

It said Mr Pence thanked the Pakista prime minister for his governments assistance in recovering US and
Canadian hostages that were being held captive by th Haqqani Taliban network.

The statement also underlined the port that the militants were "being held in the tribal areas of
Pakistan".

Vice President Pence noted this effort a an important development in Pakistan's support to the US
strategy against terrorism in the region, "but highlighted tha cooperation against militant groups must
be continued and sustained, the White Hous! said.

Mr Pence also recalled his meeting with Mr Abbasi on the sidelines of the 72nd UN General Assembly in
New York last mont when the two leaders stressed the need fo the two allies to stay engaged for
resolving the issues that had strained the US-Pakista relationship. Foreign Policy of Pakistan

429

"Just as he did during the meeting the two had in New York last month, the Vice President again
discussed ways that Pakistan could work with the United States and others to bolster stability and
security for all in South Asia," the White House said.

Unusual for a telephone call to a foreign leader, the White House also mentioned Mr Pence's call to
Prime Minister Abbasi in its daily schedule. The schedule said that "the Vice President will participate in
a phone call with Prime Minister Shahid Khaqan Abbasi of Pakistan," indicating that it was more than a
one-on-one call between the two leaders.

US Announces Support for CPEC

In yet another indication of its policy-shift towards Pakistan, the United States on Tuesday announced
full backing of the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC). weeks after shocking criticism of the
corridor by Defense Secretary James Mattis.

Responding to questions by The News, a spokesperson of the US State Department acknowledged


CPEC's benefits to the people of Pakistan. "We believe that the China Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC)
- and particularly its focus on transportation infrastructure and energy development - has the potential
to contribute to stability and prosperity in Pakistan and the region," a spokesperson of the State
Department said in a detailed email response.

The fresh stance by the State Department is contrary to the one taken by defense secretary earlier this
month. In a statement before the Senate Armed Services Committee James Mattis had said that the One
Belt, One Road initiative goes through the disputed territory, an obvious reference to CPEC's route
through Gilgit-Baltistan. Both China and Pakistan had swiftly rejected the criticism on the corridor.

The latest US stance is likely to improve Washington's ties with Islamabad which are already on the
mend following a successful rescue operation by Pakistan's security forces to free a North American
family from Taliban captors.

"The United States welcomes all development programs that benefit the Pakistani people," the State
Department said. The spokesperson also tried to dispel the impression that the United States is unhappy
with close cooperation between Pakistan and China, a rising superpower.

"We have a shared interest with China in a stable and prosperous Pakistan. China. can play an important
role in expanding and improving Pakistan's infrastructure and promoting power generation projects,"
says the response.

More broadly, the spokesperson said, we support open and inclusive initiatives that expand economic
connectivity in South and Central Asia. "The United States has been a strong supporter of regional
economic integration, which has great potential to benefit all countries of the region."

"We welcome new forms of infrastructure investment as long as they adhere to the high standards of
international financial institutions related to governance, which encourage host country institution
building, and which include transparent, debt sustainability, environmental, and social safeguards," the
spokesperson concluded.

Following the successful rescue operation by Pakistani forces, US President Donald Trump had also
praised Pakistan and hoped that this cooperation would continue in future joint counterterrorism
operations as well. His statement came after release of the two hostages, freed after more than five
years in captivity. Ms Coleman and Mr. Boyle were abducted while travelling in Afghanistan in Oct 2012.

PAK-US TIES: A COMPLICATED PATH


The Pak-US relationship is likely to back in the spotlight during the next two weeks as at least two senior
US officials, Secretary of Defence James Mattis and chairman, Joint Chiefs of Staff, Gen Joseph Dunford,
are set to visit Pakistan.

By now, it is apparent that any senior US military delegation will insist on the 'do more' aspect of
President Donald Trump's strategy430

Pakistan Affairs

on Afghanistan, likely demanding that Pakistan take fresh steps to curb the alleged presence of the
Afghan Taliban and Haqqani network on Pakistani soil.

If presented as a belligerent demand, the Pakistani reaction may be equally sharp - worsening tensions
in an already fraught relationship.

A far more sensible approach would be if each side were to draw up a list of priorities in the context of
the Trump South Asia strategy and work towards a middle ground.

As Pakistan has rightly insisted, and many US diplomats have concurred, the path to long-term peace
and stability in Afghanistan is a political settlement between the Afghan government and the Afghan
Taliban.

What is the best path to get to a common end?

President Trump's strongman approach to problems from North Korea to Syria suggests that he is willing
to give the US military a wide latitude in Afghanistan, but there is no realistic scenario in which the
Afghan Taliban are defeated by a combination of US and Afghan security forces in the foreseeable
future.

That necessarily means a strategy of militarily degrading the Afghan Taliban in order to force them to
the negotiating table something the US has grudgingly recognised, but has done little to make possible.

Complicating the time line are the Afghan parliamentary elections scheduled for 2018 and presidential
elections for 2019.

With political uncertainty likely to hover over Afghanistan for the next couple of years, the Afghan
government may not be in a position to negotiate with the Afghan Taliban and the latter may be
disinclined to negotiate within a political framework that is unsettled.

The combination of all those factors may lead the US to fall back on blaming Pakistan for lack of progress
in the war against the Taliban in Afghanistan an unwelcome - tuation for this country.

Clarity of purpose and strategy, then, at this time is necessary.

Work with the US where possible to advance peace in Afghanistan and other regional interests of both
sides and prepare for a bumpy road ahead if quick successes are not won.

THE US PRESIDENT DONALD TRUMP IGNITES WAR OF WORDS AGAINST PAKISTAN WITH THIS TWEET
In his first tweet of 2018, US President Donald Trump Monday 1st January, 2018, threatened to cut off
Pakistan's aid over what he claimed its "lies and deceit" in offering save heaven to terrorists

In his first message, directed at a foreign nation on the eve of new year, Donald Trump accused Pakistan
of being a liar, which stirred a sharp series of responses from the Pakistani leadership

The President pledged, in his first message directed at a foreign nation of the New year, to change the
nature of relationship he claimed was based on "nothing but lies and deceit".

Pakistan strongly re-acted to the inglorious tweet of the US President. The Foreign Secretary Ms.
Tehmina Janjua summoned the US ambassador David Hale to convey Pakistan's strong rejection of
President Donald Trump's accusation

President Trump tweeted on Monday. 1st January 2018, his warning to Pakistan. "The United States has
foolishly given Pakistan more than 33 billion dollars in aid over the last 15 years, and they have given us
nothing but lies and deceit, thinking of our leaders as fools". "They give safe heaven to the terrorist we
hunt in Afghanistan with little help, no more".

Pakistan's Foreign Minister Khawaja Asif responded to Donald Trump sharply. We will respond to
President Trump's shortly. Will let the world know the truth, difference between facts and fiction.
Khawaja Asif said that Foreign Policy of Pakistan

431

Pakistan is not an ally of the US. He said this is not how allies behave as the US President Mr. Trump has
done.

The suspension of security assistance for Pakistan came as the Trump administration asked for more
cooperation against militants from Pakistan as part of its strategy in Afghanistan. Khawaja Asif further
said that Pakistan will not allow the Afghan war to be fought on its soil.

Khawaja Asif said that Pakistan made a "huge mistake" when it agreed to join the US campaign in
Afghanistan which was launched in the wake of the 2001 terrorist attacks in New York and Washington.
Khawaja Asif believed that the US had turned Islamabad into a "whipping boy" for its failures in
Afghanistan.

US President Donald Trump's freewheeling twitter habit has caused a fresh eruption in Pak-US ties in the
new year agreed to keep up the momentum of improvement in bilateral ties through high- level
engagements and stronger counter- terrorism cooperation. Both the US and Pakistan agreed to maintain
high-level engagements to strengthen cooperation in areas of mutual interests, the PM Mr. Shahid
Khaqan Abbasi's office conveyed to the US after US vice-President Mike Pence's telephonic conversation
with PM Abbasi.

However it was not renewed pressure on Pakistan or simply indulging in rhetorical ultimatum that
appealed to his lonely political base at home.
As a hostile and bullying comment by a US President cannot be simply ignored, the Pakistani political
and military leadership did the right thing by meeting to discuss a joint civil-military response.

What is also evident is that Mr. Trump, like his predecessors since the US-led war in Afghanistan began
more than 16 years ago, views Pakistan through the prism of Afghanistan. With nearly 16000 US troops
in that country, several thousand of which Mr. Trump himself has sent, the course of war could have a
bearing on the American

leaders' Presidency. It is on that reality that the Pakistani leadership should focus.

The Trump administration did not wait to see the impact of its Pakistan's admonition to on 1st January
2018, and suspended its entire security assistance on 4 January, 2018 untill Pakistan proves its
commitment to fight all terrorists groups operating in the region.

State Department spokesperson Ms. Heather Nauert informed a press briefing in Washington that the
security cut-off was not permanent and will only affect military assistance. It was informed by reliable
sources that the proposed plan was not meant to stop the assistance permanently but suggests a
"condition and issue-based approach".

Under the new strategy, funds would be released only if a particular objective identified with the
allocation of funds has been accomplished. The spokesperson further informed that the suspension will
remain alive until Pakistan "takes decisive action" against groups such as Taliban that are damaging
peace and tranquility of the region and targeting US personnel.

The aid suspension will include equipment and the transfer of security related funds, with possible
exception for US national reasons.

Though Ms. Nauert informed that the Trump Administration was still working on the details of the
impact of the suspension in dollars. But the Trump officials, without waiting for the outcome of details
had already suspended $ 255 millions of security assistance from the Foreign Military Financing (FMF)
fund, which is used to provide military equipment and training to a friendly country.

The suspension will now affect the remaining $ 350 in this account, known as the coalition support fund.

PRESIDENT TRUMP'S STRATEGY TO BACKMAIL/PRESSURIZE PAKISTAN

In fact President Trump wanted to browbeat Pakistan for taking action against the terrorists and also he
was trying to thwart432

Pakistan Affairs

accusing Pakistan of being "deceitful", came as a rude shock to the rulers of this baffled

the CPEC project which was to fetch numerous benefits for Pakistan and the region. Reports of an
impending action nation. against Pakistan was circulating in Washington when Trump sent out a tweet
accusing Pakistan of deceit, treachery and lies. The security cut plan is also meant to coerce Pakistan to
extend more cooperation to the US for its strategy in Afghanistan.
Pakistan Strongly Rebuffs Trumps' Tirade:

Pakistan strongly rejected President Trumps' rant and rave towards Pakistan. Foreign Minister Khawaja
Muhammad Asif said that the US cheats its friends. Khawaja Asif said that Pakistan would reconsider its
relations with the US as the US was not duly appreciating Pakistan's sacrifices given in the war against
terrorism. Khawaja Asif said that Pakistan enjoyed good relations with China, Russia and Turkey who
have acknowledged Pakistan's efforts in war against terror.

US Deals Another Blow to Pakistan:

A day after suspending Pakistan's security assistance aid, the US department of State put Pakistan on a
special watch list for "Severe Violation of Religious Freedom".

The State Department announced that in accordance with the International Religious Freedom Act of
1998, The Secretary of State annually designates governments that have engaged in or tolerated
systematic, ongoing and horrendous violations of religious President Trumps' Fictious Ideology:
freedom. Besides Pakistan the other countries are Burma, China, Eritrea, Iran, North Korea, Sudan, Saudi
Arabia, Turkmenistan and Uzbekistan.

The US commission on International Religious Freedom has recommended keeping a check on Pakistan
in the past too, but the previous US administrations avoided taking steps, "because of strategic political
all. reasons". The Trump administration has been critical of Pakistan for not doing more to combat
terrorism and plans to announce stricter action against it.

The new year message from Trump through his disparaging and disgraceful tweet

It is very difficult to beat Trump at his erratic tweet which are no less idiotic and strange for his own
administration.

The Pak-US relationship is now "conditions based". Pakistan is the world's fifth largest country, with the
most powerful military and having nuclear weapons. It has its own priorities and interests in the region.
It cannot be threatned and browbeaten around like an ordinary and small republic. We cannot simply do
what the US wants us to do.

Pakistan needs to articulate its interests and objectives, and execute its policies, boldly and clearly. The
incoherent statements issued by the National Security Council meeting in Islamabad failed to adequately
address the American isolative diatribe against Pakistan.

Trumps' tweet on Pakistan's alleged "deceit" is not just a sudden outburst. It was followed by US
permanent representative at the UN Nikki Haley's allegation of the "double game being played by
Pakistan. These reactions and suspension of assistance from the highest level of Trumps' administration,
have been initiated after meetings held between top US officials and commanders with the civil and
military leadership of Pakistan,

Donald Trump is a rightwing ideologist perhaps a libertarian like Ted Cruz or a Nationalist like his former
brain BFF Steve Bannon. It might appear that he is one or the other or both in view of what he has been
doing in recent years.
However Trump is not a rightwing ideologue because he is not an ideologue at

Indeed Trump has no settled political convictions. If his tweets indicate anything, he is absolutely unable
to conceive a thoughtful plan for even a day. He just goes with whatever is on his mind. Foreign Policy of
Pakistan

433

But as he is a one-track mind, it can seem that there is some consistency underlying, the blooming
buzzing confusion, "as the philosopher and psychologist William James (1842-1910) described the
human baby's first encounter with the external world.

The track his mind is on is all about him, his glory and his money. The two could not be more intimately
connected. Trumps' glory is his wealth-conspicuously displayed. Trump is no ideologue, but he does
have it in him to pretend to be one when it serves his purpose.

Imaging Pak-US Ties:

Step by step, US assistance to Pakistan is being withdrawn, the latest being an announcement on 4
January 2018 that all security aid to Pakistan has been suspended. Though the suspension can be
reversed and civilian aid has not yet been frozen, but it has increased US pressure manifold on Pakistan.
The most publicized US demand is further action by Pakistan against the Haqqani network and Afghan
Taliban elements that may have found sanctuary in Pakistan. In return the US promised unspecified
greater cooperation with assistance for Pakistan. But this incentive is not much appealing for Pakistan
because of already troublesome 'do more' mantra has been replaced with a 'do more on else' warning.

NEW CHALLENGES

The US President Donald Trump has done what was apprehended for a long time. In his first tweet of
the year, setting aside diplomatic niceties, he attacked Pakistan for what he thought its failure to rein in
militant groups despite pocketing billions of dollars of aid from the United States since 9/11.

That tweet was followed by a series of punitive measures by the US administration which included
placing Pakistan on the watch list of countries known for "severe violations" of the religious freedom as
well as suspension of all security assistance to Pakistan until it takes concrete measures against militant
groups which Washington alleges operate out of Pakistani soil.

Pakistan gave a measured response to the wild allegations. It rejected the US accusations and reminded
the Trump administration of the huge human and material sacrifices it has rendered after joining the
war on terror, but at the same time expressed its readiness to engage with Washington in a constructive
manner to resolve problems.

This includes 255 million dollars in aid for military equipment and training under the Foreign Military
Financing Fund and 700. million dollars under the Coalition Support Fund (CSF). The CSF basically is not
aid, but it is reimbursement of the expenses incurred by Pakistan in the war on terror.

Pakistani officials believe that the country could ride through the aid cuts announced so far as the
United States has already reduced assistance over the years
The US envoy for the United Nations Nikki Haley has already warned that Trump I could go to "great
length" to stop all aid to Pakistan in case it does not do what is needed of him by Washington.

Economic experts believe that though the US aid reduction may not have a big impact on Pakistan, any
attempt by the Trump administration to use its clout in the international financial institution, like the
International Monetary Fund (IMF), the World Bank and the Asia Development Bank (ADB) could
squeeze Pakistan.

Emboldened by China's strong and unequivocal support for Pakistan's efforts to fight terrorism in view
of the mounting pressure from the United States, our rulers believe that Beijing would also help Pakistan
in case of any financial and economic crunch caused by the US aid cuts.

Nonetheless, the experts believe Pakistani policy makers should explore home-grown solutions to the
financial and economic challenges faced by the country.

Unless Pakistan introduces a strong taxation system which brings the powerful and elite class of the
society in the tax net. 434

Pakistan Affairs

there are no chances for the country to address its long-standing economic woes.

In the short run, Pakistan's main challenge is huge trade and current account deficits.

The government is confident that the twin deficits could be reduced through increase in exports which
registered 16 percent rise in the first quarter of the current fiscal year It believes that downward
adjustment of the rupee against US dollar and an increase in the export package announced early last
year would give further boost to the exports.

The political governments, generally, in election years avoid taking long-term and far reaching economic
measures and prefer to take populist steps that help it extend its vote bank.

The debate on the political and media forums was largely centred on populist and nationalistic verbósity
devoid of any sober and thoughtful consideration to face these challenges.

Pakistan and US Engaged in Quiet Diplomacy

Beyond the apparent stand off over terror heaven, Washington and Islamabad have engaged in quiet
diplomacy to resolve their fast declining relationship.

US Deputy Assistant of State visited Pakistan and demanded that Pakistan territory be cleared of the
terrorists. Before the US Centcom Chief Gen. Joseph Votel had met Pakistan army Chief Gen. Qamar
Javaid Bajwa for trying to calm down the tattered nerves at Gen. Headquarter (GHQ). These
meetings/inter-actions signal the understanding that the second attempt at rescuring the relationship
after Trump's inglorious hyperbole against Pakistan was not going well. However, Dr. Faisal, Pakistan's
foreign office spokesperson sard "Co operation in all areas continues with the US.
Speaking about free Karachi campaign in Washington, the spokesperson said that

Government had taken a serious note of this "smearing campaign" in different US cities.

TRUMP IS FIGHTING THE 'WRONG WAR'

Dollar hegemony has proved resistant to all the world has thrown at it. Valery Giscard d'Estaing, the
former French president, called it. America's "Exorbitant privilege". Others use a rather blunter term the
"tyranny of the dollar".

Whatever the description, the upshot is not in doubt; ownership of the world's dominant reserve
currency has conferred enormous economic and geopolitical power on the US, reinforcing its command
over world affairs.

All great empires have at their heart an imposing means of exchange; an internationally pre-eminent
currency is very much part of their social and political hegemony. An effective coinage was central to
Rome's military power, helping to keep far flung lands subservient. In more recent times, it was the
British pound, but that dominance too faded with empire.

Today it is the mighty dollar. Highty liquid and still almost universally in demand as the "risk free" asset
of choice and haven from all passing economic storms, nothing else comes close to the greenback's
commanding position in the international monetary system.

Nor, seemingly, can anything shake its power. It has survived America's ballooning twin budget and
trade deficits, it outlived the 9/11 attacks, it withstood the born and bred in America global financial
crisis, and it has sailed through repeated Federal Government shutdowns, made mandatory when debt
ceilings are breached, as if they were mere passing squalls.

It is, in part, this central role in commodity pricing that makes the dollar far and away the world's most
traded currency.

With all these events, the death of dollar hegemony has been confidently declared, only for those
reports to proveForeign Policy of Pakistan

435

Mark Twain-like, much exaggerated. Throughout it all, the dollar has stood firm.

Small wonder, then, that other aspiring powers look jealously on, and scheme to acquire the same
privileges. Plainly, there were other motive involved, but creation of the euro very much had that
purpose in mind as a counter to the righty dollar.

So far, the single currency has conspicuously failed to live up to those ambitions. Without fiscal and
political union to underpin it, the single currency can never be a wholly credible alternative. To have
allowed a sovereign default Greece within little more than ten years of the euro's launch doesn't
moreover, inspire confidence.

INDO PAKISTAN RELATIONS


HISTORY:

Pakistan came into existence as an independent state on 14th August, 1947 in a result of the long and
intense freedom struggle. The Muslims of the sub-continent launched their freedom struggle when they
became convinced that the Hindus desired to subjugate them (Muslims) permanently. They waged their
campaign under the leadership of Sir Syed Ahmed Khan for their revival as a nation. After Sir Syed
Ahmed Khan, Allama Iqbal and the Quaid-i-Azam led the Muslims of the sub-continent to their cherished
goal of independence and achieved Pakistan.

For the Hindus and Congress Pakistan .was not a viable state and structured out of immense hatred. The
Hindus and Congress never reconciled with the idea of Pakistan being a sovereign state. Therefore the
relations between India and Pakistan have remained bitter ever since partition of India in 1947. India

and Pakistan are as separate ⚫ and distinct as two nations can be in terms of ideology, polity and nation
building. The conflict between India and Pakistan emanates not from territorial dispute but basically
from opposing ideologies and objectives. It is more due to unjust division of the sub-continent by the
British rulers, which

sowed the seeds of conflict and hostility between the two neighbouring countries. The British left
behind unresolved issue of Kashmir, which is the only reason for strained relation between India and
Pakistan.

Immediately after the partition, India adopted measures to destabilize Pakistan in the economic sector.
It stopped canal water flowing into Pakistan with an object of destroying Pakistan's agricultural sector,
the mainstay of Pakistan's economy. Pakistan had to purchase water from India to save its crops. Then
India refused to pay Pakistan's due share in the financial assets. India built Farkha dam, annexed
Junagadh, Kashmir and Hyderabad, started Kashmir war and initiated rupee war which crippled Pakistan
in the early days of its independence

India created security problems for Pakistan by military interference in 1965 and 1971 Pakistan was
acutely exposed by Indian aggression in the form of open and undeclared wars in 1965 and 1971. These
armed conflicts further deteriorated ref between the two neighbours.

Hostile propaganda from print and electronic media become an impregnable hurdle in the way of
cordial relations between Pakistan and India. Poisonous, propaganda exuded by the Indian media and
other agencies was aimed at defaming Pakistan and to exploit Pakistan's internal situation. The Tashkent
accord declared that both countries will discourage hostile propaganda against each other, but no
respect was shown to the agreement by India.

Diplomats are the agents of their respective countries who try to develop cordial relations with other
states. Unfortunately the diplomats, in case of India and Pakistan, have not been able to play their
effective role due to the tension and hostility prevailing between the two nations.

The mutual relations between two neighbour can flourish if there is harmony and better understanding
regarding the issues of international level. But in case of Pakistan and India, basic differences on
various436
Pakistan Affairs

international issues do exist. When Pakistan objected to Russian occupation of Afghanistan, India
refused to stand by Pakistan in opposing a big power. Pakistan became a close ally of the USA, but India
developed close relations with the former USSR. So the difference of opinion at world scene played its
role by keeping the two neighbours apart and dividing them into two different world blocs. KASHMIR

In the partition plan, it was unanimously decided regarding the independent states, like, Kashmir,
Hyderabad, Junagadh, that the future of these states would be determined by the people of these states
by plebiscite. But contrary to all rules of ethics, India backed out of the plan, and forcibly occupied a
considerable portion of Kashmir, which is still run by Indian Government. Pakistan has made many
efforts for peaceful settlement of the issue; by giving the right of vote to the people. India does not co-
operate. Various resolutions passed by U.N.O. have been frustrated by Bharat. The demand of Pakistan
to hold plebiscite in Kashmir is not only due to it's strategic importance but largely due to natural desire
of Pakistan to enable Kashmiris to order their lives according to their own ideas and aspiration, which is
not possible under the occupation of India. The seriousness of the issue can be realised by the fact that
three wars have already been fought between India and Pakistan on account of Kashmir dispute, the
present cold war which usually develops into tense situation is only because of Kashmir issue. It is finally
felt, that durable friendly relations can not be established without the solution of Kashmir issue which
lies in giving the right of plebiscite to local people under the supervision of U.N. representatives. THE
PROCESS OF NORMALIZATION OF RELATIONS BETWEEN INDIA AND

PAKISTAN

The burning question in the politics of south Asia is the normalisation of relations between India and
Pakistan. It is not only necessary to ensure the prosperity of both ations but also to ensure the peace
and

stability of the region. Both countries are spending their resources on their defence, the rest of their
resources are inadequate to meet the needs of the people or to get rid of poverty, disease, illiteracy
unemployment.

and

TASHKENT DECLARATION

In 1965 Pakistan and India were involved in a fierce battle. The brave Pakistan army inflicted a crushing
defeat on Indian forces. Pakistan, in spite of its better position, responded favourably to the peace
efforts initiated by Russia. Mr. Lal Bahadur Shastri the Indian Prime Minister and FM Muhammad Ayub
Khan, the President of Pakistan were invited to Tashkent for peace talks.

The meeting was held in 1966 and an agreement between Pakistan and India was concluded. The
agreement is known as Tashkent Agreement by which the hostilities between India and Pakistan came
to an end.

The important provisions of TASHKENT DECLARATION were to lay the foundations for mutual trust and
co-operations. It could remove suspicion and misunderstandings on both sides. But unfortunately it was
not acted upon. Perhaps political instability on both sides, was the main reason for failure. Had the
TASHKENT DECLARATION been enforced in its true spirit the tension between both countries would
have been removed. India kept on interfering in the internal affairs of Pakistan. Propaganda against
Pakistan was not stopped.

SIMLA ACCORD

There was another concrete effort to normalize the Indo-Pakistan relations when SIMLA ACCORD was
signed by President of Pakistan and the Prime Minister of India in 1973.

IMPROVING TIES WITH INDIA

EVEN as Indian and Pakistani guns continue to thunder along the Line of Control in Kashmir, there are
several signals of a desire on both sides to improve relations.

Most notably, Pakistan's army chief has on several occasions articulated anForeign Policy of Pakistan

437

openness to evolving a modus vivendi with India, dubbed the 'Bajwa doctrine'. Recently, the Indian
defence minister stated that such peace overtures from Pakistan will be reciprocated.

The Indian military attaché was invited to the Pakistan Day parade and accepted. Pakistan hosted India
with other Shanghai Cooperation Organisation members to discuss regional terrorism In September,
Pakistan and India will participate in SCO joint counterterrorism exercises in Russia. Last month, Pakistan
hosted a Track Il dialogue with India.

For its part, Pakistan has consistently advocated resumption of the Composite (now Comprehensive)
Dialogue with India. And while it was preoccupied with fighting terrorism within its territory and from
across its western border, it made strategic sense for Pakistan to seek a calm eastern frontier.

Unfortunately, since its inception, Narendra Modi's BJP government made normalisation conditional on
Pakistan's disavowal of support to the Kashmiri freedom struggle and acceptance of culpability for
Mumbai and other terrorist incidents in India. It evolved an enveloping strategy to destabilise Pakistan
domestically, through sponsorship of Tehreek-i-Taliban Pakistan (TTP) terrorists and Baloch insurgents,
and to isolate it internationally as a sponsor of terrorism.

Several developments may have shifted Indian calculations.

First, a significant convergence has emerged between Pakistan and major regional powers, Russia, China
and Iran, on the need for a negotiated settlement in Afghanistan with the Afghan Taliban. India and the
US were seen as spoilers.

Second, despite Donald Trump's anti Pakistan rhetoric and insults, a US confrontation with Pakistan and
its designation as a state sponsor of terrorism, widely anticipated by India, have not happened and
appear highly unlikely. On the contrary, the US continues to rely on

Pakistan's cooperation to sustain its presence in Afghanistan and promote a political settlement with the
Afghan Taliban.
Third, after the Doklam stand-off last year, China offered India several olive branches larger trade and
investment, - access to CPEC and, through it, to Central Asia and beyond, an intimate Xi-Modi summit.
Afghan developments, American unpredictability and Chinese flexibility, appear to have inspired a policy
recalibration in New Delhi to balance its vaunted strategic partnership with the US through more
positive relations with China and Russia.

Fourth, India failed in its quest to destabilise or isolate Pakistan.

Pakistan's several military operations in Fata and actions in Balochistan have succeeded in containing
cross-border terrorism sponsored by India from Afghanistan. Cross-border attacks will be further
restricted once Pakistan fully fences the Pak-Afghan border. Likewise, India ha little hope now of
isolating Pakistan g central role it is expected to play in promoting a negotiated settlement in
Afghanistan and the political convergence that has emerged among Pakistan, Russia, China and Iran on
Afghanistan and terrorism.

Finally, India has been unable to suppress the ongoing popular revolt of the Kashmiri people for over
two years. It may calculate that opening a dialogue with Pakistan could help to end the revolt.

For Pakistan, the most critical issue in any normalisation process will be (and has always been) Kashmir.
No government or leader in Pakistan will be able to normalise relations with India while it continues a
campaign of brutal suppression in India-held Kashmir (IHK).

If the past is any guide, India's effort will be to focus any dialogue with Pakistan on terrorism and press
for the elimination of pro Kashmiri militant groups in Pakistan (Lashkar-e-Taiba, Jaish-e-Mohammad,
Hizbul Mujahideen) and the incarceration of their leaders. Islamabad would find it difficult438

Pakistan Affairs

assurances

against deindustrialisation by subsidised Indian

to act against these groups, especially the provided Hizb, which is not internationally outlawed while
Indian suppression continues in IHK. In exports. the context of terronsm, Pakistan would obviously raise
India's sponsorship of the TTP and Baloch insurgents.

Water scarcity is a critical threat to both countries, they need to build on the Indus Waters Treaty to
avert a water crisis that may become the spark of a future

Contrary to simplistic analyses. India's capacity to impose terrorist pressure conflict on Pakistan is not
unlimited. Pakistan can substantially neutralise India's sponsorship of the TTP and the Balochistan
Liberation Army through pressure on Kabul, negotiations with the US, fencing the border, political
accommodation of Baloch grievances. Fata reforms and, if needed, direct action against terrorist bases.
Pakistan does not need Indian concessions to eliminate cross-border terrorism from Afghanistan. Nor
does it need to compromise its position on Kashmir to do
It remains to be seen if the initial Pakistan-India overtures will lead to dialogue and whether this can be
sustained. The endeavour to normalise Pakistan-India relations is like a second marriage: a triumph of
hope over experience But no one can be resigned to accept the alternative continued turmoil in South
Asia and the ever-present danger of a war between two nuclear weapons states.

However, despite the false starts of the past, it is possible that in the midst of the current global
strategic flux, India may have decided that its national interests would be better served by playing a
positive role in the emerging Eurasian security and economic structures, epitomised by the SCO, rather
than serving as America's cat's paw. If there is indeed such a shift in India's strategic posture, it could
open the door to addressing. if not fully resolving, the major issues between Pakistan and India.

Reciprocal assurances can be negotiated on terrorism, the non-use of force and the pacific settlement of
disputes. Some issues, such as Siachen and Sir Creek, can be quickly resolved. Existing confidence
building measures could be enlarged, e.g by agreeing to limits on force and weapons deployments and
elimination of the possibility of surprise attacks and preemptive strikes.

India's participation in CPEC could be agreed without prejudice to Pakistan or India's positions on the
Jammu and Kashmir dispute. However, India would need to extend Pakistan reciprocal transit rights to
Nepal and Bangladesh.

Expansion of bilateral trade could be nutually beneficial so long as Pakistan is

INDIA-PAKISTAN RELATIONS DURING 1990s

1990s began with abrupt deterioration of Indo-Pak relations which had, to some extent, improved with
the return of democracy in Pakistan in 1988. The then PM Benazir Bhutto and her Indian counterpart
Rajiv Ghandi concluded not to attack each other's nuclear installations. The December 1988 Agreement
on the prohibition of attack against Nuclear Installations and Facilities was followed by a high level India-
Pakistan talks on the withdrawal of troops from Siachen.

However the warmth shown during the 1988, degenerated into bitter antagonism in early 1990 as the
Vale of Kashmir erupted into a violent armed struggle against India's oppressive rule. Pakistan had to
extend all possible assistance to the uprising in Kashmir. India perceived Pakistan's support to the
uprising in Kashmir as a plan to capture Jammu & Kashmir. In January 1990, India reinforced its army by
sending 150,000 troops to the state.

The events of January 1990 escalated tension between India and Pakistan. Both India and Pakistan made
threatening military moves with nuclear overtones. Pakistan Govt. being aware of the Indian Nuclear
potential, Foreign Policy of Pakistan

439

asked its scientists to assemble a Nuclear weapon.

Tension to some extent was eased between India and Pakistan. Both countries realized the need of
negotiations between military commanders They also agreed to hold talks on a wide range of
outstanding issues. An agreement was concluded in April 1991 on Advance Military Exercises,
Manoeuvers, and Troop movement and a deal on prevention of Airspace violations.
Pakistan Govt was now convinced of the deterrent impact of the Nuclear weapons as a check against
Indian proclivity for aggression against their country. Pakistan publicly acknowledged that it had the
components and know how to assemble at least one nuclear device.

India demanded greater American pressure on Pakistan and asked for stricter Indian countermeasures
after Pakistan's admission of possessing nuclear potential.

India, therefore, tested its short ranged Prithivi missile in August 1992. The incident of destruction of
Babri Masjid on December 6. 1992 and India's unwillingness to hold negotiations on nuclear
development, further aggravated the relations. India-Pakistan relations remained frozen in an
atmosphere of hostility and lack of trust.

Indian and Pakistani Foreign Secretaries met in January 1994 and agreed to exchange proposals on key
issues of concern. But Pakistan's insistence on the inclusion of Kashmir as the core issue in the agenda
for talks thwarted the normalisation process.

India-Pakistan relations took an ugly turn on the resumption of economic and military assistance by the
Clinton administration in the mid-1990s.

India and Pakistan resumed talks in 1997 after the interval of four years. Indian Govt. under the PM IK
Gujral sought to improve relations with the close neighbors under "Gujral Doctrine". Similarly the return
of Nawaz Sharif to power in 1997, opened doors of dialogue and co-operation with India.

During the year 2000, the relations between India and Pakistan remained at the lowest ebb. The effect
of a series of developments in the course of 1999 kept the state of confrontation between India and
Pakistan at a dangerous level. After the Bus Summit in Lahore in February 1999, the outbreak of hostiles
in the Kargil sector of Kashmir created a sense of betrayal in India. Though the Kargil episode closed with
the Washington Declaration, India, however, kept 7 a propaganda war as a part of election campaign
and to maintain pressure against Pakistan. The Indian Govt. further exploited the military take over to
isolate Pakistan.

Indian policy towards Pakistan throughout 2000 remained hostile and was initially rooted in its sense of
outrage over Kargil issue. India kept refusing the repeated offers of dialogue from Pakistan at "any time,
any place and at any level" on the pretext of Kargil happening.

India, in the meantime, intensified its repressive activities in Kashmir by sending more troops and
military equipment A massive arms build-up was launched and the defence budget was increased by 30
per cent for the year 2000-2001.

With the passage of time, some realism developed in India, which after failing to get Pakistan declared a
"terrorist state", began to show positive approach in its policies. As the freedom struggle inside Kashmir
showed no signs of decreasing, the Indian authorities were compelled to negotiate a "Cease-fire" with
the largest group of the freedom-fighters, the Hizbul Mujahideen. As India wanted to keep Pakistan out
of the peace dialogue, the cease-fire, therefore, fizzled out.

India atleast made an offer of cease-fire in Kashmir in Ramazan of 2000. Pakistan responded positively
and took a bold decision a few days later in the shape of a decision to consolidate the cease-fire along
the LoC. It also invited India to reciprocate by easing violations of human rights and LoC, and by agreeing
to enforce cease-fire through impartial monitoring. 440

KARGIL ISSUE

Pakistan Affairs

The relations between India and Pakistan deteriorated once again on the Kargil Issue. The hostilities
erupted when the Kashmiri freedom-fighters occupied a post in the Kargil Dras sector in May 1999.
Pakistan was involved in the hostilities for backing the Kashmiri Mujahideen who have been fighting
their war of liberation for the last more than fifty years.

After acquiring Nuclear status in 1998, the chances of a large scale war between the two conventional
adversaries, India and Pakistan, became less as the nuclear potential was to act as deterrence. Also the
Government of India and Pakistan adopted friendly postures by launching the Bus Service and finally
concluded Lahore Declaration which emphasised the need of better understanding and resolving the
issues by mutual dialogue. But hardly 13 months later, both were involved in an eyeball-to- eyeball
situation and a large scale war between India and Pakistan became imminent on the Kargil issue.

The Indians have violated the LoC (Line of Control) at will. In early May, 1999, the Indian Forces occupied
an area on Pakistan side of LoC. They did so when according to them some "Pakistani intruders had
penetrated across the LoC in Kargil sector and got firm control over several hill-tops. It was seen by the
Indians as the most serious violation of the LoC by Pakistan which gravely threatened their strategic
highway to Ladakh and Siachen. It was the beginning of the latest flare up between the two countries. In
view of the heavy casualties and intense resistance from the Mujahideen, India heavily increased the
number of their troops in the area. They deployed six brigades and seven squadrons of IAF in the Kargil
sector which was an ample proof of the Indian designs of occupying Pakistani posts on the LoC.

THE PROCESS OF NORMALIZATION DURING MUSHARRAFS' REGIME

When General Pervaiz Musharraf stepped in by over-throwing Nawaz Sharif, he expressed his
determination to resolve

hostility and tension between India and Pakistan. He expressed his utmost desire to put an end to the
ongoing enmity between the two countries. President Musharraf began his endeavours by offering to
India to come on the negotiation table at any time, anywhere to discuss the issues between India and
Pakistan. Before offering India to come to talks, Pervaiz Musharraf was alive to the ground realities of
the task he had prepared himself to take upon. He was certainly conscious of the need for normalizing
the relations with India that the two sides will have to find positive, mutually rewarding and affirmative
basis of their relationship. Both India and Pakistan and their people need to shed the bitter past and
recognize each other not only as two neighbours of the sub continent, but also their existence as fully
sovereign and independent states This is absolutely offensive and highly unfriendly on the part of India
to take Pakistan as an aberration of history, or a breakaway part of Indian nationhood (to be retrieved),
an irritant to Indian secular image that failed to stop the partition of the sub-continent. In the light of
this hostile attitude, Pervaiz Musharraf's task of exploring the ways leading to normalization of relations
was going to be extremely awesome and stupendous.
Fortunately India responded positively to Pakistan's desire of normalizing the relations Indian Prime
Minister Atal Bihari Vajapaee and President Musharraf agreed to begin the process of composite
dialogue in February 2004. The two leaders were hopeful that the resumption of the composite dialogue
will lead to amicable settlement of all the bilateral issues, including Jammu & Kashmir to the satisfaction
of both sides.

Before the composite dialogue, another attempt was made to normalize the relations Prime Minister
Atal Bihari Vajapaee and Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif met at Lahore in 1999. Both Prime Ministers tried
to build up friendly relations between the two countries They were accused of sidelining the Kashmir
issue.

The composite dialogue between President Musharraf and Prime Minister AtalForeign Policy of Pakistan

441

Bihari Vajapaee began in February 2004. The composite dialogue focused on various issues which
included peace and security including CBMs, Jammu and Kashmir, Siachan, Sir Creek, Wullar Barrage,
Terrorism and Drug Trafficing, Economic and Commercial Co-operation and promotion of friendly
exchanges in various fields.

THE AGRA SUMMIT

The first round of talks began at Agra. Both India and Pakistan appeared to ignore the tension and
bitterness over kargil episode and take a start afresh to address all outstanding issues concerning
bilateral relations. Mr. Atal Bihari Vajpaee and General Pervaiz Musharraf met at Agra on 14th July, 2001
for the final round of talks.

The main issue of the talks was the Kashmir dispute which was responsible for the bad relations
between the two countries. There were one to one negotiations which lasted for hours. During the talks
President Musharraf tried to convince the Indian PM about overriding importance which the Kashmir
issue carried with respect to Indo- Pak relations.

The Indian Prime Minister Mr. Atal Bihari Vajpaee adopted a rigid line of action and refused to accept
the disputed nature of the Kashmir problem. He insisted that Kashmir was the integral part of India and
did not come under the purview of the talks. Pervaiz Musharraf emphasized that Kashmir was the focal
point of the negotiations and unless it was resolved the relations between the two neighbours would
not be normalized. Pervaiz Musharraf further explained to the Indian PM that the Kashmir dispute was
the major source of discord between Pakistan and India and hence needed to be addressed with
sincerity of purpose in order to restore the peace of the sub-continent. The Indian Prime Minister did
not agree and the talks came to a standstill.

The next round of talks began with a determination to evolve some ways and means to reach at a
conclusion. Both leaders discussed all issues ranging from political to that of economic, social, trade, visa

restrictions, exchange of technology and other matters concerning mutual interests. Both Vajapaee and
Pervaiz Musharraf reached an agreement and the joint communiqué was drafted. At the eleventh hour
Jaswant Singh, the foreign Minister, and KL Advani, the Home Minister, two hard core and highly rigid
members of the BJP government blatantly altered the text of the joint communiqué. They inserted an
article in the agreement by which the Kashmir freedom struggle was referred as across the border
terrorist activities. General Pervaiz Musharraf did not agree to this article and termed the Kashmiri
struggle as freedom struggle of the Kashmiri Mujahidin. Vajapaee insisted that Kashmiri Mujahidin be
declared as terrorists while Pervaiz Musharraf called them as 'freedom fighters'.

The talks failed on this point. The joint communiqué could not be issued mainly due to treacherous act
of Jaswant Singh and K L Advani. It was also due to the lack of understanding of main issue by the Indian
leadership that the sincere endeavours by the Pakistani leadership was foiled by the rigid and
uncompromising attitude of the Indian government. India put the blame of the failure of talks on
General Pervaiz Musharraf. After the 9/11 attack on the U.S, India reinforced its propaganda onslaught
against Pakistan. It also unleashed a reign of accusation of terrorists activities in the occupied Kashmir to
malign Pakistan.

Since 9/11 the Indians reverted to harsh rhetoric which gave a spur to the strain between both nations.
Indias' main concern was Pakistani closeness with the U.S. India saw the close rapport between
Islamabad and Washington as extremely threatening to its interest in the region.

Despite the failure of Agra Summit,

Pakistan continued to extend 'moral,

diplomatic and political' support on Kashmir.

The peace process received a little boost when President Pervaiz Musharraf made a conditional offer of
ceasefire along the line of control (LOC) in August 2003. India made certain pre-conditions, which
Pakistan442

Pakistan Affairs

accepted as confidence-building-measures (CBMS). Pakistan banned three militant outfits like Sipah-e-
Sahaba, Jaish-e- Muhammad and Laskar-e-Jhangvi. These steps helped in reaching agreement on a
ceasefire along LOC in Novermber 2003.

The Indian Prime Minister Mr. Atal Bihari Vajapaee expressed his desire of resolving Kashmir despute.
The Kashmir issue is at the center stage and biggest hurdle in India - Pakistan relations. It must be
resolved in a way acceptable to Pakistan, India and Kashmiris.

It was for the first time in sixty years that any Indian leader desired to solve Kashmir problem. Mr.
Vajpaee spoke of flexibility on Kashmir issue for resolving it.

India and Pakistan agreed to increase the staff strength in their diplomatic missions, lift restrictions on
diplomats movements besides working out a new time table to hold talks on accelerating transport links
and removing differences on the construction of a power project in Jammu and Kashmir. Under the new
arrangements, diplomats of the two countries could now travel to anywhere except sensitive places of
military importance by informing the host country.

The Indian Prime Minister Atal Bihari Vajapaee visited Islamabad in January 2004 to attend the SAARC
Summit and to meet President Pervaiz Musharraf. Vajpaee and his Pakistani counterpart Zafar Ullah
Jamali held discussions on bilateral issues and decided to push the peace process ahead. They decided
that negotiations on the peace process would be started in February, 2004. Both leaders appreciated
the steps by the two governments taken towards the normalization of relations between the two
countries and were hopeful that positive approach set by the CBMS would continue.

In the meantime there were changes in the government in India and Pakistan. Shaukat Aziz became
Prime, Minister in

Pakistan while Dr. Manmohan Singh stepped in as Prime Minister of India after electoral victory of the
Congress in Indian general elections of 2005. Both leaders expressed their desire to continue the peace
process launched by their predecessor governments. Shaukat Aziz met Dr. Manmohan Singh in New
Delhi and discussed matters of mutual interests. Shaukat Aziz emphasized on the solution of Kashmir
problem to establish permanent peace between India and Pakistan. He also made it clear that Loc as an
international border was not acceptable to Pakistan.

PEACE ROADMAP FOR INDIA AND PAKISTAN.

To further the peace process, India and Pakistan agreed on a "roadmap" for peace which will begin with
high level talks. Eventually both India and Pakistan come to realize that war was not a feasible option to
decide issues between the two countries.

The peace roadmap included talks on starting a bus service between Pakistan's province of Sindh and
India's Rajasthan, talks on Kashmir Bus Service, talks on smuggling and Drug trafficking, experts
discussion on nuclear confidence-building-Measures, foreign secretaries discussion on Kashmir, talks on
terrorism and economic co-operation.

President Musharraf expressed his optimism about the peace endeavours. Both sides agreed that they
would approach the composite dialogue with the sincere desire to arrive at a peaceful settlement of all
issues.

Pakistan and India agreed to start Bus service on 15th January 2005. The Bus service was to operate
between the separated parts of Kashmir. The decision to start the Bus service has given the peace talks a
badly needed boost of energy and an extensive array of people to people contacts which has been well
received in both countries. Both countries have demonstrated their commitment to continue peace
talks, butForeign Policy of Pakistan

443

they are still a long way from seriously negotiating the issues that have divided them for over a half a
century.

SOUTH ASIA PEACE PROCESS: Need to Head Down a New Path

Although the year did not herald any major break-throughs for either the overall peace process or the
composite dialogue process - however, it would be unfair to simply write it off as a non-productive
phase. Though the general sentiment prevalent was that the process had stalled to a certain extent,
however, we must appreciate the few positive developments that took place, mainly with regards to
Kashmir issue. The June visit of the Kashmiri leadership from the Indian held. Kashmir to Pakistan was
definitely a significant step forward, not only for the India Pakistan peace process, but mainly for the
Kashmiris. Not only denoting recognition of their disputed status by both the countries, it also provided
an opportunity for the Kashmiri leadership to feel that Kashmir is not only an India-Pakistan issue but it
is foremost a Kashmiri problem.

Interestingly enough, the Kashmiri leadership's landmark visit met with accusations from Indian side of
alleged agreement violations by Pakistan of taking the visitors to Islamabad which was beyond the
predetermined visit to Muzaffarabad. However, more important was the re-launch of the trans-Kashmir
bus service, between Muzaffarabad and Srinagar to be followed a couple of months later by the opening
up of not less than five crossing points across the Line of Control. Although this bus service was
successful in bringing the Kashmiri population from both sides together, it also unfortunately once again
brought to limelight the fragility of the process when one of the first buses leaving Srinagar for
Muzaffarabad came under alleged militant attack. But the good thing was that neither side backed out
of the process and the bus service continued across the LoC overriding bureaucratic resistance and
administrative hurdles.

The disastrous earthquake of October 8th which wreaked havoc in Azad Kashmir

was also felt in both the capitals and ironically facilitated in paving the path for opening up of LoC at five
points. Dubbed as "Earthquake Diplomacy", by certain quarters, the two sides. agreed to allow crossing
on foot only, with the same procedures and parameters that are in place for the Srinagar-Muzaffarabad
bus service, however they have also promised to expedite the clearance process for intending travelers.
These LoC openings are of great consequence not only for the Kashmiris; it also shows a growing
understanding between the two sides in this hour of shared tragedy. The Pakistani President Musharraf
seizing this opportunity signaled his willingness to accept the idea of demilitarization of Kashmir with the
goal of a final settlement of the Kashmir dispute in view. Interestingly enough a similar offer had been
made by the Indian Prime Minister in September when he had met an APHC delegation in New Delhi.

Although leadership on both sides has time and again stressed on the need to have a peaceful and fair
resolution of differences and creation of an environment of trust among the nations concerned as
essential first step for peace, security and prosperity in the region required, and during the dialogue
process, both sides have also managed to come up with very innovative confidence and security building
measures as well, the need first and foremost is to shun the conservative mindsets and overcome
mutually distrust and hostilities. The Baglihar dam issue, the Iran Pakistan-India gas pipeline project both
is a proof that inclusion of a third party for dispute resolution or future economic growth is far better
than sticking to the old guns of bilateralism. However, India has to realize that being the bigger of the
two neighbors; it has to give some to earn the peace dividends.

Last but not least the twenty-five years of SAARC, and what has this solitary regional organization
managed to achieve? The Dhaka summit was nowhere as glamorous as its predecessor meet in
Islamabad. However, it was momentous enough to welcome to SAARC's fold a new member in the
shape of Afghanistan, and China and Japan joining the444

Pakistan Affairs

forum as observes. Even Iran now wants to join the regional forum given its commercial and economic
as well as traditional linkages with the region.
Summing up, the year in review had its highs and lows. The year started on a tragic note of the
devastating tsunami which affected half of the region, and is ending again with the tremors of the
October 8th earthquake still fresh in the minds of many a people. However, on an optimistic note, the
leadership, managed to turn these disastrous tragedies into opportunities which are and would in the
future benefit the people of the region at large if not successful in altering the traditionally conservative
mindsets.

The history of Indo-Pak relations is replete with antagonistic feelings towards each other. Ever-since
partition of the sub continent, India adopted extremely hostile attitude towards its small neighbour. The
Indians never took Pakistan seriously as it was the product of hatred. For India, "Pakistan had never
been a viable and cohesive state and never would be. It was an artificial construct, structured out of
hate". Consequently India, by its unfriendly posture, created problems of peaceful living for Pakistan. It
created security concerns for Pakistan which forced Pakistan to take shelter under the umbrella of
Western sponsored security pacts.

Pakistan taking refuge with the Western nations furthered India's hostility. As a result Pakistan lost its
Eastern wing due to persistent interference by India.

With India testing its nuclear device in 1974, the ongoing antagonism between the two neighbours
accelerated and the balance of power was excessively tilted in India's favour. Pakistan found itself
acutely exposed to Indian designs with India's nuclear capability.

Pakistan and India have consumed half a century in mutual bickering. The discord between the two
south-Asian nations was developed because of Indias' forcible occupation of Kashmir which so far
remains unresolved. Both India and Pakistan have

fought wars, tested nuclear devices and have remained involved in intensive confrontation bring ever
since partition of the sub-continent. Both have applied coercive diplomacy which proved a futile
exercise and failed to I about settlement of existing issues. All efforts to solve problems failed mainly due
to lack d sincerity of purpose. It is only the sincere desire to live in peace side by side and solving issues
through dialogue which ca produce some positive results.

Over the past year, India and Pakistan have been trying to improve their bilatera relations A roadmap
was mutually agreed to ensure peace. The foreign Ministers of both countries met to review the
progress achieved in the Indo-Pakistan "roadmap t peace" which the two countries agreed on in
February 2005.

These were the multifarious reasons that motivated both India and Pakistan to agree on "roadmap for
peace". South Asia is only region in the world where two nuclear armed states are in active conflict
direly threatening the world peace. They came to near clash during 2001-2002 when almost a million
troops faced each other eyeball to eyebak for nearly a year along the Indo-Pakistani border. Pakistan is
an active partner in the global war on terrorism. The united States, obviously. wants to secure Pakistan's
active support in counter terrorism activities along the Pakistan-Afghanistan border. Therefore
Pakistan's security and peace is very vital for the US.

There is a general view that both India and Pakistan were facing several internal political changes during
the initial peace process and period of rapprochement. Both India and Pakistan were compelled to start
the peace process which reflected internal political dynamics of both India and Pakistan During the past
two years, India was acutely engaged in verbal brawl with Pakistan which heavily curtailed its potential
to continue negotiations with various groups in Kashmir Also the ongoing discord with Pakistan is
extremely harmful for India's efforts to improve its economic growth and expand its political influence
beyond South Asia. IndiaForeign Policy of Pakistan

445

has eventually come to understand that the settlement of disputes and improvement of bilateral
relation with Pakistan will be necessary to accomplish its ultimate target of becoming an important
global power.

From Pakistan's point of view that the peace initiative will relieve Pakistan's armed forces and the
militants from tremendous pressure of the persistent confrontation. Although Pakistan successfully
sustained its standoff with India, it had to endure numerous threats along its border with Afghanistan.
Pakistan's internal security environment continues to deteriorate that mounts pressure on the
government.

Both India and Pakistan also took up to peace initiative with the US and other international powers. The
2001-2002 crisis shook the power echelons in Washington and other capitals as the two nuclear-armed
adversaries hovered on the brink of war.

Present time is the most opportune moment for resolving all conflicts. The people of two countries are
eagerly waiting for the peace to usher in. However the Indo-Pak peace process will not move forward
unless the respective nationalist ideologies of enmity are replaced by a paradigm of peace and harmony
that views bilateralism as mutually reinforcing and equally rewarding. This will require approaching
outstanding issues with flexibility and innovation especially with regard to Jammu and Kashmir.

World Trade Organisation (WTO) was formed in 1996. India and Pakistan were its founder members.
With the formation of WTO, India granted the 'Most Favoured Nation' status to Pakistan in 1996.
Pakistan took 15 years to decide in principle that it also grant the same status to India.

In a major confidence building measure to normalize relations with India, Pakistan's federal cabinet
unanimously endorsed granting Most Favoured Nation status to India on 2nd November 2011. The
decision was subject to the approval of Parliament.

The cabinet endorsed the MFN status for India after duly taking all stakeholders, including the country's
security establishment and business community in confidence. Before granting the MFN status to India
the cabinet discussed the relevant matters in detail. Moreover all chambers of commerce and other
trading bodies were also consulted. Prior to the MFN status, Pakistan has already accorded to more than
100 countries. While granting the MFN status to India, the cabinet took stock of the current scenario of
relations between India and Pakistan.

Pakistan and India had signed the General Agreement on Tarifs and Trade (GATT) under which all
member states have MFN status. Pakistan has assured that trade with India would not affect the balance
of power between the two countries. The MFN status would not in any way affect Kashmir cause and
Pakistan's strategic interests.
Pakistan's decision to assign 'Most Favoured Nation' status to India was a big step in its endeavours to
improve trade relations between the two countries. Majority of people on both sides of the border
welcomed this move.

However, there is some resistance from certain corners in Pakistan against this decision. Opposition
parties, especially not taken on board, the PML-N has expressed its displeasure over being ignored while
assigning the MFN status to India. Most influential and heavily protected automobile industry
manifested its concern about the possibility of import of competitive Indian automobiles that may
challenge their monopoly. Similarly Pharmaceutical industry was upset as Indian generic medicines were
much cheaper. Some sections in media and establishment were at crossroad as to what exactly is meant
by MFN. They argued that how Pakistan government can declare India as MFN when numerous issues
like Kashmir issue remained unresolved. 446

THE MFN FOR INDIA

The question of granting the Most Favoured Nation (MFN) status to India is perceived to be a
longstanding demand from India, whereas in reality it is an integral part of the commitments
undertaken by both countries under the World Trade Organisation (WTO) agreements. Nevertheless,
Pakistan has been citing certain exemptions under the WTO rules, which allegedly allow it not to grant
MFN status to India. This at best can be termed as a misconstrued interpretation of the relevant article
of General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT). 1947 and has been discussed below in detail.

Furthermore, 'strategic considerations' have been used to justify the denial of MFN status to India by
Pakistan. Additionally, some Pakistani manufacturers and businesses have also been preoccupied with
the scenario that granting the MFN status to India will flood Pakistan's markets with Indian goods and
that it would mean a complete obliteration of the Pakistani industry.

Surprisingly, the general perception of granting or not granting MFN status is that Pakistan can grant or
not grant MFN status to India, and by granting MFN to India, it would somehow be granting a concession
or a favour to India.

These perceptions are at best due to a misinterpretation of the words, MFN, which is somehow
perceived by us to be non synonymous with India - considered to be an enemy state, thus should not be
favoured at all, let alone be termed as a most favoured nation. This interpretation fundamentally stems
from the ignorance of the term MFN, its meaning within the context of GATT and what it represents.

The phrase Most Favoured Nations was used by the 23 founding countries of GATT, including Pakistan
and India, to denote the general tariff applied to the imports from their trading partners. Although, it
sounds like a contradiction and suggests special treatment, in the WTO it actually means non-discrimi
nation treating virtually everyone equally. The MFN principle ensures that each country

Pakistan Affairs

treats its-153 fellow equally. - WTO members

The fact of the matter is that the heading of article I of the GATT 1994 reads General Most Favoured
Nation Treatment, whereby the general treatment meted out by one country to another should be
applied indiscriminately to all WTO fellow members Under this article, all WTO members are bound to
grant MFN treatment to all the other members with respect to trade in goods. This makes it mandatory
upon Pakistan to grant MFN status to India; the non-compliance of which constitutes a violation of the
WTO agreements. Nevertheless, under the WTO rules, any violation of or derogation from the rules by a
country needs to be formaly challenged by the affected country by triggering the Dispute Settlement
System of the WTO, which in turn shall ensure enforcement of the violated rule.

Though, India has not taken the matter to the WTO Dispute Settlement Body, there is a consensus
amongst the WTO fraternity that if at all it did, and if Pakistan is waiting to respond when India does
take the MFN matter to Geneva, then it seems that Pakistan is ill advised, as in all likelihood the decision
would be against it. Additionally, by not taking the MFN matter to Geneva and by granting unilateral
MFN status to Pakistan, India has already scored a moral victory, which has tilted the global opinion in
favour of India's policies.

Some sections in Pakistan have bee citing the GATT article XXIV, paragraph !! and 11 bis, as exceptions
to the principles of the WTO, which permits Pakistan not to gran MFN status to India, since it specifically
allows the two countries to: "enter into speci arrangements with respect to trade betwee them, pending
the establishment of the mutual trade relations on a definitive basis' and "depart from particular
provisions of the agreement".

In order to dispel this misconstrued interpretation of the WTO law, it is essentForeign Policy of Pakistan

447

that the true spirit of article XXIV, paragraph 11 and 11 bis, is understood, which is summarised below.

Article XXIV of GATT 1947: Article XXIV of GATT is the first article of Part III of the agreement which
specifically deals with territorial application of the agreement, frontier traffic, customs union and free
trade areas. This article is one of the few articles in GATT that is also supplemented by a separate
agreement titled: "Understanding the interpretation of article XXIV of the General Agreement on Tariffs
and Trade 1994". This amplifies the importance that has been accorded to this article in particular,
which specifically deals with special arrangements between countries or territories that are desirous of
according each other preferential market access and not the other way around. Paragraph 3 (a) of article
XXIV clearly states that: "The provisions of this agreement shall not be construed to prevent: Advantages
accorded by any contracting party to adjacent countries in order to facilitate frontier traffic".

- Furthermore, even a general reading of article XXIV and Understanding the interpretation of article
XXIV, clearly establishes that this article cannot in any way be interpreted to hinder bilateral trade in any
way, let alone allow member countries of the WTO to deviate from the MFN principle - the cornerstone
of all WTO agreements. The entire article, along with its Pakistan and India specific provisions, is shaped
to allow countries to go beyond GATT in terms of opening up of trade rather than denying concessions
already agreed upon under GATT. This is substantiated in paragraph 11 and 11 bis of article XXIV, which
states: Taking into account the exceptional circumstances arising out of the establishment of India and
Pakistan as independent states and recognising the fact that they have long constituted an economic
unit, the contracting parties agree that the provisions of this agreement shall not prevent the two
countries from entering into special arrangements with respect to trade between them, pending the
establishment of their

mutual trade relations on a definitive basis" and


"Measures adopted by India and Pakistan in order to carry out definitive trade arrangements between
them, once they have been agreed upon, might depart from particular provisions of this agreement, but
these measures would in general be consistent with the objectives of the agreement".

Nevertheless, WTO member countries are allowed to maintain a restrictive or negative list, which should
be applicable to all imports regardless of their source. Such a list is also maintained by Pakistan and is
part of our trade policy document. Therefore, the idea of a negative list, specifically for India, would be
like correcting a wrong with a wrong.

It seems that the insistence of trade with India through a negative list by some of the manufacturing
sectors of Pakistan stems from a protectionist mindset. The idea of protecting the domestic economy
from the infiltration of Indian products appears to be based on an assumption that all Indian goods are
more competitive than the domestically produced goods. However, if Pakistan is apprehensive of a
possible infiltration of exports from India, it can take measures, under WTO provisions against such
imports to protect the local industry. Article XIX of GATT provides that where, a country finds that a
product is being imported: "In such increased quantities and under such conditions as to cause or
threaten serious injury to domestic producers", it can impose safeguarding measures to restrict such
imports for temporary periods. There is a plethora of examples of the imposition of safeguard measures
against such foreign imports, by a WTO member country.

Furthermore, opening the borders for trade does not suggest an unrestricted flow of Indian products. All
Indian imports into Pakistan will remain subjected to the tariffs already in place. It can also be argued
that if the Indian goods remain cheaper than their domestic counterparts even after paying the448

Pakistan Affairs

import duties, then why not allow them? Does it not auger well for the consumer protection outlook for
the people of Pakistan? Nevertheless, if on the other hand it is felt that the Indian imports into Pakistan
are increasing due to unfair practices such as, price undercutting, etc., then Pakistan is free to again
resort to restrict the imports of specific products by increasing tariffs under various provisions of the
WTO e.g. anti dumping duties, countervailing and anti subsidies, etc.

MFN STATUS FIRST STEP TOWARDS TRADE INTEGRATION

The Government of Pakistan keeps on insisting that it wants to give the Most Favoured Nation (MFN)
status to India as soon as possible and has a few weeks to finalise the process before the Pakistan
Peoples Party-led coalition government completes its five-year term. So what will be the future of MFN
if this government falls short of its commitments on MFN?

Pakistan missed the December 31, 2012 deadline for giving the MFN status to India. Then, the present
government decided to finalise the entire necessary framework by January 15, 2013 bat was yet to come
up with something concrete.

A week ago, Minister of State for Commerce Senator Abbas Khan Afridi told the Senate that Islamabad
will give MFN to India next month, February 2013. "We want the credit [of granting MFN status to
India]. We are heading towards the final stage now. MFN status will be awarded to India by prioritising
state interests, taking all stakeholders on board in Pakistan." said Afridi.
Afridi's comment on 'taking the credit' on MFN was interesting because there was a general impression
that government was bowing down to the pressure of some business lobbies and hardliners who were
opposing the move.

With little time remaining as elections draw closer, the question is 'what will be the

next government's view regarding the trade liberalisation process with India?'

Pakistan Muslim League Nawaz (PML N) the main opposition party in Pakistan and likely a dominant
player in the post election scenario of 2013 has considerable weight as far as liberal trade with India is
concerned.

PML-N Deputy General Secretary Ahsan Iqbal said, "We think that both countries should promote
regional trade and move forward on all fronts including trade and commerce."

Pakistan and India should normalise their relations on the lines of the 'Lahore Peace Process' that the
two countries agreed upon in the late nineties.

Until recently, the government was negotiating with the farmers' lobby to end their opposition
regarding MFN. The farmers' lobby believe that products of the heavily subsidised Indian agricultural
sector will adversely affect them.

Asad Umer, senior vice president of PTI told that his party was advocating holistic economic policy with
India. "PTI has no ideological opposition with MFN and trade with India."

"We want to see things moving forward in the right direction where both countries benefit from trade
and commerce," Umer added.

A top-level Indian bureaucrat, who was visiting Pakistan, said that India was serious in removing all
hurdles in bilateral trade including all NTBS but it will take some time.

"Delhi is trying to increase the speed of implementation of important decisions that the two countries
are taking on bilateral trade," he said. "We are trying to shift decision-making powers from the capital
city to the border region so that things move fast instead of facing bureaucratic delays in Delhi."

Leading textile firms of Pakistan want to do business in India but they were hesitant to take any step
owing to the uncertainty at theForeign Policy of Pakistan

449

political front especially after the recent tensions on the line of control (LOC). Many different. think that
such setbacks were the biggest nuisance why both nations prefer a wait-and see policy.

ASSESSING INDIA'S WATER THREAT

Blood and water can't flow together," declared a belligerent Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi on
September 26, 2016 in the wake of 19 Indian soldiers dying in a militant attack on Uri military base, just
inside Indian held Kashmir. Holding Pakistan responsible for the violence, Modi promised to unshackle
India's policy of "restraint" - implying that India was now going to hurt Pakistan by choking its water
supply

For the people of Pakistan, a nation dependent upon agriculture for its survival, the Indus rivers are their
lifeline. As it is, Pakistan is ranked second, after China, in the Water Shortage Index, highlighting the
vulnerability of the Pakistani population to frequent water shortages. Modi's proclamation generated
lots of nationalistic hyperbole in the two nuclear-armed twins but also inflicted some damage: many on
this side of the border are perturbed about Modi making good on his threat and stopping water supply
to Pakistan.

Can Modi turn the taps off immediately?

Can Modi turn off the taps and choke

Pakistan's rivers?

Not quite.

The Indus Waters Treaty of 1960, which governs water sharing arrangements between India and
Pakistan, outlines a framework for how either country can exploit water potential and how they can't.
While the Indus Waters Treaty is upheld, India cannot turn the taps off in fact, it does not have - the
capacity at the moment to do so either - but it can definitely delay the release of water flows. And
historically, India hasn't been averse to using this tactic when relations with

Pakistan turn sour. This time has been no

In a story printed in the October 12 edition of Dawn, irrigation department officials warned of a record
reduction of water levels at Head Marala in the Chenab The fear is that water shortage in the river and
two of its canals, Marala-Ravi Link Canal and Upper Chenab Canal, can adversely affect the sowing of
crops particularly in Sialkot, Gujrat, Gujranwala and Sheikhupura districts. The situation has worsened at
the time of this report going into print.

The cultivation cycle in the subcontinent is divided into two seasons: khareef (monsoon) and rabi
(winter). Khareef sowing starts in July or even June while the sowing of rabi crops begins in September
and October, depending upon glacial melts and the amount of rains. The water flows in the Indus system
varies exponentially in different months. Up to 90 per cent of flows can be accounted for during July to
September.

For rabi crops such as wheat, pulses onions, tomatoes and potatoes, timing is crucial. With October at
an end, the record reduction of Chenab water flows can translate into delayed rabi sowing, which in turn
will adversely impact produce for local consumption in the coming season and lead to price inflation.

In practical terms, consider this: tomatoes are being sold in the market at 25 rupees per kilo today;
expect this price to rise manifold in the coming year. This is besides the food and income insecurity that
thousands of growers in Punjab and Sindh will be pushed into.

A Crisis is Certainly Brewing


Beyond hyperbole and nationalistic fervour, the two South Asian giants need-to be at the negotiating
table. Normally a dispute like the one reported by Dawn on October 12 could have been resolved at a
meeting of the Indus water commissioners, mandated by the Indus Waters Treaty to be held once a
year. But the Indian assertion450

Pakistan Affairs

that these meetings will resume only once "an atmosphere free of terror is established" spells disaster
for our farmers. The only safeguard that the Indus Waters Treaty offered Pakistan was through the
Permanent Indus Commission whose meetings India has been routinely flouting under one pretext or
the other. If the situation persists, Pakistan I will have no option but to take the matter through the
cumbersome route of World Bank and international arbitration. All through this period, India will enjoy
undue exploitation of water resources at the expense of the people of Pakistan.

What can India not do?

Caught in nationalistic fervour, hawks in Pakistan? the Indian media have been blaming their previous
governments for failing to exercise a water offensive like the one PM Modi is intent on implementing.

Indeed, India can hypothetically terminate the Indus Waters Treaty and restrict even the rivers flowing
into Pakistan through the diversion of Indus rivers waters. But when it comes to practice, this position
remains untenable.

The waters of the Indus rivers flow through deep gorges of the Karakoram and Himalayan mountains.
The only way to divert water from here is to tunnel through hundreds of kilometres of the world's
highest and toughest mountains.

Granted that all technical problems have technical solutions. However such an undertaking would be
financially prohibitive, technically extremely challenging, and with minimal cost-benefit ratios. The
longest tunnel dug in the world is the Gotthard Base Tunnel to facilitate rail travel. Although it is being
drilled for the last 22 years through the Swiss Alps, it is merely 57 kilometres long and has already
incurred an estimated cost of 12 billion US dollars. For India to divert waters of the western Indus basin
rivers for

meaningful use, it will have to dig up to 300 kilometres of tunnels.

In addition, India has remained part of the Non-Aligned Movement and prides itself in having
contributed towards drafting many international conventions including the UN Convention on the Law
of the Non navigational Uses of International Water Courses 1997, Helsinki Rules 1966 and their Berlin
Revisions of 2004. Politically, an attempt to scrap the Indus Waters Treaty would bring massive
condemnation to India. international

India's Planned Infrastructure Projects: How can they Affect

While India may not have the capacity to turn off the taps immediately or divert the waters of the rivers
Rowing into Pakistan, it is undertaking a number of projects that could have an adverse impact on
Pakistan's water availability in the future.
The Indus Waters Treaty handed Pakistan the right to unrestricted use of the three western rivers Indus,
Chenab and Jhelum. The eastern rivers - Sutlej, Beas and Ravi went to India. While the treaty - allowed
India to divert the waters of the eastern rivers, it could only tap into 3.6 MAF of water from the western
rivers for irrigation, transport and power generation...

Per capita water availability in Pakistan

Year

Population (million)

1951

2003

34

146

avallability (M)

5,650 1,200

2010

2025

168

221

Per capita water

1,000

800

Experts at the Indus River System Authority (IRSA) complain that India has been constructing huge water
storages on all six Indus basin rivers, not just on the three under its full control. For example, Baglihar
and Salal on Chenab are already generating 450 MW/h and 690 MW/h respectively while theForeign
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451

planned Bursar and Pakal hydroelectric projects also on the Chenab will produce 1020MW and 1000
MW/h respectively. The size of the energy outputs is an indication of the size of the projects. Pakistan's
Mangla, for comparison, generates 1000MW/h.
In all, India is in different phases of planning or construction of some 60 storages of varying capacity
over the six Indus rivers, though analysis of satellite imagery obtained by Dawn suggests the number
may be more [see map] Technical experts in Pakistan worry that such storages will provide India
ultimate strategic leverage of increasing or decreasing river flows during tensions between the two
countries, even if it cannot legally divert the waters for its own use.

Sheraz Memon, additional commissioner of the Indus Water Commission, argues that India does not
have sufficient capacity to withhold the water of the western rivers nor it can divert them. "But they
may keep the implementation of the treaty at a snail's pace, for example through delaying the meetings
of the Permanent Indus Commission and not providing data or information about their new
hydroelectric plants," he warns.

There is also talk of expediting the construction of the Pakal Dul, Sawalkot, and Bursar dams, also in
Jammu and Kashmir. Indian media reports claim that the Indian government might also resume work on
the Tulbul Navigational Project Wullar Barrage - - also known as work on which began in 1985 but
stopped soon after Pakistan lodged a formal complaint against its construction. Pakistan opposed the
project at the time since it would have allowed India to store, control and divert River Jhelum, which
was a clear violation of the Indus Waters Treaty. If completed, Tulbul will adversely affect the water
storage potential of Mangla Dam.

Original Sins

During 1956, Pakistani negotiators were warned by their Irrigation officials and

technical experts not to accede to Indian delegation chief ND Gulhati's demand - also supported by the
World Bank to allow India to build small storages over the western rivers.

Until the signing of the treaty, the Indian predicament was that while Customary International Law and
conventions gave them a legitimate right over 33 MAF or 21 percent of the six Indus rivers water
corresponding to 21 per cent of the Indus basin being in Indian territory India had little room to utilise
this water within the basin. The Indus Waters Treaty gave them an opportunity to divert water towards
Rajasthan for irrigating over 700,000 acres of land which was previously bare sand dunes.

Explore: Historical follies Where Pakistan went wrong in negotiating the Indus Waters Treaty

Before the Treaty, the waters of the Ravi, Beas and Sutlej were utilised for the cultivation of lands as far
south as Bahawalpur State. Suddenly there was. no water for thousands of farmers on this side of the
border until Tarbela Dam was finally opened in 1976.

But Pakistani negotiators at the time acquiesced, on the pretext that this shared water would also
benefit their Muslim brethren in Kashmir. Pakistani negotiators did not even bother to specify the size of
the so called small storages but agreed to India officially withdrawing up to 3.6 MAF of water for local
use. In comparison, the current storage capacity of Mangla Dam, after expansion, is about 7.4 MAF.

Given the pliancy of Pakistani negotiators at the time, the Indus Waters Treaty emerged as a treatise
that was skewed in favour of India. Perhaps it is for this reason that PM Modi announced that while
India will not review or abrogate the Indus Waters Treaty, it will exploit water under its share to the
fullest. It will, for example, build re run-of-the-river452

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CHINA

CAZAD JAMMU

& KASHMIR

INDIA-HELD

JAMMU&KASHMIR

PAKISTAN

Rev

Chead

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1001

COPYRIGHT © DAWN hydropower projects on the western rivers and irrigate over 400,000 acres in
Jammu and Kashmir.

One thing seems certain: India will continue to build additional storages on the Indus rivers to store
more than its allowed quota of up to 3.6 MAF of water. This will also provide hawks the option of
delaying khareef crops in Pakistan from time to time. If the winters' torment is harsh, delay in summers
sowing would be a national crisis.

Looking Within: What Pakistan needs

to do

"India is employing pressure tactics on Pakistan by announcing it will speed up dam construction,"
argues Dr Pervaiz Amir director of the Pakistan Water Partnership. "Pakistan must address its own
internal water security and create sufficient storage. India has 200 projects in hand. Saving water is a
planned response by India, and Pakistan should follow suit."

Seepage losses in Irrigation system


There is a real danger that current Indian antics will push Pakistan towards construction of very large
dams at Diamer and Kalabagh, displacing more people and adversely impacting our environment which
is already in a poor state.

Loss

Location

Main and branch

canals

106

16

15

30

30

Distributaries & Minors

Watercourses

90

83

7 25

17

65

Fields Crop use

58

41

Loss in MAF

61
Total

Delivery at head (MAF) Foreign Policy of Pakistan

453

But increasing storage capacity is not the same as storage capacity from large dams, which in any case is
not the panacea that it is made out to be.

During the last 69 years, Pakistan has developed three major water storages at Tarbela, Mangla and
Chashma with a cumulative storage capacity of 12.1 MAF against average water flows of 133 MAF
annually through the three Indus rivers. There have been little or no independent studies to either
assess or address the issues of resettlement, the massive loss to the environment and overall economic
cost due to construction of large dams In addition, issues of climate change which have only recently
come to the fore raise questions about the risks posed to and by large dams. Freak weather conditions,
such as unusually intense cloudbursts, are becoming more common and have already resulted in threats
to people living downstream of large dams.

Comparative Irrigation withdrawals and

cereal production

Name of country

Withdrawal of irrigation water per capita (m3)/year

192

785

Canada

USA

China

401

India Pakistan

Average per capita cereal production (kg)

1,674

1,227

328
569 1,226

221

162

Cereal per m3 of irrigation water (kg)

8.72

1.56

0.82

0.39

0.13

To add insult to injury, we have been ruthlessly pumping out underground water through tubewells.
Such pumping is severely affecting the underground water levels in the country and often being replaced
by saline water, adversely affecting agricultural output. The number of tubewells in Pakistan has risen
from 2,400 to over 600,000 since 1960.

While we could continue to curse the World Bank bureaucracy, American interests in the region and
Indian cunning for having deprived the country of its water share, we must also look at our own wasteful
attitudes

towards utilisation of available water resources as well as the politics around available water.

Pakistan loses almost half of its existing available water through seepage in the irrigation system. This is
a prime cause of waterlogging and salinity which are turning large areas of fertile land barren. Surely
lining of water canals and water courses should be the first priority in saving the water we have at our
disposal, rather than the construction of large dams.

According to WAPDA's published figures, average cereal production in Pakistan against a metre cube of
water is mere 0.13 kg. In India, the same amount of water yields 0.39 kg, yield in China is estimated at
0.82 kg, in the US 1.56 kg and in Canada 8.2 kg [see table] Clearly better management of water
resources, efficient crop yields and serious efforts towards population control will be much more
advantageous than building additional dams and storages that will ultimately result in catastrophic
environmental issues and human resettlement crises as being faced in India and China.

The issue of water supply does not simply concern the two nuclear-armed neighbours. Tahir Rasheed,
CEO of the South Punjab Forest Company (SPFC) and a senior environmentalist, warns that if the Indo-
Pak water crisis spirals out of control, the friction can engulf other countries of the region as well,
especially Afghanistan.

READ MORE: SPEECH BY ZULFIKAR ALI BHUTTO ON RIPARIAN RIGHTS IN INTERNATIONAL LAW
"Afghanistan is [currently] utilising 1.8 MAF of water [from the Kabul River which feeds into the Indus],
which is estimated to rise to 3.6 MAF in the future," says Rasheed. "Pakistan currently does not have any
water sharing accord with its northwestern neighbor. But the projected increase of water use by
Afghanistan can affect the lower riparian, Pakistan." 454

Pakistan Affairs

IN CONCLUSION

The Indus Waters Commissioners of Pakistan and India have met every year since the Indus Waters
Treaty came into force. The wars of 1965 and 1971, the Siachen and Kargil conflicts and the Mumbai
attacks weren't able to dent it. In standing the test of time, the treaty has shown that it generates the
least conflict and more cooperation between the South Asian neighbours.

The chances of India scrapping the treaty altogether and diverting the western rivers are negligible to
none. But one must not put past India its flouting the spirit of the treaty and manipulating water flows
to turn the screws on Pakistan.

Pakistan's response, however, should not be as cavalier as when it negotiated the treaty, ignoring sound
technical advice and short-changing itself in the bargain. It needs to put its own house in order on an
urgent basis by better utilising its existing water resources. Pakistan's protestations against India's
perfidy will then carry far more weight.
H

XXIII. Kashmir Issue


Q. No. 2. Enumerate the measures adopted by Pakistan to spotlight on the
plight of Kashmiri people in the Indian occupied Jammu and Kashmir after 5th
August 2019. (20)

Q. No. 7. Discuss the Kashmir problem in its entirety; throwing light on its
background and prospects of possible solutions to this core issue between India
and Pakistan. (20))

KASHMIR DISPUTE

INTRODUCTION

The Indian princely states, numbering 562 comprised roughly a third of India's territory and a
quarter of population. They were outside the administrative set-up of British India and were
ruled by Indian princes who had accepted the UK as a paramount power. Most of the states
were small in area and territory but Hyderabad, Mysore and Kashmir were as big in population
and territory as the British Indian provinces.
The British government announced on 20th February, 1947, that the British paramountancy
would not be transferred to any government of British India. It declared that the British
paramountancy over India and princely states would come to an end in June 1948. The
government left it to the will of the states to decide whether they wanted to remain independent
or join any government after the partition.

By 15th of August, 1947, all princely states except Junagadh, Hyderabad and Kashmir had
announced their accession with either India or Pakistan These states were to fall a victim to
Indian aggression later on.

HISTORICAL BACKGROUND

Kashmir, or to give its full name, the state of Jammu and Kashmir, is the northernmost part of
the Indo-Pak Subcontinent. It is land-locked between Himalayas, Karakorams and Hindukush.
Its area of 84471 sqr miles was the biggest of any state in India. Its international borders with
Tibet, China, Afghanistan, Russia gave it a highly strategic importance. The total population of
the state according to the 1941 census, was about 4,000,000, of whom 77 per cent were
Muslims. The state was created in the 19th century. There is quite a bit of ethno-religious
plurality, further augmented by diversified historical factors. The Muslims were in a majority in
every province of the state; there was 93 percent

Muslim population in the Kashmir.province; 61 per cent in Jammu; and almost 100 percent in
the northern region of Gilgit. The valley at present, with a population of 7 million and 10 percent
of the entire territory lies in the middle of the formerly princely states where 2.7 million inhabit
Azad Kashmir. and the northern areas including Gilgit, Hunza and Baltistan, which is under the
control of Pakistan.

According to the 1941 census, out of total population of 4,021,616, the Muslims and Hindus
were 3,100,000 and 809,000 respectively. Despite successive demographic changes and
political divisions since 1941, Kashmir has remained an overwhelmingly Muslim majority area.

The Kashmir tragedy began when under the Treaty of Amritsar in 1846, the British sold the state
of Jammu and Kashmir to Gulab Singh, a Hindu Dogra chieftain, for the sum of 7.5 million
rupees. Lord Lawrence, who negotiated this treaty, termed this transaction an "iniquitous
arrangement." The sale of such a vast area with a predominantly Muslim majority was justified
by the Viceroy, Lord Hardinge, in his correspondence with Queen Victoria, to recover the losses
in wars against the Sikhs. The Maharajah and his kinsmen established and maintained a
century of despotic, reactionary and oppressive regime in the state. The people were ruthlessly
and heavily taxed and reduced to the condition of abject poverty. The Muslims suffered
discrimination in every sphere of life. The Hindus had a more or less monopoly of state
appointments. The slaughter of cow, a sacred animal for the Hindus, was prohibited. If a Muslim
killed his cow to feed his family, the penalty was death, later mercifully reduced to ten years jail
sentence. The Kashmiris are a highly gifted people, but their spirit was shattered by repressive
measures and arbitrary punishments. Many British in Indi668

criticised the Maharajah's oppressive policies against his Muslim subjects, yet the acquisition of
the Gilgit Agency for strategic purposes, financed largely by the states money, superseded such
considerations. In 1925, the semi-autonomous Jagir of Poonch was also ceded to the
Maharajah whose coercive behaviour had left no corner for him among the Muslim Kashmiris.
With the spread of modern education, a demand for basic political rights began in the early
1930's. In 1931, the Kashmiri Muslims earnestly began protest movement. The leaders of this
movement were Sheikh Muhammad Abdullah and Cahudhry Ghulam Abbas. They organised
Jammu and Kashmir Muslim Conference. The Maharajah resorted to repressive measures of
unusual severity culminating into massive massacre of the Muslims by the security forces. The
struggle led to the formation of Glancy Commission by the Government of India. On the
recommendation of the commission, some constitutional reforms were introduced.

In 1939 Sheikh Abdullah came under the spell of Ghandhi and Nehru. The Congres leaders
assured him of their support in the struggle against the Maharaja if the Muslim Conference was
converted into a communal organization. Accordingly Sheikh Abdullah began pursuing pro
Congress policies from the platform of National Conference. Consequently the Muslim
Conference split into factions and Ch. Ghulam Abbas, Mir Waiz and many other distinguished
Kashmiri leaders organized their followers under the banner of Muslim Conference. Sheikh
Abdullah, however, to please his Congress masters, defected and set up National Conference.
With this development, divergence between the Hindu and Muslim interests came to the fore.

The movement soon turned into a wide scale agitation against the Dogra Raj. There was a
demand for an independent and sovereign Pakistan which produced a new situation. As the
idea of Pakistan gained momentum, Sheikh Abdullah's National Conference, which was allied
with the Hindu Congress, started losing its popularity.

Pakistan Affairs

Sensing this Sheikh Abdullah turned to the Quaid-i-Azam who especially visited Kashmir to
bring the two organizations together, but his efforts were badly foiled by Sheikh Abdullah
because he was deeply committed to the Congress leaders. It greatly annoyed the Quaid-i-
Azam who then openly disapproved Sheikh Abdullah's policies.

Sheikh Abdullah had boycotted the elections of the state's assembly while Muslim Conference
contested the elections and carried the majority. Pandit Kak, the Prime Minister of Kashmir, had
put Sheikh Abdullah in jail in 1946 on the eve of the independence of the Sub-continent. Pandit
Kak, in collusion with the Maharajah wanted to declare the independence of Jammu and
Kashmir which could not have been possible in the presence of Sheikh Abdullah and other
prominent Kashmiri leaders. Sheikh Abdullah had also started his "Quit Kashmir" movement in
order to get rid of the Maharajah. The news of Kak's intention of declaring Kashmir as
independent, somehow leaked out to the Congress leaders. Nehru who was busy in
negotiations with the Cabinet Mission, rushed to Kashmir to secure the release of Sheikh
Abdullah, his personal friend, in order to tie him firmly to the side of the Congress. On the other
hand, Gandhi, with the help of Mountabatten, arranged his visit to Kashmir on August 1947. He
met the Maharajah and the Prime Minister Pandit Ram Chandra Kak.

Gandhi's object was to oust Kak and to win over the Maharajah for the accession of Kashmir to
India. Gandhi adopted a sanctimonious posture to play upon the religious leanings of the
Maharani through his spiritual guide. The reverence in which Gandhi was held by every pious
Hindu helped him to gain his nefarious political ends. He exerted immense pressure on the
Maharajah through Maharani. Maharajah, who in his youth fell an easy prey to the blackmail of
a cheap woman, could not The withstand in his declining years pressure of a more exalted kind
of a woman.
Pandit Kak was removed from the office of prime minister within ten days of Gandhi'sKashmir
Dispute

669.

visit to Kashmir. A month later Sheikh Abdullah was released from the jail, but Chaudhry
Ghulam Abbas and other Muslim Conference leaders remained in prison. The Kashmir problem
was now on the way to being solved to Gandhi's satisfaction. The Maharajah was being arm-
twisted into acceding to India.

When the Sub-continent was divided, the state was ruled by Maharajah Hari Singh; an equally
cruel and authoritarian ruler like his ignoble predecessors. The people of Kashmir, at the time of
partition, felt that in view of the overwhelming Muslim majority, the Maharajah would accede to
Pakistan. The wishes of Muslim population of Kashmir were demonstrated in an unmistakable
fashion on independence day. August 15, 1947, was celebrated as Pakistan Day throughout the
state. The people of Kashmir began compelling the Maharajah to announce the accession of the
state to Pakistan.

The geo-political considerations of the British Indian government absolutely differed from the
very principle of partition as it visualised Kashmir's integration into the Indian Union. The
frequent changes of prime ministers by the Maharajah, visits of Mountbaten, Gandhi, Nehru and
V.P. Memnon to Srinagar and release of Sheikh Abdullah from jail with an understanding
between him and the ruler, highlight the collusion at the highest level involving these
personalities. Abdullah was kept in dark and used as a pawn. A secret signal was given to the
Maharajah to start operation for the liquidation of the Muslim majority. To execute this plan, the
Dogra General Janak Singh was appointed prime minister of Kashmir. The civil population was
ordered to deposit their arms with the state authorities. The Muslim apprehensions grew deeper
on the transfer of Gilgit Agency on the eve of independence to the Maharajah on a 60 years
lease. These events amply demonstrated that a conspiracy has been hatched against Pakistan.
The release of Sheikh Abdullah from jail at a juncture when he had no electoral legitimacy
because of his boycott of Assembly elections raisedr many

eyebrows to give root to political and moral concerns. Sheikh Abdullah was forced to reconcile
with the Maharajah by offering a qualified apology. Though the Maharajah did not like and trust
him, Sheikh Abdullah was dully rewarded for his act of subservience and inducted in the
government formed on emergency basis, while the whole of the state remained under army's
control. On 26th October, V.P. Memon extracted Kashmir's accession to India out of the
Maharajah.

Maharajah however, lacked legitimate authority to sign the accession document as his subjects
had overthrown him. The wide scale revolts in Gilgit; Poonch and Baltistan spread over the
valley. Hari Singh fled to Jammu. The communal riots in neighbhouring Punjab and princely
states further aggravated the revolt in Poonch which had the sympathy and backing of the
adjoining regions of Punjab and frontier. The volunteers of Punjab and Frontier started their
march towards Srinagar to help their Poonchi brethren. India as usual accused Pakistan of
abetting indigenous revolt in Muslim majority areas like Hunza, Gilgit, Baltistan and Poonch.

In order to divert the people's attention and mounting pressure of the revolt, the Hindu rulers
concluded a treaty with Pakistan. The Pakistan government was assured that efforts shall be
made to keep the state situation normal and that cultural and religious connections with
Pakistan would be maintained. With the conclusion of this treaty, a large scale Muslim massacre
was organized to turn the Muslim majority into minority. The people revolted against this mass
killings of the innocent people. More than 2,37,000 innocent Muslims were executed and nearly
5,00,000 were made to leave their homes and seek shelter in Pakistan.

The Hindu rulers asked the Indian government to assist him in controlling the uprising. The
Indian government at once landed its armed forces in Kashmir. The Quaid-i-Azam, the
Governor General of Pakistan, ordered General Gracy to attack Kashmir which General Gracy
refusedKashmir Dispute

67

formula recommended regional plebiscite and partition so as to meet the demands of the two
contenders. Pakistan government accepted the Dixon formula but the Indian government
rejected it.

While the India-held valley of Kashmir is in a deep state of violence for the last several years,
the current crisis in Kashmir signifies a democratic impasse. This has been brought on by the
Narendra Modi regime attempting to end the special status given to India-held Jammu &
Kashmir (IHK) as envisaged in Article 370 of the Indian constitution and fully absorb it into the
Indian Union.

The situation deteriorated after the killing of a Kashmiri youngster Burhan Wani, last July.
Kashmiri assertions against Indian military control and atrocities are reflected in frequent protest
marches particularly by the school and college female students in Srinagar. But the Bharatiya
Janata Party's (BJP) road to integrating Kashmir into the union isfraught with various stumbling
blocks.

The Srinagar seat had, in fact, fellen vacant after a leader from the ruling People's Democratic
Party (PDP). Tariq Hameed Karra, resigned in the aftermath of protests following the killing of
Hizbul Mujahideen activist Burhan Wani.

Former IHK chief minister and National Conference (NC) leader Dr Farooq Abdullah accused
the PDP of having betrayed the will of Kashmiris since the PDP had pledged to keep the BJP
out of Kashmir. Abdullah eventually won the violence-marred polls.

Significance of Article 370

Article 370 of the Indian constitution was formulated particularly for IHK. it provided special
autonomous status to people living under the Indian-controlled region. Enforced on January 26,
1950, Article 370 was termed an attempt by New Delhi to achieve two objectives: first, to
prevent the secession of Indian-controlled parts of IHK by providing special privileges in the
form of autonomy. And second, to ensure the secular nature of guaranteed. the Indian state.
J&K is the only Muslim majority state in the Indian Union and is

presented as a model of religious diversity and unity of the Indian state.

An article titled 'What is Article 370: three key points' which was published in the Times of India
on May 28, 2014, argues that as per Article 370, except for matters related to defence, foreign
affairs, finance and communications, the Indian parliament needs the state government's
agreement to apply all other laws in IHK. This means, compared to other Indians, the state's
residents live under a separate set of laws, including those related to citizenship, ownership of
property and fundamental rights. As a result of this provision, Indian citizens from other states
cannot purchase land or property in IHK.

But with the passage of time, the Indian state not only reneged from its pledge to hold a
plebiscite to determine whether the people of IHK want to join India or Pakistan, but also began
to curtail the so-called autonomy given to that former princely state under Article 370. For
instance, the positions of Sadr-i-Riasat (president) and prime minister were abolished and
deepening of the centre's rule in IHK became a policy of the Indian state.

It is quoted in M. Hidayatullah (ed.). Constitutional Law of India, Vol. 2 that "Gopalaswami


Ayyangar, while introducing article 306-A (now Article 370) in the Indian Constituent Assembly
on October 17, 1949, said that a distinction was made for Kashmir due to special conditions
prevailing in the region where a war had led to an agreed ceasefire in the year. According to
him, the Government of India had made certain commitments to the people of Kashmir, which
included an undertaking that an opportunity would be given to them to decide" for themselves
whether they wished to remain with the Indian republic or leave it.

Furthermore, it was also agreed that the will of the people would be ascertained by means of a
plebiscite, provided peaceful and normal conditions were restored and impartiality of the
plebiscite could be

Paradoxically, the special status given to IHK in the Indian Union is under a temporary672

Pakistan Affairs

provision which was drafted in 1947 by Sheikh Abdullah who was appointed as prime minister of
IHK by Maharaja Hari Singh and the Indian Prime Minister Jawahar Lal Nehru. Nehru, with his
Kashmiri background, wanted to maintain the identity of IHK by providing it with a special status
in the Indian constitution, pending its final settlement. Sheikh Abdullah made it clear, however,
that I HK will not become an integral part of the Indian Union and would have full autonomy.

Ironically, Sheikh Abdullah, once an ardent supporter of Article 370, had by the early 1950s
developed differences with the Indian prime minister on the matter of granting maximum
autonomy to IHK which resulted in his removal from his office and arrest. In 1954, Article 35-A
was added to the Indian constitution which covered matters pertaining to employment,
immovable property and so forth.

To Undo or Not?

The Indian house is divided over whether to repeal or maintain Article 370.

The first school of thought wants to repeal it by abolishing the special status given to Jammu
and Kashmir and fully absorbing it into the Indian Union. This position is represented most
vociferously by the BJP.

During his election campaign more than two years ago, Narendra Modi made it clear that once
in power, the BJP will take all necessary measures to abrogate Article 370 from the Indian
constitution and annex IHK into the Indian Union. It was termed an irresponsible approach by
critics of the BJP with dangerous implications for the Indian Union. But the hardline BJP
leadership has maintained the stance.
According to the BJP's spokesman Sambit Patra: As far as the abrogation of Article 370 is
concerned, it continues to be part of the core ideology of the BJP, but right now we don't have
enough numbers in the parliament to do away with it... but in future when we have the required
numbers we will work towards its removal.

The second school of thought is against the repealing of the article as it considers the law to be
a guarantor of Indian secularism and one that maintains the identity of IHK

Ultimately no one people can keep another people in subjection against their will. The central
government will have to win over the people of Kashmir and convince them that their interests
are safe in India and that they enjoy the fruits of democracy and autonomy within the Indian
federation. This is the real challenge before the Indian leadership and any talk of abrogating
Article 370 would further alienate the people of IHK from India.

Given the history, the way forward is laden with more hurdles. The hard-line BJP and Hindu
nationalist mindset is firm on diluting the special status and identity of J&K by using tactics
ranging from establishing colonies in the valley for non-residents and Kashmiri Hindu pundits
who left the valley after the violence that took place in the 1990s, so as to transform the
demographic complexion to their advantage.

But they also have Muslim support. Chief Minister Mehbooba Mufti's government has identified
over 90 acres to construct 6,000 "transit homes to resettle Kashmiri pundits. The pundits
families have been offered homes and jobs if they are willing to return and work in IHK under a
500 crore rupee drive of the Mufti government.

Secondly, Indian civil society, democratic institutions and technical complications in the way of
repealing Article 370 are sufficient to deter any move to undo the said article. The Modi regime
also knows that any attempt to repeal Article 370 will have far-reaching consequences which
may be detrimental to the Indian Union.

Given the heterogeneous nature of the Kashmir conflict, it will be an uphill task to seek a
resolution of an issue without taking on board the local stakeholders representing the five
regions of IHK.

The BJP has been in power for more than two years but it has not taken anyKashmir Dispute

673

noticeable initiative to repeal that article. This should provide a clue to the difficulties inherent in
the exercise.

However, it would be wishful thinking to expect the current leadership of the BJP to abandon its
age-old dream to fully absorb J&K in the ambit of the Indian Union.

KASHMIR DISPUTE: KEY ASPECTS

Before we discuss the various proposed options, it is important to first understand the nature of
the dispute between India and Pakistan, which provides the backdrop to the official statements
and positions taken by both governments in the post-1947-48 period, when India first took the
Kashmir case to the United Nations. The following are the key aspects of this long-standing
dispute.
1. Legacy of the Partition of the Sub continent in 1947

The sub-continent was partitioned on the agreed principle that contiguous Muslim majority areas
were to be separated from the contiguous non-Muslim majority areas, to form the two
independent states of Pakistan and India. There were about 562 Princely States, which existed
under the overall paramountcy of the British Crown. The Cabinet Mission, in its statement of
May 16, 1946, clarified that Paramountcy could neither be retained by the British Crown nor
transferred to the new Government'.6 Also, in Section 7 of the Indian Independence Act, 1947, it
was stated that the suzerainty of His Majesty over the Indian States lapses.' Thus, legally the
Princely States became independent. However, the last British Viceroy Lord Mountbatten,
during his address to the Chamber of Princes on July 25, 1947, asserted that 'the rulers were
technically at liberty to link with either of the dominion (India or Pakistan). As regards the criteria
to be followed, he held that 'normally geographical situation and communal interests and so
forth will be the factors to be considered. On various occasions between June and July 1947,
Quaid-e-Azam, the Governor General designate of the new State of Pakistan, stated, 'The legal
position is that with the lapse of Paramountcy on the transfer of

power by the British all Indian States would automatically regain their full sovereign and
independent status. They are, therefore, free to join either of the two Dominions or to remain
independent. The Muslim League recognises the right of each State to choose its destiny. It has
no intention of coercing any State into adopting any particular course of action. By August 15,
1947, the majority of the Princely States, owing to their geographical contiguity and Hindu
population, joined India while only ten joined Pakistan. However, disputes over independence
arose with India in the case of three Princely States, namely Junagadh, Hyderabad and Jammu
and Kashmir.

Junagadh, a maritime state in Kathiawar, with a Muslim ruler and a Hindu majority population,
decided to accede to Pakistan on August 15, 1947. By middle of September 1947 Pakistan
accepted the accession. India reacted by criticising Pakistan's acceptance as in utter violation of
the principles on which Pakistan was agreed upon and effected. On September 17, India
deployed troops around Junagadh and by November 1947 India had militarily annexed the
State, as its first expansionist act after the partition of 1947. It is to be noted that this happened
when Pakistan had no defence structure of any sort. Pakistan's complaint, claiming Junagadh
as its territory, is still pending before the Security Council. Similarly, Hyderabad, also with a
Muslim ruler and a majority Hindu population, despite Indian pressures, decided to remain
independent and in fact executed a Standstill Agreement with India in November 1947, which
India duly signed. However, India continued to increase pressure on Hyderabad and by the
middle of 1948 had imposed an economic blockade as well as carried out border raids. During a
parliamentary debate, on July 30, 1948, the then British Prime Minister, Winston Churchill
referred to a speech by Pandit Nehru made in the last week of July, 1947, in which he had
declared, 'If and when we consider it necessary we will start military operations against
Hyderabad.' Commenting on this remark, Winston Churchill said "It seems to me that this is the
sort of thing674

which might have been said by Hitler before the devouring of Austria. On August 24, 1948,
Hyderabad filed a complaint before the Security Council, but before the case was heard before
the Council, Hyderabad was militarily annexed by India on September 13, 1948.

While India laid claim on the other two Princely States on the basis of them being Hindu majority
areas, as well as geographically contiguous to India, and that the partition of the sub-continent
was agreed to on these principles, it did not apply the same principle to the Jammu and Kashmir
State, which had a Muslim majority population, under a Hindu ruler who was in favour of
remaining independent. During the previous hundred years, the subjects of the Jammu and
Kashmir State had been in a state of ongoing series of revolts against the Dogra rulers. When
Partition took place, the Muslim majority population of Jammu and Kashmir was in favour of
joining Pakistan, whereas the Hindu Maharaja was reluctant, hoping that he would retain his
independence Internally, there were already tensions due to repressive measures of the
Maharaja against the Muslims. The situation further deteriorated when, towards the end of July
1947, the Maharaja ordered the Muslims to surrender their arms to the police, and communal
violence erupted. In the Jammu province, hundreds of Muslims were massacred by the Hindus
and Sikhs, who attacked Muslim villages. The massacre was one of the first attempts of ethnic
cleansing, which, in fact, had begun even before independence, with the connivance of the local
administration comprising units of the Maharaja's Army and Police. In August 1947, on the eve
of Partition, Poonch revolted against the Maharaja's rule and in September 1947, the Muslim
population liberated the area from the State Police. According to some estimates, between
August-October 1947, in the State of Jammu and Kashmir out of the Muslim population of
500,000 about 200,000 just disappeared, presumably were killed, and many Muslims from
among the rest fled to the neighbouring West Pakistan (now Pakistan).

Pakistan Affairs

Another significant development of the time was that on August 12, 1947, the then Prime
Minister of Jammu and Kashmir, Janak Singh, proposed a 'Standstill Agreement' to both India
and Pakistan. This was agreed to and signed by Pakistan on August 15, but India was reluctant
and suggested further discussions, keeping matters pending Eventually no discussion took
place and, thus, the 'Standstill Agreement' was never signed by the Indian government with the
Maharaja of Kashmir even though it had signed a Standstill Agreement on November 29, 1947,
with Hyderabad, since Prime Minister Nehru had other plans to annex the State of Jammu and
Kashmir.

In October 1947, there was a revolt by the Muslim population against the Maharaja. He fled
from the capital Srinagar to Jammu on October 26, 1947, and appealed to India for help. India
claims that the Maharaja signed the 'Instrument of Accession on October 26, following which the
Indian forces landed in the State supposedly on October 27, 1947. Regarding the signing of the
Instrument of Accession, its timing, terms and conditions, and the timing of the landing of Indian
troops, are all controversial. The study of historical events shows that initially the Maharaja sent
the Deputy Prime Minister, R. L. Batra, to New Delhi, on October 24, with a 'letter of accession
to India' which could not be signed. Mr. Batra, in New Delhi, held discussions with 'who would
listen to him; but his mission was fruitless. According to British historian, Alastair Lamb, this was
'certainly no blanket unconditional Instrument Accession but rather a statement of the terms
upon which an association between the State of Jammu and Kashmir and the Indian Dominion
might be negotiated in return for military assistance. The Indian side have been careful to avoid
specific reference to this particular document in their descriptions of the State of Jammu and
Kashmir's plea for assistance. It is probable that it involved no more than a token diminution of
the State's sovereignty. It certainly did not provide for an administration in the State of Jammu
and Kashmir presided over by Sheikh Abdullah." ofKashmir Dispute

675

Moreover, research also shows that Indian leaders were not in favour of signing the Instrument
of Accession before any military help was provided to the Maharaja. As has been mentioned
above the Maharaja was not in favour of unconditional surrender of sovereignty. Pandit Nehru,
however, was of the view that what was required was 'not so much the formalities of accession
as some pragmatic arrangement whereby the Maharaja's government might be obliged to
collaborate politically with Sheikh Abdullah and his National Conference, bolstered in power by
Indian arms. Also, during the Indian Defence Committee meeting on October 25, 1947, which
discussed the situation in Jammu and Kashmir, V. P. Menon stressed, it would technically be
quite proper for India to send its forces to the State of Jammu and Kashmir without its prior
accession to India, be it definitive or provisional."

Subsequent research has also thrown doubts on the official Indian versión, which claims that its
intervention was legal, basing it on the signing of the so-called 'Instrument of Accession signed
by Maharaja Hari Singh. According to the British historian Alastair Lamb, the Maharaja was
forced to sign a conditional Instrument of Accession after the Indian troops had landed at
Srinagar. As the International Law expert Dr. Ijaz Hussain points out, article 49 of the Vienna
Convention on the Law of Treaties states, 'A treaty is invalid if its conclusion is procured by the
threat or use of force in violation of the principles of the Charter of the United Nations.
Therefore, the fact that the Instrument of Accession was signed under duress in the presence of
Indian troops 'points to the use of force in obtaining consent of the Maharaja to the said
Instrument. This makes it patently defective."

The next significant element in that drama was the connivance of Lord Mountbatten, both as
out-going Viceroy and later as the first Governor General of India. While receiving the
Instrument of Accession regarding the State of Jammu and Kashmir, Lord Mountbatten,
explicitly stated in his acceptance letter of October 27, 1947.

addressed to the Maharaja, that ...it is my Government's wish that as soon as law and order
have been restored in Kashmir and her soil cleared of the invader, the question of State's
accession should be settled by the reference to the people."

India's military intervention in Jammu and Kashmir in October 1947 was also accompanied by
the solemn assurances of the Indian Government to the Government of Pakistan that the final
decision would be in accordance with the wishes of the people of the State. The Indian Prime
Minister in a telegram, dated October 27, 1947, to the Prime Minister of Pakistan stated: "I
should like to make it clear that the question of aiding Kashmir in the emergency is not designed
in any way to influence the State to accede to India. Our view which we have repeatedly made
public is that the question of accession in any disputed territory or State must be decided in
accordance with the wishes of the people and we adhere to this view. In another telegram dated
October 31, 1947, Prime Minister Nehru again pledged: 'Our assurance that we shall withdraw
our troops from Kashmir as soon as peace and order are restored and leave the decision
regarding the future of this State to the people of the state is not merely a promise to your
Government but also to the people of Kashmir and to the world". Again, on November 2, 1947,
in a broadcast on All India Radio, Prime Minister Nehru declared that the Government of India
was prepared when peace and order have been established in Kashmir to have a referendum
held under international auspices like the United Nations. These statements reflect the
'conditional and provisional' nature of the so called accession. As has been pointed out by Dr.
Ijaz Hussain it establishes that the accession of Kashmir to India was not complete, final and
irrevocable as contended by India. It was no more than an ad hoc and temporary arrangement
and was subject to reference to the people for its final disposal.'

India repeated the same commitment of deciding the question of the accession of Jammu and
Kashmir in accordance with theof forced entry by the tribesmen but of a gate being opened, as it
were, by rebels within the State of Jammu and Kashmir.' Therefore, the entry of tribesmen
cannot be regarded as 'aggression' as termed by India.

wishes of the people of the State, when it took the issue to the United Nations in January 1948.
The Indian representative made this commitment in the UN (discussed in section on Right of
Self-determination). Although India took the issue under Chapter VI, titled "Pacific Settlement of
Disputes" of the UN Charter, and not under Chapter VII, titled "Action with respect to Threats to
the Peace, Breaches of the Peace, and Acts of Aggression, the Indian efforts were to get
Pakistan declared as an 'aggressor'. The Indian Representative to the UN in para 6 of the letter,
dated January 1, 1948, stated: "The grave threat to the life and property of innocent people in
the Kashmir Valley and the security of the State of Jammu and Kashmir that had developed as
a result of the invasion of the Valley demanded immediate decisions by the Government of
India. As Lord Birdwood, British historian, observed, Illegal act of aggression by Pakistan and a
legal accession of Kashmir to India is, therefore, the basis of the Indian case.' Also, important to
note are the arguments of the Indian spokesman, during the discussions in the Security Council
in January 1948, where he stressed, We have referred to the Security Council a simple and
straightforward issue... The withdrawal and expulsion of the raiders and the invaders from the
soil of Kashmir... Moreover, A. S. Annand, a Judge of High Court of Jammu and Kashmir, in his
book writes: 'The government of India appealed to the Security Council, to ask the Government
of Pakistan: (1) to prevent government personnel, military and civil, participating in or assisting
the invasion of Jammu and Kashmir State; (2) to call upon other Pakistani nationals to desist
from taking any part in the fighting in Jammu and Kashmir State...

As regards the controversy of 'invaders' or 'raiders' from Pakistan, as alleged by India,


according to research by Alastair Lamb, the Pathan tribesmen from the Pakistani side, crossed
over on the night of 21/22 October 1947 'at the invitation of internal elements in the political
struggle then going on in the State of Jammu and Kashmir. The clearing of the way into the
State at Domel was not that

However, when India realised that its initial attempts had failed and the United Nations, which in
clear-cut terms, also supported the right of the self-determination of the people of Jammu and
Kashmir, India. started to wriggle out of its original commitments. For example, on January 20,
1948, the Security Council through Resolution 39 established a mediatory commission the
United Nations Commission on India and Pakistan (UNCIP) to 'investigate the facts pursuant to
Article 34 of the Charter of the United Nations, When India saw that its effort to get Pakistan
declared as an 'aggressor' was not endorsed by the UN, in the Security Council discussions, it
then adopted differing attitudes on various occasions. As observed by the " British scholar,
Rosalyn Higgins, 'Pakistan clearly felt that no impartial plebiscite could take place under Sheikh
Abdullah's government; whereas, India, while conceding the possibility of a National Assembly
being elected, clearly thought it should be done while Abdullah was still leader. This in turn led
to disagreement on the UN's role, Pakistan wishing it to have temporary administrative
authority, and India believing it should have an advising and observing capacity. Above all India
regarded accession as complete, and resented the view of many Security Council members
Mountbatten's letter regarding accession was that Lord an integral part of the terms of
accession. It may be recalled that Lord Mountbatten in his letter to the Maharaja, dated October
27, 1947, explicitly stated that finally 'the question of the State's accession should be settled by
the reference to the People.'

Simultaneously, India also started taking steps to gradually change the status of Jammu and
Kashmir, by tightening its illegal, unconstitutional control over the State with the ultimate aim of
unilaterally absorbing it within the Indian Union. In January 1950, Kashmir Dispute
6ZZ

India accorded a 'special status' to the State through Article 370 of the Indian Constitution.
Under the said Article three subjects, namely defence, external affairs and communications only
were to be dealt by the Indian Parliament Article 370 also limited the powers of the Indian
Parliament to make laws regarding subjects mentioned in the Union List and the Concurrent List
of the Constitution. According to the Kashmiri scholar, Prem Nath Bazaz, 'while remaining within
the framework of the Indian Constitution, the Kashmir State virtually attained an autonomous
status not enjoyed by any other state of the Republic of India. As commented by Prem Nath
Bazaz, Article 370 of the Constitution was 'specifically meant to be a temporary provision as the
Constitution-makers were fully confident that the close association of the people of Kashmir with
free democratic India would convince them of their bright future by becoming an integral part of
the Republic.'

While this status accorded to Jammu and Kashmir went so far as to allow the Jammu and
Kashmir State, unlike any other Indian State, to have its own flag, constitutional structure and
government as well as judiciary. in June 1949, India exiled the Maharaja, and installed his son,
Karan Singh, temporarily as his Regent. The Indian government also put the National
Conference, under Sheikh Abdullah, in charge of running the administration of the State, with
the hope of using the National Conference as the rubber stamp for its other designs to absorb
the State.

In October 1950, the National Conference, with the Indian Government's backing, tried to
convene its own Constituent Assembly to determine the future of the State. At Pakistan's
request, the UN Security Council discussed the efforts to convene the Constituent Assembly
and in its Resolution 91 of March 30, 1951, stated: the final disposition of the State of Jammu
and Kashmir will be made in accordance with the will of the people expressed through the
democratic method of a free and impartial plebiscite conducted under the auspices of

the United Nations'. Sir B. N. Rau, the Indian representative, assured the Security Council that
the Constituent Assembly of Kashmir was not intended to prejudice the issues before the
Security Council. The Kashmir Constituent Assembly met on November 5, 1951. The Indian
government's interest in the Constituent Assembly of Kashmir was to obtain a ratification of the
accession to the Indian Union, whereas Sheikh Abdullah intended to retain the special
autonomous status of Jammu and Kashmir State within the Indian Union. In July 1952, Abdullah
and Nehru reached an agreement, the 'Delhi Agreement, whereby the special status of Kashmir
under Article 370 could not be changed without the approval of the Kashmir Constituent
Assembly. The Hindus in Indian held Kashmir and India agitated for a complete integration of
Kashmir in India. In August 1952, anti-Abdullah demonstrations were held in the State. Sheikh
Abdullah adopted a tough policy against these demonstrations and ordered arrests of the Hindu
protestors. The Indian government, showing its displeasure, dismissed Abdullah as Prime
Minister on August 9, 1953, and imprisoned him, replacing him by Bakshi Ghulam Mohammad.
British historian Alastair Lamb notes, 'With Bakshi Ghulam Mohammed in power, the state of
Jammu and Kashmir drifted steadily into the Indian orbit. In February 1954 the Kashmir
Constituent Assembly, while adhering in principle to the special position of the State, confirmed
(in language that would surely never have been used if Sheikh Abdullah had still been
presiding) the legality of its accession to India.'

In 1954, the president of India promulgated a Constitutional Order, with reference to Indian-held
Kashmir, empowering the Indian government 'to legislate on all matters on the Union List, not
just defence, foreign affairs and communications. Finally, in November 1956, the Constituent
Assembly of Indian-held Kashmir finalised the Constitution of the State. The UN Security
Council in its Resolution 122 of January 24, 1957 reaffirmed that the final disposition ofKashmir
Dispute

679

consensus which endorses impartial plebiscite under the UN auspices, as the means for
ascertaining the wishes of the Kashmiris regarding the future status of the

under international auspices. Furthermore, the UN Security Council discussions led to the
resolutions of August 13, 1948, and January 5, 1949, which clearly laid down that 'the question
of the accession of the State of State. Jammu and Kashmir to India or Pakistan will be decided
through the democratic method of a free and impartial plebiscite.'

These UN resolutions are still valid, even though India has made many efforts to declare them
'dead', particularly after the signing of the Simla Agreement on July 3, 1972. The Indian
argument is based on Article (ii) of the agreement, which states: 'that the two countries are
resolved to settle differences by peaceful means mutually agreed upon between them.
However, it may be noted that the said Article in no way implies that either party has agreed to
give up the UN option. In fact it follows Article (i) of the Simla agreement, which asserts the
relevance of the UN principles when it states: 'that the principles and purposes of the Charter of
the United Nations shall govern the relations between the two countries." Moreover, this Indian
claim has been refuted dispute. by various UN representatives who, on several occasions, have
clarified that, only a bilateral agreement, which solves the problem. would legally supersede the
numerous existing UN resolutions on that dispute. Also, in the absence of any fundamental
change in the circumstances, the UN resolutions can become invalid only when the UN Security
Council declares them null and viod. For example in 1956, the then UN Secretary General, Dag
Hammarskjold, had clearly stated that the UN decision is valid until it has been invalidated by
the organ which took it' In April 1990, the UN Representative, Francis Guiliani, clarified: 'a
bilateral agreement, which solved the problem, would supersede the resolution aimed at solving
the issue. However, as long as the problem remained, the resolutions would remain in effect
regardless of when they were adopted Thus, the manipulated elections to the Jammu and
Kashmir State Assembly, often cited by India as the expression of the will of the people of
Kashmir, cannot replace the international

The Indian government again tried to use the election card to establish its legitimacy in
Occupied Kashmir by holding farcical elections in September October 2002. Commenting on the
Indian government's move to hold elections, the Chairman of All Parties Hurriyat Conference
(APHC), Abdul Ghani Bhat said, 'Elections provide no answers to the question of the people,
which is that the future of Kashmir is yet to be determined. Elections did not provide anything in
the past and cannot in the future either. Ruling out participation in the scheduled elections Mr.
Bhat had said that elections should be held not for forming government but 'to determine the
future of Kashmir in keeping with the wishes of the people.' APHC has been stressing on
holding trilateral talks, involving India, Pakistan and the Kashmiris, for resolving the Kashmir

When in August 2002, India announced a four-phase schedule for the elections to the Occupied
Jammu and Kashmir Assembly, as part of its efforts to convince the APHC and other Kashmiri
parties to participate in the elections, the BJP government nominated the Kashmir Committee,
headed by the former Law Minister, Ram Jethmalani to hold talks. The Indian Kashmir
Committee held two rounds of talks with Mr. Shabir Shah, leader of the Jammu and Kashmir
Democratic Freedom Party and the APHC delegation. APHC and Mr. Shah, however, rejected
participation in the Scheduled Assembly polls. Here, it may be noted that the Indian Kashmir
Committee on September 8, in a joint statement at the end of the second round of talks,
supported the Hurriyat Conference's demand to visit Pakistan for holding talks with Kashmiri
leaders and the Pakistan government for finding a solution to the Kashmir imbroglio. However,
on September 9, the Indian Prime Minister, Atal Behari Vajpayee, denied that there was any680

Pakistan Affaire

proposal to allow the Ram Jethmalani-led Kashmir Committee to visit Pakistan to hold talks with
the Hurriyat leaders there. This shows that the BJP government started the internal dialogue
process as a face-saving measure, to project to the international community that a dialogue
process has begun and thus to avoid the international pressure for resumption of a dialogue
with Pakistan. Now, after elections a coalition government by Congress. People's Democratic
Party and Panthers Party, has been formed. It is obvious that this cannot be regarded as a true
representative government of the Kashmiris, as none of the major Kashmiri political parties
participated in the elections.

More currently, implementation of UN resolutions in the case of East Timor is an important


precedent. In the case of East Timor, the UNSC resolutions, No. 384 and 389, passed in 1975
and in 1976 respectively, recognised the 'inalienable right of the people of East Timor to self-
determination and independence in accordance with the principle of the charter of the UN, and
called upon Indonesia to withdraw its forces from the territory and the government of Portugal to
cooperate fully with the UN in implementing the resolutions. Indonesia and Portugal, finally,
agreed on agenda. May 5, 1999 to allow the UN to conduct a referendum for greater autonomy
within Indonesia or independence. If the UN was able to finally fulfil its commitment in case of
East Timor, after twenty-three years, then why not in the case of Kashmir?

The Kashmir dispute, though it appears to be predominantly a bilateral one between India and
Pakistan, as is stressed by India, directly involves the international community. India itself took
the dispute to the UN Security Council in 1948, where it is still registered as such and thus
remains a pending agenda till it is resolved. India presently takes the line, that the signing of the
Simla Agreement in 1972, between India and Pakistan, has made the earlier UN Resolutions
redundant and that the issue has to be dealt with bilaterally.

The Indian argument that the Simla Agreement supports bilateralism is its interpretation of
Article (ii) of the agreement, which states: 'That the two countries are resolved to settle
differences by peaceful means mutually agreed upon between them." The factual position is
that Pakistan has repeatedly stressed the need to begin the process of talks under the UN
resolutions. The said Article in no way implies that either party has agreed to give up the UN
option, in fact it follows Article (i) of the same agreement which asserts the relevance of the UN
principles when it states: That the principles and purposes of the Charter of the United Nations
shall govern the relations between the two countries.'

As far as the legal position of the UN resolutions is concerned regarding unresolved conflicts,
Article 103 of the UN Charter explicitly states: In the event of a conflict between the obligations
of the Members of the United Nations under the present Charter and their obligations under any
other international agreement, their obligations under the present Charter shall prevail. Thus,
under its own provisions, the UN itself has a legal obligation to play the role of a 'moderator or
facilitator in efforts for the resolution of outstanding disputes on its
4. An Indigenous Freedom Struggle

The Indian Government's attempts to describe the mass Kashmiri resistance movement in
areas under its control, as terrorist activity being waged by 'infiltrators, is an attempt to nullify the
indigenous nature of the freedom struggle in Jammu and Kashmir. India blames Pakistan for
fanning the movement. The fact of the matter is that the struggle for the right of self-
determination in the Indian-held Kashmir has been going on since 1947. Despite India's harsh
and repressive measures, the movement could not be suppressed. It began as a political
struggle, but faced with continuous setbacks and the Indian policy of backtracking on promises
made, transformed the movement into an armed struggle. An Indian scholar, Surnit Ganguly,
wrote, 'after years of

3. An Internationally Recognised DisputeKashmir Dispute

681

frustrated attempts at meaningful political participation, and in the absence of Institutional


means of expressing dissent, the resort to more violent means become all but Inevitable. Lt.
Gen. V.K. Nayar, a former Indian Army commander, stated that the root cause of the Kashmir
situation was 'political ineptness, due to which Kashmiris felt isolated both from the national
mainstream and within the state itself. According to Sumantra Bose, an Indian scholar,
'Kashmiris rose in rebellion not because Muslims are constitutionally incapable of loyalty to a
'secular state, but because they saw no hope of redressal within the Indian state's institutional
framework to the gross, consistent and systematic pattern of abuse of their rights as citizens
and as human beings. The brutal and disproportionately violent response to which their (initially
largely non- violent) protests were sought to be suppressed, especially in early 1990, steeled
their resolve to seek self-determination", through force if necessary, and it was thus that the gun
became a legitimate political weapon in a society where the sight of blood" (as Walter Lawrence
observed at the turn of the century) was once anathema."

Pakistan being a legitimate party to the dispute, by virtue of the Partition Plan and the UN
resolutions, has the right to support the cause of the right of self-determination of the Kashmiris.
As argued by Dr. Ijaz Hussain, an expert on international law, 'Pakistan's locus standi in the
Kashmir dispute is also established by the fact that on 22 January 1948 the Security Council
decided to change the item on its agenda from the "Jammu and Kashmir Question to the "India-
Pakistan Question. The very fact that the freedom movement in Kashmir has been going on
since 1947, and gained momentum since 1989, itself establishes the undying indigenous nature
of the movement. No outside influence can sustain a movement for such a long period in this
manner, in which in the last decade alone, (since 1989), the Kashmins have sacrificed more
than 80,000 lives. To divert world attention from the real situation, India has, since long time,
been trying to portray the indigenous struggle as

being waged by 'religious fanatics' or 'Muslim terrorists. The Kashmiri leaders themselves have
belied the Indian propaganda. While attending the 53rd Session of the UN Commission on
Human Rights in Geneva, the then Secretary General of All Parties Hurriyat Conference,
Ghulam Mohammad Safi said: 'first and foremost, it is a movement for a realisation of the right
to self-determination of the people of Jammu and Kashmir in accordance with international law."

PROPOSED OPTIONS FOR RESOLUTION OF THE DISPUTE


Over the past fifty years, besides the UN resolutions, observers and intellectuals have proposed
various other options for resolving the Kashmir dispute time and again at the UN fora and at the
bilateral India-Pakistan levels. These proposals are examined below.

1. UN Resolutions: The Plebiscite Option

The UN Security Council resolutions of August 13, 1948 and January 5, 1949, proposed the
plebiscite option for resolving the Kashmir dispute. However, it is important to note that the
Government of India itself accepted plebiscite or referendum as a right of the Kashmiri people,
when it filed the initial complaint against Pakistan before the United Nations on January 1, 1948,
as pointed out in Part I of this paper. Beginning with Governor General Mountbatten, Indian
leaders Eke Prime Minister Nehru also repeatedly made the commitment to the will of the
Kashmiri people as has been discussed in detail earlier in Part I.

After India filed its initial complaint, the UN Security Council passed the two important
resolutions of August 13, 1948 and January 5, 1949. (See Appendix I and II) These resolutions
laid down the principles and procedures for a free and impartial plebiscite under UN auspices.
Broadly, the resolution of January 5, 1949, stated: (a) the question of the accession of the State
of Jammu and Kashmir to India and Pakistan, would be decided through the democratic method
of a free and impartal plebiscite after the cease-fire and truce agreement provided for in the
Resolution of August 13 had bee682

Pakistan Affairs

carried out; (b) the Secretary General of the UN would nominate a Plebiscito Administrator, who
would be appointed by the government of Jammu and Kashmir and given powers which he
considers necessary for holding a free and impartial plebiscite. (c) on implementation of the
ceasefire and the truce agreement, the Commission and the Plebiscite Administrator would
determine, in consultation with the Government of India, the final disposal of Indian and State
Armed Forces, as well as the Forces in Azad Kashmir (in consultation with the local authorities);
(d) persons who had entered the State since August 15, 1947 would be required to leave the
State, and citizens of the State who had left the State on account of disturbances would be
allowed to return."

Both India and Pakistan accepted the above UN Resolutions. However, later, differences arose
over the interpretation of various clauses of the resolutions, especially on the issues of
demilitarisation and disbandment/disarming of the 'Azad Kashmir' forces. India gave its own
interpretation to the agreement and suggested that the Azad Kashmir forces be disbanded and
the defence and administrative responsibility of the region be given to India and Indian Kashmiri
authorities. Pakistan, on the other hand, was in favour of a complete and simultaneous
withdrawal of armed forces personnel by both the countries. On this issue, the President of the
Security Council, General McNaughton, in his proposal of December 22, 1949, in para 2,
clarified that the Resolutions of 1948 and 1949 called for demilitarisation of the whole State of
Jammu and Kashmir and not merely Azad Kashmir: that 'demilitarisation should include the
withdrawal from the State of Jammu and Kashmir of the regular forces of Pakistan; and the
withdrawal of the regular forces of India not required for purposes of security or for the
maintenance of local law and order.' The UN Security Council passed Resolution 80 on March
14, 1950, which called upon the Governments of India and Pakistan 'to prepare and execute
within a period of five months from the date of this resolution a programme of demilitarisation on
the basis of
the principles of paragraph 2 of General McNaughton's proposal, or of such modifications of
those principles as may be mutually agreed. Pakistan accepted that Resolution as well, but
India maintained its position as regards the demilitarisation issue. Later, the UN
Representatives continued discussions with the Governments of India and Pakistan over
various proposals

Based on these discussions, the UN Security Council passed Resolution, 98, in December
1952. (See Appendix III) The UNSC Resolution, regarding demilitarisation issue clarified that:
(Article 4) the Governments of India and Pakistan to enter into immediate negotiations under the
auspices of the United Nations representative for India and Pakistan in order to reach
agreement on the specific number of forces to remain on each side of the cease-fire line at the
end of the period of demilitarisation, this number to be between 3,000 and 6,000 armed forces
remaining on the Pakistan side of the cease-fire line and between 12,000 and 18,000 armed
forces remaining on the India side of the cease-fire line. Though during the discussions
Pakistan's representative to the UN, Mr. Zafrulla Khan, pointed out that the number of forces
proposed was not fair, yet he said that Pakistan 'is prepared to go forward on the basis of this
resolution. The Indian representative, Mrs. Pandit, in her speech, however, categorically said, 'I
should like to repeat that we reject the proposal in it and we are not prepared to enter into any
talks on the basis suggested."

Regarding the question of plebiscite Pakistan was in favour of giving complete authority to the
UN for holding, organising and supervising the plebiscite. India, on the other hand, only wanted
the non-binding advice of the UN. Various UN mediators were appointed to resolve this issue,
but no one was successful in convincing India on a compromise. Sir Owen Dixon, the UN
mediator, in his report submitted in 1950, wrote: 'In the end became convinced that India's
agreement would never be obtained to demilitarisation in any such form, or to provisions
governing the period of plebisciteа оцет в прил ралs gey wwwmns ca. do

683

Kashmir Dispute

UN resolutions are not time-barred, as observed in 1956, by the UN Secretary General, Dag
Hammarskjold, who clarified the important principle that 'the UN decision is valid until it has
been invalidated by the organ which took it."

II. The UN Trusteeship Option

of any such character, as would in my opinion, permit of the plebiscite being conducted in
conditions sufficiently guarding against intimidation and other forms of influence and abuse by
which the freedom and fairness of the plebiscite might be imperilled. Dr. Frank P. Graham,
appointed UN representative for India and Pakistan in 1951, submitted five reports, up to March
1953, but his efforts at mediation also proved to be unsuccessful as India would not agree on
the size of the forces to be left on either side of the cease-fire line demilitarisation. India,
therefore, consistently refused to take recourse to all proposals of various statesmen and UN
representatives for the holding of a plebiscite in Jammu and Kashmir. On the other hand, it is on
record that Pakistan supported all such international mediation and UN efforts.

Defending the Indian position on plebiscite, Sisir Gupta, an Indian scholar, wrote: 'it became
obvious even at the early stages of the Kashmir dispute that a plebiscite an "ideal" solution
according to some because of the complexities in Kashmir was difficult to accomplish. Even as
a democratic solution, it had loopholes. Kashmir, clearly, is not composed of one people: in
religion, it has three major groups; in language, four. If there is a section which wants to secede
from India, there are others who do not. However, the fact of the matter is that, right from the
beginning, India feared that if a plebiscite was held it would lose what it had already occupied.
According to a Kashmiri activist, Prof. Mrs. Shamim Shawl, plebiscite is the most plausible
solution of the problem. This has been accepted in the Resolutions of August 48 and January
1949. It is these resolutions, which confirm the disputed character of the problem and negate
the Indian position that says Kashmir is an irrevocable part of India. India is in fact challenging
the rightful and legal authenticity of the United Nations by delaying the implementation of UN
resolutions."

Keeping in view the basic genesis and nature of the dispute, the option incorporated in the then
UN resolutions is still valid. The

Generally, this option proposes that Kashmir should be placed under UN Trusteeship and then
plebiscite may be held for the final resolution of the dispute. It is after argued that this will
provide a face-saving for India, and will also give Kashmiris, on botir sides of the Line of Control,
enough time to come up with a joint option. The JKLF Chairman, Ammanullah Khan in
December 1993, proposed: (1) complete, simultaneous withdrawal of Indian and Pakistani
troops and civil administration, non-Kashmiri personnel from Jammu and Kashmir, (2) the
reunification of Indian and Pakistani controlled parts of Kashmir, (3) placement of the State
under UN control for five to ten years; and (4) holding of a plebiscite. Well known Pakistani
economist, the late Dr. Mahbubul Haq, in an interview he gave to an Urdu Weekly Hurmat, in
1994, proposed that only the Kashmir Valley be placed under UN Trusteeship for ten years and
then plebiscite be held in the Kashmir Valley.

As India regards Occupied Kashmir as its integral part, it is obvious that it will never voluntarily
agree to the placing of the State, or the Kashmir Valley under UN trusteeship. Secondly, both
the above trusteeship options support the plebiscite option under the UN auspices, an option
that has been rejected by India even though in the early years of the dispute India committed
itself to holding of the plebiscite.

As regards Pakistan and the Kashmins, since the above proposals support a UN role and the
option of plebiscite, in view of the already existing UN resolutions which provide the plebiscite
option under UN auspices, the above proposal would mean unnecessarily prolonging the
solution beyond five or ten years. Moreover, according to Article 76 of Chapter XII of the UN
Charter one of the684

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basic objectives of the trusteeship system is 'to promote the political, economic, social, and
educational advancement of the inhabitants of the trust territories, and their progressive
development towards self- government or independence, as may be appropriate to the
particular circumstances of each territory and its peoples... The case of Jammu and Kashmir
does not require placement under UN trusteeship as the Kashmiris have, over the demonstrated
their political will by waging an indigenous movement in Occupied Kashmir for their right of self-
determination, underscoring the fact that their preferred option is self-determination.

III. The Partition Option


Regarding the option of the partition of Jammu and Kashmir, this has largely been an academic
debate and various scholars have suggested different proposals. The first is a division-related
option for Jammu and Kashmir, based on the holding of regional plebiscites. This proposal was
first given by UN Representative, Sir Owen Dixon, in his report of 1950-51. Called the 'Dixon
Report', it proposed the idea of holding regional plebiscites, instead of a general plebiscite as
proposed in the UN resolutions. The Owen Dixon Plan proposed the division of the State of
Jammu and Kashmir into four main regions: Jammu, Ladakh, the Vale of Kashmir including
Muzaffarabad, and Gilgit-Baltistan. According to his plan the district of Poonch was to remain
with Pakistan. He proposed that of the four regions, Jammu and Ladakh should go uncontested
to India and the Northern Areas to Pakistan. He concluded that in the Valley a plebiscite might
be held to decide about its future. Pakistan, did not outrightly reject the proposal, but was in
favour of a general plebiscite in the whole of Jammu and Kashmir. India on the other hand
regarded Jammu and Kashmir as a unit of the Indian Federation and thus was not in favour of
any regional plebiscite.

The second partition proposal is an option based on a 'Trieste-type' solution. The Trieste issue,
between Italy and Yugoslavia, arose as a result of the two World Wars.

After World War I. Trieste and the adjoining areas, including the whole valley of the Adige river
and Istria, went to Italy, but in 1945 it was claimed by Yugoslavia on the grounds that Italy was
guilty of aggression against Yugoslavia. However, Trieste and its environs and the Gorzia
region to the northwest (Zone A) remained under Anglo-American control and the southern
portion (Zone B) was under the control of the Yugoslav troops. Finally, in years, 1954, Italy and
Yugoslavia agreed to a partition and Zone A (including Trieste) was given to Italy and Zone B to
Yugoslavia. Italy agreed to maintain a free port at Trieste. Later, the agreement was given a de
jure status by the 1975 Treaty of Osimo between Italy and Yugoslavia.

The 'Trieste'-type option for Jammu and Kashmir proposes that the Valley along with some
adjoining parts of Jammu and the Pakistani side of Kashmir (Azad Kashmir), be made an
autonomous units, under India and Pakistan, respectively. The LoC would be a soft border
between the two autonomous units. The remaining areas on both sides of the LoC may be
merged with India and Pakistan, respectively. India and Pakistan would be required to withdraw
their forces under UN supervision. Again, this proposal lacks viability, as it does not address
either the genesis of the dispute, nor the complexities that have accumulated since then to date.
The struggle in Jammu and Kashmir is not for autonomy of any one region but for the right of
self-determination to be expressed by the Kashmiris, as granted to them under UN resolutions.
Also, India and Pakistan being parties to the dispute will continue to have a clash of interests in
the proposed autonomous regions; therefore, this would certainly not result in any stability in the
region. Moreover, the option implies that the existing Line of Control (LoC) may serve as the line
of division. The LoC remains the UN recognised ceasefire line (CFL) and was not drawn with
any basis for serving as a permanent border, but with the intention of bringing about cessation
of military hostilities. Kashmir Dispute

685

Fourthly, some Western scholars have proposed the partition of Kashmir along ethnic/cultural,
religious, and linguistic lines. For example the Kashmir Study Group, a US based group
comprising academics and diplomats from various countries as members, has made various
proposals along these lines in its report entitled, Kashmir. A Way Forward (September 1999).
The proposals suggested are as follows:
The third partition proposal considers the conversion of the Line of Control (LOC) into an
international border. This means maintenance of the prevailing status quo. This option is in
principle supported by India. If it were accepted, India would take additional advantage by then
propagating that it had conceded Indian territory to Pakistan and would try to emerge as a
peacemaker in the region. As assessed by Robert Wirsing. by asserting the primacy of actual
military control over punitive legal entitlement, it tacitly acknowledges India's dominant political
standing in the region. By requiring Pakistan to relinquish its claim of the coveted Valley of
Kashmir and the Kashmiri separatists their claim of independence, while at the same time
entailing little or no detachment from India of territories now in its possession, it leaves existing
political and economic arrangements essentially undisturbed. Thus, of the several conceivable
forms of partition, it is clearly among the most generous to India.

However, the 'the LoC as a border' option has to take into account the fact that the LoC is
merely a ceasefire line, as well as take stock of the struggle for the right of self determination
that is going on in the Indian held Kashmir. Moreover, Kashmiris do not recognise the LoC. Prof.
Mrs. Shamim Shawl, a Kashmiri scholar from Srinagar, has argued that the proposal of division
is in contravention of the basic principle that Jammu and Kashmir is an indivisible entity. It also
violates the fundamental fact that the Kashmir problem is basically the problem of the people of
Jammu and Kashmir. It is not a bilateral problem between India and Pakistan. Nor is it a
territorial dispute. Secondly, the present LoC is an altered ceasefire line, whereby India acquired
territory through military aggression in 1971. Therefore, accepting LoC would mean legitimising
Indian military aggression. Thirdly, the LoC as accepted by both Pakistan and India at Simla in
1972 does not exist anymore. Indian incursion into Siachen in 1984 has destroyed the sanctity
of the ceasefire line.

(a) Two hypothetical sovereign entities, self governing in all aspects, established on both sides
of the Line of Control on cultural and linguistic grounds. According to the study, 'On the Indian
side of the LOC every tahsil in Kashmir proper and in Doda district in Jammu, and Gool Gulab
Ghar tahsil in Udhampur district in Jammu would seek incorporation in the proposed state. All
these areas are imbued with "Kashmiriyat" or interact with Kashmiri speaking people. On the
Pakistani side it is conceivable that the whole of Azad Kashmir would opt to have a sovereign
status. This is predominantly Punjabi-speaking, wholly Muslim area'";

(b) A new sovereign state on the Indian side of LoC with no territorial exchange between India
and Pakistan. The state would include 'within its maximum potential area the whole of Kashmir
proper as well as adjoining areas in which Kashmiri is either the majority language or that of a
plurality of the population'";

(c) Desirable territorial changes along and beyond the Line of Control in Jammu and Kashmir.
Viewing that 'LoC is dysfunctional and has been violated innumerable times', it proposes that a
new state be created with territorial exchanges between India and Pakistan. However, it
proposes that Pakistan gives almost twice as much area (7,366 sq. km) to India, than India
ceding territory (4,501 sq. km) to Pakistan. The rationale given for such an exchange is overall,
the territorial adjustments should not be excessively disruptive of the established order and yet
should appear significant686

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and be of such a nature as to allow all parties to claim a victory.


The above proposals are again not viable solutions, as they tend to complicate the situation in
Jammu and Kashmir and result in a further division of the region, rather than leading to a stable
solution. Moreover, the 'Kashmir Study Group's' proposals make no provision for the right of
self-determination of the people of Kashmir to which presently a military struggle is underway by
the Kashmiris in Indian-occupied Kashmir.

IV. The Independence Option

An option gradually evolved as a result of the impasse on the Kashmir issue is that of
independence, generally known as the 'Third Option. Under this option, the pre-Partition status
of the Jammu and Kashmir State is to be restored and an independent state established. The
proposal is mainly advocated by the JKLF. Its Chairman, Amanullah Khan, in one of his articles
says, 'the future independent Kashmir is to be neutral, like Switzerland, with friendly and trade
relations with all its neighbours." According to Amanullah Khan's proposal, 'Independent
Kashmir is to consist of five federating units: Kashmir Valley, Jammu province, Ladakh, Azad
Kashmir and Gilgit Baltistan, each enjoying considerable internal autonomy, having its own
elected provincial government. At the centre there will be a bicameral parliament.' He further
says, 'the re-unification and independence of the state can be brought about without making any
drastic changes in the existing socio economic, political and administrative structures of any of
the present three units i.e. Indian occupied areas, Azad Kashmir and Gilgit-Baltistan.

According to Indian scholars 'independence, either for part or all of J&K, is equally unrealistic.
They maintain that although an artificial product of war, the Line of Control does follow a rough
and ready ethno-cultural divide in some measure. Further, "self-determination" within the two
parts of J&K could result in the Balkanisation of a mosaic put together by history, with

every new 'self-determined minority being assailed for a newly-created majoritarianism, which
lesser minorities refuse to accept. Such an unravelling would be a recipe for strife, insecurity,
and destabilisation of the region."

The option for an independent Jammut and Kashmir state does not seem to be a viable
solution, as the State would be land locked and, therefore, permanently dependent on its
neighbours. For India the proposition would be unacceptable because it could lead to a similar
unravelling in other areas where separatist movements are going on in India.

As regards Pakistan, the 'third option' can be advantageous. An independent Jammu and
Kashmir state would have a preference for good relations with a neighbour that has consistently
extended its support to the principles of self-determination. Pakistan's position on the 'third
option' has been that it should not confound the existent problems further, and, therefore, it
stresses the need to address the issue in the light of the Security Council Resolutions, as a first
step in the resolution of the dispute.

V. The Irish Model

Recently, various scholars have suggested the Irish model, based on the 'Good Friday
Agreement' signed in April 1998 between the Governments of the United Kingdom of Great
Britain and Northern Ireland and the Government of Ireland, as a possible option for resolving
the Kashmir dispute between India and Pakistan.

The main features of the 'Good Friday Agreement' are: (a) it recognises the consent principle:
that change in the status of Northern Ireland can only come about with the consent of the
majority of its people. It acknowledges that while a substantial minority in the North and a
majority on the island want a united Ireland, the majority in the North currently wishes to
maintain the Union. However, it says that if that situation changes, there is a binding obligation
on both governments to give effect to whatever wish the people of the North express; (b) it
recognises the birthright of all the people ofKashmir Dispute

687

Northern Ireland' to identify themselves and be accepted as frish, British or both; (c) it proposes
concrete constitutional changes, legislative such as. the Government of Ireland Act, clairning
British jurisdiction over all of Ireland is to be replaced, future polls in the North on its status are
to be held on the order of the Secretary of State for Northern Ireland. Such (e) polls must be at
least seven years apart, (d) it proposes a 108- member Assembly elected by proportional
representation; establishes a North-South Ministerial Council under legislation at Westminister
and the Oireachtas, to bring together ministers from the North and the Republic; (f) it
establishes a free Entish-Irish Council consisting of representatives of the British and Irish
Governments, devolved in situations in Northern Ireland, Scotland and Wales, the Isle of Man
and the Channel Islands; (g) it establishes a new British-Irish Conference, (h) reaffirms
commitment to the total disarmament of all paramilitary organisations, and confirms intention to
work constructively with the on Decommissioning; and, (i) establishes an independent
recommendations commission to make for future policing arrangements in the North.

power, tourism, finance) comprising such local units, and Indian Jammu & Kashmir and State
and Azad Kashmir governments. (6) Regularly scheduled and publicity-free consultative
mechanism for Indian government's talks with all parties, and with non-party civil society
institutions, within. Indian Kashmir on political issues. (7) Corresponding mechanism for Azad
Kashmir. (8) Consultative mechanism for talks among all parties on ethnic and religious it
minority protections (9) Consultative mechanism for dialogue between these processes on the
Indian and Pakistani side of the LOC (10) Indian cornmitment to allow access. consistent with
security requirements, to independent and credible Indian human rig its monitoring
organizations, and to Indian, and Pakistani press. Corresponding commitment by Pakistan for
Azad Kashmir.

Another Indian scholar. Professor Sumantra Bose, basing his suggestions on the Irish model
proposes three dimensions. Dimension one: the New Delhi-Islamabad axis, involving the
establishment of a permanent India-Pakistan Intergovernmental Conference to promote the
harmonious and mutually beneficial development of the totality of relationships between the two
countries." to be chaired by the respective prime ministers, and its twice-yearly meetings to be
rotated between Indian and Pakistani cities. Dimension two: the New Delhi-Srinagar and
Islamabad-Muzaffarabad axis, here the 'objective in Kashmir would be the gradual, incremental
normalisation of politics within Kashmir in both Indian-and Pakistani controlled zones, and the
devising and implementation of political frameworks which can foster a working degree of
internal accommodation and cooperation between the representatives of communities holding
radically different basic political allegiances." Dimension three: the Srinagar-Muzaffarabad axis,
proposes along with the progressive normalisation of the overal framework of India-Pakistan
relations and the gradual normalisation of life and politics in both sides of the Kashmir border,
that there is greater

Based on the Irish model, some Indian As suggested by Professor Bose, this body is scholars
have made suggestions supporting autonomy for various regions of Jammu and Kashmir. For
example, Amit A. Pandya, an Indian scholar, has proposed the following steps: (1) An India-
Pakistan commission to discuss boundary issues in Jammu and Kashmir, and to engage in joint
monitoring of the LOC; (2) Phased demilitarisation at the LOC, contingent first on substantial
cessation of cross-border terrorism; (3) Three-way (Indian, Pakistani, Kashmiri) commission on
internal law and order. Kashmiris to be chosen from Pakistan-occupied Kashmir and all Indian-
occupied segments Azad Valley, Jammu and Ladakh. (4) Indian and Pakistani commitments to
proceed with a scheme of local government reform and strengthening of local institutions and
local autonom in respective areas of Kashmir. (5) Issu necific consultative bodies (water, 688

Pakistan Affairs

need to make the border porous. He further suggests 'the establishment of a cross-border
Jammu and Kashmir Council for Cooperation, with representatives from inclusive, elected and
autonomous governments from both sides of the line of control."

These Indian proposals, selectively use the Irish model, but basically support autonomy for the
regions of Jammu and Kashmir under the supervision of India and Pakistan. The central
aspects focusing on self-determination and total disarmament after implementation of the
agreement are ignored. The Indian proposals are similar to the idea of a condominium with
dominant Indian influence. Also, the LoC has been proposed as the dividing line and a soft
border. This is against the genesis of the Kashmir dispute, which is not for greater autonomy or
'self-government', as proposed, but for the right of self-determination to be expressed by the
Kashmiris. However, as Dr. Mazari has suggested, it is the central aspects of the Irish model,
which are relevant in case of the Kashmir dispute and could be used as guiding principles for a
resolution of the conflict. For instance the underlying principle is recognition of the right of the
people as of Northern Ireland to choose their political future through a referendum. Also, the
principle of de-weaponisation is linked to it, as following the implementation of the Agreement.

mediation or intervention makes New Delhi and Islamabad thrash the issue out.

Ideally, the Kashmir problem should have been settled by putting into effect UNSC resolutions
calling for a plebiscite in the disputed territory. In the words of the UNSC resolution dated April
21, 1948, "both India and Pakistan desire that the question of the accession of Jammu and
Kashmir to India or Pakistan should be decided through the democratic method of a free and
impartial plebiscite."

Be that as it may, as early as the mid 1950s, India backpedalled on its commitment putting
forward two reasons in the main: one, the Constituent Assembly of the Indian controlled
Kashmir ratified the state's accession to New Delhi in 1954. Two, Pakistan's defence alliance
with the US upset the military balance in the region making it necessary for India not to
demilitarise Kashmir an essential condition for holding the plebiscite. In 1957, India declared
Kashmir to be its constituent and irrevocable part. Since then the country has stuck to this
stance.

Although Pakistan calls for implementation of the UNSC resolutions, at times it has expressed
the willingness to explore other 'out-of-the-box' options. This particularly happened when Gen
Pervez Musharraf was at the helm. However, no consider progress has been made on this
account mainly because of perceived serious political fallout.

THIRD PARTY MEDIATION


From time to time Pakistan calls upon the US to help resolve the Kashmir issue.. The request
was renewed by Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif during his meeting with the US secretary of state
on the sidelines of the recent nuclear security summit in The Hague. Can third party mediation
be effective on Kashmir?

The six-decade long thorny issue between Pakistan and India can be settled in three ways:
One, India agrees to give effect to the UN Security Council resolutions on Kashmir. Two, the
issue is resolved bilaterally between the two countries. Three, third party

As for the UN, its will to address any issue is as strong or weak as that of the permanent
members of the SC and they have not been forthcoming in having the Kashmir plebiscite
staged. Even China, one of the P5 and a long-time staunch supporter of Pakistan's Kashmir
position, has shifted its stance and favours a bilateral settlement of the problem.

The second option, bilateral resolution of the problem, is favoured by New Delhi. In this
connection, it refers to the 1972 Pak-India Simla Agreement, which provides that the two
countries would "settle theirKashmir Dispute

689

differences by peaceful means through bilateral negotiations or by any other peaceful means
mutually agreed upon between them." India contends that under the Simla Agreement, the
Kashmir problem ought to be settled only through bilateral means.

The Indian contention is contested by Pakistan on the ground that the text of the Simla
Agreement clearly states "That the principles and purposes of the Charter of the United Nations
shall govern the relations between the two countries." At any rate, Article 103 of the UN Charter
makes it clear that "In the event of a conflict between the obligations of the Members of the
United Nations under the present Charter and their obligations under any other international
agreement, their obligations under the present Charter shall prevail."

It is important to look at what bilateral discussion of the Kashmir issue entails for India. It does
not entail agreeing to separation of the territory from India including conceding the right of self-
determination to the people of Kashmir, as that would run counter to the claim that Kashmir is
an integral part of India. It entails, what New Delhi dubs, Pakistan's 'occupation of a part of
Kashmir and its 'support' to the insurgency in the state. Hence, multilaterally or bilaterally, India
does not seem well disposed to entertaining any proposal that might bave the effect of drawing
Kashmir out of its control.

In such a scenario, can third party mediation be viable? In the context of Kashmir, resort to
mediation has some problems. One, in principle, mediation is undertaken with the consent of
the parties to a dispute and India has consistently ruled out such an exercise on Kashmir.
Mediation without consent becomes intervention and Washington or any other power is not
inclined to or capable of coercing India into addressing the Kashmir problem in a way that
satisfies Pakistan.

from Pakistan are involved in cross-border infiltrations, third party mediation or intervention,
even if it is employed, may end up attaching greater weight to the Indian position and concerns
than Pakistan's. The major powers have their own interests, which may not coincide with those
of Islamabad.
With the UN resolutions in a limbo, India not inclined to discuss Kashmir with Pakistan bilaterally
or accept third party mediation and the powers that be reluctant to intervene, the issue remains
unresolved and serves as a reminder that international politics is power politics.

KASHMIR: FOUR POSSIBILITIES

The Kashmir dispute between India and Pakistan offers four possible solutions. For one either
side gives up their part of the Kashmir as a means of resolving the dispute and getting on in life;
or it could happen as a consequence of a promised plebiscite under the UNSC Resolutions of
1949 where the Kashmiris choose one over the other.

Such recourse would be legally correct and as per the existing conventions. It will also conform
to the principles of Independence in 1947; and it will qualify the oft-repeated policy held by
officials on both sides. Such a course will also pose the least political risk to either side on the
domestic front. It is this safety of a kosher political stance that a talk of a 'third option' to
officialdom on either side becomes akin to waving a red flag at a bull. There are other reasons
too of such revulsion.

The difficulty though is that time has marched on since 1947, and the Kashmiris have proven to
be an irrepressible lot. They have also developed a home-grown sentiment of Azaadi
(independence) of their own during the course, and have sacrificed at least some 100,000 men
and women in the cause. And, though no one has asked them to elaborate their philosophy of
on in convincing the world that the insurgency in independence for fear of discovering an -
Kashmir is an offshoot of Islamic militancy unpalatable truth chances are their - independence
doesn't only mean being away

Two, since India has been successful

and that state as well as non-state actors690

Pakistan Affairs

from the Indians who occupy the more substantive part of Kashmir, their call for independence
into a separate state of their own means keeping away from both India and Pakistan. They are
also unlikely to give it up as their most preferred option because of the blood and suffering
invested into their cause. The problems with this approach are also multifarious and will need
elaboration.

Since neither Pakistan nor India are likely to give up the part of Kashmir under them, and an
independent Kashmir in the midst of South Asia may become a destabilising tectonic tumult with
serious strategic reverberations geopolitically unsustainable for an already tenuous region - the
third - option is to find a via-media to the two/three stark choices above.

The chance of an agreed solution between India and Pakistan is more likely to develop around
the creation of an autonomous Kashmir region which satisfies the strategic sensitivities of the
two principals and 'somewhat gives meaning to the aspirations of the Kashmiris. Such an
autonomous region will consist of the 'separable' parts of the larger territories of Jammu and
Kashmir that may not constitute the dream boundaries of the Kashmiris but will be sufficient to
give them a sense of self rule under the joint protection of both India and Pakistan. This too
needs elaboration.
A proposal on the above lines has been toyed around under various formulations between India
and Pakistan, including the more recent four-point formula by Musharraf, but clearly a lot will
need to be done politically before such consensus can be achieved between the two. The two
sides will need to paradigmatically move from a confrontational to a cooperative approach in
dispute resolution; that seems hugely impossible in prevalent circumstances. The extended
advantage for taking this route to the resolution of the dispute is for both sides to continue to
retain their strategic control of the resources like the water and power heads that lie in these
territories.

Can both countries breach that barrier of distrust to begin to jointly own and preserve and share
what in time will become critical resource for their sustenance? Though such a solution seems
to be the most practical way forward out of a complex and intricate political legacy, India will
resort to such recourse only as a last option. This emerges from a recently acquired belief
system that suggests that India may have other options to exercise before acceding to such fait
accompli

The fourth possible solution is what is famously touted as the 'status quo' option - formalising
the LoC as a permanent border. This may appear the easiest but is the unlikeliest for the
political cost it may bring to the leadership on both sides. Just a few years back the Indians
would have jumped onto any such mention. But not now, under Modi their designs are different,
and with a different set of tools they hope to romp home with the same results without the
feared cost.

A more detailed analysis of each option beckons

Despite the acute divergence in the relative power potentials of both India and Pakistan, neither
is likely to give up on their part of the Kashmir to the other. The three and-a-half wars fought
between the two have failed to resolve the dispute militarily and there is little by way of a
significant operational gain that can be made in the more difficult reaches of the Kashmir region
that can give either side a roll-over momentum of physical occupation Incremental gains are of
little significance to yield a military solution. Also, under a nuclear overhang, conventional
military application lies in the bygone era. Use of the military is thus neither an option, nor can it
deliver a solution on Kashmir. A political process then remains the only option to seek a
resolution of the dispute.

Autonomy, more than independence, is a realistic and workable goal. Over the years, both sides
have fragmented their respective parts of Kashmir to suit their own strategic political and
administrative ends. India holds an acute sensitivity to Ladakh in the northKashmir Dispute

691

east for its proximity to Tibet, a disputed region between China and India over which the two
fought a war in 1962, and will hold on to it for strategic relevance in any final solution on
Kashmir

Jammu in the south of Kashmir is not only an administrative division of the larger Jammu and
Kashmir region, it also has a unique demographic identity with a Hindu majority. Its separation
from any arrangement for a territorially autonomous Kashmir is a likely possibility. Thus what will
be available for a territorial concession will only be the larger Valley region of J&K. What the
Kashmiris will lose in a compromised territorial concession must be compensated to them with
assured, legally constituted and policy. fully supported autonomy.
Similarly, the Pakistani part of Kashmir has also seen an administrative division, with Gilgit-
Baltistan a separate entity. For its contiguity with China in the north-east and the routes joining
the two neighbours that run through the G-B region, for Pakistan the sensitivity of G-B is high.
Pakistan too will, therefore, only put up a truncated Kashmir for a territorial solution.

When formalisation of the status quo first began to be mentioned by some Pakistani
commentators as a possible option, given that other choices on the table were either
unattainable or needed resolute political will- difficult to come by under weak political
dispensations - the Indian strategic community quickly moved to a tactical rebuff from an initially
excited disbelief on the offer (which had always been India's dream option towards the
resolution) Instead, they now say all of Kashmir is an inalienable part of India Without such
tactical game-playing South Asia would not be the 'tinderbox' that it IS

But why doesn't India move forward on the probable solutions to the problem?

But why doesn't India move on the lines of the probable solutions to the Kashmir problem? This
has a lot to do with the reenergised India that thinks it can eliminate Kashmir as an issue
between India and

Pakistan with what are policy tools.

There has been a lot of talk of the possibility of the dilution of Article 370 of the Indian
constitution and the abolition of the special status of Kashmir opening the way to Kashmir's
inclusion into India as a regular territory enabling it to be governed by the same laws that govern
the rest of India. Currently, as per the article India's domain in Kashmir is only restricted to
Defence, Foreign Affairs and Finance. How much of it is actually true is another matter; and
whether Article 370 has now been reduced to only a skeleton can be a perpetual debate. But
even if symbolic, tampering with Article 370 will constitute a strategic shift in India's Kashmir

A few speed-breakers are usually counted by those who wish to blink away the possibility of
India's resort to abolishing Article 370 One, the state assembly must by a simple majority -
recommend to the centre in Delhi to abrogate the article; Modi is currently engaged in an effort
to muster that majority in the ongoing state elections in J&K Called Mission 44, he may find
himself just short and will be in need of a willing partner in a coalition willing to carry the burden.

Two, even after such a resolution is recommended by the state assembly, Modi in the centre will
need a two-thirds majority to cause the change in the constitution. He doesn't yet have such
majority, the Rajya Sabha still needs to be reformulated reflecting changes in the Lower House.
This will come by at its own time.

Were Modi to even achieve majority on his own in Kashmir (unlikely), he will be slow to wring
the changes. Many in India feel that an abrupt abrogation will only mean showing the match to
tinder. That remains true in a state like Kashmir, heavily sensitised and invested with the
commitment to their sense of destiny. However, a gradual weaning based around political and
economic deliverance remains a potent possibility.

We have got to remember: diluting the status of Kashmir will not be an instantaneous step,
rather a series of692

Pakistan Affairs
deliberate small steps spread over a period of ten years under Modi (the next five are assumed
perhaps correctly) aimed at - preparing grounds in Kashmir, in India, in the region especially
with Pakistan, and in the world where such dilution will become a happily accepted fait accompli

The pain of this process of studied integration of Kashmir will be acutely felt in Kashmir and in
Pakistan- as the two most affected parties to the issue. In Kashmir first: a combination of
governance, delivery, raised stakes, compromising the more vocal voices through inducement
of both political and economic benefit, and the usual arm-twisting and use of force where
nothing else works will mean that there will be a gradual numbing of the sensitivity to this
ultimate consequence resulting in the intended dilution.

Add to it the gradual demographic moderation of the 'others' majority as well as a frequent
interaction brought about by changes in laws that have prohibited non residents to acquire
property and land, as well as the travel through the Muslim-majority Valley for frequent religious
pilgrimages paving way for a deliberately ingrained acquiescence of the other. This will be a
socio-political plank of Modi's strategy focusing on Kashmir.

For Pakistan, Modi's policy on Kashmir will be a mix of many things. A deliberate denigration
and distancing from Pakistan. invoking our record with home-grown terror, especially Mumbai
and Herat, a planned rebuff of any Pakistani attempt to resume dialogue on the model of the
Composite Dialogue, since revoked unilaterally by India, and elevating the dialogue even in
modified structures as a special favour to Pakistan by India; talks of punitive military measures
aimed at retribution of Pakistan's claimed excesses towards India; a denial of Kashmir as a
possible subject of discussion between the two; and a host of red-lines now being popularly
pronounced that Pakistan must adhere to, to establish its credentials of good behaviour to earn
favour and respect from India. Trade, once an Indian obsession, is how a grant of goodwill by
India, as is India's

benevolence in offering a handshake or even recognition of presence at international


interactions with our political leadership.

These are tough times for South Asia, and Indian interlocutors of significant access in the Indian
establishment never tire of mentioning to their Pakistani counterparts that it will never now be
business as usual. Deciphered, it really means: 'we decide how things move from here-on; and,
you Pakistan will have to conform to a given code of behaviour to qualify for India's attention'. At
a recent gathering of such serious-minded representatives from both sides, after having
discussed a host of issues that belabour relations, the Indian members of the meet refused to
agree to include any aspect of the discussion on Kashmir in the joint resolution. Such
disposition is becoming an established norm between India and Pakistan. What is implicit is
always a strong undercurrent questioning even the need to discuss Kashmir.

Cumulatively and in an integrated strategy, from a dispute Kashmir is being relegated to an


issue, soon to be entirely diluted and then eliminated under a well thought-out electoral, political
and societal process. It will creep in slowly and create its own immunity to the changes that will
keep getting manifested in the psyche of all partners to the process. How will, or should,
Pakistan react to such slow inducement of acquiescence?

The following seems the more likely response by Pakistan, unless things really change at the
top end: Pakistan will continue to be lured by the romance of improving relations with India as a
long-held strategic dream of changing the paradigm in South Asia. Implicit in such desire is the
drive that seeks to relegate the India factor in Pakistani military's calculus, in turn removing the
endowed eminence to the army as a saviour against such predominant threat. Both remain
falsely premised. But while the play of attempting normalisation enacts itself according to the
Indian design, Pakistan's political and military establishment may simply be too slow to register
the subtlety thatdd

693

Kashmir Dispute

may seem innocuous but will portent major reformation of the issues, especially on Kashmir By
holding Pakistan off, India is simply gaining the critical liberty of action -to implement the
elements of policy that will accrue to it the desired policy objectives. Kashmir is heading that
way.

The prognosis of a possible Pakistani response? If Pakistan's political and diplomatic response
is either wanting, or delayed, or non-existent, the inevitability of the dispute falling into the lap of
the military to respond will be the only default eventuality. A military that may have waited earlier
on the sidelines will be forced to react to an Indian ploy that may be far too advanced in
implementation.

Under unfavourable circumstances the army may be forced to find recourse in traditional
responses Will that mean 1989 all over again; or another skirmish or war? No one can tell.
Indian cleverness with policy arrayed against Pakistani military may slide into another
geopolitical degeneration with attendant consequences. Instead, political prudence through
engagement and cooperative recourse to seek mutually beneficial resolution to the problem can
bring us stability and peace in South Asia. It is time to bring in greater sincerity and avoid clever
policy plays. The alternates are clearly disastrous

Kashmir, paradise on earth with its majestic azure mountains, the tranquil shadowy Dal Lake
and the fairytale valleys of Gulmarg and Pahalgam, was a land of vibrant hues and captivating
beauty. Also known as Pir Waer the alcove of sufis and saints'. Kashmir was famed for the
peace, harmony and spirituality preached by Hazrat Sharaf ud-Din Abdul Rehman (Hazrat
Bulbul Shah). Hazrat Mir Syed Ali Hamadani and many other great Muslim saints.

In the last decades, Kashmir, a paradise burning, has seen heart-wrenching misery. Each dawn
ushers in with the 'azaan' from the white-domed Hazratbal mosque, and to sinala minnent.

silently witnesses yet another blood spattered day. The Chinar tree, the ethereal symbol of
Kashmir, is known to take hundreds of years to reach its full glory. Let us all pray that it does not
take as long as that to see a free and liberated Kashmir.

In Occupied Kashmir, 700,000 Indian security forces turn their guns on a population of just 9
million killing, maiming and blinding them mercilessly. This brutal strategy of suppression was
drafted years ago by former Kashmir governors, Chandra Saxena and Jagmohan Malhotra,
member of the BJP and former head of Indian intelligence agency Research and Analysis Wing
(RAW). Though the governors are long gone, their policies are still ardently followed and seen
as a tried and tested recipe of state-sponsored terrorism.

Rape is an act that only a perverse, deranged and demented mind can commit we have our
share of these bestial demons here. However, when sponsored and encouraged by the state it
becomes a grotesque and horrifying saga of epic proportions. The cold dark night of February
23, 1991, proved to be one of unparalleled agony for the unwary residents of two small Kashmiri
villages, Kunan and Poshpora. About 300 Indian Army personnel raided the villages. The gory
and horrifying aftermath of that single night saw the mutilated and raped bodies of 150 girls and
women; the 200 men THE BURNING KASHMIR who tried to stop the horror were tortured
brutally.

A 2005 study by Doctors without Borders (MSF) reported that "Kashmir has the highest rate of
sexual violence in any conflict region, and the vast majority of assaults are perpetrated by police
and security forces... Far from random, these attacks are part of an organised strategy to
punish, intimidate, coerce, humiliate and degrade."

Numerous atrocities have been documented by Asia Watch, Physicians for Human Rights,
Asian Network for Secularism and Democracy and Human Rights Watch. They unanimously
found that "overwhelming694

Pakistan Affairs

evidence indicates that sexual warfare (rape) is endorsed and enabled (not publicly but
privately) by both the Indian government and its military officers". These reports also state that
"innocent people are killed as terrorists to get promotions and cash rewards; people taken to jail
are tortured, castration being a favourite means of humiliation. Any judicial attempt at
punishment is continuously and absolutely stonewalled. The Armed Forces Special Powers Act
has become a ticket for unleashing horrors with impunity".

The battered body of eight-year-old Kashmiri girl Asifa Bano is the latest blood- curdling
incident. She was sedated and gang- raped by eight men, including two Indian Special Police
Officers, for a week in a Hindu temple. Agitating Hindu nationalists carrying Srinagar. Indian
flags marched through the streets of Jammu chanting 'Jai Shri Ram' and 'Bharat Mata Ki Jai'
and demanding the release of the accused. A mob of Hindu lawyers stopped police officers from
entering a courthouse to file charges. The prosecuting lawyer said she had been threatened
with rape and death for taking up the case.

However, a letter from 49 prominent retired Indian civil servants "hold Prime Minister Modi
responsible for the terrifying state of affairs". The letter further states: "The bestiality and the
barbarity involved in the rape and murder of an eight-year-old shows the depths of depravity
that we have sunk into... In Kathua in Jammu, it is the culture of majoritarian belligerence and
aggression promoted by the Sangh Parivar which emboldened rabid communal elements to
pursue their perverse agenda. They knew that their behaviour would be endorsed by the
politically powerful".

Kashmir bleeds amidst the darkness of terror and these atrocities go unheeded worldwide. This
pathetic indifference, amounting to blatant complicity, fuels an ever deepening hatred among
the Kashmiris. The UN remains an unmoved spectator. The West led by the US, yet another
champion of democracy and the free world, can invade countries at the whim of fabricated
reasons, murdering and maiming millions, but is found

heartlessly wanting when it comes to the agony of the Kashmiris and Palestinians, and wages a
proxy war in Syria. The Muslim Ummah, if ever there was one. is wrought. with divisions and
lust for power.
Kashmiris have been let down by their own political elite too including by Sheikh Abdullah, who
was once touted as 'Sher-e-Kashmir, and his scions. And what could be more telling than the
present puppet Chief Minister Mehbooba Mufti, whose People's Democratic Party is in an
alliance with the BJP, and who resides in the refurbished stately residence that was once Papa
II one of the most notorious torture centres operated by the Indian Border Security Force on the
banks of Dal Lake in

Asif Zardari pronounced thus when he took over as president: the "Kashmir issue should be left
aside for future generations and we should focus on improving bilateral relations." Nawaz Sharif,
a Kashmiri, his coterie rife with Khwajas and Dars, ruled the roost for years but, sans a minister
for years, our Foreign Office was, as former British PM Harold Macmillan described, "forever
poised between a cliche and an indiscretion".

How could they forsake a cause drenched in the blood of thousands of martyrs of Kashmir, a
place with more than 95 orphanages and over 500 graveyards - a testament to a whole
generation orphaned and another one lost? In these graveyards rest about a 100,000 martyrs,
each epitaph tells the tragic tale of a people brutalised.

The pathetic Kashmir Committee, its chairman. members and the political envoys we send
abroad to evoke the Kashmir cause are nothing but a farce a sacrilege to the blood of the
Kashmiris and an affront to the Kashmiri women who have sacrificed everything yet have never
relented their heart's command: 'Kashmir banay ga Pakistan'.

Today, despite a world blind to their agony, each Kashmiri man and woman is a Burhan Wani,
marching undeterred and unflinchingly towards freedom. The wordsKashmir Dispute

695

from famed Kashmiri poet Mahjoor's poem 'Azadi' resonate in their ears

If thou wouldst rouse this habitat of roses/ Let there be thunderstorm and tempest, aye an
earthquake/ O bulbul, let the freedom urge possess your soul! Bid goodbye to your cage, step
out Mahjoor, throw away this yoke of bondage! From now you are free as a bird/ Your heart
commands, your voice obeys!

Nawaz Sharif's Speech at UNO:

The Prime minister Nawaz Sharif skillfully presented his case at the UN and urged upon the
world leaders to pay heed to the Kashmir dispute. He has sought the intercession of five
permanent members (P-5) of the UN Security Council (UNSC) for using their influence to ask
India to stop its brutal and heinous killings of the innocent Kashmiri freedom fighters. Prime
Minister while addressing the 71st session of the UNGA stressed upon the world to fulfill its
promise of resolving the Kashmir dispute in the light of the UN resolutions. Nawaz Sharif wrote
letters to the Security Council P-5 (US, UK, China, Russia, France) and urged them to help in
resolving the Kashmir dispute in the light of the UN resolutions. He stressed upon the fact in his
correspondence to the P-5 that despite the passage of more than 68 years since the adoption of
multiple resolutions, the hapless people of Jammu and Kashmir still await the advent of messiah
who could get the UN resolutions implemented which promised them the right of self-
determination.
Pakistan confronts an uphill task to convince the world to pay their sincere attention to the issue
which brings the plight of the people of Indian held Kashmir to focus of international forums.
straightforward evaluation of the relative However a positions of India and Pakistan on the
Kashmir dispute would reveal that Pakistan despite its sincere resolve, has consistently failed to
bring home its advantages and has, In fact, damaged the Kashmir cause by involving it in a
global terrorism muddle. When Pakistan wants to speak about the of the people of Kashmir and
the over the territory, much of

the outside world appears to sympathy with Indian's claim that it is a victim of cross border
terrorism It may be unjust but Pakistan badly needs to conduct its diplomacy in this context...

Indias' Renewed Threats The Indian PM once again repeated its threats to isolate Pakistan
globally. He reiterated his harangue threatening of isolating Pakistan as Pakistan was a deadly
terrorist state. Narrandra Modi also presaged that India would cut off water supply meant for
Pakistan agriculture. He stated that we would abrogate Indus water treaty concluded between
Pakistan and India in 1960.

These extremely wild and exhibiting immense mental degenerency accusations of the Indian
PM have not been endorsed by any forum. John Mcain, the US senator, immediately after
Modi's outburst against Pakistan, declared that no anti-Pakistan legislation would be allowed to
go through American Senate. The Italian defense minister Mrs. Ruberta Pointti declared that her
country does not tolerate the use of force and lethal weapons like pellet guns against innocent
protesters in Kashmir. The brutality of force being used against hapless Kashmiris has
surpassed even the atrocities unleashed by the ferocious Mongol warrior Ginghiz Khan on his
vanquished people. The Indian security forces are using pellet guns, a lethal weapon which no
one had ever used for law enforcement purposes.

PM Modis' warming of blocking Pakistans water supply for agricultural purpose too has been
ignored by the world leaders and termed as a vainglorious remonstrance. The different forums
were of the view that the Indus Basin water treaty cannot be abrogated by India unilaterally.
They believe if India decides to revoke the Indus water Basin Treaty unilaterally, it will break
Indias' promise stated in the agreement. The agreement was signed by president Ayub Khan
and Indian PM Jawrial Nehru in Sept. 1960.

Modis threatening rhetoric does not hold water as India itself is hard pressed due to696

Pakistan Affairs

the numerous terrorist outfits operating in different Indian states. There are at present ten active
separatist movements going on in India, seven states with active separatists groups seeking
separation from the Indian union. They are Jammu and Kashmir, Arunachal Paresh, Assam,
Manipur, Mirzoram, Meghalays and Nagaland. In Jammu and Kashmir between 1989 and 2016,
94466 people were killed and injured in violence between the Indian army and freedom seeking
groups, 135,667 civilians were detained, 7061 custodian killing, 10283 women were gang raped
and 106,071 homes and other structures were looted and burnt.

According to Arundhati Roy there are 700,00 Indian trops stationed in Kashmir. India has
deployed one soldier for every 12 Muslims in Jammu and Kashmir. In the recent violence Indian
security forces have martyred 94466 civilian people, blinded and mutilated
thousands of innocent Kashmiris "There is no military solution of the Kashmir dispute" The only
choice that India is left with is to divert global attention from the Kashmiri freedom. struggle. The
land based branch of the Indian Armed forces is choked due to outmoded tanks, armored
vehicles and lack of movable artillery. The Indian army has less than seven days of reserves of
key stocks of artillery ammunition, antitank missiles and critical shortage of ammunition of its
main battle tanks." It is a fact that Indian Air Force is scrap, Migs are simply flying coffins. India
is acutely short of an air defense assets, precision guided munitions and lacks an integrated
intelligence capability The reality in Kashmir is dead against India. However India seems to be
winning the perception warfare, at least at global stage. Economy of Pakistan

697

34

ECONOMY OF PAKISTAN

PAKISTAN'S ECONOMY IN HISTORICAL PERSPECTIVE

Economic aspect is the most important facet of the human activity because man's progress and
happiness in all other fields depends on his sound and stable economic position. Since state is
a great human organization, meant for the happy life of the individual, the economic aspect,
therefore, cannot be separated from state's activity. Hence a stable economy plays a vital role in
any nation's collective prosperity and development.

When Pakistan emerged on the world's map as a sovereign and independent state, it mostly
consisted of those areas which were backward and under-developed. These areas were mostly
the producers of raw material which could not be utilized locally because related processing
industries were located elsewhere. Throughout the economic history of Pakistan, there have
been phases both of growth and stagnation. One of the most important reason for the ailing
Pakistan economy is the non-continuity of economic policies and acutely wobbling political
system.

Pakistan in present shape started with refugees. less than 35 million population. It had natural
resources in abundance which were not fully exploited and developed. It had a per capita
income of 100 dollars a year in 1947. The areas of present Pakistan and Bangladesh were the
backward areas of South Asia. While India had almost all the basic manu- facturing industries,
Pakistan possessed very limited manufacturing units to meet the demands of the population. To
make the things worse, very small electricity was available which was much below the
requirements of the industry as well as domestic needs.

There were only two important cash crops, cotton in present Pakistan and Jute in

Bangladesh. The yields of these two crops had to be sent to India for processing and
manufacturing of textiles and jute goods. There were a few sugar and cement factories which
could not meet country's development requirements.

There was a vast difference between India's and Pakistan's economic potential. Pakistan's
economy, at the time of partition, had only one positive aspect that she was self-sufficient in
food and the surplus food grain produced in West Pakistan was enough to meet the
requirements of the former East Pakistan. The infra-structure facilities in both wings of the
country were in shabby and depleted conditions. Pakistan had to take a start from the scratch to
develop infra-structure and manufacturing industries.

In addition to the inherent backwardness of the economy, the influx of refugees from India and
other parts of the sub-continent, thwarted the country's march towards progress and economic
prosperity. Pakistan had to spend huge amounts out of its thin and meagre national resources
for the rehabilitation and resettlement of the

Political stability is the basic requirement for economic development. Political instability severely
jolts the economic growth as the behaviour of the government plays an important role in
stimulating or discouraging economic activity of a country.

Unfortunately Pakistan, immediately after the partition, fell a prey to acute political instability.
Political issues and bickering which peeped out with the emergence of Pakistan, adversely
affected the economic growth in Pakistan. Most significantly the Kashmir problem became a
constant source of friction between India and Pakistan. The squabble over Kashmir consumed a
considerable s700

Pakistan Affairs

CURRENT SHAPE OF ECONOMY,

2016

At around the PML-N government's halfway mark, the party leadership has spared little effort in
recounting the 'turnaround' in Pakistan's economic performance under this administration. On
the other end of the spectrum, opposition political parties (barring PTI) have been using a
combination of more rhetoric and less data to denounce the alleged failings on the economic
front of PML-N's third term in office since 1990. The Pakistan Tehreek-i-Insaf is the only one to
have analysed the data and the numbers to arrive at their fairly comprehensive, yet somewhat
selective, critique.

So what is the reality? Where does Pakistan's economy stand today compared to early 2013
and how much of it is down to the policies of this government?

The Good

There is little doubt from the data that the government has pursued a determined path, under
the aegis of an IMF programme, towards achieving macroeconomic stability. The country's
official foreign exchange reserves have been built up from $6 billion in June 2013, to $15.6bn as
of end-January 2016. A combination of releases from the IMF and other IFIs, commercial
borrowing, Saudi money and the collapse in international commodity prices has sharply reduced
the short-term vulnerability of the country's balance-of-payments position.

Inflation has declined from 8.3pc year on-year in July 2013 to 3.3pc for January 2016. Despite
difficult circumstances, government tax revenues have recorded, prima facie, fairly impressive
increases in the past two years. Revenue performance has been complemented by the
appointment of a serious-minded and well-intentioned revenue tsar, the publishing of the tax
directory including tax-filing data of parliamentarians, some progress on removing exemptions,
and the setting up of a Tax Reforms Commission. In addition, the number of tax filers has
increased by around 280,000 according to FBR, while the recent tax amnesty scheme for
traders is likely to bring an important segment outside the ambit of taxation into the fold.

The economy's growth performance has improved modestly, with real GDP growing at a
provisional 4.2pc in 2014-15. After remaining sluggish for the past two years, the large-scale
manufacturing sector is showing signs of moderate output growth across a wider spectrum of
sectors. Even private-sector investment appears to be picking up finally, albeit tentatively, while
business confidence, as recorded by the latest OICCI Business Confidence Index, has
rebounded.

The Bad

The bad news is that much of the good news on the economy is carried on the shoulders of a
single development - the collapse of international oil and other commodity prices. The price of
benchmark Brent crude has fallen from $115 in mid-June 2014 to $26 per barrel, before
recovering to the current vicinity of $35. This 70pc decline alone has implied a saving of $7.6bn
between June 2014 and end-January 2016.

The prices of other imported commodities have also fallen sharply tandem, amplifying the
quantum of saving to the country's external account. On the other hand, export prices have also
been hurt Adjusting for these factors, in net terms, the government has received a windfall of at
least $7bn during this period on the external front In other words, without this bonanza
commodity prices, Pakistan's official foreign exchange reserves would have been $7 lower, at
$8.4bn - deflating a much-touted achievement of the government.

The other effect of the favourable movement in international commodity prices has been on
inflation. Had oil prices remained above $100 per barrel over the past 15 months, econometric
modelling suggests that the year-on-year CPI inflation would be st percentage points higher.
That means CP inflation for January would have been in the4160E88-1ZEO:90W 5971772840

The Most Recent Economic Survey, the Previous and Current


Budgets, and the Problems and Performance of Major Sectors
of Economy.
XXVII. The Recent Constitutional and Legal Debates
The Latest Constitutional Amendments and Important
Legislations, Legal Cases and the Role of Higher Courts.
Q. No. 3. Discuss the Federal Structure of 1973 Constitution of Pakistan after
18th Amendment. Why criticism on 18th Amendment started recently? (20)

No. 3. How far the nature of Centre-Province relations has changed under
various amendments to the 1973 constitution? Evaluate. (20)
Q. No. 6. Discuss the nature of centre-province relations under the 1973
Constitution.(20)

. No. 2. Pakistan’s national culture reflects unity in diversity. Elaborate. (20)


Q. No. 3. Discus the role of judiciary in the constitutional development of
Pakistan. (20)

CONSTITUTIONAL AND POLITICAL DEVELOPMENT IN PAKISTAN

The demand for separate homeland was CONSTITUTIONAL DILEMMAS proclaimed on 24th
March, 1940 and the Quaid-i-Azam declared that Hindus and Muslims were two separate
nations by any definition or tost of a nation. Pakistan was claimed as a homeland for Indian
Muslims on the principle of self-determination. For the Muslims the idea of a separate Muslim
state was a struggle for survival; for the Hindus it was to avoid vivisection of the motherland".

Finally the partition of India was materialized and a now independent and sovereign state of
Pakistan was carved out of it. Under Section 8 of the Indian Independence Act, 1947, the
government of India Act 1935 bocamo, with certain adaptations and modifications, the interim
constitution of Pakistan. But since the 1935 Act did not contain necessary elements required for
a Constitutional Government of an independent state, a now Constituent Assembly was set up
for framing of the Constitution. The interim constitution was Bupposed to stay till a new
constitution was Tramed by the Constituent Assembly of Pakistan. While India was successful
in framing a constitution by 1950-51, constitution-making in Pakistan became a highly
complicated task.

1917-1954 There were three Constituent Assemblies in all (the first one in 1947-54. the 1455
second one in 1955-56 and the third in 1972 73). The first Constituent Assembly met for the first
time on 10th August, 1947, that is four days before the Independence Day". 2 The Assembly
was assigned the dual job of Traming the constitution and to act as federal partement unti-the
constitution came into effect

1. GW. Chowdry Pakistan, P 7. 2 Dr. Safdar Mehmood Pakistan Political Roots and
Development p 27.

It took almost nine years (1947-56) for the two Constituent Assemblies to make a constitution
for the country. The inordinate: delay in producing a stable political orde under which the people
of the two wings East and West Pakistan could participato in the decision making process on
important national issues, was a major factor for the failure of national Integration in Pakistan
Constitution-making in Pakistan was unduly delayed by political intriguos and unnecessary
squabbling which characterised Pakistan's political situation after the death of the Quaid-i-Azam
and Khan Liaquat Ali Khan Muslim League, which fought freedom struggle in the most ablest
manner, was in an extremely bad shape. Soon after the birth of Pakistan constitution-making
became a fool in the hands of knavish politicians who were engaged in pataco Intriguos making
and dissolving the cabinets. The sacred and prime task of framing a workable constitution. was
thus crucified at the altar of power politics which ultimately led to the military's involvement in the
national politics.
It is, novertholess, a fact that apart from political intrigues and scramble for power, there were a
number of fundamental issues facing the makers of the constitution in Pakistan, The first year of
independence was mainly devoted towards replacing obsolete and depleted The Governmental
machinery by a workable administrative system and rehabilitation of the homeless and
distressed refugees. The making of the constitution, even in the most congenial situation, is a
difficult and stupendous task because it is intended to take into account diversified point of view.
There is every possibility of sheer disagreement to arise on ideological commitments and clash
of Constitutional and Political Development in Pakistan

123

interests and sometime on linguistic and ethnic question.

The problems which the framers of Pakistan Constitution had to face were multifarious, diverse
and complex in nature... The tramors, first of all, were pitched into the most sensitivo and
awesome situation-of deciding the role of the religion in country's constitution Pakistan, it was
established because of the desire of Indian Muslims to preserve and promote Islamic ideals.
While there was a general agreement that the constitution of Pakistan should Be based on
Islamic Ideology and principles, there were differences about the exact place of Islam in the
political system of the country. The framers of the constitution had to spend considerable time
and energy in arriving at a commonly accepted concept of an Islamic state. The debate on state
and Tetam, however, is not yet over even after the disintegration of the country. It is still a big,
and challenging issue facing the country.

The naturo of the federal structure. however, was the most complicated issue of the constitution
making in Pakistan. From the very inception of Pakistan, it was decided that Pakistan would be
a federal state. The decision of making Pakistan a federal state was accepted but serious
differences over the shape and structure of federal system were raised Before the creation of
Bangladesh, Pakistan was considered as geographically unique, consisted of two parts, East
and West Pakistan, separated by a thousand miles of foreign (Indian) territory. The population
of East Pakistan exceeded the total population of all other provinces and states of West
Pakistan. The western part was industrially more advanced.

The cultural and linguistic differences were also very important and haunted the constitution
makers' perceptions for long time. West Pakistan IS pre-dominantly Muslim; East Pakistan had
important non- Muslim minorities. The difficulties and differences were exploited by a group of
disgruntled politicians in East and West Pakistan who incited the people and aired the feelings
of provincialism. They did

considerable damage to the feelings of national unity. The delay in constitution. making proved
to be a boon from heavens to offer them with a golden opportunity to disrupt the state

Another problem which the framers of the constitution faced was the acute lack of homogeneity
not only between East and claimed, West Pakistan, but there. were deep differences among the
different sections or The population in West Pakistan as well Homogeneity of population is an
essential element in making a smooth Federation

The Constituent Assembly after


sustained deliberations, passed a resolution in March, 1949. The resolution came to be known
as the Objectives Resolution. It claimed to embody the guiding principles on which the future
constitution of Pakistan was to be planted. The Objectives Resolution provided for the
observance of democracy freedom, equality and social justice as enunciated by Islam. It also
recognized the rights of minorities to freely profess and practise their religions and develop their
cultures. It stipulated that the exercise of fundamental rights shall be fully gauranteed. it
provided for the independence of judiciary and a federal system of government. Moreover it
emphatically pronounced that sovereignty over the entire universe belonged to the Almighty
God and the authority delegated by Him to the people of Pakistan was only a sacred trust.

The resolution was discussed in five Successive meetings of the constituent Assembly. The
Pakistan National Congress, the opposition party in the Assembly, raised objections on the plea
that the resolution. mixed up politics with the religion and that the minorities would be reduced to
the status of personal servants and slaves. Most of the Man Muslim members, except Mian
Iftikhar-ud Din, gave their approval to the resolution. The Dus non-Muslims, however, were
dissatisfied with the Objectives Resolution. The leader of the Congress Party, S.C.
Chattopadhyaya protested that the resolution would make the non-Muslims drawer of water and
hewers of

wood.

BASIC PRINCIPLES COMMITTEE

The objectives resolution was not the entire constitution, it simply laid down the fundamental
principles of the future constitution. Having done this the Constituent Assembly formed several
committees to delineate the structure of the proposed federal constitution. The most important
committee was the BPC (Basic Principles Committee) which was appointed on 12 March 1949
when the Objectives Resolution was passed by the Constituent Assembly. Liaquat Ali Khan was
chosen as the Chairman of the Committee. It was assigned which the future constitution was to
be based. The BPC on its part, set up sub-committees examine separately certain important
issues.

March 19 the job of determining those principles on

The BPC endeavoured diligently to evolve an acceptable formula of federal structure. It was
indeed a difficult and stupendous task to draw a workable federal system for a country like
Pakistan with so many ethnic religious and cultural differences. The BPC published its first draft
Constitution on 28th Sept., 1950.

2871 Sept 1950

The draft constitution prepared by the BPC was presented in the constituent Assembly on 28
September 1950 by Liaqat A Khan, the first PM of Pakistan. The draft constitution provided that
there should be a federal legislature consisting of two Houses the House of Units representing
the Units, and the House of the people to be directly elected by the people on the basis of adult
Tranchise. The upper House, known as the House of Units, was to consist of an equal number
of representatives from all provinces, while the lower House, the House of People, was
expected to give representation on population basis. It was laid down in the first draft
constitution that the two Houses of the legislature should have equal powers, and in case of a
dispute on any question, a joint
3 Constituent Assembly of Pakistan Debate. 1949 Vol V, No 5p66.

session of both the Houses should be summoned for taking a final decision.

The Head of the state was to be elected by both Houses for a term of five years. A cabinet will
be appointed for help and assistance to the Head of the state. The cabinet will be headed by a
Prime Minister who was, along with his ministers, responsible to both houses of parliament

The first draft constitution published in 1950 stimulated strong protest in East Pakistan. It
caused great disappointment amongst the people and was subjected to deep criticism. It was
argued that it provided an incomplete constitutional structure. It was rejected on the ground that
it did not bear Islamic Character as envisaged by the Objectives Resolution.

The East Pakistani leadership opposed it because it did not provide for the province with large
population and an overall majority in the lagislature which might be converted into a minority in
the joint session of the two Houses. The report declared Urdu as the only national language
which created great resentment in East Pakistan. The opposition from East Pakistan compelled
the Constituent Assembly to drop this draft. The Assembly was engaged in producing a new
version of the constitution.

Liaquat Ali Khan was assassinated at Rawalpindi on 16 October 1951. Khawja Nazimuddin
stepped in as the second Prime Minister. The responsibility of producing the second draft
constitution now fell on the weak shoulders of Khawaja Nazimuddin who made promise, as
usual, to complete the task at the earliest.

Khawaja Nazimuddin presented the second draft constitution to the Constituent Assembly on 22
December, 1952. Its main recommendations were as follows:

1. The Head of the state will be a Muslint. 2. He shall be elected by the joint session of both
Houses of the central legislature but will not be a member of the

legislature.

3. His term of office will be five years. Constitutional and Political Development in Pakistan

125

4. The federal legislature shall consist of two Houses: the House of Units and the House of
People. The House of Units, the Upper House shall have 120 seats while the Lower House, the
House of People shall consist of 400 seats. The seats of the two Houses of the parliament shall
be equally distributed between the two parts of the country. East and West Pakistan.

5. The West Pakistan share of its seats was to be further divided amongst its provinces
according to population.

6. The term of each House shall be 5 years 7. Both the Houses shall have equal

powers. 8. The constitution shall be amended with the agreement of both central and

provincial legislatures. The council of ministers was to be responsible collectively to the House
of the people. 9.
The most important contribution of the second draft constitution was the principle of parity
between East and West Pakistan. This was called the Rarity proposal which brought East
Pakistan at par in the central legislature. It provided that in the House of Units 60 members will
be from the East Pakistan and 60 from the West Pakistan. In the House of People 200 members
were to be from East Pakistan and 200 from the nine units of West Pakistan.

The fate of the second draft constitution was, however, no more favourable than that of its
predecessor. This time the reaction was adverse particularly in West Pakistan. The West
Pakistan press joined in a chorus of protest and agitation against the report. The West Pakistan
leaders found one logic in treating one single province, East Pakistan, as being equal in
importance to all other units put together

They thought injustice was being done to them by ignoring their numerical majority and giving
them equal representation. Parity between East and West Pakistan with respect to the seat
allocation in the central legislature Violated the federal principle. This had been done in absolute
disregard of the divergencies between the wings such as social, linguistic, cultural, economic,
climatic, population and Jack of geographical contiquity. This part of the report, therefore, was
widely criticised by the Punjab and Bengali gruops. The Punjabi group feared fhat East Pakistan
had been given a position of complete domination over the West which was already divided into
nine Units against one unified unit of East pakistan. Owing to these and other differences the
BPC report was popularly known as the Bengali-Punjabi crisis report. The greatest drawback of
the 'parity proposal was that it diverted people's thinking and made it move in provincial
grooves, as if the people had never entered the mainstream of Pakistan movement.

Another recommendation of the second draft constitution that invited scathing criticism, was one
relating to the formation of Ulema Board to review central and provincial legislation. The
provision in the constitution to set up a Board of Ulama outside the parliament which could veto
any legislation in the light whether or not it was Islamic, posed new dangers

Despite the defects inherent in the report, Khawaja Nazimuddin commended it to the nation as a
document representing the maximum agreement. He described it as The first golden ray of the
sun which illuminates the sky. However, Khawaja Nazimuddin, despite his deep optimism, was
extremely disappointed to see his endeavours to reach a final agreement being flouted. Most of
the

4. The Pakistan Times, 12 January, 1953. 5. Ibid.

6. Ibid.

7. Ibid.

8. Dr. Safdar Mehmood, Pakistan Political Roots and Development. p 33.

35.

On the other hand the reaction in East Pakistan was no less hostile than in West Pakistan. The
principle of parity was not acceptable to the people of East Pakistan. 9. H. Feldman, A
Constitution for Pakistan, P 126

Pakistan Affairs
members of the BPC including Mtian Mumtaz Muhammad Khan Daultana MA Gurmani and
Chaudh Nazir Ahmed dissociated themselves from the report and declined to put their
signatures to it. There was once again deadlock in constitution making.

The Constituent Assembly, once more, in the wake of severe criticism, postponed its
deliberations for an indefinite period and it appeared that country faced an acute constitutional
dilemma and no solution seemed to be acceptable to both East and West Pakistan. The
situation of the country became ridden with political intrigues and manoeuvrings. Honest efforts
to reach a compromise were frustrated through political moves so as to give the opportunists a
chance to come into power. The process of constitution-making was greatly affected by the
scramble for power among the politicians.

KAN 195 Unlocked with the removal of Khawaja The political deadlock was ultimately
Nazimuddin on 16 April 1953. Mr. Muhammad Ali Bogra, Pakistan Ambassador in the USA was
called back and appointed the new prime-minister. Muslim League elected Muhammad Ali
Bogra as leader of the parliament.

The third Prime Minister Mr. Muhammad Ali Bogra, presented the third draft constitution in the
Assembly on 7 October 1953 within less than six months of his appointment as the Prime
Minister of Pakistan. He evolved a formula popularly known as the Muhammad Ali formula to
overcome the constitutional deadlock over the question of representation in the proposed
federal legislature. Muhammad Ali claimed that his formula was acceptable to the
representatives of both the wings. The proposals of Muhammad Ali formula were as follows.

1. Central legislature shall consist of two Houses

2 In the Upper House, the membership shall be fifty distributed amongst the five units of
Pakistan of which East Pakistan was one.

3. The second House shall comprise 30 seats to be divided among the five unt on the basis of
population. According t this proposal East Pakistan shall have 175 seats and West Pakistan
consist of four units also 175 in the two Houses of the parliament.

4. The distribution of seats was made such a way as to ensure parity between the two zones in
the joint session of houses. The allocation of seats in the central legislature was to be as follows
to be The powers of the two Houses were t be equal and the Ministry was responsible to both
Houses. Importan measures like a vote of confidence in Eabinet or the elections of the Head of
State were to be decided only in joint sessions. the Head of the State was from Wes Pakistan,
the PM shall be from East Pakistan and vice-versa.

The suggestions of Muhammad A formula were thoroughly considered by the constituent


Assembly for thirteen days October and again on 14 November, 1953 A drafting committee was
appointed to finaly prepare the provisions of the draft approved by the Assembly. Another highly
and explosive issue facing the framers of the constitution was the language problem. The third
PM was apparently successful a bringing about a compromise on the language issue which had
been agitating the country since the beginning and had a great impact on constitution-making.
Pakistan was a bilingual state where the majority of the people spoke Bengali. The adoption of
Urda as official language in the first drat constitution of 1950 was bitterly resented East Pakistan
and as such Muhammad Al brought about a compromise giving equ status to both Urdu and
Bengali as official languages. English was to continue as the official language till the
development and growth of a common language. .

With successfully handling the bask issues, the framers of the Constitution moved faster
towards adopting a. constitution. The Constituent Assembly was successful adopting a draft
Constitution by September 1954 The Constitution bill was reported to have been ready and only
the formality of enacting it into law remained. Prime Minister Muhammad Ali Bogra even had
announced the date of promulgation of the Constitution on 25th December, 1954.

The first Constituent Assembly, unfortunately, could not or rather was not allowed to complete
its mission. Within ten days of the adoption of the final draft of Constitution it was dissolved by
the Governor General in a most undemocratic and arbitrary anner The dissolution of the first
Constituent Assembly involved Pakistan in a series of legal disputes and in a period of
Constitutional Crises and confusion

The dissolution of the first Constituent The dissolution of the first Constituent

Assembly was activated due to some political developments in the

Country. Muslim League was defeated in the

general elections in East Pakistan. It, These measures were taken without the knowledge of the
Governor General and were, infact, aimed at curtailing the powers of the Governor-General.
The Governor General, who was away from the capital rushed to Karachi and hit back against
gations of the Assembly. the Governor General issued a proclamation declaring a slate of
emergency throughout Pakistan and Assolved the Assembly on 28th October, 1954 All previous
attempts of framing the Constitution and the entire spade work done in this connection were
brought to naught by a sweep of the pen of the highest executive Authority in the Country.
therefore, lost its majority in the Assembly and obviously its authority to draft the Constitution
was challenged by the United, Front Muslim League could not maintain its new position in the
western wing of the country as well
In addition to the political situation emerging after the elections, the Constituent Assembly took a
number of decisions which invited the Governor General's annoyance. In the first place the
Assembly replaced the PRODA Public Representative Disqualification Act of 1948-49 on 20th
September 1954 which gave authority to the 59 & 10 Government To expose the corrupt and
inefficient Ministers and politicians. Then the Assembly scrapped Sections 9, 10, 10-A, 10 B. of
the Act of 1935. These sections gave power of dismissing the government to the Governor
General. The Governor-General Ghulam Muhammad had dismissed earlier Nazim-ud-Din
Ministry under these clauses. In addition to the political situation emerging after the elections,
the Constituent Assembly took a number of decisions which invited the Governor General's
annoyance. In the first place the Assembly replaced the PRODA Public Representative
Disqualification Act of 1948-49 on 20th September 1954 which gave authority to the 59 & 10
Government To expose the corrupt and inefficient Ministers and politicians. Then the Assembly
scrapped Sections 9, 10, 10-A, 10 B. of the Act of 1935. These sections gave power of
dismissing the government to the Governor General. The Governor-General Ghulam
Muhammad had dismissed earlier Nazim-ud-Din Ministry under these clauses. However, the
Assembly did not

1954.
These measures were taken without the knowledge of the Governor General and were, infact,
aimed at curtailing the powers of the Governor-General. The Governor General, who was away
from the capital rushed to Karachi and hit back against gations of the Assembly. the Governor
General issued a proclamation declaring a slate of emergency throughout Pakistan and
Assolved the Assembly on 28th October, 1954 All previous attempts of framing the Constitution
and the entire spade work done in this connection were brought to naught by a sweep of the
pen of the highest executive Authority in the Country.

10. G.W. Chowdry Constitutional Development in Pakistan, p. 141.

surrender easily. Maulvi Tamiz-ud-Din speaker of the dissolved Assembly challenged the order
of the Governor-General and filed a petition before the Soch High Court. It was claimed in the
petition that the assent of the Governor-General was not required for legislation under
subsection (1) of Section 8 of the Indian Independence Act of 1947, and as such the dissolution
of the Assembly was unconstitutional and illegal. The full bench of the Sindh Chief Court
unanimously upheld the version of Maulvi Tamiz ud Din and declared the dissolution as nal and
void. The federation of Pakistan, therefore, appealed to the Supreme Court of SPakistan. The
Supreme Court finally gave its ruling in favour of the Governor-General. The Governor General,
after desolving the Constituent Assembly, again invited Mohammad Al Bogra to form new
Mustry

The new Cabinet had some now faces 1956 at Mohammad Ayob Khan, the then C of Mr
General kander Mira Dr Khan Subs and Suharawardy were included in the Get the Cabinel was
responsable to Qatar Montmad Governor-General-he on of General Ayub Khan in tho Canet
paved the way for military's awolvement in the Country's political affairs which proved correct
with the imposition of ML in 1958

The second Constituent Assembly was set up in 1955 elected from the existing provincial
Assemblies consisted of eighty members and had full authority of legislation. Austin League
after its deleat in election in East Pakistan..ceased to be a majority party. The party position in
the second Constituent Assembly was as follows:

Musim Lenque

Pakistan Congress

Scheduled Castes Federation

United Progressive Party

United Front

34

16

Asam League

Neon Group
12

tedependent Muslims

Offer

25

In view of the party position, majority Government could not be formed. A coalition Cabinet was
sworn in with Chaudri Muhammad Ali as its leader. Muhammad Ali Bogra was sent back to his
former position of Pakistan's Ambassador to the U.S.A.

The Cabinet under the able guidance of Ch Muhammad Ali moved swiftly towards the
Constitution-making and its first major achievement was the passage of the establishment of
West Pakistan Act on 30th Stember 1955 The Act abolished the old sub-divisons and
amalgamated the provinces ONE UNIT

West Pak Act 30 Sep

Crauen Muhammad Ali gave top priority to the Constitution making He produced fourth draft
constitution which was presented

before the Assembly on 8 January 1964 1 draft was finally approved and adopted by b
Constituent Assembly on 29th Febr

The Governor-General's assent to draft Constitution was accorded on 2 M 1956. On 23rd


March, 1956 Pakistan declared a Republic, with this an indel and tantalizing era of constitutional
stateme and public confusion came to an end.

THE CONSTITUTION OF 1956

The first constitution-of-the-country enforced on 23rd March, 1956. Its summi is given below:

PRESIDENT

The President was the Ch Executive and a titular Head of the state h was to be elected by
members of Naters Assembly and Provincial Assemblies majority vote. He should be a Muslim
anda years of age. He was to be elected bel years.term.

His most important function was appoint the Prime Minister. He was to appo Provincial
Governors, Judges of the Supre Court Auditor-General and Advoch General He could summon,
prorogue dissolve the National Assembly.
The President had veto power 6 reject or withhold his assent to the Bills had power to grant
pardon, reprieves reduction of punishment.

PRIME MINISTER

The Prime Minister was the Head of majority party in the federal parliament was the leader of
the House and the eas the Cabinet The Cabinet ministers daring his pleasure. He could be
removed the President. The Cabinet was collect responsible to the National Assembly.
NATIONAL ASSEMBLY

The National Assembly was compos of the President and the NA. It consisted 300 members
equally divided among t wings of the Country. Ten seats, five each East and West Pakistan
were reserved Constitutional and Political Development in Pakistan

129

women The National Assembly had strength had been curtailed by the parity complete control
over finances. GOVERNOR

He was appointed by the President and could serve only during his pleasure. Like the. President
in the Centre, the Governor was entrusted with the responsibility of appointing the Chief Minister
who in his opinion, Commanded the Support of the majority in the Provincial Assembly.
PROVINCIAL ASSEMBLY

The Provincial Assembly consisted of the Provincial Legislature and the Governor. Each
Assembly had 80 members. Ten seats were reserved for woman.

JUDICIAL STRUCTURE

Supreme Court: The Supreme Court was headed by a Chief Justice who was appointed by the
President. The Supreme Court had original as wett as Appellate

isdiction High Court: Each Province had a High

Court which consisted of a Chief Justice, and few other Judges. They were appointed by
President in consultation with the Chief stice.

ISLAMIC PROVISIONS OF THE 1956 CONSTITUTION

1. The name of the country will be Islamic

Bequblic of Pakistan. 2. The preamble of the constitution embodied the sovereignty of God

Almighty 3. The Head of the State shall be a Muslim

Islamic Advisory Council shall be set up.

5. No Law detrimental to Islam shall be

enacted.
The political conditions of the country could not be improved even after the first constitution was
enforced. The political Unstability remained rampant. The elections Could not be held fill 1998.
The constitution invited criticism from certain quarters.

The constitution of 1956 was not a perfect document. The principle of parity caused great deal
of resentment in East Pakistan who believed that its numerical

proposal. Political instability greatly hampered with the developmental activities. -The Country
miserably tucked in popular leadership of togh calibre Martial Law was declared in the Country
on Octob General Ayub, C-In C of the Army, took over the Government and became the Head
of the State on 27th October, 1958,

After taking over, President Ayub Khan set up a constitutional commission under Justice
Shahab-ud-Din to Suggest recommenddation for the new constitution of the country The
commission after thorough and lengthy discussion submitted its report on

The report was examined by President. In its report the commission highlighted the reasons of
the failure of parliamentary democracy in Pakistan It Tixed Me responsibility for the failure of
democracy on the lack of dedicated leadership, absence of well organized political parties and
the sel aggrandizement of the greedy politicians. In view of the recommendation of the
commission a new constitution was framed by a constitutional body which was neither Grected
nor did it enjoy popular support. The constitution was thrust upon the people in an

undemocratic and authoritarian manner.

CONSTITUTION OF 1962

PRESIDENT

The Executive head of the country was called The President. A Muslim citizen of Pakistan of 35
years of age was eligible to become the President by contesting elections. President could not
become a member of the legislature. He was elected indirectly by 80,000 (enhanced to
120,000) BD members, elected directly by the people. The President could be removed only by
the National Assembly by impeachment.

The President was all powerful in the appointments and dismissal of Governors, ministers and
members -of various Administrative Commissions. All civil appointments were in his name The
President had massive veto powers and

with C 130

Pakistan Affairs

could easily reject the Bills passed by the system and the people demanded Ayub legislature.
He could Issue Ordinances. He Khan's resignation and abrogation of the could summon,
prorogue and dissolve the constitution. The East wing demanded National Assembly Ho could
declare provincial autonomy. emergency in tho country. NATIONAL ASSEMBLY

The Central logistaturo consisted of the President and the National Assembly. Tho NA was
composed of 156 members. Six seats were reserved for women. The seats, were equally
distributed between the two Wings. The number of the members of NA was increased from 156
to 218 by a constitutional amendment. The NA was to consist of 200 members and ten
intellectuals nominated by the Government. Eight seats were reserved for women.

The NA had exclusiva legislative authority over the central subjects. In case of consistency
between the contral and provincial legislation, the former prevailed. The NA had full authority on
finances. It could levy taxes and pass the annual budget.

The NA also acted as a Court of La? when a resolution of impeachment, conviction declaring
the President as Incapacitated was before the House. The NA could pass by 2/3 majonty an
amendment to change the constitution.

THE GOVERNOR

The Governor, the Provincial Chief, was appointed by the President. He served during
President's pleasure and could be removed any time by a Presidential Order.

The 1962 Constitution introduced Presidential system in the country. The President was all
powerful and had acquired dictatorial powers. The NA had very little powers. The ministers were
appointed and dismissed by the President, who could also dissolve the Assembly.

The people soon were disillusioned with the 1962 constitution and the authoritative style of the
Ayub regime. There were virulent demonstrations against the presidential

11. The Constitution of Pakistan 1962 Article 23, pp. 152-53.

Ayub Khan, wisely decided to stop down under the mounting public pressure. The constitution
was abrogated and Martial Law was again imposed in 1969. The Government was handed over
to the then C-in-C General Yahya Khan. The country, after 22 years of independence, was
without a-workable constitution. Unfortunately the country had onco again boon plunged into the
constitutional impasse which was to make its, detestable and an indelible impact on-the futere
political situation of the country

General Yahya Khan decided to disband One Unit and restored the old provinces of Punjab,
Khyber Pakhtunkhawa,. Sindh and Balochistan. Those provinces became fully oporative by July
1970. The principle of one man one vote was accepted putting an end to the parity system.
Yahya Khan gave his Legal Trame Order to run the country. According to General Yahya
Khan's Constitutional formulae, the NA was to consist of 313 members, 169 from East Pakistan
and 144 from West Pakistan. General elections under the LFO were held in December 1970.
Sheik Mujib's Awami League won 167 seats from East Pakistan and People's Party emerged as
the majority party in West Pakistan.

East Pakistan was separated-from-the. rest of the Country in 1971 General Yahya was held
responsible for the East Pakistan debacle and had to resign. He handed over the Government
to ZA-Bhutto, Chairman d the PPP. Mr. Bhutto, realizing the obliterate siluetion of the country,
decided to give priority to framing a workable-constitution for the country. The NA appointed a
commit on 17 April 1972 for preparing Dra! Constitution. Martial Law was lifted on 14 April 1972
before the appointment of the Constitution Committee.

The Constitution Committee, under Abdul Hafeez Pirzada, presented the dra constitution on 2
February 1973. The N passed the draft unanimously and the Constitutional and Political
Development In Pakistan
131

1973

President gave his assent on 12 April 1973, The Constitution was enforced on 14 August

THE CONSTITUTION OF 1973

PRESIDENT

The 1973 Constitution established parliamentary system in country. The President is a titular
head of the Country and the executive powers are vested with the Prime Minister and his
Cabinet.

The President is a Muslim and elected by the joint session of NA and the Senate. He Is elected
for a term of 5 years. No person can remain President for more than two terms. He cannot be
removed from his office before the expiry of his term of office. However through impeachment
the President can be removed from office for gross the NA. misconduct, physical or mental
disability and for violation of the Constitution.

The President can summon the session of the NA and the Senate or a joint session of both the
Houses. He can also address any House of the parliament and can dissolve the NA on the
advice of the P.M. The 8th amendment to the constitution has accorded special powers of
dissolution of Assembly to the President. By virtue of these powers the President can dissolve
the Assembly at his own if there are sufficient reasons to believe that the Government is not
functioning properly and there is a visible danger to the federation. In these circumstances the
President without the advice from the PM can dissolve the Assembly.

The President has limited authority in legislation. If the President does not give his assent to a
bill passed by the parliament within the stipulated period, that bill will be considered to have
been assented to by the President and will become a law.

The President enjoys vast executive authority. He appoints the Governors, Attorney General,
Chief Election Com- missioner, Chief Justice and Chief of Staff of the Army, the Navy and Air
Force. He is also the head of the armed forces.

The President can issue a proclamation of emergency in the country if he is satisfied PM.

that a dangerous situation threatening the peace in the country prevails

If a Provincial Government has failed to function smoothly, the President can himself assume
the executive powers of that Province or may direct the Governor of the Province to act on his
behalf.

PRIME MINISTER

The Prime Minister is the focus of all executive authority and considered to be the fountain head
of executive realm in the parliamentary system of Government. According to the article 90 of the
Constitution, the Federal Government is composed of the PM and the members of his/her
Cabinet. The PM is the Head of the Government. The PM and his Cabinet are collectively
responsible to

The PM is elected by the NA after 30 days of the General Elections. The President calls the
session of the NA for the election of the PM. The candidate for premiership is required to get the
majority of the total members of the NA. In case none of the candidate fulfils this requirement, a
second round of election is held in which only two candidates with the highest number of votes
in the first round are allowed to contest. The one who gets the majority of the votes of the
members present at the time of voting is declared elected.

After getting elected the PM then forms his Cabinel from the-members-of-parliament. The PM is
fully empowered to appoint the members of his/her Cabinet. He/She can also dismiss any
member of the Cabinet without assigning any reason.

The PM can resign from his/her post by tendering his/her resignation to the President. He/She
can also be removed by a vote of no confidence against him passed by the NA.

The most important duty of the PM is to run the administration of the Country. The Cabinet
assists him in the discharge of his duties as the executive head of the Country Each Minister is
the head of a department a division and is individually responsible to the 132

Pakistan Affairs)

Article 90 Clause 3 of the constitution reters to the principle of collective responsibility. The PM
and his/her cabinet are collectively responsible to the NA. The Concept of collective
responsibility is based on the principle that the PM should be empowered to appoint and
dismiss a minister of his/her Cabinet.

The PM has to keep the President abreast of the legislative activities and internal and external
affairs of the Country.

PARLIAMENT

The constitution of 1973 provides for a Bicameral Legislature which consists of the Senate, NA
and the President.

NATIONAL ASSEMBLY

Total

S.No.

Province

Seats

General 148

Women

35
183

1.

61

14

75

2.

35

43

3.

14

17

4. 5.

Punjab

Sindh

NWFP

Balochistan

FATA

Federal Capital

Minorities

Total

12

12

2
2

6.

10

7. 8.

272

60

342

In the original draft constitution of 1973, the NA consisted of 207+ 10 217 seats. However under
the conduct of General Election Order 2002 when General Pervaiz Musharraf became Chief
Executive the number of seats in senate, National Assembly and the Provincial Assemblies of
Sindh, Punjab, NWFP and Balochistan was increased. The break up of seats in the Parliament
and Provincial Assemblies is given below:

meetings of the Assembly, maintains discipline and decorum in the House.

THE SENATE

The Upper House of parliament is known as the Senate. The Senate consists of 100 members
which will be as under:

Each PA will elect the 14 members belonging to the respective Provinces. Eight members shall
be elected by the NA from FATA. Four members shall be elected from the Federal Capital. Each
Provincial Assembly shall elect four members to represent Ulema, technocrats and other
professionals.

A person who intends to be elected to parliament has to be a citizen of Pakistán not less than
25 years of age and must possess graduation degree. He should be an enrolled voter in the
electoral rolls of the Country.

According to clause 3 Art 59 of the 1973. Constitution, the Senate is a permanent body and
cannot be dissolved. The term of its members shall be six years. One half of the members
elected by each Provincial years. Four members from FATA shall retire Assembly shall retire
after the expiry of three after three years and the remaining four after next three years. One
member from the federal Capital retire after first three years and two after the next three years.
Two members from the technocrats, Ulema etc retire after three years and the remaining.

Seats have been allocated in the NA for Provinces, Federal Capital and Federally Administered
Tribal Areas. Sixty seats have been reserved for women in the NA. These seats are divided
among the four Province on the basis of their population.

The NA elects from amongst its members a speaker and Deputy Speaker after the election of
the PM. The Assembly can pass a vote of No-Confidence against the Speaker. The Speaker
presides over the three after six year. The newly elected
members shall complete the remaining term

of his predecessor. PROVINCIAL ASSEMBLIES

There are four Provinces which form the federation of Pakistan. Each Province has a Provincial
Assembly as follows: THE JUDICATURE

Art 175 provides for a Supreme Court of Pakistan. Each Province shall also have a High Court.
The Supreme Court shall consist of a Chief Justice and other judges whose number shall be
determined by the President.

The Constitution of 1973 was based on the general consensus. Almost all the political parties
extended their approval to it. Its enforcement from 14th August 1973 initiated a new era of
democracy and political stability in the Country. The first general elections under the

1973 Constitution were held in 1977. The

Government of PPP was accused of having

rigged the elections which sparked off a

country wide agitation against the PPP'S The members of the Senate elect from amongst
themselves a Chairman and Deputy Chairman to conduct the proceeding of the Senate. The
members of the PA are elected by the people by direct vote. The PA is elected for a term of 5
years. The PA elects a Speaker and Deputy Speaker. Government. The hostile agitation posed
a serious threat-to-the internal security of the Country. The agitating parties demanded fresh
elections and removal of ZA Bhutto from power. The Government did not accept the demand.
The constant populist agitation and the rigid attitude of the Government plunged the country into
constitutional and political turmoil of grave severity.

General Zia did not abrogate the 1973 Constitution but suspended it and put it in abeyance for
the time being. The Martial Law régime of General Zia in the meantime introduced a number of
amendments to the constitution in order to adjust it with the changed situation after the
imposition of Martial Law. 134

Pakistan Affairs

18TH CONSTITUTIONAL AMENDMENT

Pakistan was envisioned by the Quaid-i Azam as a democratic state with the British pattern of
ex-minister parliamentary system. In such a system the parliament is the supreme law making
body. The executive authority though rests with the President/king but actually exercised by the
Prime Minister and his cabinet. The President/king is a figure head of the state. The Prime
Minister and his cabinet is responsible to the parliament for all of its acts.

The military rulers with their intervention in the political affairs of the country had distorted the
parliamentary system. Ayub Khan abrogated 1956 constitution and gave his own 1962
constitution after four years of Martial law. Ayub acquired massive executive authority by the
1962 constitution which had established Presidential system on US pattern. The Presidential
system introduced by the 1962 constitution developed differences among the political circles
leading to wide scale unrest. Eventually Ayub Khan had to step down by handing over power to
Gen Yahya Khan, Yahya Khan issued his legal Framework order which paved the way for
country's disintegration. Yahya had to abdicate after half of the country's loss.

Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto ascended the throne in 1971. He had won the 1970 election in majority and
laid a claim to rule the county. His big achievement was 1973 constitution which he managed to
get approved by all the political parties. The 1973 constitution remained in operation till date.

Gen. Zia ul Haq overthrew Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto's government. He did not abrogate the 1973
constitution and held it in abeyance. But

Rahim Ullah Yusafzai "Waziristan mother of all battles." The News International October 20,
2009. - theAsif Ali Zardari as President of the Islamic Republic of Pakistan he introduced
amendments in the constitution

283

on large scale which extremely distorted the very nature of the constitution. Zia introduced 8
constitutional amendment which altogether defaced the constitution.

After Zia ul Haq another military dictator Gen Pervaiz Musharraf further distorted the constitution
amendments. by introducing several He introduced 17th constitutional amendment by which he
acquired massive authority to rule the country. He dismissed Nawaz Sharif's elected
government in Oct. 1999 and accumulated all powers under his wings. He issued PCO and
dismissed Chief Justice Iftikhar Muhammad Chaudhry which triggered country wide lawyers
protest. The lawyers movement heavily destabilized Pervaiz Musharraf who eventually had to
step down.

In the wake of above stated facts it was being felt that because of large scale amendments, the
1973 constitution had lost its basic objective and there was a dire need for its overhaul. The
government appointed the Parliamentary Committee for Constitutional Reforms which took nine
months to produce a consensus document containing draft for the 18th amendment.

However before the consensus the PML N Chief Nawaz Sharif took a somersault and declared
that his party did not support the suggestion pertaining to commission and demanded. the
judicial

The Chief Justice should have been consulted for appointment of a Supreme Court judge on the
judicial commission. However the dispute was resolved and the parliamentary committee for
constitutional reforms was able to bring out unanimously agreed document of the amendment.
The historic consensus on the draft 18th Amendment was achieved on 30 March, 2010 by over
coming all contentious issues ranging from the renaming of NWFP to the appointment of judges
of the Superior courts.

MAIN CHARACTERISTICS OF THE 18TH AMENDMENT DRAFT BILL

The historic amendment contained some highly significant features. It meant the

parliament's sovereignty will be restored as most of the powers transferred to the President from
the Prime Minister will revert back to the Prime Minister. Former military dictator had vested the
power in the President through the 17 Amendment. Some of the main features of the 18th
Amendment are as follows:

(i) President's power to dissolve the Assembly on his own under article 58/2(b) has been with
drawn.

(ii) The name of the NWFP will be changed and re-named as Khyber Pakhtunkhwa.

(iii) A proper system to appoint members of

the superior judiciary will be proposed. (iv) Concurrent list to be abolished to give more
autonomy to the provinces.

(vi) Chief Election Commissioner to be appointed in consultation with the leader of the
opposition.

(vii) Islamabad High Court to be revived.

The draft bill of the 18th amendment was presented in National Assembly for debate on 7th
April 2010. The National Assembly demonstrated a rare unanimity which made a parliamentary
revolution and passed the landmark constitutional reforms bill on 2010 with no dissenting voice.

The clause to remove the name of former military President Zia-ul-Haq was passed
unanimously. The members gave their approval when the move to scrap the 17th amendment
came up for discussion.

The PML-Q moved amendments to the bill which related to the new name of the NWFP as
Khyber Pakhtunkhwa and repeal of the concurrent list which were rejected. There was a walk-
out by three PML-N members who protested against re-naming of NWFP. It was in violation of
the policy of their party which itself had proposed the new name as a compromise on the
original Pakhtunkhwa demanded by the ANP. The protest by three PML-N members former
NWFP Chief Minister Mehtab Ahmed Khan, Capt Safdar, both from Hazara Division and
Sahibzada Fazal-e Karim from Punjab caused embarrassment284

Pakistan Affairs

for the PML-N. However the three members later voted for the bill as a whole.

The 18th Constitutional Amendment Bill received overwhelming support from all the parties. The
passage of the bill in the National Assembly on 8 April was generally smooth. But the voting
process on two of amendments revealed fissures and disgruntlement in the two main factions of
the Pakistan Muslim League.

During the voting in the National Assembly a few members of the PML-N and PML-Q voted
against their respective party lines and opposed the scrapping of Article 17(4).

This article had been inserted in the Constitution by former military ruler General Pervaiz
Musharraf. It makes it mandatory for the political parties to hold regular internal elections.
PML-Q's Kashmala Tariq opposed scrapping of the Article 17(4) and said that its repeal would
amount to encouraging hereditary politics and allow leaders to monopolise party chairmanship
and other positions for lifetime.

Makhdoom Javaid Hashmi and Khawaja Saad Rafique of PML-N, both of whom had been
imprisoned by General Pervaiz Musharraf, too spoke for retaining the article 17(4).

It appears the top leadership of PML-N and PPP were in accord for the deletion of article 17(4)
from the Constitution. They had visualized that with the repeal of the article 17(4) their hold on
the party affairs would be jeopardized. Both Asif Ali Zardari and Nawaz Sharif do not want to
see anyone challenging their hold on the party and desire to run their respective parties as their
personal fiefdoms. Raza Rabbani, head of the Constitutional Reform Committee opposed the
amendment proposed by Kashmala Tariq and supported scrapping sub-clause 4 by declaring
that the said clause had been inserted by the "Worst dictator".

Disagreement amongst the members of the National Assembly surfaced on re-naming NWFP
as Khyber Pakhtunkhwa. As many as 20 members of the PML-Q voted against the amendment
to Article 1 which changed the name of NWFP to Khyber Pakhtunkhwa. There were some
political fireworks on the new name for NWFP because the members from the Hazara area took
exception to this. A fierce agitation erupted in the Hazara Division to protest against the re-
naming of NWFP Seven persons were killed in Abbottabad agitation when the protesters
clashed with the police. PML-N Chief Nawaz Sharif has been accused of fuelling these protests
and held responsible for the killings. Former Chief Minister Pervaiz Elahi held Nawaz Sharif
responsible for the killings in the Hazara Division. He said in a press conference that the
situation was created because of Nawaz Sharif's selfishness and narrow political interest as he
wanted to become prime minister for the third time. Nawaz compromised on the new name for
the NWFP only after third time bar on becoming prime minister was deleted from the
constitution.

The 18th Amendment Bill was introduced in the Senate on 12 April, 2010. The opposition tried
to stop its introduction in the Senate due to violence over renaming the NWFP Province as
Khyber Pakhtunkhwa However the government overcame oppositions' bid to block it and the
landmark amendment bill went through smoothly for debate in the Senate. There was call from
several opposition Senators mainly from PML-Q to review the name.

The most innovative change is about the appointment of judges of the Supreme Court and High
Courts that has neutralized the Chief Justice's acquired power to make binding
recommendations for appointment. The Constitution did not make the recommendation binding
on the President. The Chief Justice acquired this power through different judgments starting
with the 1996 judgment in judge's case.

The new procedure for appointment of judges of Superior judiciary, as suggested inAsif Ali
Zardari as President of the Islamic Republic of Pakistan

285

43

‫ار‬
Election Commissioner will be selected by the judicial commission of seven people headed
Prime Minister.

the 18th amendment, assigns the power to a by the Chief Justice. It also includes two senior
judges of the Supreme Court, the attorney general, the Federal Law Minister, one
representative of the designated bar council and a retired judge of the Supreme Court. Their
recommendations are subject to a time-bound review of a joint parliamentary committee that will
have equal representation of the government and the opposition.

DEALING WITH TREASON

Under the 18th amendment the council of common interest has assumed for itself a higher
profile, role and authority to resolve federation-provinces and inter-provinces issues that will
offer a proper platform to remove the hurdles which the military rule and weak civilian
governments failed to take care of. Now the military will not be able to sustain conflicts and
disputes for their own benefit.

Through the 18 amendment the people have demonstrated their strong will to have real
accountability and not just stated accountability as in 1973 and 1998 of any military adventurer
who wants to enslave his own people. This time the people want article 6 and charges of
treason applied to and punishment for not just coup leaders but also to coup abettors,
particularly the judiciary. which has far the first 60 years of Pakistan's life always solemnized
and legalized violation of fundamental rights of the people and failed to protect the constitution it
has always sworn to protect. Pakistan does not need judges who legalize military take over's
and hangings and exiles of elected prime ministers.

The 18th amendment also seeks to make it clear (Article 243) that it will be now federal
government which will have complete control and command of armed forces.

The 18th amendment abundantly makes it clear that in future there will be no presidential rule
and indirect power accumulation to control political centers of power. From now on the authority
to select forces chiefs and provincial governors will rest with the Prime Minister. Also the Chief

The Senate passed the 18th Constitutional Amendment Bill with unanimous vote. The 92
members, more than two third majority required, voted in favour of the bill. There was a bid to
stop the passage of the bill on the question of NWFP re naming, but it was rejected. After the
assent of the President Asif Ali Zardari on 19th April, 2010, the 18th Amendment was inserted in
the constitution to become a law.

19TH CONSTITUTIONAL AMENDMENT

The Chairman of Parliamentary Committee on Constitutional Reforms Senator Raza Rabbani


presented a report with the draft of the 19th amendment in the National Assembly on 21st
December, 2010. The object of the 19th amendment draft was to incorporate Supreme Courts
recommendations in the mechanism of the appointment of judges in the Superior Courts.

The proposed 19th Amendment will amend the Article 182 of the Constitution. By amending
Article 182 of the Constitution, the 19th Amendment has withdrawn powers from the Chief
Justice of Pakistan to appoint adhoc judges. The powers to appoint adhoc judges have been
transferred to the Judicial Council of Pakistan. Under the proposed bill, the President will now
make the appointments on the recommendation of the Chief Justice of Pakistan.
The committee has also amended clause 2 of the Article 175-A. Now under the proposed
amendment, four instead of two most senior judges will be appointed in the Judicial Council of
Pakistan.

The committee proposed amendments in six articles of the constitution which in eluded articles
81, 175, 175-A; 182, 213, and 246.

26286

Pakistan Affairs

The Constitutional Committee rectified a disagreement in the 18th amendment and proposed an
amendment in Article 246 of the Constitution through which the Tribal Areas adjoining Laki
Marwat and Tank districts have been declared a part of FATA.

The Constitutional Committee proposed amendments in Articles 81 and 175 by which the name
of Islamabad High Court was changed from High Court for the Islamabad Capital Territory to
Islamabad High Court. The Constitutional Reform Committee proposed an amendment in Article
175-A through which the Parliamentary Committee comprising senators will take decisions with
regards to appointment of judges. By - amending clause 13 of the Article 175-A, The Committee
included the Prime Minister in the appointment of judges. Under the 19th amendment the
Parliamentary Committee shall send the name of the nominee confirmed by it to the Prime
Minister who shall forward it to the President.

Earlier, in the 18th amendment the Prime Minister had no role in the appointment of judges and
the Parliamentary Committee was to forward the nominees to President.

The 19th amendment by amending Article 175-A has made it compulsory for the Parliamentary
Committee to justify its decision in case it rejects any nominee of the Judicial Commission for
the appointment of judges.

ISLAMIZATION

Q.7. Was Islamization during Zia era a need of Pakistan or was it a political
propaganda? (20)

Q. No. 6. Give a critical analysis of the steps taken for Islamization in Pakistan
since 1947. (20)
Q.No.6. Elucidate the difficulties in establishment of an Islamic order in Pakistan
after independence. (20)
29 ISLAMIZATION

The most important and obvious reason for the whole of the Pakistan movement was the Indian
Muslims' yearning to preserve and foster Islamic values. Although there were other potent reasons i.e.
economic, political, educational and social safeguards of the freedom struggle, yet the demand for
Pakistan was pre-dominantly a demand for an Islamic state. The demand for Pakistan was based on
ideological commitments which sought their roots from the principles of Islam. Islam was, therefore, the
crowning factor in moulding and conducting the freedom movement which culminated in the
emergence of Pakistan as a sovereign state. The creation of Pakistan, in fact, was the fulfillment of the
ardent desire of the Muslims of India to mould and organize their lives according to the principles of
Islam. As it was not possible in the United India under the hegemonic surveillance of Hindus, the
Muslims, therefore, had no way left open to them except to part ways and wage their struggle for a
separate state for themselves. The making of Pakistan therefore, was a step taken towards the ideal of
an Islamic society where the Muslims would be able to profess and practise their religion freely.

and neglected section of the Society destined to perish and obliterate.

In a sense Pakistan has been Islamic from its inception, indeed it owed its birth to the fact that the
Islamic feelings of the people wanted to express itself in the form of a state. The movement for Pakistan
would never have gained such impetus had it not been for the politically potent Muslim ideal of a
religious society.

A question has, however, very often been cropped up in the minds of a number of people as to why
does Islam has to be organized as a socio-political order. It is further argued that if Islam had been a
religion of an individual, the Indian Muslims would not have the need of a separate homeland for
themselves because an individual can commune with his Creator in seclusion even in a state where the
majority of population are non-Muslims. The Muslims could very well remain as a permanent and
stagnant minority in India and still practice and profess their religion, it is maintained.

The emergence of Pakistan is the exclusive result of the forces working ideologically, linguistically,
culturally, ethni cally, religiously and many others. All these forces joined hands in finding the ways and
means to weld the subdued, dishearted and dispersed Muslims of the Sub-Continent into a well-knit,
fully integrated and orderly nation.

Though Pakistan came into existence on 14th August, 1947, the struggle for Pakistan, in fact, began
when the Muslims of India lost their identity and glory at the hands of the British and Hindus. The
Muslims were subjected to the most inhuman and vengeful elimination from the Indian society. They
were made to live the life of a downtrodden

But Islam is not merely offering the prayers or a set of rituals to be followed and observed. It covers
every aspect of human life and offers guidance to the individual to mould and conduct his life. "Islam is
not merely incessant prayers and mediations but actual social life in accordance with the ideal, that is
why asceticism and mystical quietism have been discredited and the Quran emphasises the deed rather
than the idea. It is summed up in theism and virtuous life, the state being primarily an instrument to
protect and promote good life. Emphasis throughout the Quran is laid on action for obvious reasons that
a mere enunciation of belief unaccompanied by action in accordance with belief, besides being
hypocritical, does notIslamization

599

contribute to one's progress either as an individual or as a member of society"."


"Islam is the religion of society, and in order to bring full effect of the principles of Islam to a human
society there must be fully sovereign Islamic community, having the sanctions of a state to implement
Islamic laws".2

The demand for Pakistan, therefore, meant the establishment of a society which was sovereign with
coercive authority and sanctions to implement the laws of Islam. It also aimed at providing a social
structure based on Islamic values to the Muslims to organize and conduct their lives according to the
principles of Islam.

After Pakistan was established on 14th August, 1947, the first Constituent Assembly set forth with the
task of framing the Constitution for the new country. The first Constituent Assembly passed a resolution
known as the 'objectives Resolution' which contained the basic principles on which the future
Constitution of Pakistan was to be based. The resolution embodied the Islamic principles which were to
be the part of the Constitution of the country. It becomes evident that Pakistan's demand rightly
coincided with the natural desire of the people to establish an Islamic order in the state. Heavy losses
were incurred, and colossal sacrifices were offered for the cause of Pakistan.

Pakistan is not a geographical entity but an ideology which reflects a unique civilization and culture. The
creation of Pakistan is based on Islamic ideology which means that Pakistan is to be a great citadel of
Islam to provide guidance and leadership to the entire Islamic world. The main objective of Islam is to
rescue the mankind from the yoke of slavery and bring it under the eternal subservience of God
Almighty. This was the spirit which motivated the revival movements

1. Nasir Ahmad Sheikh, Report of the Constitution Commission', p. 121. 2. Some Aspects of the
Constitution and Economics of Islam'. Woking Surrey, England, 1957, p. 16.

of Islam in India and also started the freedom movement demanding the establishment of Pakistan as a
sovereign state..

The Quaid-i-Azam in his speech of 11th August, 1947, to the first Constituent Assembly said, "If you work
in co-operation, forgetting the past, burying the hatchet, you are bound to succeed, if you change your
past and work together in a spirit that everyone of you, no matter to what community he belongs, is
first, second and last a citizen of this state with equal rights, privileges and obligations, there will be no
end to the progress you will make. We are starting with this fundamental principle that we are all
citizens of one state. You may belong to any religion or cast or creed - that has nothing to do with the
business of the state. I think we should keep that in front of our ideal and you will find that in course of
time Hindus and Muslims would cease to be Muslims, not in the religious sense because that is the
personal faith of each individual but in the political sense as citizens of the state"."

The Quaid-i-Azam expressed his views on the character of the future constitution of Pakistan in another
important speech. In a broadcast talk to the people of the USA in February. 1948, he declared, "The
Constitution of Pakistan has yet to be framed by the Pakistan Constituent Assembly. I do not know what
the ultimate shape of this constitution is going to be but I am sure that it will be a democratic type,
embodying the essential principles of Islam: Islam and its idealism have taught us democracy, it has
taught equality of man, justice and fair play to everybody. We are inheritors of these glorious traditions,
and are fully alive to responsibilities and obligations as framers of the Constitution of Pakistan.
Jinnah's views on the Islamic state are further corroborated by several historical events, documents and
statements. Addressing the Karachi Bar Association on 25th January, 1948, on the occasion of the 12
Rabi-ul-Awwal, the Quaid-i-Azam said, "I fail.

3. Pakistan First Constituent Assembly Debate, Vol. 1, No. 2, pp. 19-20.

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Pakistan Affairs

to understand why some people indulge in - the mischievous propaganda whether or not the
Constitution will be in accordance with the Islamic Sharia. Islam today is as much a practicable
religion as it was thirteen hundred Assembly. years ago. It is a standard bearer of democracy. It
is Islam which guarantees justice, fair play and equal rights to everyone. And the whole world
will see we will frame our Constitution in accordance to it".
Nevertheless after 1947 to 1960 there have been no significant and sincere endeavours by any
of the subsequent regimes to put Pakistan on the path of Islam as was envisaged by the
founder of Pakistan.

How has Pakistan's special role as a Muslim homeland found its expression in the country's
constitutional arrange-ments. Islam claims to regulate the whole of life, including the politics, but
Pakistan's first two Constitutions were shaped by the people whose minds were largely
furnished from the West. Thus the Islamic features of the 1956 and 1962 constitutions were few
and cosmetic.

However, Pakistan's deep desire to go Islamic found slight expression in the 1956 Constitution
which was adopted on 29th February, 1956 and came into effect on 23rd March, 1956. It
described Pakistan as an 'Islamic Republic' and provided that the Head of the state should be a
Muslim. No law repugnant to Islam, was to be enacted and the laws must be brought into
conformity with Islamic principles, with the objective of making the fundamental principles and
basic tenets of Islam known to the people. There was no provision in the Constitution making
Islam the state religion.

Like its predecessors the Constitution of 1962 contained only preambular references to Islam,
such as 'The principles of democracy, freedom, equality, tolerance and social justice, as
enunciated by Islam'. There was no provision making Islam the religion of Pakistan. Later on by
an amendment it was passed that 'all existing laws should be brought into conformity with the
Holy Quran and Sunnah. The Islamic Research Institute

provided in 1956 Constitution was retained Pakistan was to be known as the 'Republic of
Pakistan', the adjective Islam' was at first omitted but later on reinstated by the National ZIA'S
CAMPAIGN FOR NIFAZ-I-ISLAM

From the beginning of his military rule, Zia-ul-Haq laid emphasis on giving country a 'real Islamic
system of working. On 5th July; 1977, after his military take over was complete, Zia delivered a
national address on radio and television in which he stated that his dual mission was to restore
law and order and hold free and fair elections on the basis of adult franchise within ninety days.
Zia said "Pakistan was created in the name of Islam and would survive only if it sticks to Islam.

Undoubtedly Zia was the first Pakistani ruler who sincerely and steadfastly adopted concrete
steps for the Islamisation process in Pakistan. Significant measures were taken for the
Islamisation only after Zia came to power in July, 1977. Of Pakistan's three military juntas Zia
and his colleagues were the first to decide that Islam, if prescribed by the authorities with
sufficient firmness, could become the chief unifying factor in ther divided country.

There were compelling reasons constantly pressing Zia to integrate Islamic ideology firmly with
the state. Some developments in the country also led Zia and his colleagues to believe that
Islam could be integrated with the state to put the divided country on the firm footing. During the
wars with India an upsurge of patriotic feelings brought the people together in an impressive
style. This unified posture of the Pakistan people, in the past, have been glaringly lacking.
Especially the minority provinces always responded in a lukewarm manne even in more
threatening situations and rather tended to respond with greater ze and liveliness towards their
local political and ethnic issues. It manifested that if after thirty years of independence, the idea
of Pakistan had not yet won the overriding loyalty everyone, so new approach had to be tried
dIslamizationalf
Bhutto's slogan of Roti. Kapra, aur Makan' had shaken the religious circles. Zia's regime
demonstrated its deep resentment towards this slogan as it stirred the urge for material benefit
of a downtrodden and obliterated society. The experience of other countries had shown that lust
for economic accrual could easily lead to bitter class struggle which would further divide the
country instead of uniting it. The people of Pakistan, despite their regional and ethnic
differences shared the abiding loyalty to Islam which Zia wanted to utilize to accomplish his
ambitious programme of Islamisation in Pakistan, Zia, therefore, decided to eradicate the lust
which Bhutto's slogan had spread in society and which blatantly aimed at exploiting the so far
resigned and politically docile people of Pakistan. Zia rightly perceived that the awakened desire
of the people for better economic living could be satisfied in the context of Islam by a
determined campaign by his military regime to build a truly just and fraternal Islamic society.

Another important reason for Zia's Islamic ideology was his profound desire to muster support of
urban activists centres which could prove a tremendous backing for Zia's Nifaz-i-Islam. The anti-
Bhutto movement of PNA has been organized in most of the urban areas. It had some of the
highly organized funda-mentalist groups like Jamaat-i-Islami within its ranks. The adoption of
Islamic Ideology would provide Zia an easy access to these urban activists centres to be able to
secure a stable footing in the urban areas.

Zia had developed a unique insight of a woman's position and role in the society. None of the
previous regimes ever tried to define the position of a woman in the context of Islam. All reforms
in the past were addressed to the urban man because in the third world urban areas carry
greater importance for political organization because of their more developed and modern
cultural pattern. In Pakistan no government ever tried to criticise, maligan, change and run down
the position and productive role of the women

601

in the country Zia had developed a rather superficial concept of a woman's position and role in
an Islamic society and believed that the women should be confined within the four walls of the
house "Zia's Islamization. programme, therefore, necessarily focused on the social role of the
urban female. Chaddar and Chardivari, meaning the veil and the home, became the slogan of
the advancing force of Zia's ideologues"

Though Bhutto had been executed, the ghost of Socialism was still alive to haunt Zia and his
regime. Bhutto, in order to tame and neutralize the fundamentalists tried to combine socialist
principles with the Islamic culture in his rhetoric and invented the phrase Islamic Socialism'. The
Islamic purists, however, refused to be misled by this disguise. Zia anticipated reaction from the
leftist elements as the memory of Bhutto's execution was still alive in their minds, he desperately
looked for another ideology to counter-balance Bhutto's 'Islamic Socialism' and capable of
enticing a large number of people. The only way left open for Zia was Islamic Ideology.

After deposing the elected government of the PPP, Zia imposed the Martial Law in the country
just after five days of his take over and became the CMLA. As a first and immediate step
towards his process of Islamization, Zia with a single minded persistence set about re-creating
Islamic legal and social order which had originated in the primitive tribal Saudi Arabia. He set
himself to the noble cause of Nifaz-i-Islam with utmost sincerity and enthusiasm.

ISLAMIC PUNISHMENTS
After imposing ML, Zia introduced a number of Sharia based Islamic punishments ML
regulations in any country are designed to frighten and deter the people on their very nature and
content. To those which was introduced in July, 1977, there was added an element of Quranic
severity. These ML regulations instituting Islamic punishments

4. Nadeem Qasir, 'Pakistan, An Investigation into the Political Economy. Oxford, p. 118.
Pakistan Affairs

stoning to death for adultery and 80 lashes for drinking alcohol"

included public flogging for commission of several crimes, including murder, rape, theft, drinking
of alcohol, fornication, prostitution, adultery, bearing false witness and destroying government
property in demonstration and riots I which were mostly intended to intimidate the opposition
and induce the fear of Allah in the criminal and disruptive elements in the society. Five years
imprisonment and fine and amputation for looting and theft.

Public whipping was more frequently and freely practised and became an important means of
discouraging breaches of public order. Most of these flogging and whipping took place in
Larkana, Bhutto's home in the province of Sindh, in the wake of his arrest. In 1978-79, Zia's
regime flogged and imprisoned great number of people for organizing political meetings, for
striking in the course of an industrial dispute, for demonstrating against death sentence passed
on to Bhutto and for taking part in the demonstrations and riots caused throughout Pakistan by
the news of Bhutto's execution. During this time Bhutto's wife and daughter were detained and
put under house arrest. They only met Bhutto hours before his execution on the evening of 3rd
April and were not allowed to see his face after the execution. Bhutto was hurriedly buried in his
native town where his body was flown in a helicopter for burial.

Zia's Islamic punishments invited a great deal of criticism and aroused deep public indignation.
Particularly the punitive amputations were widely loathed and viewed as cruel, brutish and
sadistic. The Pakistani doctors, one and all, refused to carry out the punitive amputations on the
ground that it was inhuman, barbaric and wild to amputate human organs. During eleven years
of Zia's rule no amputation was carried out despite the fact that it was awarded in a number of
theft cases. "In the social domain, individual and group behaviour has been controlled through
barbaric measures derived from the seventh century Arabic penal code. Primitive but legal
punishment include the amputations of wrists and ankle for theft,

Zia assumed presidency in 1978 when Fazal Elahi Chaudhri resigned. In February, 1979, Zia
announced the penalties to his subjects to which they were to become liable once 'Islamic Legal
Code' was enforced Besides hanging for rape and amputation for theft, the punishment included
80 lashes for Muslims found drinking alcohol, 100 lashes for adultery by a bachelor and stoning
to death for adultery by a married person and for fornication with a virgin.

QANUN-I-SHAHADAT

Zia in order to implement his own ideal perception of 'Chaadar and Chardivari", issued a ML
regulation in 1984 by which the evidence of two women was considered equivalent to that of
one man in certain legal situations. Women were reduced to second grade citizens by this law
which caused a great deal of resentment, not only amongst the women of the country, but also
the enlightened sections of society widely condemned this backward and uncivilized legislation
against the women, who are an equally important members of the society. This legislation
became a highly controversial measures introduced by Zia to make Pakistan an Islamic state.
The Majlis-e-Shura evoked bitter resentment of many women when it unanimously approved on
3rd March, 1983, the Qanun-i-Shahadat Ordinance, brining the law of Evidence into conformity
with Islamic injunctions.

ANSARI COMMISSION

When Zia took over and expressed his desire to make Pakistan a real Islamic state, he
consulted prominent scholars on Islam and invited their suggestions on the process of
Islamisation. He set up a number of committees/commissions with the task of making research
on Islam, and to make recommendations for the Islamisation of Pakistan society. One such
important

5. Omar Noman, "Pakistan Political and Economic History since 1947", Op. cit. pp. 145-146.
Islamization

603

MALE DOMINATION WOMEN - I STEPS AGAINST

commission was set up with Maulana Zafar Ahmed Ansari as its Chairman. Eighteen other
prominent jurists, scholars and experts on Islam were also appointed on the commission. The
commission known as 'Ansari Commission' submitted its lengthy report in which it made
recommendations for the Islamisation process in Pakistan. Besides other suggestions, the
commission recommended that a woman cannot be the Head of the state. The commission also
recommended that a woman contesting the elections for a parliament seat must be at least 50
years of age and should have her husband's permission to contest such elections and
participate in the legislative procedure.

The suggestions, on the face of it, appeared ridiculous and reflected the conservative and
retrogressive state of mind that had ridden the 'Ansari Commission'. Obviously these
suggestions were meant to please President Zia who desired to keep the 'Bhutto Ladies' away
from the power echelons. The President had publicly stated that a woman cannot become the
Prime Minister or the Head of the State.

Zia's statement provoked bitter response from the women's Action forum. His statement also
contravened Article 91 of the 1973 Constitution which lays down that a woman is eligible to be
the Prime Minister or the Head of the State. The 1984 legislation rendering the women to an
inferior status was greatly resented by the people as it was the only instance in the
contemporary world where state has introduced reforms detrimental to the interests of the vast
majority of the society's members and which snatched away women's constitutional rights to
reinforce the male domination in the society. "However, the most retrogressive aspect of
reverting to seventh century social code has been the legislation of an inferior status for
women".

Zia's constitutional reforms were further elaborated with references from the Holy Quran and
which tended to justify male domination in the Society in the light of the Quranic verses, "Men
are incharge of women because Allah has made one superior to the other good women are the
obedient", the regime required to inflict male superiority in a theocratic and rigid way. In 1978
female dancing on the TV was prohibited on the grounds that such 'erotic practices' were the
part of Hindu, not Muslim culture. In 1981 a women's athletic team was not allowed to
participate in Tokyo games because they would be performing before men. In the following
years the female doctors were asked to wear chaadars, since their long white coats were not
sufficiently modest'.

A large portion of female population in Pakistan was very angry with Zia and other high ranking
officials of his regime for stopping the women from working in offices side by side men. Many
women criticised Zia's regime for not allowing the women athletes in the games and sports and
for stopping the women from participating in drama before the men.

POSTPONEMENT OF ELECTIONS

Zia postponed the elections for two years. He extended self-styled and unconvincing reasons
for the postponement of the elections which he promised to conduct and hold within ninety days
at the time of his taking over. Zia believed that the free and democratic elections were the
component of a secular political order. A few months after Bhutto's execution, Zia went back on
his words and stated on a TV address on 30th August, 1979 that elections on the basis of adult
franchise were un-Islamic. He announced that he wanted to introduce Islam in Pakistan in true
sense. He said our present political edifice is based on the secular democratic system of the
West which has no place in Islam. "In Islam there is no place for western type of elections.
Elections are not a remedy for Pakistan. Today 75% of the

6.

Omar Noman, Op. cit. 145. 604

Pakistan Affairs

people of Pakistan are illiterate. How do you expect illiterates to decide for themselves what is
good or what is bad for them"."

After postponing elections Zia increased censorship on TV and films. Women were told to dress
modestly, cover their heads and wear little or no make up on TV, in government offices and
other public places Zia himself decided to shed western dress. Most of his speeches and press
conferences started with recitation from the Holy Quran and were in fluent Urdu. Entertainment
in any forms in the educational institutions were strictly monitored. Zia officially designated
Friday as the weekly holiday. Music and dancing were discouraged because they violated the
Islamic sensibilities of the fundamentalists.

LEANINGS TOWARDS JAMAAT-I-ISLAMI

Zia's understanding of an Islamic state I was similar to that of the founder of the JI, Maulana
Abu al Aala Maudoodi. Zia was a great admirer of Maudoodi and profoundly influenced by his
religious philosophy. The measures which Zia undertook for the Islamization in Pakistan were
identical to those advocated by Maudoodi. A non-party theocratic state with a despotic
President, which Zia endeavoured to build in Pakistan was based on Maudoodi's ideas.

In August, 1978, Zia invited some of the prominent JI leaders to join him in order to help the ML
administration in the prompt and effective implementation of the Nifaz-i-Islam. JI leaders
immediately accepted this golden opportunity to serve the cause of Islam and extended the
hand of co-operation to Zia to implement a series of Islamic measures. "In fact Mian Tufail
Muhammad, the Amir JI said, that this was a golden opportunity for the establishment of an
Islamic system which should never be allowed to go unavailed of.
The JI members who accepted positions in the federal government resigned from the
government only eight months I ter because

7. New York Times 20.1.80.

8. Babra D. Metcalf, Islamic Argu.

Contemporary Pakistan, p. 136.

‫ד‬.

of Zia's regime's unpopularity and their own desire to contest 1979 elections. The JI finding Zia's
Islamic penal code becoming highly controversial and unpopular, reverted to Maudoodi's view
that the introduction of Islamic penal code prior to its socio-economic and socio-cultural system
which included the elimination of poverty and attainment of the basic necessities of life by all
citizens, was neither a good policy nor recommended by Islam. was it

HUDOOD LAWS (Islamic Penal Code)

The word 'Hadd' means the punishment which has been prescribed in the light of Islam. Five
Hudood Ordinances instituting Islamic penal code were formally promulgated on 10th February,
1979. It amended the existing laws relating to the offences of theft, robbery and dacoity,
adultery, false accusation of adultery and wine drinking were replaced by the Islamic provisions
of Hudood.

FEDERAL SHARIA COURT

The enforcement of Hudood Laws followed by the establishment of Sharia Benches in High
Court and appellate Sharia Bench in the Supreme Court in February 1979. These courts were to
decide the cases on the basis of the Sharia and the religious courts were established as a
supplement to the existing judicial court. With the addition of Shariat Bench as part of the
Supreme Court, cases could be brought challenging the validity of any Law. The main function
of these Islamic bodies was to exercise a form of Islamic judicial review where any citizen could
request the judiciary to declare a law either wholly or partially un-Islamic. "This was a big step
towards establishing the supremacy of Sharia (Islamic Law) over the Dear Anglo-Saxon law that
Pakistan had inerted from its British colonial masters" 10

9. Mumtaz Ahmed, Islamic Revival in Pakistan (eds) Islam in the Contemporary World (Notre
Dam, Indiana, Cross Road Books, Cynac K Pullapillay, p. 266.

10. Craig Baxter, 'Re-Structuring the Pakistan Political System', in Shahid Javaid
BurkiIslamization

605

RE-ORIENTATION OF THE EDUCATIONAL SYSTEM

Zia's Islamization campaign significantly affected the educational system of the country. The
Government established numerous cells, committees, commissions, University depart-ments
and other agencies assigned to study, plan or implement the Islamic transformation of society.
The government arranged many conferences on Islamic subjects, topics and themes. It ordered
the mass media to cover international, regional, national and local conferences and seminars on
Islam. It hosted national conventions of the Ulema and Mashaikh. It undertook a thorough
revision of textbooks and course curricula in order to prepare a new generation wedded to the
ideology of Pakistan and Islam."

Urdu was made the medium of instructions in all English public schools. Islamiat, the reading of
some of the Quranic passages in Arabic and learning their translation was made compulsory. In
CSS - examination and in the MBBS admissions, extra marks were given to the candidates who
had learnt the whole of the Holy Quran by heart. The subject of Pakistan Studies containing
comprehensive information on freedom movement of the sub-continent and history of Pakistan
was introduced for Intermediate, BA/B.Sc., Engineering Medical, Commerce and Law students
and was made a compulsory subjects.

A Shariat faculty was set up at the Quaid-i-Azam University in 1979. President Zia inaugurated
the faculty where special arrangements were made for instructions in Sharia law at the post-
graduate level. A year later it became a separate and independent

'Pakistan under the Military, Eleven years of Zia-ul-Haq. (Baulder, Colorado) Estrview Press,
1991, p. 36. 11. William L. Ritcher, 'Pakistan in Mohammad

Ayoob (ed) "The Politics of Islamic Reassertion in Pakistan'. The Application of Islamic Laws in
a Modem State (New York, Syracuse University Press) 1986, pp. 150, 151.

educational institution and was called the Islamic University. The Al-Azhar of Egypt also helped
the Islamic University. 'Radio and Television productions were ordered to conform to strict
Islamic standards of morality and ethics as well as to reinforce the national identity of the
citizenry'. 12 A law was passed by which those who tried to demean the names of the Prophet
Muhammad (PBUH) and the pious caliphs, were to be severely punished. The government also,
in view of the tremendous pressure from the Islamic parties, tried to set up separate educational
institutions for the males and females, but had to drop the idea for want of funds and intense
opposition from women's groups.

SANCTITY OF THE HOLY MONTH OF RAMAZAN

Another revolutionary step towards Islamization of society was taken by Zia's regime which
pertained to maintaining the sanctity of the Holy month of Ramazan-ul Mubarak. During the
month of Ramazan, fasting from dawn to dusk was immensely acclaimed through the public
media. The government issued an ordinance according to which open drinking and eating, from
dawn to dusk, during the Holy month of Ramazan-ul Mubarak was strictly forbidden.
Restaurants, hotels, motels and shopkeepers were asked not to serve food to the Muslims.
Anyone found eating or drinking at an open place, was liable to three months imprisonment and
a fine of Rs. 500/-. However, the hospitals, railway stations, sea ports, bus stands, airports and
trains were exempted from the ordinance.

NIZAM-E-SALAAT

The government enforced the system of Nizam-e-Salaat by which the people were persuaded to
offer their daily prayers regularly five times a day. The Salaat committees were set up at District
level which were to impress upon the people to be
12. Mir Zohair Husain, 'Islam in Pakistan under Bhutto and Zia-ul-Haq' (ed) Husain Mutalib and
Taj-ul-Islam Hashmi, "Islam, Muslims and the Modem State', St. Martin's Press, USA 1944, p.
65. 606

Pakistan Affairs

punctual in offering their prayers. Arrangements were made in government offices and
educational institutions for saying the 'Zohar' prayers. Government offices were instructed to fix
timings for prayers during office times. The government closely observed the mid-day prayers in
offices, factories and other organizations. Senior government officers were asked to lead
prayers in their respective organizations. Mubarak Nearly 400,000 prayer wardens were
appointed in the urban and rural areas to supervise and watch the observance of daily prayers
by the people in different localities.

Zia's Nizam-i-Salaat invoked criticism from different quarters and was taken as a direct attempt
to intervene on the part of the government to please a particular faction of the religious groups.
"The totalitarian implications of a military theocracy were evident in a sinister proposal
announced ironically in July, 1984. In his sermon to the nation on 14th August, 1984, Zia
launched a national campaign for the widespread adoption of the practice of five daily prayers.
The critical aspect of the Nizam-e-Salaat campaign is the entailed physical intervention of the
state to exhort compliance to a religious code of behaviour". 13

ISLAMIZATION OF THE ECONOMIC SPHERE (Zakat and Ushr Ordinance)

Islamization of society, extended beyond the social and political domain to embrace the
economic sphere as well. Although the committee on Islamization had reported that it was not
essential to adopt the system of Zakat and Ushr for the introduction of Islamic system, yet Zia-
ul-Haq was adamant to adopt some of the Islamic Economic measures in order to show that he
was fully committed to the establishment of an Islamic state.

The government promulgated the Zakat and Ushr Ordinance on 20th June, 1980. The
Ordinance was meant for the Muslim population and extended to all the Muslim organizations
and institutions. A Central

13. Omar Noman, Pakistan, op. cit. p. 146.

Zakat Fund was established to collect all sorts of gifts/bounties. It was made compulsory for
every 'Sahib-e-Nisab Muslims to pay Zakat by deducting two and half per cent of cash deposits
in saving accounts. Zakat was to be deducted during the Holy month of Ramazan and all banks
in the country were to deduct Zakat from the saving accounts on the 1st of Ramazan-ul

Ushr is a tax levied on the yield of agricultural land in cash or kind. According to this Ordinance
every owner, plougher and cultivator of an agricultural land was to deposit with the government
10 per cent of the agricultural yield/production of the land under his use in cash or kind.
However, the agricultural yield of less than 948 kg of wheat was exempted from the payment of
Ushr.

A Zakat council was set up to organize and run the system of Zakat and Ushr. The Zakat
council was responsible for the collections and distribution of Zakat. Zakat Committees were set
up at provincial, district and tehsil level which were to collect and distribute Zakat at their
respective levels.
The amount collected in the Zakat Fund shall be distributed in accordance with the Shariat laws
amongst those who will be considered eligible to receive it. The District Committees for this
purpose, shall nominate one of its members to prepare the list of eligible persons to receive
assistance from the Zakat fund. The poor and needy such as widows, orphans, handicapped
and aged were helped from the Zakat fund. "General Zia optimistically declared that as a result
of the welfare measures such as Zakat and Ushr, Pakistan would be transformed into an
egalitarian society in which hunger and beggary would be eliminated and no citizen would go to
bed hungry". 15

However, the Shia minority of Pakistan demonstrated its acute disapproval of the Zakat and
Ushr Ordinance and resolutely

14. A 'Sahib-e-Nisab' Muslim is the one on whom the payment of Zakat is compulsory. 15.
Mumtaz Ahmed, op. cit. pp. 267-269. Islamization

607

opposed the imposition of Zakat by the state. According to the Fiqa-e-Jafria (Shiite
jurisprudence). Zakat was a voluntary act of an individual and not payable to the state under
duress. The Shias organized rallies against this enactment in Islamabad and pressurized the
government to withdraw Zakat from the Shia community. The government, in view of the
conventional Shia Sunni antagonism, riots and the presence of a militant Shia regime in the
neighbourly Iran, decided to exempt the Shia community from the payment of Zakat. Zakat as a
compulsory requirement for Shias, therefore, was withdrawn in 1981. Zia, succumbed to the
pressure brought by the Shias on him and agreed to withdraw Zakat from the sect which was
not in accordance with Islam as payment of Zakat is not a voluntary act of an individual.

The decision to make the payment of Zakat as voluntary, in the wake of Shia agitation,
damaged the effectiveness of the relevant law and exposed Zia Government's sincerity towards
Islamization. It provided the tax evaders with an opportunity to avoid the payment of Zakat at
will. As the Zakat was collected on the Bank accounts on the 1st of Ramazan, the amounts
could easily be withdrawn for the day and re-deposited the next day when the time for collection
of Zakat was over. Also there was a provision to declare oneself a Shia by executing an oath of
allegiance to the Fiqa-e-Jafria to become entitled for exemption of the payment of Zakat.

The Government's action to exempt the Shias from the payment of Zakat was seen as a
dissimulation on the part of a regime who had vociferously boasted to establish a true Islamic
system in all walks of life. Undoubtedly Zia's regime, living up to its claims of building an edifice
based on Islamic foundations, did take some concrete measures in other spheres. But with
respect to Zakat, government's inability to enforce it irrespective of factional beliefs, was taken
as a weakness and double-dealing as there could be no compromise on religious matters. If the
payment of Zakat is compulsory for all the Muslims, how it could be voluntary at the

same time for a particular sect or faction of the Muslims as there can be no two rules regarding
religious laws.

In fact Zia, wanted to acquire moral support from the Shias for his steps in the political and
Islamic spheres. He was, therefore, black-mailed by the agitation and surrendered to influential
and volatile Shia community. It confirmed that with the lapse of time Zia's perceptions of
Islamization had assumed political overtones and expedience, and his enthusiasm for
Islamization appeared to have been relatively diminished.

eventually, RIBA

Riba (usury) means charging excessive interest on money borrowed for personal use. In Islam
'Riba' is unlawful and forbidden as it entails sheer exploitation of a needy person by the other
who happens to be in a better economic position. 'Riba' in Islam has been termed as a war
against Allah and His prophet (PBUH). Islam, however, does not prohibit the charging of a
nominal rent on the lending money which has been described as 'Interest'. These nominal
charges are essential for the smooth working of the financial institutions and vital for the
economic sustenance of the people who work in the banks. It is also a means of earning
livelihood for those people who may wish to invest their savings in the banks.

"The Quran's concern is with social damage and exploitation through usury. The role of interest
in a modern economy, however, differs fundamentally from that of usury. An economy based on
private ownership has to undergo a complex intermediary process, through which funds are
channeled into productive sector. Scarcity of capital and its efficient allocation necessitates a
price of capital, whatever this is called. Interest is of course, the price of the 16 capital". But
many fundamentalists (like Zia and those in JI) and traditionalists adopted a relatively narrow
interpretation of interest' and took initiative to prohibit it."

16. Omar Noman, Pakistan, op. cit. p. 149. 17. Mir Zohair Hussain, Op. cit. p. 66. 608

INTEREST FREE BANKING

Pakistan Affairs

Interest free banking was introduced on 1st January, 1981 and in its place PLS system was
instituted According to this system a fixed interest is not paid on the bank deposits. The banks
profits and losses are shared with the depositor. The PLS system, as a first step, was applied to
a few financial institutions. A syndicate of banks, headed by the Investment Corporation of
Pakistan, was set up to lend working capital without interest. This mode of lending was known
as Musharaka (partnership) loans. The second type of partnership, introduced in 1982, was
known as Mudaraba. Private investors could participate in the Mudaraba by buying the shares.

Zia asked the Islamic Ideology Council to make concrete recommendations for the complete
transformation of the country's economic system and eventually for switching over to the
interest free banking system. The Council after three years of hectic research and pondering,
could not come up with the worthwhile suggestions for the solution of country's economic
problems. "However, Zia's target of interest free Islamic Banking in Pakistan by June 1985 was
unrealistic and has made virtually no progress since his death in an air crash on 17th August,
1988"." "Islamization of society has extended beyond the social and political domain to embrace
the economic sphere. Measures to incorporate religious injunctions, which applied to the
economic structures of seventy-century Arabia, have run into obvious contradictions in the
context of a modern economy. This is nowhere more obvious than in the attempt to abolish
interest. The measures to introduce Islamic banking entail inventing innovative legal fictions
whereby interest is avoided through technicalities or choice of terminologies. Instead of charging
interest the banks adopted the practice of making a service charge 19

The above discussion reveals that Bhutto and Zia-ul-Haq were the two rulers of
18. Baxter, op. cit. pp. 37-38. 19. Omar Noman, 'Pakistan', op. cit. p. 148.

Pakistan who seriously pondered over making Islam the part of our social, political and
economic aspects. Though none can be said to have succeeded in his ambitious programme,
but their efforts and yearning to transform their country to give it a new political and social order
cannot be underestimated Zia and Bhutto differed from each other in temperament, approach
and life style, yet they were the very important personalities in the history of Pakistan who left
their imprints on the political and social structure of the country.

Both Bhutto and Zia, by their over ambitious plans, tried to mould the destiny of their nation. If
one (Bhutto) tried to ameliorate the economic and material aspect of his impoverished people,
the other (Zia) sincerely laboured to purge the society of all the evils and vices in order to bring
about spiritual renaissance of his morally and religiously defaced brethren. Both however, could
not achieve their goals. Despite their failure in their objectives, they left ever-lasting impact on
the political and social domains of the country. However, only time will tell which of the two left a
more enduring legacy and whose vision of Pakistan was correct one which will eventually come
to prevail.

DESPOTIC ISLAMISATION

Of the numerous Pakistani rulers, the one person who single-handedly changed Pakistan,
perhaps forever, but certainly for some decades, was the military dictator, General Mohammad
Ziaul Haq. In his speech to the nation on taking over power on July 5. 1977, Gen Zia said he
had done so only to defend democracy and for the well-being (baqa'a) of Pakistan, that he had
no political ambitions whatsoever, and that he would leave his post of Chief Martial Law
Administrator (CMLA) after three months the infamous 90 days and hand over power to
Pakistan's elected representatives.

Moreover, the Constitution was not in abeyance, Zia told the listening public, but certain parts of
it were to be put on hold. No judicial authority could challenge the proclamations of the Martial
Law setup, andIslamization

609

the CMLA seemed to be above the law. He said he had discussed the matter with the Chief
Justice, who seemed to be in agreement with him, and the Supreme Court some months later
invoked the Doctrine of Necessity to allow Zia to continue with his actions for years to come.

The last few sentences of the 14-minute speech of this self-styled soldier of Islam". ended with
the following statement: Pal(istan, which was created in the name of Islam, will continue to
survive only if it stays with Islam. That is why I consider the introduction of an Islamic system as
an essential prerequisite for the country. As Shuja Nawaz argues. Zia became a ferocious
instrument of change for Pakistan".

If one were just to list the numerous changes Zia brought about in his 11-year rule, what stands
out as his legacy to Pakistan would be a type of Islamisation of a particularly severe kind based
on Saudi Wahabism, which was quite alien to Pakistan when it came into being. Moreover, this
Islamisation, supported by a severe despotic. military dictator, led to the rise of Islamists within
the military, which at the time was Pakistan's most powerful and dominant institution.
He and his government gave what can only be called state sponsorship to militant Islamic Sunni
sectarian groups, which resulted in a strong anti-Shiaism in Pakistan. His tenure saw the state-
sponsored export of Islamic jihad to several parts of the world.

Arabia began to play a far greater role in the religious, cultural and political life of Pakistan, and
has continued to do so. Zia benefited immensely from Bhutto's overtures to the Gulf countries in
the mid 1970s, as the Gulf boom solved many of Pakistan's economic problems. Often not
considered, but equally important, was the rise of the petit bourgeois trading and lower middle
classes that benefitted from the dominance of a Punjabi/ Arain from Jullundur who could speak
the language of a constituency which had otherwise not had a voice.

Moreover, this socially conservative petit bourgeois class, which was hurt by Bhutto's 1976
nationalisation of rice-husking and cotton-ginning factories, found in Zia a voice which
strengthened the anti-Bhutto constituency. With petit bourgeois capitalism and a Saudi-Wahabi
Islam, Zia gave representative voice to new social classes that became powerful over
subsequent decades.

Although many liberals are uncomfortable with Zia's Islamisation, they often ignore his gift to the
lower middle classes: a political stake in the mandi towns, mainly of the Punjab.

Bhutto had undertaken certain reforms that had allowed the small and medium entrepreneurs to
emerge and consolidate their economic condition; Zia gave them further impetus to build their
vision on Islam. Changing Fortunes

There were at least three clear phases in Zia's endless 11 years: from July 1977 to April 1979
when the two-men-one-grave chatter became part of public conversation; from December 1979
to around 1985 when Pakistan became a frontline state in the Afghan war, and then from March
1985 to May 1988 during which he experimented with praetorian democracy and when his own
system came back to challenge him.

Although all political leaders except Begum Nasim Wali Khan had been arrested, once Bhutto
was released, it became evident to Zia that Bhutto was still very popular across the country as
he began his campaign for the promised elections. He always had a large public following, but
after being imprisoned, his status grew further.

He would probably have won the elections whenever they were held.

The case related to the murder of a political opponent was registered in 1975 when Bhutto was
still the prime minister, and had been settled. Once Bhutto had been removed, Zia reopened it
in September 1977 in far more hostile circumstances. And, as time passed, Zia kept postponing
elections. Islamization

611

growing relative independence even of a partyless legislature, the National Assembly stood
dissolved in May 1988; Zia using the Eight Amendment which was inserted into the Constitution
as a prerequisite for parliament to proceed and for martial law to be lifted in 1985, and allowed
Zia to dismiss parliament under Article 58-2(b). Like Islamisation, the Eighth Amendment was
Zia's gift to the Pakistani pubic, and determined all political and electoral activity for a decade
after his death. Unlike his Islamisation programme, however, parliament was eventually able to
rid itself of 58-2(b) although, as the recent dismissal of Nawaz Sharif shows, key elements of
the Eighth Amendment still determine the fate of politics in Pakistan.

RESISTANCE No matter how despotic a ruler, and no matter how well the economy did under
Zia the economy grew on average 6.7 per cent, with remittances playing a strong distributive
effect dictatorship always gives rise to resistance. The MRD movement of 1983 and 1986, and
Benazir Bhutto's triumphant return to Pakistan in 1986 were all expressions of defiant protests.
Religious minorities, in particular Ahmad is, suffered the most and were made third class
citizens with few rights. Still worse, they were often unable to even protest since the
environment had turned hostile against them.

Not fully recognised is the role of women's groups, particularly that of the Women's Action
Forum, which took on the might of a misogynistic state. The punitive measure and restrictions
imposed on women included the Law of Evidence, Hudood Ordinance as early as 1979, and
Zina Ordinance which obscured the distinction between rape and adultery. The struggle for
women's rights provided further sustenance to the demands for greater democratic and
universal rights, and women, perhaps led by Sindhiani Tehrik and WAF, symbolised resistance
to a despotic dictator more than any other constituency, social, political, ethnic or religious.
Women became the symbols of resistance and played a key role in the revival of democracy
under Zia.

One wonders what would have happened if Zia's plane had not fallen from the sky on August
17, 1988, because we really don't know who killed the general. Jo Epstein, in a very interesting
article in Variety, gives a list of a number of elements that had reason to see Zia go. The fact the
list is long only highlights how unpopular Zia really was. It included such diverse and divergent
forces as the Indian RAW, Israeli Mossad, Soviet KGB, Afghan KHAD and right down to the Al
Murtaza branch of the PPP.

Perhaps elements in the American CIA might have wanted to tackle Zia, but since he was such
a sycophantic ally, one wonders why they would have gone this route. Quite possibly, there
were some in the military who by then had felt tired of Zia's ways. They knew they could not just
wish him away, and must have hoped for some miracle from the skies. We will never know.

But it cannot be denied that many people must have looked up to the heavens on August 17,
1988, and raised their hands in prayer. 612

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