Chicoine 2006

Architecture and Society at Huambacho (800-200 B.C.
), Nepeña Valley, Peru
David Chicoine
September 2006
A Dissertation
Submitted as Partial Fulfilment for the Degree of Doctor in Philosophy
At the
Sainsbury Research Unit for the Arts of Africa, Oceania and the Americas
School of World Art Studies and Museology
University of East Anglia
Norwich
© This copy of the dissertation has been supplied on condition that anyone who consults it
recognises that its copyright rests with the author and that no quotation from the dissertation, nor
any information derived from it, may be published without the author’s prior, written consent.
ABSTRACT
This contribution examines the Early Horizon occupation at the site of Huambacho (800-200
B.C.), Nepeña Valley, north-central coast of Peru. In Nepeña, Initial Period (1800-900 B.C.) mounds,
such as Cerro Blanco and Punkurí, are superseded by several enclosure compounds, and new
concepts of architecture appear in the archaeological record. The Early Horizon also marked the
development and diffusion of a pan-regional cult based at the highland centre of Chavín de Huántar.
The study offers a site-level reconstruction of patterns of architecture and space use at Huambacho
and brings insights into coastal societies that developed in margin of the Chavín religious cult.
By adopting an agency-based approach and proceeding from the premises that human
actions are vital to the constitution of society, the research examines the design, construction and use
of space at Huambacho. Large-scale horizontal excavations brought to light new evidence on Early
Horizon architecture and cultural remains. Architecture, artefacts and food remains are analysed with
the objective of defining building techniques, spatial designs, ceremonial practices and public social
interactions.
The analysis of material evidence indicates that Huambacho represented an elite centre which
served as a venue for public gatherings. Analyses reveal that through mechanisms which included
architectural design, ritual practices and visual displays, Huambacho elites provided community
members with unique experiences that encouraged social solidarity and promoted religio-political
authority.
The study demonstrates the existence of an architectural canon inspired by local Initial
Period traditions, and significantly different to what is known from coeval sites associated with the
Chavín cult. It is also suggested that innovations in agricultural practices and animal husbandry had a
significant impact on local patterns of hospitality, public ceremonies and authority.
Data from Huambacho not only contribute to our understanding of the changes that
occurred in the region after the demise of Initial Period centres, but also informs on the social
complexity and ceremonial variability that characterised the Early Horizon. The research reiterates
the utility of horizontal excavations for documenting architecture and highlights the need for Early
Horizon studies to move beyond the traditional focus on the Chavín phenomenon.
TABLE OF CONTENTS
ABSTRACT ........................................................................................................................................... ................ii

LIST OF FIGURES ................................................................................................................................ ...............vi
LIST OF TABLES .................................................................................................................................. ...............xi
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS ...................................................................................................................... .............xiii
CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION
1.1 The archaeology of public architecture.............................................................................. ................3
1.2 Agency, structure and action ............................................................................................... ................5
1.3 Architecture and social practices......................................................................................... ................8
1.4 Towards an agency of monuments..................................................................................... ..............15
1.5 Outline of chapters ............................................................................................................... ..............16
CHAPTER 2 BACKGROUND TO THE STUDY: EARLY ANDEAN ARCHITECTURE AND THE PROBLEM OF
THE EARLY HORIZON
2.1 Early research on the Early Horizon.................................................................................. ..............18
2.2 The Early Horizon and the spread of the Chavín cult .................................................... ..............22
2.3 Architecture and society before the Early Horizon ......................................................... ..............26
2.3.1 The Late Preceramic Period ..................................................................................... ..............26
2.3.2 The Initial Period ....................................................................................................... ..............31
2.4 Current issues in Early Horizon studies: The north-central coast................................. ..............42
CHAPTER 3 PROYECTO HUAMBACHO: AN INVESTIGATION INTO EARLY HORIZON ARCHITECTURE

IN THE NEPEÑA VALLEY
3.1 Nepeña, a valley of the north-central coast of Peru......................................................... ..............47
3.2 History and archaeology in Nepeña ................................................................................... ..............51
3.3 The Proyecto Huambacho................................................................................................... ..............55
3.4 Excavation results ................................................................................................................. ..............60
3.4.1 South Sector................................................................................................................ ..............63
3.4.2 Central Sector ............................................................................................................. ..............64
3.4.3 North Sector ............................................................................................................... ..............72
3.4.4 North Extension ........................................................................................................ ..............74
3.4.5 Huaca-A Complex ..................................................................................................... ..............77
3.5 Conclusion ............................................................................................................................. ..............83
iv
TABLE OF CONTENTS (continued)
CHAPTER 4 ARCHITECTURE: TECHNIQUES, DESIGN AND SPATIAL ORGANISATION

4.1 Building techniques and construction process.................................................................. ..............85
4.1.1 Techniques and materials.......................................................................................... ..............86
4.1.2 Construction process, building episodes and modifications ............................... ..............94
4.2 Spatial organisation ............................................................................................................... ..............97
4.2.1 Architectural units...................................................................................................... ..............97
4.2.2 Access system ............................................................................................................. ............106
4.2.3 Sectorisation................................................................................................................ ............109
4.2.4 Spatial syntax: Hierarchy, fragmentation and integration .................................... ............110
4.3 Conclusion ............................................................................................................................. ............112
CHAPTER 5 SPACE USE AND CULTURAL REMAINS, PART 1: CERAMICS

5.1 Methodology.......................................................................................................................... ............119
5.2 Pottery..................................................................................................................................... ............120
5.3 Ceramics-Others.................................................................................................................... ............133
5.4 Conclusion ............................................................................................................................. ............142
CHAPTER 6 SPACE USE AND CULTURAL REMAINS, PART 2: NON-CERAMIC ARTEFACTS AND FOOD
REMAINS
6.1 Methodology.......................................................................................................................... ............143
6.2 Non-ceramic artefacts .......................................................................................................... ............144
6.2.1 Stone artefacts ............................................................................................................ ............146
6.2.2 Bone artefacts ............................................................................................................. ............153
6.2.3 Shell artefacts .............................................................................................................. ............154
6.2.4 Others .......................................................................................................................... ............155
6.2.5 Non-ceramic artefacts, discussion ........................................................................... ............159
6.3 Food remains ......................................................................................................................... ............163
6.4 Conclusion: Space use, cultural remains and settings ...................................................... ............174
6.4.1 Ritual objects and behaviours .................................................................................. ............174
6.4.2 Structural debris and floor features: Further insights into space use ................. ............178
CHAPTER 7 ENGINEERING EXPERIENCES: PERCEPTION, SETTINGS AND ACTIONS

7.1 Architecture and rituals ........................................................................................................ ............185
7.2 Visual arts and architecture.................................................................................................. ............186
7.2.1 Zoomorphic designs.................................................................................................. ............186
7.2.2 Geometric designs ..................................................................................................... ............187
v
TABLE OF CONTENTS (continued)
7.3 Indexation, symbolism and rituals ...................................................................................... ............190

7.4 Beyond perception: Altered states of consciousness, entoptics and graffiti art........... ............204
7.5 Conclusion: Communitas, authority and rituals ............................................................... ............208
CHAPTER 8 REVIEW AND CONCLUSIONS

8.1 Huambacho: An Early Horizon elite centre ..................................................................... ............210
8.2 The Early Horizon in Nepeña............................................................................................. ............218
8.3 Concluding remarks.............................................................................................................. ............223
BIBLIOGRAPHY .................................................................................................................................. ............224
FIGURES .............................................................................................................................................. ............272
APPENDIX 1 DESCRIPTION OF POTTERY WARES ....................................................................... ..............xv
APPENDIX 2 GLOSSARY .................................................................................................................. ..........xxxii

vi
LIST OF FIGURES
Figure 1.1 Partial map of Peru showing the location of the major river valleys and the principal
archaeological sites mentioned in the text..................................................................................................273
Figure 2.1 Map of the Nepeña Valley showing the location of Huambacho (PV31-103) and the other
major archaeological sites .............................................................................................................................274
Figure 3.1 Aerial photograph showing the southern margin of the lower Nepeña
Valley ...............................................................................................................................................................275
Figure 3.2 Photograph of the Cerro Popo (view from the North Extension of the Main Compound
at Huambacho)...............................................................................................................................................276
Figure 3.3 Photograph of the Main Compound at Huambacho (view from the summit of the Cerro
Popo) ...............................................................................................................................................................276
Figure 3.4 General map of the Main Compound at Huambacho showing the location of architectural
contexts, sectors and excavation units........................................................................................................277
Figure 3.5 Plan reconstruction of the South Sector showing the area numbers and excavation units ...
..........................................................................................................................................................................278
Figure 3.6 Plan view of Unit-9 .....................................................................................................................278
Figure 3.7 Photograph of eight gourd containers discovered during the excavation of Unit-9 (A-
2A/SS) .............................................................................................................................................................279
Figure 3.8 Photograph of A-7/SS (Unit-16) (view from the northwest)...............................................279
Figure 3.9 Plan reconstruction of the Central Sector showing the organisation of the Plaza-A and the
Main Platform Complex, area numbers and excavation units ................................................................280
Figure 3.10 Plan view of Units 8 and 17 showing the northeast entrance to Plaza-A and the adjacent
complex of non-colonnaded rooms............................................................................................................281
Figure 3.11 North profile of Unit-5 showing the organisation of the east outer wall-platform of
Plaza-A.............................................................................................................................................................281
vii
LIST OF FIGURES (continued)
Figure 3.12 Architectural details of the northeast staircase of Plaza-A (Unit-29) ................................282
Figure 3.13 Photograph of Unit-29 showing the northeast staircase at Plaza-A and the organisation
of the east outer wall-platform (view from the west) ...............................................................................283
Figure 3.14 Photograph of the northeast staircase at Plaza-A excavated during Unit-29 (view from
the west) ..........................................................................................................................................................283
Figure 3.15 Photograph of sculpted clay cones discovered during the excavation of structural debris
contexts at Plaza-A ........................................................................................................................................284
Figure 3.16 Photograph of sculpted clay cones, possibly offerings, discovered during the excavation
of Floor-1 level contexts at Plaza-A............................................................................................................284
Figure 3.17 Photograph of a section of the Main Platform Complex showing the complexity of the
architectural layout (view from the south) .................................................................................................285
Figure 3.18 Photograph of the north façade of the Main Platform Complex and the adjacent patio
room A-13/NS (view from the northeast).................................................................................................285
Figure 3.19 South profile of Unit-3 showing the layered fill-chamber technique at the Main Platform
Complex (A-3/CS) ........................................................................................................................................286
Figure 3.20 Plan reconstruction of the North Sector and the North Extension showing the area
numbers and excavation units......................................................................................................................286
Figure 3.21 Plan view of Unit-25 showing the organisation of the southeast corner of Plaza-B and
the location of the test pits realised below Floor-1...................................................................................287
Figure 3.22 South profile of Unit-25 showing the organisation of the east outer wall-platform of
Plaza-B and the superimposition of structures..........................................................................................287
Figure 3.23 Plan view of Unit-7 showing the organisation of the baffled entryway leading to A-2/NE
..........................................................................................................................................................................288
viii
Figure 3.24 Plan of view of Unit-15 showing the organisation of the northwest corner of A-2/NE ....
..........................................................................................................................................................................288
Figure 3.25 Photograph of the southwest entryway to A-2/NE excavated during Unit-7 (view from
the northwest).................................................................................................................................................289
Figure 3.26 Photograph of Unit-15 showing the organisation of the northwest corner of A-2/NE
and the perimeter adobe wall (view from the northwest)........................................................................289
Figure 3.27 Plan reconstruction of the Huaca-A Complex showing excavation units and the
organisation of the structures documented during fieldwork .................................................................290
Figure 3.28 Plan reconstruction of the Huaca-A Complex showing the three construction phases, the
area numbers and the carbon samples find spots .....................................................................................290
Figure 3.29 South profile of Units 22 and 23 (projected) showing the superimposition of structures
and the composition of the sub-floor deposits at the Huaca-A Complex ............................................291
Figure 3.30 West profile of Unit-28 showing the superimposition of Early and Middle phases
structures in A-1A/HA.................................................................................................................................292
Figure 3.31 Photograph of the access ramp located east of A-1/HA and excavated during Unit-23
(view from the south)....................................................................................................................................292
Figure 3.32 Photograph of Unit-20 showing the organisation of the south façade of the Huaca-A
Complex and the patio room A-3/HA (view from the southeast) ........................................................293
Figure 3.33 West profile of Unit-21 showing the composition of sub-floor deposits in A-7/HA and
the adjacent corridor, and the superimposition of floors at the Huaca-A Complex ...........................293
Figure 3.34 Section photograph of west profile of Unit-21 showing the composition of the
construction fill at Huaca-A .........................................................................................................................294
Figure 3.35 Photograph of Unit-21 showing the organisation of the corridor located south of A-
7/HA, Floor-2 and the adobe wall (view from the east) .........................................................................294
ix
Figure 4.1 Drawings of some specimens of sculpted clay cones excavated from the outer wall-
platforms at Plaza-A ......................................................................................................................................295
Figure 4.2 Scatterplot diagram of the size of the different room types at Huambacho......................296
Figure 4.3 Isometric reconstruction of the Plaza-A at Huambacho ......................................................297
Figure 4.4 Plan reconstructions of excavated colonnaded patios at Huambacho showing their
organisational variability................................................................................................................................298
Figure 4.5 Isometric reconstruction of the Main Platform Complex and access diagram (gamma
analysis)............................................................................................................................................................299
Figure 5.1 Drawings of Huambacho Ware A bottles and bowls ............................................................300
Figure 5.2 Drawings of Huambacho Ware A jars.....................................................................................301
Figure 5.3 Drawings of Ware A bowl-with-pouring spout and Ware B vessels...................................302
Figure 5.4 Drawings of Huambacho Ware C jars .....................................................................................303
Figure 5.5 Drawings of Huambacho Ware D bottles and bowls............................................................304
Figure 5.6 Drawings of Huambacho Ware D jars and examples of some of Ware D decorative
designs .............................................................................................................................................................305
Figure 5.7 Drawings of Huambacho Ware E vessels ...............................................................................306
Figure 5.8 Drawings of miscellaneous ceramic vessel fragments and panpipes from Huambacho ..307
Figure 5.9 Drawings of specimens of ceramic sherd discs, spindle-whorls and sherd tiles from
Huambacho.....................................................................................................................................................308
Figure 5.10 Drawings of fragments of ceramic graters from Huambacho ...........................................309
Figure 6.1 Photographs of Early Horizon stone tools from Huambacho ............................................310
x
Figure 6.2 Photographs of Early Horizon stone tools and miscellaneous from Huambacho ...........311
Figure 6.3 Photographs of Early Horizon body adornments and blanks from Huambacho.............312
Figure 6.4 Photographs of Early Horizon bone artefacts from Huambacho.......................................313
Figure 6.5 Photographs of wooden artefacts from Huambacho ............................................................314
Figure 6.6 Photographs of blue-and-white decorated Early Horizon textiles from Huambacho .....315
Figure 7.1 Early Horizon artwork from Huambacho depicting zoomorphic figures interpreted as
serpents............................................................................................................................................................316
Figure 7.2 Variants of designs from sculpted clay cones at Huambacho ..............................................317
Figure 7.3 Variants of designs from fragments of clay friezes at Huambacho.....................................318
Figure 7.4 Graffiti discovered at Huambacho ...........................................................................................319

xi
LIST OF TABLES
Table 2.1 Chronology and cultural sequences for the north-central coast of Peru (Santa-Nepeña-
Casma area) .......................................................................................................................................................21
Table 3.1 Radiocarbon assays from the 2003-2004 fieldwork at Huambacho .......................................62
Table 4.1 Compositional and volumetric estimates for the different raised structures at Huambacho..
............................................................................................................................................................................91
Table 4.2 Data from excavated rooms at Huambacho ..............................................................................99
Table 4.3 Data from excavated colonnaded patios at Huambacho........................................................101
Table 5.1 Possible functions of ceramic vessels from Huambacho .......................................................131
Table 5.2 Archaeological contexts of ceramic vessels: counts and percentages...................................133
Table 6.1 Non-ceramic artefacts from Early Horizon refuse deposits ..................................................144
Table 6.2 Non-ceramic artefacts from Early Horizon structural debris and floor features................145
Table 6.3 Possible functions of non-ceramic artefacts from Huambacho............................................160
Table 6.4 Animal bones from Huambacho: counts and percentages ....................................................164
Table 6.5 Animal bones from Early Horizon sub-floor deposits: counts from Huaca-A and Plaza-B
(per excavation unit) ......................................................................................................................................166
Table 6.6 Animal bones from Early Horizon floor features: counts from each room .......................166
Table 6.7 Molluscs from Huambacho: counts, percentages, and biotopic environment....................168
Table 6.8 Botanical remains from sub-floor deposits: counts and percentages ...................................170
Table 6.9 Distribution of Early Horizon cultural remains: South and Central Sectors.......................179
xii
LIST OF TABLES (continued)
Table 6.10 Distribution of Early Horizon cultural remains: North Sector, North Extension, and
Huaca-A Complex .........................................................................................................................................180
xiii
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
This research has benefited from the generous support of many people and institutions. First
of all, I would like to express my sincere gratitude to my supervisor, Dr. George F. Lau. This
dissertation could have not been completed without his dedication, unfailing guidance and
intellectual rigour.
Financially, the study was realised thanks to scholarships and fieldwork grants from the Fonds
Québécois pour la Recherche sur la Société et la Culture, the Overseas Research Students Award Scheme, the
Sainsbury Research Unit, the Sir Richard Stapley Educational Trust, the Gilchrist Educational Trust,
and the Sir Philip Reckitt Educational Trust. I wish to extend special thanks to the Sainsbury
Research Unit which provided vital funding in the final stages of the writing-up.
In Peru, I am indebted to many people. Permission for excavations was generously granted
by the Instituto Nacional de Cultura under the Resolución Directoral Nacional 623-04/INC. I owe
many thanks to the Lima office for considering favourably my project. Special thanks also ought to
go to the INC-Ancash in Chimbote, Casma and Huaraz, especially to Oswaldo Rebaza, Yesenia
Bejar, César Pérez and Niel Pajuelo.
Field investigations could not have been completed without the dedicated participation of the
modern community of Huambacho El Arenal and all the crew members. For their support and
friendship, I wish to extend my deep appreciation to Ada Naveda, Daniel Naveda, Abraham
Huamán, Fabian Escalante and Saúl Uribe.
I also wish to acknowledge the dedication of Víctor Pimentel and Jeisen Navarro who co-
directed the 2003 and 2004 field seasons, respectively. Assistance in the field and the laboratory was
provided by France-Éliane Dumais, Carol Guissella Rojas and Alexandra Taillon-Pellerin and their
help was inestimable. Many students volunteered for the project and their enthusiasm and hard work
were valuable. Credits ought to go to Esteban Sosa for the initial mapping of the site and to Jeisen
Navarro for most of the original drawings. I need to thank Dr. Claude Chapdelaine who generously
allowed the use of his excavation materials and facilities in Casma. In the field, visits by Drs. George
F. Lau, Claude Chapdelaine, Jean-François Millaire, Thomas and Shelia Pozorski, and Melissa Vogel
were greatly appreciated.
In Norwich, I wish to acknowledge the support of everyone at the Sainsbury Research Unit
and the School of World Art Studies and Museology. I transmit my gratitude to Dr. Steven Hooper
for the opportunity to join the unit. Warm thanks are extended to Francine Hunt for her patience
xiv
and invaluable assistance with administrative issues. Pat Hewitt and the library staff have been very
collaborative in finding and acquiring references. I also wish to thank my friends and fellow
colleagues in Norwich for their support, especially Andy Mills for his valuable comments and
editorial advices.
In Montreal, I wish to thank my friends and family. For their support and encouragements,
special thanks ought to go to my parents, Nicole Carignan and Michel Chicoine. Alexandra Taillon-
Pellerin was supportive throughout the research. I owe her much, and her assistance in the field and
help with data entry and ceramic illustrations were inestimable. Finally, I need to thank my
examiners, Drs. Elizabeth DeMarrais and Steven Hooper. Their insightful comments and
suggestions were of great value in shaping the final version of the dissertation.
— CHAPTER 1 —
INTRODUCTION
Public architecture represents one of the most visible material testimonies of early complex
societies. Scholars have long studied public buildings, most often concentrating on their
monumentality, aesthetic qualities and socio-political implications. Traditionally, such constructions
have been viewed as an index of complexity and studies have mostly aimed at tracing back the
evolution of ancient socio-political systems (e.g., Kaplan 1963). Recently, however, attention has
been drawn to the active role of the built environment in guiding individual behaviours and shaping
social interactions (Lawrence and Low 1990: 454). Buildings communicate ideas and meanings about
the world, embody group affiliations, and connect individual actions with abstract ideological and
religious concepts (Rapoport 1982: 191-192).
In the Central Andes, much effort has been invested in the study of public monuments.
Archaeologists have been especially interested in issues of socio-political complexity, but issues of
inter-regional interaction have also occupied an important place in research agendas (e.g., Burger and
Matos 2002; Lau 2005). Most attention has been given to polities and the social and economic
asymmetries between centres and client communities. Archaeologists have emphasised the role of
political control in the development of social complexity by exploring core strategies and inter-
regional interactions such as territorial conquest (Moseley et al. 1991), imperial expansion (Goldstein
2005) and religious proselytism (Patterson 1968). Meanwhile, case studies of groups outside or
bordering core areas have remained a low priority of research.
Issues of socio-cultural unity and heterogeneity are particularly important to the study of the
Early Horizon and the “Chavín phenomenon”. The Early Horizon (ca. 900-200 B.C.) was a period
of profound socio-cultural reorganisation, as reflected in innovations in material culture (Bennett
1944; Tello 1943; Willey 1951). Various peoples in distant regions of Peru participated in widespread
religious and exchange networks tied to Chavín de Huántar, a centre of the north-central highlands
[Figure 1.1]. While research has advanced our knowledge about developments at Chavín de Huántar
(Burger 1984; Lumbreras 1977; Rick 2005), the role and geographical extent of the Chavín cult in
other regions and Early Horizon cultural variability in general, remain obscure. It appears, however,
that certain communities were resistant to the Chavín religious influence, as expressed in markedly
different forms of architecture and public art. Hence, new data and revised models of regional
developments are needed to account for the cultural variability that characterised the Early Horizon
outside the Chavín religious network.
Chapter 1, Introduction 2
In this dissertation, I examine local patterns of architecture at Huambacho, an Early Horizon

community established in the lower Nepeña Valley, north-central coast of Peru. Earlier
archaeological work in this drainage had suggested strong ties with Chavín de Huántar (Tello 1933b,
1933c, 2005), but until recently excavations had yielded very few Early Horizon architectural
contexts. Meanwhile, intensive research in neighbouring coastal valleys has produced important data
for Initial Period (ca. 1800-900 B.C.) societies and, by the same token, pushed back the dating of
many Nepeña sites considered Chavín derivatives (Pozorski and Pozorski 1987a, 1987b).
In 2003 and 2004, excavations at the site of Huambacho brought significant data on poorly
known types of Early Horizon architecture (Chicoine 2006; Chicoine and Navarro 2005; Chicoine
and Pimentel 2004). Large-scale horizontal clearings yielded material evidence on the building
techniques, the spatial organisation, and the use of constructed spaces. Findings indicate that
Huambacho represented a centre of special importance for local inhabitants. Analyses of material
remains suggest that the elite centre was used for gatherings of different sizes and composition.
Actions in different types of settings are interpreted as highly ritualised and included procession,
congregation, consumption and musical display.
At a regional level, the Huambacho research indicates the existence, by the beginning the
Early Horizon, of new architectural conventions inspired by the coastal Initial Period tradition.
Strong differences with earlier religious buildings suggest, however, important transformations
experienced by Early Horizon groups. Huambacho architects and engineers innovated in many ways,
answering new organisational problems as well as expressing their original conception of the world.
Further, it appears that the Huambacho architectural forms developed in relative isolation from the
Chavín interaction sphere. The evidence from Huambacho helps us to re-evaluate cultural variability
during the Early Horizon and the character of religion, authority and interaction in early Andean
civilisation.
In this dissertation, I build an agency-based approach that emphasises the role of social
actors and brings together the concepts of human actions and social structure. My basic concern is to
move away from the view of architecture as a passive reflection of society and investigate its
potential for understanding social dynamics.
I borrow from structuration theory (Giddens 1976, 1979, 1984) and consider human actions
as the result of a reflexive relationship between agency and structure. The potential of this approach
comes from its capacity to consider the variability of individual and collective actions while, at the
same time, recognising the structuring properties of the social, historical, and political contexts. In
particular, an agency-based model might prove useful to study architectural forms. The archaeology
of architecture becomes significant when it considers the various moments of its practice (Smith
2003: 269), and, as such, my study focuses on the design, construction and use of public buildings.
In the remaining part of this introductory chapter, I aim at developing an anthropological
model for the archaeological study of public architecture. I begin by reviewing previous approaches
and suggest an approach that emphasises the active role of architecture in human societies. I
conclude by outlining the dissertation’s chapters.
1.1 The archaeology of public architecture

Public architecture refers to a certain sector of the built environment. In archaeology, it is
common to employ the term “public architecture” to designate “religious”, “ceremonial” and
“monumental” buildings that contrast with the more domestic and private nature of residential
architecture. Public constructions generally exhibit a greater scale, more elaborate decoration and
sophisticated building techniques than dwellings. As a result, they are often viewed as invested with a
special social significance (Humphrey and Vitebsky 1997: 42-43; Rapoport 1969: 2, 10). Buildings
such as open air plazas, temples, palaces, and commemorative monuments are built to impress and,
due to their physicality, permanency, and centrality in the social landscape, they are anchor points for
ritual life, group identity and social interactions.
In archaeology, the study of public architecture has been intimately tied to the study of social
organisation and the developments of “civilisation” (Childe 1950; Steward 1949). Scholars have been
particularly interested in the ways built forms reflect the organisation of social formations and types
of labour organisation (e.g., Mackey and Ulana 1981). Such a correspondence may appear in many
variables, but attention was most often given to the amount of energy invested in public work and
the type of organisational infrastructure necessary to accomplish such work (Abrams and Bolland
1999; Erasmus 1965). Energy flow models have been widely used and viewed as an index of socio-
political complexity (Adams 1975; Kaplan 1963).
It is common to refer to large-scale buildings as indicators of supra-household means of
labour organisation (Feldman 1987; Wason 1994: 146-147), and neo-evolutionary theorists have been
particularly dedicated to use public architecture to classify societies into stages of socio-political
developments (e.g., Fried 1960, 1967; Service 1962, 1975). For instance, the existence of public
architecture has been used by Service to define his concept of “chiefdom” (Service 1962: 170, 1975:
96). The same criterion was developed by Renfrew to discuss the centralisation of religious authority
(Renfrew 1974: 77). Such scholars have underscored that the energy invested in the construction of a
building depends on multiple factors that are founded on both economic and non-economic logics.
In evolutionary terms, the energy invested in the construction of public monuments involves
the number of builders, the type of organisation capable of managing these builders, the presence of
a centralised authority, the existence of craft specialists and the possibility for the community to
afford labour (Abrams 1989: 60). However, Trigger (1990) observes that the more hierarchical a
society is, the less the principle of least effort can be applied to the study of monumental
architecture. In complex societies, social leaders convert communal energy into symbols of prestige
in what Trigger (1990: 125) defines as “conspicuous consumption”:
if the economy of effort is the basic principle governing the production and distribution
of those goods which are necessary to sustain human life, the ability to expend energy,
especially in the form of other’s people labour, in non-utilitarian ways is the most basic
and universally understood symbol of power.
Recent research has underscored the active nature of the built environment, and
demonstrated that people both create architecture and find their behaviours influenced by it (Nielsen
1995; Smith 1999; Smith and David 1995). In the Andes, the consideration of architecture as an
active social agent, rather than a passive index of social surplus, has been explored by J. Moore (1996,
1998, 2005). Moore recognises that architecture is a culturally constructed landscape which includes
both utilitarian and non-utilitarian features. His analysis considers both innovative and conservative
elements of building traditions and reveals that architecture is constituted through a wide range of
cultural decisions and constraints (Moore 2005: 3-5). Moore explores the interplay between public
buildings and authority which are, he argues, cultural constructs imbued with symbols which inform
communities about the basis of the social order (Moore 1996: 10-15).
Thus, public buildings, and the space they create, are more than mere indexes of socio-
political complexity. As Tilley (1994: 10) points out, “space is socially produced, and different
societies, groups and individuals act out their lives in different spaces […] these spaces, as social
productions, are always centred in relation to human agency”. In the succeeding sections of this
chapter I aim at considering the relationships between architecture and human agency in
archaeology.
1.2 Agency, structure and action

The nature of human actions has always fascinated social theorists. Early philosophers have
dwelled extensively on the interplay between self-determination and social institutions in the
production of society; in other words between agency and structure (e.g., Aristotle, John Locke,
Adam Smith; see Archer 1988). In archaeology, concerns about agency emerged in the 1960s with
the New Archaeology (Binford 1962) when a greater importance was given to material variability and
individuals in prehistory (Redman 1977; see Hill and Gunn 1977). This development paralleled the
stirring of ideas in anthropology and sociology in the 1960s and 1970s (Bourdieu 1977; Foucault
1977; Giddens 1979).
In anthropology, the 1970s marked the decline of structuralism which, at the same time,
conditioned the theoretical development of concepts such as practice, action, and agency. Many
scholars outlined that the static and synchronic view of most structuralist approaches fails to
integrate human actions into social structure (Bourdieu 1977; Giddens 1976; Lawrence 1989; Moore
1986). This dissatisfaction led social theorists to develop diverse approaches often regrouped under
the term “practice” (Ortner 1984: 144-146). In England, Anthony Giddens (1976, 1979, 1984) was
amongst those who pioneered this approach with his structuration theory.
Giddens and the structuration theory

For Giddens, a theoretical shift was needed not so much to replace structuralism, but rather
to complement it with the capacity to account for human actions. Rejecting functionalist (e.g.,
Parsons 1949) and Structural-Marxist (e.g., Althusser 1965) approaches, Giddens was concerned with
bridging the gap between “human action” and “structural analysis”. In his view, the agency/structure
dilemma represents one of the central problems in social theory which can only be resolved through
a consideration of the agent; an account of the conditions and consequences of action, and a
theorisation of structure based in these conditions (Giddens 1979: 49).
The main claim of the structuration theory is that social reproduction is an active constituting
process in which structure and action are mutually dependent. Action and structure presuppose one
another as “social structures are both constituted by human agency, and yet at the same time are the
very medium of this constitution” (Giddens 1976: 121, original emphasis); an idea also captured in
Geertz’s observation that “man [sic] is the only animal suspended in webs of meaning which he
himself has spun” (Geertz 1973: 5). Social actors are knowledgeable and capable agents who
motivate, rationalise and reflexively monitor their actions. Actions are conditioned by a mutual
knowledge of norms and practices and they constitute social systems. In this light, and unlike the
Marxist division into base, structure and superstructure (Marx and Engels 1970), Giddens argues that
social systems are not breakable into units. Rather, they represent a cohesive, seamless whole (Ortner
1984: 148).
The dialectical relationship between structure and agency, or “duality of structure”, is
essential to understand social interactions. The process by which actions are structured and impact
on the structure constitutes, for Giddens, the most important element by which both the personality
of the actors and the society is formed (Giddens 1979: 66). It involves different degrees of
consciousness and rationalisation of actions that generate intended as well as unintended
consequences. Giddens suggests that the structuration process involves three elements which both
guide action and impact on the structure: (1) the communication of meaning, (2) the exercise of
power, (3) the evaluative judgment of conduct (or sanction).
Human actions are contextualised in time and space as sequential and syntagmatic events, but
also as occupying an exclusive paradigmatic time-space intersection which must imply that an agent
could have acted otherwise. In other words, practices are “situated” at exclusive time-space
intersections in a continuous flow of conduct. As a result, a social practice is always linked to the past
and is, at the same, a production and reproduction of society (Dobres and Robb 2000: 5). In
Giddens’ view, these “situated practices” represent the major mode of connection between action
theory and structural analysis (Giddens 1979: 62-65).
For Giddens, social systems are structured totalities of actions that exist in time-space and are
constituted by social practices. To study a social system, one needs to investigate the structuring
properties of that system through (1) the analysis of institutions and (2) the analysis of strategic
conduct. Strategic manipulation of the system properties (i.e., rules and resources) thus has the
potential of conferring differential power in the production and reproduction of society (Giddens
1979: 80).
The assets of structuration theory for archaeologists are multiple. It is more apt at integrating
actions into social structure. Also, it distinguishes between different types of actions and their relative
power in shaping the social world. Structuration depends on the agency of people, their
interrelationships, inter-subjective practices and their forms of engagement with the world
(Sztompka 1991, 1994). Meanwhile, social structures provide the framework within which agents act.
Simply put, structuration can be conceived as the ongoing production, maintenance and
transformation of social institutions, as well as the material conditions within which people exist.
Scholars have recognised the potential of Giddens’ work for the archaeological study of architecture
as it recognises “that space must be incorporated into social theory, not as an environment, but as
integral to the occurrence of social behavior” (Lawrence and Low 1990: 489).
Agency in archaeology
Even though the structuration theory provided many assets to archaeologists, it was not
before the 1980s and 1990s that scholars began to assess seriously the theoretical framework of an
agency-based approach to society (e.g., Archer 1988, 1995; Bryant and Jary 1991; Garfinkel 1984;
Kegan Gardiner 1995; Storper 1985; Sztompka 1991, 1994). In archaeology, the post-processualist
movement has given the concept more sustained attention and nowadays agency has become an
important asset to archaeologists (Dobres and Robb 2000: 3).
Human agency can be defined in many ways. It is closely linked to the experience of
individuals (Barrett 2001; Thomas 1999; Tilley 1996) and sometimes conceived as the promotion of
self-interests within a broader, limitative social framework (Earle 1997; Flannery 1999; Price and
Feinman 1995). A central concept to agency-based approaches is the dialectical relationship between
agency and structure. Theories usually share the view that human agents are not omniscient and free-
willed, but rather impractical and imperfect actors embedded in social structure (Dobres and Robb
2000: 4; Robb 1999). Therefore, an agent is an entity which, through the interplay with structure,
influences the production and reproduction of society.
“Agent” is a comprehensive term that can include collectivities, groups or social movements
(Sztompka 1991: 99). As underscored by Dobres (2000: 133), “a community of practice (hunting
party, group of technical laborers, etc.) is as much an agent as each individual within that group”.
Further, and contrary to popular belief, “agency” does not translate methodologically into the
identification of individuals in the archaeological record (Dobres 2000: 141-142; see Kegan Gardiner
1995). Rather, it seeks to unravel the dynamics between agency and structure.
As for the structure itself, it refers to the conditions, contexts, rules and resources with
and/or within which agents exist and act in their everyday life. Structures can take many forms (e.g.,
physical, economic, ideological, symbolic). What is critical, however, is “that both tangible and
intangible structures are perceived and experienced, and through such means serve as fluid parameters
within which agents practice the everyday business of being-in-the-world” (Dobres 2000: 133,
original emphasis). Hence, focus is not so much on agents or structure, but rather on actions (or
practices), the mechanism through which agents structurally and imperfectly reproduce social
systems (Robb 1999; Turner 1994). To do “agency” in archaeology is to focus on people’s

engagements with the world, their actions and experiences. As the Huambacho research suggests,
such an approach is particularly well suited to the study of architecture and society.
1.3 Architecture and social practices

The main characteristic of architecture, and what distinguishes it from other classes of
material production, is that it is both an outcome of and a container for human actions. Built settings
are the product of human actions but they also become regulators for new actions (Bourdieu 1977).
Settings are composed of different types of fixed, semi-fixed and informal elements (Hall 1966: 101;
Rapoport 1988: 323-324). Their overall permanency distinguishes them from other classes of cultural
production. This confers architecture a special status inasmuch as it becomes a unique theatre for
social interactions of many kinds, from private, daily life events to public demonstrations and
ceremonies.
Human behaviours are closely related to the experience of space. Hence, buildings have the
power to suggest certain codes of actions at the same time as they become arenas for social
negotiations. As suggested by Rapoport (1982, 1988), built settings are catalysts of latent behaviours
and are critical in guiding individuals in their self-referential conception of reality. People’s actions
are mediated by the perception and decoding of physical and visual cues from the built environment
(Rapoport 1976: 9, 1990: 15).
Architecture does not, however, only work on the personal level. Architecture has the
potential to create spatial boundaries between different social segments and generate forms of social
control that are decisive in the exercise of authority and the maintenance of social differences (Hillier
and Hanson 1984: 143-175). Elite buildings, for instance, are built and used as backdrops to convey
information during staged performances (see Inomata and Coben 2006), but also become permanent
sceneries that relate these occasional performances with the daily existence of community members
(Tilley 1994: 25-26). They are a reminder of the physical engagement of social agents in public
activities. In this light, it is possible to posit that the different aspects of architectural practices, from
design, construction and use, have a critical importance in the constitution of society.
Architecture, style and techniques

Human actions leave visible imprints on the material record. The meaning of the information
contained in these imprints is vital to archaeological reconstructions. As a result, the “ways of doing
things” of prehistoric agents have been of particular concern to archaeologists. These have often
classified under the notion of “style” (Sackett 1977; Wiessner 1983; Wobst 1977; see Hegmon 1998).
In archaeology, style is generally defined as the material product of cultural systems or a
language that is read by social actors. All definitions of style depend on a distinction between human
actors and the material world, but scholars have distinguished between style as a passive, or
isochrestic, way of doing things (e.g., Sackett 1977), and style as an active way of communicating
information (e.g., Wiessner 1983). Post-processualist authors (e.g., Hodder 1985, Tilley 1991) have
also highlighted that style is embedded in all meaningful social actions.
Structuration theory claims that any human action is situated at a time-space intersection and
structured through differential consciousness and rationality. Technical agents have a rational
discourse; a “discursive consciousness” to explain how they do things. People also do things that do
not and/or cannot be explained discursively (Giddens 1979: 71). Such “practical consciousness” is
grounded in cultural traditions and customary practices, a concept termed habitus (Bourdieu 1977).
Habitus refers to the set of cultural habits and customs of social agents; it is “the durably installed
generative principle of regulated improvisations” (Bourdieu 1977: 78). This accounts for the
pervasiveness and dynamism of the “ways of doing things”. In ancient Peru, this situation is visible
in the existence of long-lasting, changing building traditions.
The concept of habitus has been applied to the study of technology and style in archaeology
(e.g., Dietler and Herbich 1998). It relates to the stocks of knowledge of a cultural tradition and
accounts for both the conservatism and dynamism of social systems. Stocks of knowledge are not
static and, according to Dobres (2000: 5), they are:
simultaneously personal and social, just as they are both “of the moment” and deeply
entrenched in history and symbolic representations. As well, the sorts of knowledge,
understandings, and awarenesses that derive from one’s encounters with their material
world are neither neutral nor “merely” practical; they also reconfirm one’s understanding
of the world and how it should be worked. Technological knowledge, then, has both a
transformative and political potential. Technology always has the possibility of being
about relations of power.
Technological practices not only represent the activities and physical actions of artefacts production
and use, but, most importantly, they give meaning to experience and inform social relationships.
Decision-making processes have been widely studied in anthropology and archaeology,
especially in relations to different kinds of technology (Lechtman 1977, 1993; Lemonnier 1986,
1993). Accepting that social systems are produced and reproduced through the interplay between
agency and structure, it emerges that various levels of decision are involved in social actions. In
architecture, this is particularly visible in the design and construction of buildings. The choices made
by designers, builders, and artists impact significantly on the forms of buildings, their function and
use. Thus, it is critical to recognise that human agency and architectural form are linked in two
fundamental ways. First, built forms are the physical embodiment of behaviour patterns; and second,
built forms, once constructed, guide human action (Rapoport 1969: 12). The Huambacho research
highlights both aspects of architecture, but analyses of architectural style and building techniques, in
particular, shed light on the agency of local builders. It is shown that the “ways of doing things” of
Huambacho’s artisans were strongly inspired by local traditions while, at the same time, they
innovated in many ways.
Structuration, systems and social change

Individual actions are in a continuous flow of conduct, and patterns of social interaction
occur in time and space, in a specific locale (Giddens 1979: 206). The structured features of action
are reproduced by the very performance of an action which, in turn, transforms the social system
(Thompson 1989: 56). As pointed out by Hardin (1993: 190) in her study of the Kono of Sierra
Leone, “action affects the configuration of structural properties (and thus the interpretation of
action) and, at the same time, the habits, rules, and resources embedded within structural properties
guide action. Within this dialectic, change is inevitable”. This accounts for the stability of social
systems while, at the same time, explains their change.
For example, Goodenough (2003) sees culture as a “cultural make up” that changes through
time in response to diverse processes, rather than a basic unit of cultural evolution. For him, cultural
evolution works at various micro levels, and “discrete bundles of how to do things […] become
relatively distinct traditions as they are passed down across generations. These traditions are the main
units of cultural evolution and change” (Goodenough 2003: 7). One might look at archaeological
cultures as composed of different material cultural traditions or activity complexes. Therefore,
changes in one aspect of the cultural tradition, though it possesses the potential to change the
structural properties of the social system, must not necessarily be paralleled by changes in other
bundles of how to do things. This is rather important to keep in mind when one studies the
propagation, for instance, of religious cults and the emergence of innovative religious ideologies.
Changes in religious ideologies, for instance, could be expressed in certain aspects of cultural
production.
At the same time, however, changes in certain aspects of social systems can have significant
impacts on other spheres of activities. Changes in the “rules” and access to resources have the
potential to promote the actions and interests of certain individuals or factions over others (Drennan
2000). On the north-central coast of Peru, the Early Horizon marked the introduction of new means
of production and the development of previously unknown forms of public art and architecture. The
relationships between these changes are documented at Huambacho.
According to Robb (1999: 8, original emphasis), “culture is reproduced by secret agents, by
people trying to do everything except reproduce cultural structures”. If we follow this argument,
agency is a form of material engagement with the world that involves the partial awareness of
actions. Moreover, not all agents possess the same resources, skills, knowledge and competence
(Gosden 1994: 86). As a result, everyday social conventions suggest some kind of normative set of
practices, but agents replicate imperfectly social structures. At the same time, people pertaining to
different social groupings will tend to differentiate themselves from competing formations.
Brumfiel (1989, 1994) has developed the concept of “factional competition” to account for
the ways various sub-groups and factions that constitute a society interact in the generation of socio-
political institution and ideological variability. Factions encompass social agents with convergent and
divergent interests; they interact and often compete. These factions negotiate their existence in the
same way as the whole of social agents, through a web of social interactions situated in time and
space and highly dependent on power relationships.
Therefore, socio-cultural systems are not monolithic entities and their production and
reproduction involve interactions between different social groups, communities, centres, and
peripheries. Social boundaries that define these formations are dynamic and actualised in accordance
with the interests of each group and community.
Many advances have been made in the study of social variability and boundaries (Stark 1998),
as well as the investigation of the factions composing early complex societies. Recently, Martin
(2005), developing on the writings of Latour (1987, 1999), has suggested that the study of culture
change in archaeology could benefit from an analysis of social dissidence or, to use his term,
“controversies”. Key to Latour’s argument is the nature of material production and the way this
production becomes a representation of the world. As Martin (2005) exposes, Latour observes that
one occasion during which it is possible to study the process of thought behind an object is during
“disputes over what is a correct representation” (Latour 1987: 21, original emphasis). Martin further
argues that these disputes are often “the catalysts for the development of new representations. Yet
even if they do not result in new representations, contenders will trace their conception of the logic
behind them” (Martin 2005: 286).
Martin applies Latour’s model to the study of Hopewell (50 B.C.-A.D. 250) burial mounds in
the Illinois Valley. The existence of alternative ideologies and dissident modes of burial practices
allowed Martin to analyse regional variations as political manoeuvres and, in turn, explain culture
change through the negotiation and borrowing of ideas between factions (Martin 2005: 301). In Peru,
recent research indicates that the Early Horizon was much more diverse culturally than previously
thought. On the north-central coast, in particular, it appears that several groups, polities or factions
co-existed, interacted and, probably, borrowed from each other.
The foregoing has been presented to show that many aspects of society are related to the
production of architecture. From the style of construction to the building techniques and their
change, architecture can be understood through the interplay between agency and structure. What I
wish to stress in the remaining part of this section are the ways by which the built environment
frames human actions. In the archaeological study of early complex societies, it is particularly
relevant to consider the role of public architecture in the exercise of authority and the materialisation
of ideology.
Public monuments, rituals and the materialisation of ideology

Public buildings serve various functions, but they usually represent arenas for social affirmation,
contestation and negotiation. They are salient features of the constructed landscape, and they help to
consolidate economic, socio-political and religious formations. In fact, landscapes affect the
experience, the perception and the imagination of individuals (Smith 2003: 269). According to
Cosgrove (1984: 15) “landscape” is an essentially ideological concept that represents the “way in
which certain classes of people have signified themselves and their world through their imagined
relationships with nature, and through which they have underlined and communicated their social
role and that of others with respect to external nature”. Landscapes not only have an impact on
human actions, they exist by their virtue of being perceived, experienced and contextualised (Knapp
and Ashmore 1999: 1).
According to Tilley (1991, 1994), architectural landscapes have the potential to transmit not only
messages about the social order but also, as places of ritual importance, elements of the religious
ideology (see Hughes-Freeland and Crain 1998). The symbolic use of space is crucial in the exercise
of authority and the expression of religious ideology (Tilley 1991: 152).
Public buildings are often sacred and, as such, they represent anchor points for ritual activities.
According to Eliade (1959: 26), sacred places manifest “a hierophany, an irruption of the sacred that
results in detaching a territory from the surrounding cosmic milieu and making it qualitatively
different”. These special places, chosen and/or built for ritual activities, thus become part of the
ritual landscape of a society (Harding 1991: 141).
As a social practice, rituals represent formalised sequences of repetitive sets of actions that
communicate information amongst community members (Connerton 1989: 44; Kertzer 1988: 9;
Rappaport 1999: 3). Rituals can be considered as scenarios during which power is affirmed,
maintained, and contested, through various mechanisms, including visual displays and performances.
These ritual elements, along with the physical properties of the ritual settings, are perceived through
mental templates influenced by the material conditions of existence (Bourdieu 1977: 116). Because
ritual participants are both the transmitters and the receivers of information, rituals are the basis of
social, public order which contributes to the acceptance of the ideological message (Rappaport 1999:
122-123). They help people to recognise their affiliation to a specific social group.
As a result, rituals generate a situation in which community members are dependent on their
participation in ritual activities for defining themselves both personally and socially (Kertzer 1988:
82). In turn, the control of the ritual sphere is a powerful asset of authority. For example, absence
from the ritual domain can weaken one’s social position (Hayden 1995: 74), and ritual events are
often a theatre for inter-individual competition (Mills 2000: 8). Rituals are often public, and the
appropriation of ritual spaces by elites has the potential to provide authority (Bradley 1991).
According to Tilley (1994: 27): “the ability to control access to and manipulate settings for actions is
a fundamental feature of the operation of power as domination.” This can be expressed in myriad
ways including patterns of entryways and visual displays.
Authority has been conceived as usually involving an asymmetry in social relations (Arendt
1958; Bailey 1969). This social inequality rests on foundations of legitimacy and force, consensus and
coercion. Therefore, its reproduction depends on both the legitimacy and the force of the dominant
social segment (Kus 1984: 105; Swartz et al. 1968: 14-16). The authority of individuals or groups of
individuals is materialised through a series of actions, some of which have the potential to involve
the strategic orientation of the socio-communal effort. This is particularly the case with public
monuments, considered by archaeologists as a tangible expression of the exercise of power and the
materialisation of ideology (Moore 1996: 3).
Many scholars have tackled the problem of the materialisation of ideology (Argan 1980;
Demarest and Conrad 1992; DeMarrais et al. 2004; Inomata 2001; Kristiansen 1984; Miller and Tilley
1984; Shanks and Tilley 1982). According to DeMarrais (2004: 11): “The materialization of culture
may be defined as the transformation of ideas, values, stories, myths, and the like into a material,
physical reality.” In the Andes, scholars have been particularly interested in dealing with these kinds
of transformations (Bawden 1995; DeMarrais 2004; DeMarrais et al. 1996; Kolata 1992). DeMarrais
et al. (1996), for instance, consider that the materialisation of ideology, through ceremonies, objects,
or monuments, allows the diffusion of the central authority to a wider population.
As a strategy, it extends the ideology of those with more resources and promotes their interests
at the expenses of rival groups. It also allows potential competition and negotiation of power
relationships between and within social segments (DeMarrais et al. 1996: 15-17). This is particularly
the case for public monuments. Public buildings are associated with a group, and they tie this group
to a place. They represent the power and authority of leaders since they are visible to a large
audience. They are highly suitable for propagating ideas since the message goes beyond age, gender,
language and/or cultural affiliation (DeMarrais et al. 1996: 19). Public spaces have special qualities
that give a feeling of belonging and provide ontological basis on which to interpret reality. Further,
they are permanent reminder of the authority of certain individuals and their control is fundamental
to the exercise of authority (Cannadine 1992: 3; Kertzer 1988: 22; Tilley 1994: 27).
Public spaces are used for several different purposes including ritual activities during which
meanings are communicated. According to Rappaport (1999), two types of meanings are transferred
during rituals: self-referential and canonical messages. Self-referential messages do not only contain
information, they give meaning to ritual actions (Rappaport 1999: 70-72). Mainly through metaphor,
rituals provide participants with cues to interpret their actions. This process is indexical rather than
symbolic. On the other hand, canonical messages are communicated through conventions grounded
in liturgical order. This information is mainly transferred through symbolic devices which
multivocality allows the communication of several different meanings (Rappaport 1999: 263). Both
types of messages can be transmitted through the design of public spaces and activated during ritual
performances.
In this research, I aim at defining the strategies employed by Early Horizon elites to control
access to and manipulate the constructed spaces at Huambacho. I argue that through the design of
architectural forms and the elaboration of public art, leaders guided ritual actions and engineered
special experiences which helped to legitimate their authority.
1.4 Towards an agency of monuments

When dealing with agency and the built environment, one cannot avoid conceptualising the
materiality of social practices (DeMarrais et al. 2004). Recently, practice theorists have argued that
since we delegate values, duties, ethics, and power to material culture, objects must be embedded in
social relations (Akrich 1992; Latour 1994). For example, Boast (1997) argues that it is through the
construction of subjectivity that agents (either humans or non-humans) gain meaning. The meaning
of objects should thus be sought in the way objects become actors in their own right, being delegated
identities, roles and social status dependent on their constitution and place within the network of
social actions (Boast 1997: 187-189). In this perspective, public buildings, as theatres for displays and
performances, have the potential of becoming agents.
Gell (1992, 1998) has framed these ideas in a model that accounts for the production,
circulation and perception of material culture. His model has been particularly assessed in
anthropology and art history (e.g., Hooper 2000; Layton 2003), but it certainly has applications in
archaeology (Robb 2004). Inspired by Eco (1976: 131, 1984: 40), Gell suggests that objects, through
a process of abduction, become invested with social agency or an extension of the agency of certain
people (artists, patrons, etc.) (Gell 1998: 13-15).
Gell’s model rests on four basic terms: index, artist, recipient, and prototype. For him,
“agency is attributable to those persons […] who/which are seen as initiating causal sequences of a
particular type, that is, events caused by acts of mind or intention, rather than mere concatenation of
physical events. An agent is one who “causes events to happen” in their vicinity” (Gell 1998: 16). For
Gell, human actors extend and distribute their agency through the material world. Following Gell’s
argument, social interactions are mediated by the extension of agency to objects and the built
environment (Gell 1998: 221). The power of places, especially constructed spaces, over social
interactions is significant.
Public buildings represent the nexus of various actors. A church (index), for example, is
commissioned by a patron who hires architects, masons and artists (artists). These actors will
respectively draw from mental templates. How should a church be like (prototype)? How should it
be built? Each set of actors will use techniques drawn from stocks of knowledge embedded in
cultural tradition and technical habitus. Once the church is constructed, people (recipients) will visit it
and take part in ritual activities. Within all this equation, the building and its various components
(settings, rooms, decoration, imagery, atmosphere, etc.) become an index and a mediator of the
interactions between the patron, the architects, the builders and the visitors.
More recently, Robb (2004) has developed around Gell’s ideas, and suggested the concept of
“extended agent” to account for the ways objects exert agency. Robb argues that objects can only be
understood if we consider their extension in time and space. As institutionalised practices, objects
cannot be reduced to their physicality: “[they] are given meanings; they project fields of correct
usage, they dictate future actions and they enmesh into social relations” (Robb 2004: 133). This is
particularly relevant for this study since public buildings have the potential to extend fields of action
in time and space. Public ritual facilities, for instance, not only contain ritualised acts, but create
permanent sceneries that act, on a daily basis, as a reminder of the social order. As such, the agency
of architects and the prototype on which they draw to build such a place is critical. Local leaders are
often responsible for the promotion of religious ideological ideas and their agency influences the
design, construction and use of public spaces.
In this dissertation, I approach Huambacho as a nexus of social interactions. I am particularly
interested in understanding how built settings shaped human actions and how, by promoting certain
ideas, they extended the agency of Huambacho elites.
One particularly cogent way to deal with the theoretical issues raised in this chapter is to
excavate architectural contexts and analyse their formal features along with their associated material
remains.
1.5 Outline of chapters

In the succeeding chapters, I present the historical and empirical data to shed light on
Huambacho architecture and society. In Chapter 2, I review the literature on early Andean
architecture and summarise research on the Early Horizon. I focus on the “Chavín phenomenon”
and discuss the various models which have been proposed to account for the socio-cultural and
political landscape during the Early Horizon. I conclude Chapter 2 by stressing the importance of the
Nepeña Valley for the current issues in Early Horizon studies, especially ceremonial architecture and
religious diversity.
In Chapter 3, I present and describe the results of the Proyecto Huambacho. I begin by
describing the environmental setting in the Nepeña Valley and contextualising the site of
Huambacho. I detail the methodological issues of the excavation project and expose the field
objectives. I also summarise excavation results, focussing on the Early Horizon occupation of the
site. I conclude the chapter with an overall interpretation of the data recovered during fieldwork.
Chapter 4 focuses on the analysis of the architectural remains. Building techniques are
detailed and the spatial organisation the various architectural units is discussed. I examine entryways,
ramps and staircases and discuss their organisation into access systems. It is argued that the Main
Compound’s spatial organisation displays a fundamental division between public and private spaces.
Spatial organisation also suggests hierarchical access patterns. I use results of the architectural
analyses for bringing preliminary insights into the site of Huambacho and Early Horizon labour
organisation.
Chapters 5 and 6 review the analyses of the various classes of materials recovered during the
excavations at Huambacho. I focus on their implications for understanding the use of space as well
as the cultural affiliations of Huambacho’s occupants. Ceramic and non-ceramic artefacts, as well as
food remains are the main classes of evidence. I examine patterns of distribution at the site-level, but
also compare the Huambacho evidence with data available from other sites.
In Chapter 7, I discuss the ritual experiences at Huambacho. I focus on issues of perception
and action and review the various lines of evidence, especially visual arts and public spaces. I argue
that ritual experiences at Huambacho were decisive in the self-referential interpretation of actions
and the transmission of canonical messages. These messages were mainly conveyed through
elaborate public art forms and ritual motions. Evidence also exists to assess the role of altered states
of consciousness in the conduct of public gatherings. Buildings shaped experiences that created ritual
distances, promoted the authority of certain individuals, and perpetuated social structures.
Chapter 8 reviews the Huambacho evidence and presents the conclusions of the research. I
begin by summarising the data at the site-level and suggest that Huambacho represented an elite
centre. I then consider the centre at a regional level. By comparing the Huambacho evidence with
other sites, I delimit the spatial and temporal distribution of the Huambacho building tradition. I
assess the continuity between the various Initial Period and Early Horizon groups as viewed through
special architectural forms. These forms are used to argue that Huambacho’s architectural canons
developed in relative isolation from the Chavín phenomenon.
— CHAPTER 2 —
BACKGROUND TO THE STUDY: EARLY ANDEAN
ARCHITECTURE AND THE PROBLEM OF THE EARLY HORIZON
Scholars have traditionally conceived Andean prehistory as somewhat featuring alternating

periods of large-scale socio-cultural integration, or “horizons”, and periods of breakdown into
regional systems (Rowe 1945, 1960). This has contributed to the misconception of these “horizons”
as socio-culturally homogeneous, a situation particularly salient in the study of the Early Horizon and
the “Chavín civilisation”.
In this second chapter, I summarise the history of archaeological research on the Early
Horizon and dwell on the predominance of the Chavín phenomenon. I suggest that Early Horizon
architecture and society on the north-central coast of Peru would be best understood in terms of
local developments. I, therefore, present an overview of pre-Early Horizon architecture at sites from
the Late Preceramic Period (ca. 3000-1800 B.C.) and the Initial Period (ca. 1800-900 B.C.). Special
attention is given to public buildings and their associated activities. I conclude this chapter by
discussing the several interpretative models developed to explore Early Horizon coastal
developments and highlight the critical place occupied by architecture and public art.
2.1 Early research on the Early Horizon

The study of the Early Horizon is synonymous with Chavín, probably the best known early
Andean civilisation (Lumbreras 1973). It was named after Chavín de Huántar, a site most notable for
its monumental architecture, stone sculpture and vivid iconography. Chavín has been variously
ascribed to a religious cult, an art style, and a culture (Bushnell 1965: 43; Lanning 1967: 98;
Lumbreras 1974: 57; Willey 1971: 116), but its origins remain obscure (see Benson 1971; Lathrap
1971; Kano 1979; Miller and Burger 1995; Ravines 1984; Willey 1951).
Scholars have often treated Chavín as the source of Andean civilisation (Lumbreras 1989;
Tello 1960). During the first part of the 20th century, archaeologists rapidly introduced the idea of a
pan-regional Chavín phenomenon. It was Julio C. Tello, following the prophetic view of Middendorf
(1973 [1886]; cited in Burger 1993: 41), who promoted the idea of a pan-regional Chavín civilisation
after he first visited Chavín de Huántar in 1919 (Tello 1939). After noticing that the distinctive art
style characterising stone sculpture at Chavín de Huántar was found elsewhere in the Andes, mainly
on clay friezes, gold artefacts and textiles, Tello proposed that the Chavín style had spread from the
north-central highlands to most regions of Peru (Tello 1942). He linked the sculptures found at
Chapter 2, Early Andean architecture and the Early Horizon 19
Chavín de Huántar with feline representations depicted on black monochrome pottery discovered in
various regions of Peru. Tello’s argument originally rested on comparative evidence obtained from
his excavations at several coastal sites, including Cerro Blanco and Punkurí in Nepeña [Figure 2.1].
Tello had heard of the existence of painted friezes at the site of Cerro Blanco and in 1933 he
spent five months excavating it (Antúnez de Mayolo 1933; Tello 1993a, 1933b, 1933c, 2005: 49-75).
He uncovered three superimposed construction phases. The earliest was built of stone and mud and
decorated with multicolour feline-related designs. Tello attributed it to his “Chavín Period”. In the
same year, Tello (2005: 77-118) also investigated the site of Punkurí where he revealed a building
sequence consistent with his observations at Cerro Blanco. Three superimposed phases of
construction were documented, the first two of which Tello interpreted as Chavín on the basis of
stylistic evidence (Tello 1933a). Tello returned to Nepeña in 1934 and documented further the
painted murals at Cerro Blanco (Tello 2005: 134-155). Since then, Tello’s ideas have dominated the
interpretation of Cerro Blanco and Punkurí as coastal manifestations of the Chavín phenomenon.
The importance of Tello’s work was multiple. Apart from demonstrating the stratigraphic
superposition of the Moche culture over the Chavín (Lothrop 1934: 815; Means 1934: 12), Tello’s
excavations in Nepeña led him to give temporal priority to Chavín de Huántar over the “coastal
Chavín”. In 1937, excavations at more “Chavín Period” sites in the Casma Valley (Strong 1943: 3)
supported Tello’s idea about the cultural priority of the highland Chavín (Daggett 1984: 9). In
Casma, Tello recognised the sites of Pampa de las Llamas, Moxeke, Pallka, Sechín Alto, Chankillo,
La Cantina and Cerro Sechín as Chavín (Tello 1956: 10-11, 32-83) [see Figure 1.1].
At the same time, at least one archaeologist saw the Nepeña-Chavín connection differently.
Larco (1938, 1941, 1963) opposed Tello’s view and suggested the Nepeña sites predated the
foundation of Chavín de Huántar; stylistically, Cerro Blanco and Punkurí were linked more closely,
for Larco, to the north coast Cupisnique culture (Larco 1941). In 1937, Larco excavated Chavín style
pottery in human burials found in the Quebrada Cupisnique, Chicama Valley, which he used to name
coastal incised pottery. For Larco, the art style at Chavín was mature and more fully developed in
contrast to the coastal Cupisnique style. For him, Punkurí and Cerro Blanco were the models upon
which the builders of Chavín de Huántar drew (Bennett 1937: 25). Despite little evidence, Larco
suggested that the Nepeña Valley was the centre of development of an early megalithic tradition,
ancestral to the Cupisnique culture (Larco 1938: 36-37, 1963: 149). In Larco’s view, the sites of
Punkurí and Cerro Blanco would have contributed to the spread of the Cupisnique style to highlands
and to Chavín (Larco 1938: 50).
Larco convinced some scholars, notably Bennett (1937, 1944), but most archaeologists
adopted Tello’s view. The idea that coastal Chavín was the result of the spread of highland Chavín
became widely accepted even though many inconsistencies were noted. For instance, Kroeber (1925,
1944) and Strong’s (1925) studies of Uhle’s ceramic collections of Ancón and Supe led Tello to see
the black monochrome incised ceramics as “classic Chavín” style (Kroeber and Strong 1924) even
though no examples of that ceramic type had yet to be found at Chavín de Huántar at the time (not
found until 1934). As such, Tello’s definition of the Chavín style came to include many traits from
supposedly Chavín sites that were actually absent at Chavín de Huántar itself. Some of Tello’s
disciples even referred to Chavín as an “Empire” (Carrión 1948; Mejía 1963), which weakened
Tello’s case. As a result, some of Tello’s supporters began to reconsider the validity of using the term
Chavín outside the site of Chavín de Huántar (Kroeber 1944: 82).
Nevertheless, the belief that the Chavín style had spread rapidly was supported by the
apparent stylistic homogeneity between distant regions; hence the popularisation of the idea of a
“Chavín Horizon” (Willey 1945), analogous to the two later horizons of the Wari and Inka empires
(Uhle 1902, 1903, 1913). The concept of “Chavín Horizon” came to be used as a chronological
marker, as well as a synonym of cultural homogeneity, which led to substantial confusion. For
instance, Willey (1951) tried to solve the “Chavín Problem” by defining the Chavín horizon style on
the basis of stone sculpture. However, the scarcity of stone sculptures at Chavín de Huántar led him
to base his model on the non-iconographic elements of other artefacts, particularly ceramics (Willey
1951: 135).
To reduce the ambiguity related to the use of the concepts “Chavín Horizon” and “Chavín
Period”, Rowe (1960, 1962) introduced the term “Early Horizon” (Ravines 1970: 16-19). By
definition, the Early Horizon covers an arbitrary chronological unit which began with the first
intrusion of the Chavín influence in the Ica Valley and ended with the replacement of resin painting
by polychrome slip-painted pottery (Rowe 1962: 49). Unlike the term “Chavín Horizon” (Burger
1993; Willey 1945), Early Horizon is used here as a block of time and does not imply cultural
homogeneity (Burger 1988: 106). Its use is favoured in this dissertation because it steers clear of any
assumptions of widespread developmental stages implicit in the alternative “Formative” terminology
(Bennett and Bird 1960; Bueno 1997; Lumbreras 1974: 49; Strong 1948; see Ramón 2005). The Early
Horizon approximately runs from 900 to 200 B.C. (Lanning 1967: 25; Willey 1971: 84-85). It follows
the Initial Period (1800-900 B.C.) and precedes the Early Intermediate Period (200 B.C.-A.D. 600)
[Table 2.1].
Table 2.1 Chronology and cultural sequences for the north-central coast of Peru (Santa-Nepeña-Casma area).
Estimated absolute Central Andean Major North Casma Santa Nepeña
chronology Period Coast Culture Valley † Valley ‡ Valley *
AD 1500 Late Horizon Inca Late Tambo Real Inca

Manchán
Late Intermediate Chimú Early Tambo Real Chimú
Period
AD 1000
Casma Late Tanguche
Middle Horizon Sicán Casma /
Choloque Early Tanguche Three-Colours
AD 500
Nivín Guadalupito Moche /
Moche Recuay
Early Intermediate
AD Period Cachipampa Suchimancillo Gallinazo(?)
BC Gallinazo Salinar (?)
Patazca Vinzos
Salinar
500 BC Early Horizon
Early Horizon Pallka Cayhuamarca (Huambacho)
1000 BC Cupisnique
(Caballo
Initial Period Muerto) Sechín Phase ? Cerro Blanco /
Punkurí
1500 BC
Moxeke Phase
2000 BC Preceramic Huaca Prieta Las Salinas Los Chinos

Period
† Wilson 1988 ‡ Pozorski and Pozorski 1987a, 2002; Wilson 1995 * Chicoine 2006; Daggett 1984; Proulx 1968, 1973, 1985
2.2 The Early Horizon and the spread of the Chavín cult
The Early Horizon corresponds to a period when an amalgam of regional developments
became linked through intensified religious and trade networks. Many technological advances were
made, either through innovation or improvement of Initial Period traditions (Burger 1988: 129-131;
Kembel and Rick 2004: 54). The Early Horizon coincides with the spread of the Chavín cult, and it is
generally agreed that communities that participated in the Chavín network exchanged objects, ideas
and, possibly, people (e.g., Druc 1998). The Chavín cult revolved around an iconography centred on
images of felines, raptorial birds, caymans and San Pedro cactus and expressed the predominance of
shamanistic beliefs (Cordy-Collins 1977; Goetzke 1990; Kan 1972; Lathrap 1971; McEwan 1992;
Rowe 1967; Urton 1996). Ideological and religious ties were expressed through similar ritual
paraphernalia, iconography, and ceremonial architecture (Burger 1992: 191-203). The centre of the
cult would have been based at Chavín de Huántar.
Chavín de Huántar appears to have been founded in the late Initial Period and its
architectural layout, spatial organisation and masonry differ from the local architectural tradition. The
site is located high on the eastern slopes of the Cordillera Blanca at an elevation of 3150 m above sea
level (m asl). The dating of the ceremonial core at Chavín de Huántar remains problematic
(Lumbreras 1989; Burger 1978, 1981, 1984; Kembel 2001; see Kembel and Rick 2004: 62), but it is
generally acknowledged that the site consists of two distinct buildings: the Old Temple and the New
Temple (Rowe 1967). The Old Temple main building, highly reminiscent of the Initial Period coastal
U-shaped complexes, was organised around a circular sunken plaza and featured many subterranean
galleries (see Burger 1992: 131, Figure 120). The phase during which the Old Temple was
constructed, also known as Urabarriu, is estimated to run from 1000 to 500 B.C. By approximately
400 B.C. Chavín de Huántar witnessed a second major building episode believed by some scholars to
be associated with a “proto-urban” centre (Burger 1992: 165). Contemporary with these
developments was the construction and use of the New Temple.
As asserted by Burger (1992), the New Temple was built during the Chakinani and Janabarriu
phases. The New Temple at Chavín de Huántar was an extension of the Old Temple. In contrast
with the latter, it was fronted by a rectangular sunken court. The two architectural features were
linked through a series of aligned stairs. On the basis of stylistic evidence from the stone sculptures
and ceramics associated with the New Temple, it has been suggested that Chavín de Huántar attained
its greatest influence during the Janabarriu phase (ca. 390-200 B.C.) (see Burger 1981: 596). By that
time, the influence of the Chavín cult ranged from Paracas on the south coast (Kroeber 1953;
Massey 1986; Menzel et al. 1964; Tello 1943) to Pacopampa in the north highlands (Rosas and Shady
1970). Despite sustained efforts, the Chavín phenomenon remains poorly understood, especially
from the standpoint of regional cultural variability (Burger 1988). For instance, the Huambacho
research indicates that groups in the vicinity of the Callejón de Huaylas, where strong pre-Chavín
elements are present (e.g., Burger 1989), made use of markedly different types of religious buildings
(Chicoine 2006).
One of the most compelling models that accounts for the spread of the Chavín cult has been
formulated by Burger. Based on colonial accounts (Pizarro 1968; Estete 1968; Cieza de León 1924;
Rostworowski 1972, 1981), Burger (1988) suggests that the Chavín cult could have functioned in an
analogous fashion to the pan-regional Pachacamac cult. The centre of Pachacamac was a large
ceremonial complex of the Lurín Valley, which originally featured an oracle located at the summit of
a large adobe platform. Access to this platform was restricted to religious specialists. According to
Burger (1988: 114-115) the site:
provided oracular predictions, favorable intervention with the elements, protection

against disease, and, presumably, specialized knowledge concerning the favorable times
for planting and harvesting. Divine sanctions, including earthquakes and crop
destruction, were thought to be the consequences of antagonizing the god of
Pachacamac.
Different regions participated in various ways, and to differing levels of the Chavín interaction
sphere. Indeed, Chavín religion could co-exist with other coeval religious traditions (e.g., Burger and
Matos 2002). Burger (1988: 116) argues:
if the growth of the Pachacamac cult followed older Andean traditions, some local
religious centers of the Early Horizon would have remained relatively unaffected by the
Chavín cult, even if they lay within its sphere of influence…
In the 1980s, discoveries made at several coastal sites, as well as revised dating for Chavín de
Huántar itself (Burger 1981), raised questions about the presence of the Chavín influence in certain
regions and provoked debates on the value of the concept of the Chavín horizon (Burger 1993;
Pozorski and Pozorski 1987b). In particular, the Nepeña Valley was a case where much of the early
work revealed evidence for strong ties between the local populations and Chavín de Huántar. Many
sites ascribed by Tello to the spread of the Chavín cult actually predate the Early Horizon. For
example, the mural friezes found at Cerro Blanco and Punkurí can be dated, on architectural and
stylistic grounds, to the Initial Period (Daggett 1984: 85-102). This interpretation is supported by
discoveries made at several Initial Period sites such as Limoncarro in the Jequetepeque Valley
(Pozorski and Pozorski 1987b: 43), Caballo Muerto (Huaca de los Reyes) in the Moche Valley (T.
Pozorski 1976: 170-187, 305-324, 1980: 107), Pampa de las Llamas-Moxeke (Pozorski and Pozorski
1986: 400) and Cerro Sechín in the Casma Valley (Bonavia 1974: 30-35; Samaniego 1973: 42-51) and
Garagay in the Rímac Valley (Ravines 1975). Artwork at Huaca de los Reyes, for example, compares
favourably with Cerro Blanco and, like the Nepeña temples, it was first built of stone and mud and
only later of conical adobes (Moseley and Watanabe 1974; T. Pozorski 1976: 239).
Beyond the stylistic data, recent excavations at Cerro Blanco (Shibata and Ugaz 2002) and
Punkurí (Samaniego 1992) have yielded stratigraphic, ceramic and radiometric evidence which
substantiates their dating to the Initial Period. While the gap in our knowledge produced by this
chronological clarification has attracted little scientific interest (Burger 1993: 55), in Nepeña, it forces
archaeologists to re-evaluate previous models of Early Horizon cultural developments (e.g., Daggett
1987). This provides a unique opportunity to study social complexity and cultural variability in a
region traditionally viewed as a Chavín stronghold (Proulx 1976).
Issues of interregional interactions and the participation in the Chavín cult have been
explored in many regions of Peru. The south coast of Peru is an example of a region where Chavín
influence was strongly felt. For the Ica Valley, Menzel et al. (1964: 257-258) posit a direct Chavín
influence based on the discovery of a cache of cotton textiles painted with Chavín designs. They also
interpret Ocucaje ceramics (Phases 1-2 and 4-5) as Chavín. Work by Massey (1986: 34-35) suggests
that the Chavín influence was clearly felt in Ica ceramic assemblages during her Early Horizon phase
II radiocarbon dated to 350-200 B.C. In Ica, it is believed that the Chavín influence was religious:
Rather than initiating the long-distance exchange that characterized this period, it is
proposed that Chavín de Huántar functioned as the principal source of religious doctrine
and that the existing network was exploited as a means of diffusing its ideology to other
Andean centers (Massey 1986: 288).
Massey’s work indicates that the “esoteric knowledge” (Helms 1979; cited in Massey 1986: 288)
gained from the contact with Chavín de Huántar acted as a valuable elite resource. The Huambacho
research demonstrates a very different scenario in Nepeña.
Investigations in the Ayacucho area of the central highlands have revealed the problem of
considering the Chavín influence as solely religious (Burger and Matos 2002). Using a World-System
approach, Burger and Matos (2002) argue that socio-economic considerations, rather than religion,
explain the emulation of Chavín-like ceramics at the site of Atalla. World-system, or core-periphery,
models emphasise the inequality between socio-political organisations whose articulation creates
different patterns of interaction and dynamic forces within a World-System (Burger and Matos 2002:
170; Peregrine and Feinman 1996; Stein 1998).
Investigations at Atalla indicate that groups produced forms of architecture and community
planning different from those found at Chavín de Huántar. Here, the appearance of Janabarriu style
stamped circle-and-dot pottery is interpreted as a sign of the incorporation of Atalla in the Chavín
interaction sphere (Burger and Matos 2002: 165). Chavín elites would have been interested in Atalla
for its cinnabar mines and long-distance trade would have been facilitated by the introduction of
camelids. Like in Ica, the participation in the Chavín network at Atalla is believed to be closely
related to the prestige and authority of local elites. According to Burger and Matos (2002: 164):
The production at or near Atalla of a range of household cooking and serving vessels
that intentionally emulate a cosmopolitan ceramic style popular within the Chavín sphere
of interaction in both the coast and the highlands attests to a conscious identification of
the site’s inhabitants with more developed and prestigious groups to the north.
The coordination and regulation of the procurement and long-distance trade in cinnabar and other
products would have required the emergence of a distinctive social group with a new set of relations
to the more rural peoples involved in the actual mining of these materials. Yet, it does not seem that
Atalla’s occupants adopted the Chavín cult. Nevertheless, the prosperity of Atalla would have been
so dependent on its participation in the Chavín network that its abandonment is believed to be
associated with the decline of Chavín de Huántar (Burger and Matos 2002: 173)
To sum up, whereas early scholars conceived the Early Horizon as a period of socio-cultural
and religious homogeneity under the hegemony of Chavín de Huántar, recent archaeological
advances reveal much more variability. Rather than being a period of uncontested integration, it
appears that the Early Horizon saw the development of different religious ideologies. Some distant
groups were incontestably linked within the Chavín interaction network, but some groups remained
independent from the highland centre. Chavín is only a part of a very complex series of related
developments which included regional and interregional changes that intertwined different traditions
of architectural design, religious ideology and public art. In Nepeña, Early Horizon groups inherited
a rich building tradition that developed in coastal Peru as early as 3000 B.C.
2.3 Architecture and society before the Early Horizon

The major developments in architecture that occurred in the Central Andes from the Late
Preceramic Period to the Initial Period, a period that runs from approximately 3000 to 1000 B.C.,
help appreciate the origins of Early Horizon architecture and society.
2.3.1 The Late Preceramic Period

In Peru, public monuments first appeared at coastal centres during the Late Preceramic
period. This period marked the shift from a nomadic way of life to a settled one. Economy priorities
changed from wild plant gathering, hunting and possibly shellfish collecting to the use of marine
resources, and the cultivation of industrial and food plants (S. Pozorski 1979: 181).
Populations on the coast and in the highlands were linked through exchange systems. As a
result their respective architectural traditions are not to be seen as isolated from each other. Yet,
coastal and highland Late Preceramic architectural traditions exhibit fundamental differences,
including the layout of the public centres, their scale, differential access systems and ritual activities.
The highlands
Many Late Preceramic sites have been identified in the highlands including Kotosh,
Shillacoto, Waira-Jirca, Huaricoto, La Galgada and Piruru (Bonnier 1983, 1988; Bonnier and
Rozenberg 1988; Bueno and Grieder 1979, 1980; Burger 1985; Burger and Salazar-Burger 1980,
1985; Grieder and Bueno 1981, 1985; Grieder et al. 1988; Izumi and Sono 1963; Izumi and Terada
1972; Izumi et al. 1972). Work at these sites shows that highland populations were linked to coastal
groups by an elaborate system of exchange. The earliest dates available for temple constructions in
the highlands go back to around 2800 B.C. at the sites of La Galgada and Huaricoto (Burger and
Salazar-Burger 1985: 122; Grieder et al. 1988: 969). However, excavation results at Piruru suggest
that some of the earliest phases of construction at the site, yet to be excavated, may date back to as
early as 3000 B.C. (Bonnier and Rozenberg 1988: 30-31).
Late Preceramic residential architecture has been poorly documented in the highlands. The
best evidence comes from La Galgada where habitations have been encountered in the surroundings
of the public constructions. Grieder and Bueno (1981, 1985) report around 50 rustic, roughly circular
buildings which they interpret as houses. The walls of these dwellings were unpainted and made of
fieldstone set in mud mortar. Floors were made of dirt and formal hearths were not incorporated in
the construction of the structures themselves. Rather, firepits were set on the ground, inside or
outside houses (Grieder et al. 1988: 19-22).
As for ceremonial architecture, Late Preceramic sites in the highlands are rather
homogeneous and mainly consist of small rectangular buildings with a central hearth (Bonnier and
Rozenberg 1988: 30; Burger and Salazar-Burger 1980). Most buildings share a similar basic form in
which “chambers or enclosures are provided with separate entrances, showing that each functioned
independently” (Fung 1988: 73). This architectural form was first identified in Mito phase strata at
the site of Kotosh (Izumi and Sono 1963; Izumi and Terada 1972).
Buildings are roughly square with rounded or squared corners and the interior of the rooms
is usually covered with coloured clay plaster. Masonry walls feature symmetrical niches and the
buildings’ overall function appears related to the burning of offerings. Temple renovation at these
sites involved the ritual entombment of earlier structures with the gradual effect of producing
mounds of considerable size with the appearance of stepped, multi-tiered platforms (Grieder and
Bueno 1985; Izumi and Matsuzawa 1967; Izumi and Sono 1963; Izumi and Terada 1972; Onuki
1994).
It has been suggested that the similarity between Late Preceramic highland sites in the
Huánuco and Ancash regions lies in the sharing of an architectural tradition and possibly religious
beliefs and ritual practices. The terms “Mito”, “Kotosh-Mito” or “Kotosh” have been ascribe to this
tradition depending on the region and the scholars (Bonnier 1988, 1997; Bonnier and Rozenberg
1988; Burger 1992: 46-51; Fung 1988). The main feature of the tradition is the ritual burning of
offerings, which has been interpreted by some archaeologists as a means of transforming material
goods into a form suitable for consumption by supernatural forces (Burger 1992: 48).
Buildings of the tradition are typically organised as small platforms topped by small rooms
made of fieldstone and mud mortar. At the Templo de las Manos Cruzadas, probably the best
known building at Kotosh, a central room was accessed through a stairway decorated with a white-
painted stylised serpent. The building itself is small, measuring less than 10 m on the side and 2 m
high. Inside, facing the entrance, are five niches set into the north wall, two of which, either side of
the central niche, have friezes depicting crossed hands (Izumi 1971: 63, Figure 10). Offerings had
been placed inside the niches. In the middle of the main room, a stone-lined hearth was set into the
floor and two sub-floor flues helped the combustion.
Preceramic ceremonial activities have been documented at the site of La Galgada (Grieder
and Bueno 1981; Grieder et al. 1988). The site is composed of two main mounds, the largest
reaching a height of over 15 m which was terraced by three successive circular revetment walls and
chambers with central hearth. At one point in time, five or more chambers were arranged
asymmetrically on the upper platform. The organisation of the rooms is reminiscent of Kotosh with
niches decorating the interior walls and split-level floors. Excavations inside the chambers allowed
the recovery of burnt chili pepper seeds in the central hearth. The burning of chili peppers would
have released a noxious smoke and provoked severe reactions, especially in the context of enclosed
windowless chambers (Izumi and Terada 1972: 176). Overall, Preceramic social interactions occurred
in a controlled, secluded environment that contrasts with public monuments on the coast.
The coast
In coastal Peru, the first evidence of monumental architecture and corporate labour projects
appeared during the Late Preceramic around 3000 B.C. (Kornbacher 1999: 294). Whereas in the
highlands public buildings were rather homogeneous and of limited scale, on the coast, the Late
Preceramic saw the construction of large sites with impressive platform mounds (Patterson and
Moseley 1968). The most famous Late Preceramic sites on the coast include Asia in the Lurín Valley,
El Paraíso in the Rímac Valley, Río Seco in the Chancay Valley, Caral, Piedra Parada and Aspero in
the Supe Valley, Salinas de Chao in the Chao Valley, and Huaca Prieta in the Chicama Valley (Alva
1986; Bird et al. 1985; Engel 1963, 1966, 1967; Quilter 1985; Moseley and Willey 1973; Shady and
Leyva 2003; Wendt 1964).
Large architectural complexes are built and are usually believed to be concomitant with the
emergence of hierarchical societies, the intensified use of domesticated plants and the increased
economic interaction between different environmental zones (Quilter 1991a: 387). Residential
populations at coastal centres increased dramatically and the coastal population is estimated to have
been 30 times the one of earlier hunter-gatherers (Moseley 1975b: 60-62; Patterson 1971; Wendt
1964).
It is generally believed that the appearance of monumental architecture preceded the
introduction of irrigation agriculture at a time when coastal societies mostly depended on the
exploitation of marine resources (Moseley 1975b). Recent investigations at Caral, however, have
questioned this model and suggested that large, possibly urban, inland settlements where established
as early as 3000 B.C. (Shady et al. 2001; Shady and Leyva 2003). It must also be noted that the
cultivation of cotton was common; so common that the Late Preceramic is often referred to as the
“Cotton Preceramic” (Engel 1967).
Residential architecture is not well known, but the location of the middens suggests that
people lived close to monumental constructions (Fung 1969). Excavations by Bird (1948) at Huaca
Prieta indicate that houses were roughly square subterranean structures. Walls were made of river
cobbles and mud, and the structures were roofed with wooden beams. Late Preceramic houses could
also be above ground and made of fieldstone, adobes and mud mortar as exemplified at the site of
Asia (Engel 1963).
At Alto Salaverry, Moche Valley, excavations by the Pozorskis (1979a) have revealed houses
built using ocean cobbles. Boulders of basalt and granite were also used in combination with
rectangular adobes. Houses were small rectangular semi-subterranean constructions averaging 1.5 x 2
m with, in most cases, a small hearth near the centre. Storage pits and hearths were systematically
associated with residences indicating that dwellings were the basic unit of storage and consumption.
In contrast, no large-scale storage facilities have been found in association with public monuments
(Pozorski and Pozorski 1979a: 342-344).
Late Preceramic building technologies were relatively simple. At Aspero, excavations by
Feldman (1980) yielded information on the building techniques, spatial organisation and function of
the site. The largest mound, Huaca de los Ídolos, dated between 2903 and 2772 B.C. (Feldman 1985:
77), consists of a 10 m high artificial mound measuring 30 x 40 m at its base. Walls are built of
angular blocks of basalt stone set in clay mortar. Structures consist of superimposed room complexes
filled with quarried stone.
Mesh bags, or shicras, were used to carry the architectural fill. These disposable containers are
characteristic of early monumental architecture on the Peruvian coast and they were usually not used
in domestic constructions (Burger 1992: 39). Some of the best known examples come from El
Paraíso (Quilter 1985). Other types of carrying device were used in Preceramic buildings, as well as
later constructions, such as the use of reed mat or cane stretcher. Fung (1988) has suggested that the
use of carrying devices helped in organising labour during the construction operations. It would have
made the dumping of material easier and provided a standard unit to calculate the amount of fill
required (Fung 1988: 79).
Late Preceramic public monuments contrast with dwellings by their size, organisation and
function. The scale of such monuments and the amount of energy invested in their construction
clearly demonstrate the value coastal communities attributed to public architecture and their capacity
to mobilise labour force. For example, at the 58 ha site of El Paraíso, built around 2000 B.C.,
Patterson (1971) estimates it took 2,000,000 person/days to carry the 100,000 tons of stone and
build the site.
The construction of Late Preceramic monuments is believed to have necessitated the
participation of labourers coordinated at the supra-household level. This type of labour is termed
“corporate labour”, a concept introduced in Peru by Feldman (Feldman 1980, 1987). Largely inspired
by Moseley (1975a), Feldman suggested that Aspero was not the product of individual or
unorganised group labour. Rather, the site was built by corporate labour that:
draws its work force from separate households, either within a single community or
from separate communities. The laborers work together in a collective, integrated
manner for a specific purpose, which is defined and sanctioned by an authoritative body
that coordinates the project… Corporate labor is an organizational concept that implies
the existence of an authority with the rights and ability to mobilize people and direct
their actions (Feldman 1987: 11).
Overall, Late Preceramic complexes are large and dominated by mounds and open areas,
which could take the form of open-air as well as sunken plazas. These spaces are likely to have
provided the settings for most public gatherings. It is believed that individuals from different
households and communities established social links and negotiated their interests through activities
such as feasting, dancing and musical display (Burger 1992: 37).
Preceramic architecture, discussion

In the Andes, architecture has been widely used to assess the social organisation of early
human populations. During the Preceramic Period, significant differences in social organisation
between the coast and the highlands are inferred on the basis of the scale, access patterns and
function of public buildings. At highland centres, where split-level floors and central hearths are
unique features, architectural complexes generally feature small single, free-standing buildings with
independent entrances.
Coastal centres usually feature interconnecting rooms only accessible from the outside
through a single entrance; in the highlands, when two buildings are adjoined to form a twin structure,
a separate entryway is provided for each chamber and no internal connection between the two areas
is arranged. This suggests rather different patterns of ritual activities as well as varying socio-political
organisations (Burger 1992: 51-52; Fung 1988: 80; Moseley 1992: 112-121).
On the coast, graded access patterns guided movements between separate areas of
ceremonial complexes; in the highlands multiple social groups appear to have used distinct buildings
but with the same overall features and probable functions (Burger 1992: 52; Fung 1988: 70). Yet,
organisational differences existed between Late Preceramic centres in the highlands.
At Huaricoto, excavations have revealed a lesser degree of organisation than at other sites of
the same tradition (Burger and Salazar-Burger 1985, 1986). Archaeologists suggest that the Huaricoto
community, in opposition to what is observed at Kotosh, lacked permanent authorities to supervise
public rituals and temple renovations, and propose the existence of a cargo-like system in which
clans and lineages would alternate leadership and the supervision of community rituals (Burger and
Salazar-Burger 1985).
2.3.2 The Initial Period

In Peru, the Initial Period coincides with the introduction of ceramics, a greater reliance on
subsistence agriculture, the development of irrigation and a major shift inland of coastal communities
(Fung 1988: 82). It is also a time when distinct regional traditions of architecture develop. All the
organisational elements necessary for Initial Period transformations were present on the coast as well
as in the highlands. Most archaeologists agree to consider demographic pressure as well as
environmental changes as major variables responsible in the Preceramic-Initial Period transition
(Fung 1988; Pozorski and Pozorski 1990; Quilter 1991a, 1991b). In the highlands, public architecture
follows the patterns and scales established during the Preceramic Period. In contrast, coastal
developments were more diversified and research has suggested a regionalisation of building
practices.
The highlands
Most cultural developments in the highlands during the Initial Period occurred in a much
larger social and economic framework than during the Late Preceramic. Yet, centres remained non-
urban in nature, lacking supra-local political armatures.
Highland architecture during the Initial Period is probably best documented in the
Department of Cajamarca, an area that had strong ties with the coastal Cupisnique tradition
(discussed below). The most famous Initial Period north highland centres are Pacopampa and
Kuntur Wasi, two sites long considered to be manifestations of the Chavín phenomenon (Morales
1998; Onuki 1995; Rosas and Shady 1970). Other Initial Period sites in the area have been
investigated including Huacaloma and Layzón (Terada and Onuki 1982).
At Pacopampa, construction apparently began in the middle of the Initial Period (Fung 1976;
Rosas and Shady 1970). The site is set on a natural conical-shape hill which was artificially adapted to
create a three-tiered platform. On the summit of the platform, sunken plazas and free-standing
buildings were reported, all drained by an elaborate system of canals and aqueducts (Morales 1980;
Rosas and Shady 1970, 1974). Fragments of stone sculptures and cylindrical stone pillars recovered at
the surface are thought to date to the Initial Period.
The earliest evidence of public architecture in the Cajamarca basin comes from the site of
Huacaloma (Terada and Onuki 1982). An Early Huacaloma Phase building, dating to around 1400
B.C., consists of a small rectangular structure measuring less than 5 x 5 m approximately (Terada and
Onuki 1985). The construction is made of stone, and walls and floors are plastered in white.
Excavations revealed a central hearth where offerings had been burnt. The apparent lack of rubbish
materials and the elaborate aspects of the architecture suggest the building was used for religious
activities (Terada and Onuki 1985).
In coastal Peru, the Initial Period corresponds to the appearance of irrigation agriculture
accompanied by the introduction of ceramic technologies. As a result, a major resettling of
population, further inland where canal irrigation could be practised, occurred (Pozorski and Pozorski
1987a: 114). Even though ties were maintained with coastal satellites to supply marine resources,
economy was no longer primarily dependent on the exploitation of marine resources (S. Pozorski
1976, 1979; Pozorski and Pozorski 1979b).
Central coast
On the central coast, Initial Period centres were organised around a central platform mound
fronted by lateral platforms built to form “wings”. Sites have an overall U-shaped layout (Williams
1971, 1972). The lateral mounds are of lesser scale, lower than the central pyramidal nucleus. They
usually consist of various truncated pyramids (Williams 1980: 97). The central mound was generally
accessed through a monumental staircase. It appears to have represented the sanctum sanctorum of
the ceremonial complex. Meanwhile, it is believed that the open areas within the “wings” of the U
served for public gatherings.
Mainly distributed between the Lurín and the Huaura valleys, the U-shaped architectural
tradition (Burger 1992: 60; Fung 1988: 86) is represented at La Florida, Garagay, Cardal and Mina
Perdida (Burger 1987; Burger and Salazar-Burger 1991, 1998; Patterson 1985; Ravines 1975; Ravines
and Isbell 1975).
At Garagay in the Rímac Valley, the U-shaped structure covers 16 ha. Excavations exposed
much architecture and radiocarbon dated the site between 1643 and 897 B.C. (Ravines and Isbell
1975). The central mound consists of a stepped truncated pyramid measuring 385 x 155 m at its base
and reaching 23 m high. In comparison, the lateral mounds only reached a height of 6 and 9 m,
respectively. The top of the central pyramid (Pyramid B) was accessed through a central staircase
plastered in white. The steep inclination and the overall appearance of the steps argue for a very
occasional use of the staircase. The stairway leads up to an open area overlooking the central plaza
from which could be accessed an atrium set on the platform summit. This central atrium was
apparently decorated with polychrome friezes and some offerings were left on the floor.
An older atrium, known as the Middle Temple, was documented during the excavations of
Pyramid B. The structure was of the design as the later one and consists of a 24 m atrium with lateral
inset staircases flanked by pilasters. Pyramid B at Garagay is most famous for the polychrome
sculpted friezes decorating the Middle Temple (Ravines et al. 1984). Profile supernatural figures
sculpted in low-relief were separated by geometric designs. The supernatural figures combined feline
attributes, primarily fangs, and spider features such as the legs. It has been suggested that these
depictions were linked to divination and fertility rituals and religious beliefs (Salazar-Burger and
Burger 1983: 234-237); an interpretation extended to the form and up-valley orientation of the U-
shaped Initial Period centres (Burger 1992: 63).
Another important site of the U-shaped tradition is Cardal, situated in the Lurín Valley. The
site was investigated by Burger and Salazar-Burger (Burger 1987; Burger and Salazar-Burger 1991)
and its occupation dated between 1300 and 900 B.C. Cardal is organised around a central mound
fronted by a 3 ha plaza. Like at Garagay, the access to the top of the central mound was through very
steep stairs which low use-wear suggests they were rarely used. Clearing of the stairway revealed a
superimposition of four stairways corresponding to different construction episodes (Burger and
Salazar-Burger 1991: 283).
Excavations near the juncture between the central mound and the east lateral arm of the U-
shaped complex at Cardal have yielded evidence of the importance of mountain symbolism in Initial
Period religious ideology. Inside two contiguous chambers located on top of a low platform, Burger
and Salazar-Burger (1991) encountered a pair of identical stepped altars placed back to back on each
side of a wall. The structures are interpreted as referring to the dual organisation of religious worship
and the symbolic power of the sacred mountain (Burger 1992: 68; Burger and Salazar-Burger 1991:
281). In this dissertation, it is suggested that the mountain symbolism continued to be an important
element of the sacred landscape during the Early Horizon.
Excavations at Cardal also brought data on Initial Period ceremonial activities and the
composition of social units. The rooms on top of the platform mounds are interpreted as spaces for
specific, restricted ritual ceremonies, whereas open areas like the central plaza would have served for
public gatherings. Cardal had even more intimate ritual settings represented by sunken circular
plazas, each no more than 13 m in diameter. Burger (1992: 68) interprets these circular pits as spaces
where individual segments of society joined for more private contexts.
Work at Mina Perdida also suggests the importance of restricted, private ritual spaces for
Initial Period groups (Burger and Salazar-Burger 1998). Here, excavations revealed the use of small,
puppet-like effigies inside small, enclosed spaces found on the summit of a U-shaped mound (Burger
and Salazar-Burger 1998: 51). The Huambacho research indicates that restricted, private settings were
also an important focus of ritual activities during the Early Horizon on the north-central coast.
North-central coast
On the north-central coast, the typical pattern of Initial Period architecture is a central
mound accessed by a central staircase in front of which were aligned circular sunken plazas. These
circular plazas were accompanied by large rectangular plazas or forecourts. On some occasions,
lateral mounds reminiscent of the U-shaped tradition were built. North-central coastal centres also
show influence of the Cupisnique tradition, mainly through sculpted painted murals and the use of
pillars. Initial Period settlements and architecture were particularly impressive in the Casma Valley
where many sites have been excavated including Cerro Sechín, Pampa de las Llamas-Moxeke, Las
Haldas, Taukachi-Konkán, Sechín Bajo and Sechín Alto (Bueno and Samaniego 1969; Fuchs 1997;
Fung 1969; Fung and Williams 1977; Grieder 1975; Matsuzawa 1978; Pozorski and Pozorski 1986,
1987a, 1988b, 1995, 2002, 2005; Samaniego 1973; Samaniego et al. 1985; Tello 1956).
Archaeologists working in the valley recognise two phases of Initial Period developments: (1)
Moxeke phase (2150-1350 B.C.), and (2) Sechín phase (1350-1200 B.C.) (Pozorski and Pozorski
2002: 46). The Pozorskis attribute these phases to the successive hegemony of two centres over the
Casma Valley: Pampa de las Llamas-Moxeke and Sechín Alto, respectively (Pozorski and Pozorski
2002: 44-46). In their view, the Casma Valley was organised as a single state polity responsible for
corporate projects, such as the construction of irrigation canals and the erection of public buildings,
and the storing and redistribution of surpluses.
At Pampa de las Llamas-Moxeke, dated between 1785 and 1120 B.C. (Moxeke phase), the 2
km2 site is dominated by two mounds, Moxeke and Huaca A, placed at both ends of the site
(Pozorski and Pozorski 1986: 381, 1987a: 32, 2002: 44). Between the two mounds is a series of five
large rectangular plazas bordered on the north and south sides by more than a hundred small
platform structures. The largest plaza covers an area of 14 ha. Two large areas of small irregular
residential dwellings, situated east of Huaca A, are interpreted as low-status domestic architecture
whereas the more elaborate platform structures bordering the western edges of the site are believed
to represent elite residences linked the public architecture of the Huaca A and Moxeke mounds
(Pozorski and Pozorski 1986: 394-395).
The Moxeke mound measures 170 x 160 m and it rises some 30 m high. The mound itself
has the form of a three-tiered truncated pyramid on top of which are built a pair of additional
platform mounds (Pozorski and Pozorski 1986: 384). A 6.7 m wide central stairway leads to the
summit of the truncated pyramid. It successively passes through a possible colonnaded portico and a
rectangular-shaped vestibule decorated with sculpted murals (Tello 1956: 58).
On the northern façade, Tello (1956: 60-66, Plates 4 and 5) uncovered high-relief
zoomorphic and anthropomorphic figures. The human figures are located inside niches and the
zoomorphic depictions are set directly on the wall. The sculptures were made of conical adobes and
stone covered with clay plaster. These decorative techniques, it will be discussed later, survived into
the Early Horizon, though they were modified.
Areas on the top of Huaca A have been excavated (Pozorski and Pozorski 1986). The mound
measures 140 x 140 m and stands 9 m high (Pozorski and Pozorski 1986: 385) and its summit is
organised as a series of contiguous courts and chambers referred to as “corridor subtype” by D.
Thompson (1962: 295). The Proyecto Huambacho demonstrates that similar organisational
principles may have been employed during the Early Horizon.
The top of Huaca A was accessed through two central staircases located in the front and rear
of the mound. On top of the mound, two courts open onto smaller side rooms arranged
symmetrically. Five pairs of large rooms are complemented by six sets of smaller, narrow chambers
along which are built two rows of eleven smaller areas (Pozorski and Pozorski 1987a: 34).
Huaca A has been interpreted as a complex of storage rooms whereas Moxeke is seen as a
more religious building (Pozorski and Pozorski 1986: 383-384). The organisation of space at Huaca
A is complex. Floor levels changed as one moved within the complex of courts and rooms. Also,
access to certain areas was regulated with wooden gates and pilaster-bar closure mechanisms
(Pozorski and Pozorski 1986: 389).
Sechín Alto covers almost 2 km2. Its central mound measures 300 x 250 m and stands 44 m
high (Pozorski and Pozorski 1987a: 71). It is part of a U-shaped layout with multiple smaller size
lateral platforms. A series of four central rectangular plazas extends over a kilometre in front of the
central mound. Three sunken circular plazas are located within some of the rectangular plazas. The
largest of the sunken plazas measures 80 m in diameter (Fung and Williams 1977: 114).
Recent excavations (Pozorski and Pozorski 2002, 2005) have indicated that the central
mound at Sechín Alto was primarily built during the late Moxeke phase and the Sechín phase.
Radiocarbon dates of 1535 and 1410 B.C. have been obtained from wood samples from the core of
pillars (Pozorski and Pozorski 2002: 41).
During the Sechín phase, access to the central mound was through a series of six staircases
and atria. Sechín phase constructions were built using stone and mud mortar. Excavations of the
main entrance of the central mound revealed that large stone slabs, vertically set into the ground
parallel to the face of the entrance to form orthostats, were incorporated in the entrance sidewalls to
strengthen the wall masonry (Pozorski and Pozorski 2002: 37-38). The Huambacho research
indicates that this “orthostatic” technique was also popular in the construction of public architecture
during the Early Horizon.
Excavations at Sechín Alto revealed a complex of colonnaded rooms built and used during
the Moxeke phase. This area of colonnaded patios is decorated with wall paintings and clay friezes
and is interpreted as the sacred precinct on the central mound at Sechín Alto during the Moxeke
phase (Pozorski and Pozorski 1998: 87-88, 2002: 41). Excavations at Huambacho show that similar
patios were built during the Early Horizon. This dissertation sheds further light on the organisation
and use of these spaces during the Early Horizon.
North coast
On the north coast, Initial Period architecture can be attributed to the Cupisnique tradition.
Many Cupisnique centres have been reported on the north coast: Huaca Lucía in the Lambayeque-La
Leche Valley, Purulén in the Zaña Valley, Puémape, Montegrande and Tembladera in the
Jequetepeque Valley, Casa Grande in the Chicama Valley, and Caballo Muerto and Huaca de los
Chinos in the Moche Valley (Alva 1988; Elera 1998; Keatinge 1980; Kosok 1965; Moseley and
Watanabe 1974; T. Pozorski 1976; Shimada 1981; Shimada et al. 1983; Tellenbach 1986). The most
distinct architectural feature of the Cupisnique tradition is probably the use of conical adobes, as well
as rectangular and/or cylindrical pillars; characteristics also found at Initial Period sites in Nepeña.
Cupisnique ceremonial centres are generally organised around a series of relatively low
platform mounds with forecourts. Painted murals and sculpted clay designs have been reported and
decoration of architectural features usually aimed at displaying Cupisnique religious ideology centred
on feline representations.
At Purulén (ca. 1500 B.C.), the monumental core covers an area of 3 km2 and consists of 15
mounds of roughly the same form (Alva 1988: 286-291). The architectural prototype is a two-tiered
rectangular platform constructed of quarried stone and architectural fill. On top of the platform were
built colonnaded ramadas, and the mound was typically fronted by a rectangular plaza and
surrounded by small wattle-and-daub structures. Cylindrical pillars supported the roofed areas on the
summit of the main platform.
More colonnaded architecture was documented at Montegrande in the upper Jequetepeque
Valley (Tellenbach 1986). Here, ceremonial architecture and more than 150 dwelling units were
excavated. The dwellings surrounded the ceremonial core and Tellenbach (1986) suggests that elite
residences were found rather close to the public monuments. In contrast, the commoners, housed in
perishable structures, lived in the periphery of the site. As this research will demonstrate, a similar
situation may have characterised Early Horizon centres in the lower Nepeña Valley.
Two phases of construction at Montegrande were identified (Tellenbach 1986). During the
early phase, Montegrande was organised as a series of platforms mounted by enclosed structures.
The main platform, Huaca Antigua, was fronted by a rectangular sunken plaza. During the late
phase, another mound, Huaca Grande, was built in the south portion of the sunken plaza. During
both phases, the structures on top of the platforms comprised sunken hearths reminiscent of the
Mito-Kotosh tradition. The overall layout of the site was organised along a central axis, similar to
what is observed at Purulén, and it lacked U-shaped features. No radiocarbon dates are available for
Montegrande, but based on ceramic seriation, Ulbert (1994) suggests a terminal occupation around
900 B.C.
In the Moche Valley, the site of Caballo Muerto is a well-known Cupisnique site. Huaca de
los Reyes is the largest of eight mounds contained within the 200 ha archaeological complex dated
between 2042 and 965 B.C. (T. Pozorski 1976; Watanabe 1979). It is not clear whether the site was
built at once (T. Pozorski 1980, 1983, 1995) or in multiple phases (Conklin 1985).
Constructions were made of irregular stone blocks set in mud mortar and finely plastered.
The site includes a 6 m high central platform mound flanked by several lateral structures including
colonnaded porticos, sunken plazas and tower buildings. The platform complex is fronted with a
series of aligned sunken rectangular plazas flanked by two colonnaded edifices. The pillars forming
the colonnades are rectangular and range from 1.5 to 2 m in dimension. They are believed to have
stood some 3 m high. The colonnades were mostly located in front edifices. For instance, it was
necessary to pass through a series of three colonnades to access the sunken plaza on top of the main
mound (T. Pozorski 1976).
Excavations at Huaca de los Reyes uncovered elaborate clay friezes and sculptures (Moseley
and Watanabe 1974; T. Pozorski 1975, 1976). The decoration was found on the walls and pillars of
the central and lateral buildings and focused on feline imagery. A series of larger-than-human feline
heads featuring interlocking teeth and fangs were recorded during fieldwork.
Overall, the Cupisnique tradition differs from other coastal traditions by its emphasis on
colonnaded architecture and the shifting nature of its renovation programmes. Public centres are
arranged as a series of low platform mounds and sunken plazas that appear to be the result of
multiple horizontal extensions rather than vertical accretions. Cupisnique architecture exhibits strong
ties with early architecture in the Nepeña Valley, a situation highlighted by Larco some 60 years ago
(Larco 1941). Moreover, some of the Cupisnique organisational features appear to characterise Early
Horizon architecture at Huambacho.
Nepeña Valley
Whereas little is known of the Preceramic occupation in Nepeña, archaeological research has
yielded examples of Initial Period architecture (Proulx 1985: 216-221, 247-257). Initial Period centres
in Nepeña appear to lack sunken circular pits. They do share, however, many features with
communities based in the Casma Valley. At the same time, Nepeña groups had ties with Cupisnique
populations to the north.
Cerro Blanco and Punkurí are the two best known Initial Period sites in Nepeña. Both sites
are located in the middle valley. The site of Cerro Blanco is located some 16 km from the coast on
the northern margin of the Nepeña River. The site consists of three platforms: (1) Main Platform, (2)
South Platform, and (3) North Platform. The Main Platform has two smaller superimposed
platforms and its base measures 105 x 75 x 14 m (Shibata and Ugaz 2002: 11). The South Platform,
investigated by Tello, measures 85 x 65 x 4 m (Tello 2005: 49-75, 134-155). On that platform, Tello
found walls decorated with a sculpted arrangement of designs representing a feline (Proulx 1985: 51,
Figure 2; Tello 2005: 140, Figure P9/F3/162). The North Platform is lower and covers an area of 70
x 25 m (Shibata and Ugaz 2002: 12).
The three platforms, according to Proulx (1985) and Daggett (1984, 1987), formed a single
site. Bischof (1997) suggests, based on aerial photographs, that they formed a U-shaped structure
similar to patterns from the central coast of Peru. This interpretation was confirmed by Shibata
during his recent fieldwork (Shibata and Ugaz 2002).
Stratigraphic excavations realised by Shibata on the Main Platform showed some
correspondences with results obtained by Tello from the South Platform. Tello’s earliest temple
structure, with its polychrome clay friezes and the stone and mud mortar structures, has its
counterpart on the Main Platform. Shibata dates the latter to the early part of the Initial Period or
what he refers to as Early Formative (ca. 1800-1200 B.C.). On top of this first temple, Tello
encountered a layer of rubble and a construction fill containing ceramics which he associates to the
Chavín style (Tello 1942: 703). He also discovered remains of clay pillars on the summit of the
earliest platform mound.
Another correspondence was found between Tello’s second temple, built of conical adobes,
and a similar structure excavated by Shibata on the Main Platform. This construction may date to
what Shibata ascribes to the Middle Formative (ca. 1200-800 B.C.). On the Main Platform, on top of
the Middle Formative fill, Shibata found a structure of stone and mortar which was also filled with
Middle Formative materials. Megalithic architecture was built on top of this second Middle
Formative fill.
Shibata suggests that the building sequence from the Main Platform is much more complex
than that documented by Tello on the South Platform. For him however, the most significant
evidence comes from the correspondence of the first two phases of construction which clearly place
the polychrome Chavín-related murals and ceramics as contemporary with the first half of the Initial
Period.
The site of Punkurí is located some 27 km inland on the north side of the Nepeña River. The
site was first investigated by Tello in 1933 who encountered three superimposed building phases
(Tello 2005: 77-118). The two earliest were directly attributed to the Chavín intrusion (Tello 1943:
137). In the deepest of the three levels, Tello claimed to have found stone walls decorated in the
“classic” Chavín style (Tello 1943: 136-137). The second building episode used stone, conical adobes
and semi-hemispherical adobes. In association with that phase, Tello discovered an oversized
sculpted feline head painted with many colours which had been placed at the base of the central
stairway leading to the top of the platform (Tello 2005: 87-88).
For Tello, the earliest level of construction at Punkurí was the work of migrants from the
highlands who brought with them “classic” Chavín stylistic elements. During the second building
stage, Chavín builders adapted to the coastal environment and somehow modified their architectural
and artistic canons (Tello 1943: 138). While much controversy has surrounded the dating of Punkurí,
comparative stylistic evidence places the site within the Initial Period chronological framework. For
instance, Daggett (1984: 97-102) places the occupation of Punkurí during the late Initial Period on
the basis of stylistic similarities with other coastal complexes including Garagay, Pampa de las
Llamas-Moxeke and Huaca de los Reyes. Meanwhile, recent stratigraphic excavations by Samaniego
(1992) indicate an Initial Period date. Samaniego (1992) excavated three-fourth of the main mound at
Punkurí but the excavation results, especially relating to architecture, have yet to be fully published.
Other Initial Period sites have been reported in Nepeña (Proulx 1985: 247-254), including
Quisque, San Juan, Motocachy, Cerro San Isidro, Chilhuay Alto, Laria and Pampa Carbonera [Figure
2.1]. However, the dating of most sites is uncertain. Pampa Carbonera, on the northern edge of the
middle valley, consists of a series of low mounds where Proulx has reported the presence of conical
adobes and fieldstone (Proulx 1985: 218). In the upper valley, the site of San Juan features a large
platform complex with enclosed court and a system of ramps. Proulx notes similarities with the
Initial Period site of Las Haldas in Casma (Proulx 1985: 219). Similarities also exist with the Initial
Period site of Huaca el Gallo in Virú (Zoubek 2000). Whereas more research at Initial Period sites
will be necessary to assess architecture in Nepeña, results of the Proyecto Huambacho indicate the
need for reconsidering the relationships between Early Horizon groups and their predecessors.
Initial Period architecture, discussion

In certain areas of the highlands, the Mito-Kotosh tradition appears to continue well into the
Initial Period. On the coast, in contrast, new types of public buildings are built around 1800 B.C.
Coastal societies appear more complex, a situation believed to be materialised in the scale of public
architecture. Hence, one of the major debates about the Initial Period has been concerned with the
socio-political organisation of coastal societies. The debate basically opposes two views. Some
archaeologists argue that the scale and the degree of planning at Initial Period sites could not have
been possible without the centralised authority of state-organised societies (Feldman 1983; Haas
1982, 1987; Pozorski and Pozorski 1992, 1994a, 1997, 1999). The other view sustains that Initial
Period centres are result of cumulative small-scale building episodes (Burger 1992; Burger and
Salazar-Burger 1991, 1998; Conklin 1985).
The view that correlates monumental architecture and state-like social organisation relies
entirely on the nature of the power relationships necessary to build such monuments: “Specifically, in
states, leaders exercise far greater power and more coercive power than in chiefdoms. What then is
the basis for the major increase in the power exercised by state leaders?” (Haas 1987: 32). Haas
suggests that the shift inland at the beginning of the Initial Period and the greater reliance on
irrigation agriculture allowed leaders to accumulate wealth in an unprecedented way. Further, it gave
a thrust to new economic bases for exerting power, especially through the control of irrigation
systems (Haas 1987: 33). Initial Period centres, following this model, are viewed as the physical index
of coercive state apparatuses. As a result, their use is often viewed as closely related to state functions
(e.g., royal residences, administrative centres, storage facilities).
On the other hand, some archaeologists have a more religious approach. For the latter, Initial
Period centres were erected “to provide settings for religious rituals and social gatherings of the
small-scale societies occupying the valleys” (Burger and Salazar-Burger 1998: 29). For example,
excavations at several sites have suggested that the large mounds are actually the result of multiple
successive renovations (e.g., Cardal; see Burger and Salazar-Burger 1981). Also, data on space use at
many coastal centres indicate the pervasiveness of ceremonial practices.
These positions have been a matter of debate, but it can be said that the existence of these
centres is not, in itself, proof of a centralised authority. So far, there is no indication that Initial
Period centres were densely populated settlements governed by a centralised state apparatus.
However, some form of authority guided public constructions and it is generally accepted that Initial
Period societies were socially differentiated.
More recently, Moore (2005) has used ethnographic literature to approach Initial Period
public architecture. For Moore, religious authority is at the core of the design and the use of public
architecture (Moore 2005: 58). His model identifies religious authorities based on ecstatic shamanism
and canonist priesthood. These two types of authority appear to “engage different notions of
energies-in-nature and the social agencies by which such powers may be harnessed to human benefit.
One is that of the chief or ruler, and the other is that of the shaman” (Humphrey 1995: 135; cited in
Moore 2005: 119).
Both “chiefs” and “shamans” have authority, but they derive it from different forms of
practices. Whereas the authority of shamans emerges from the ability to convert the energy of the
cosmos into meaningful performances, rulers legitimate their authority through claims over
genealogy, land, etc. The success of rulers ultimately derives from the capacity “to produce fertility,
health, and prosperity among people and livestock” (Humphrey 1995: 135-136; cited in Moore 2005:
119). More importantly, these asymmetrical forms of agency are materialised in different types of
public settings, from non-permanent to permanent, enclosed or open, inclusive or exclusive and
large or small. Overall, this approach places more interpretative value on the qualitative nature of
public architecture rather than the quantity of energy invested in its production.
In this dissertation, I am interested in examining public architecture in the light of religious
authority, ceremonial practices and the constitution of Huambacho society. I build on the premises
that, by the Initial Period, coastal societies were socially differentiated and that certain individuals had
a privileged access to resources. I argue that a consideration of architecture and society in “action”
might reveal more on the production of social differences than the amount of labour invested and
scale of public buildings. I use the site of Huambacho as a case study and the Nepeña Valley
represents a region of particular significance in the study of the Early Horizon.
2.4 Current issues in Early Horizon studies: The north-central coast

For a long time, archaeological research on the Early Horizon has misleadingly attempted to
demonstrate the cultural homogeneity and the unification under Chavín of most areas of Peru. On
the north-central coast, most sites thought to be coastal manifestations of the Chavín phenomenon
actually predated the Early Horizon. This has led archaeologists to propose new models and it is now
apparent that major indigenous developments were relatively independent of the spread of the
Chavín cult. However, very little is currently known of these developments. In order to understand
them we must consider the internal social dynamics of the coastal groups and their relationships with
previous Initial Period societies.
Most scholars agree that the beginning of the Early Horizon in coastal Peru coincided with
major socio-cultural changes. It has been argued that coastal societies suffered from an important
crisis at the end of the Initial Period (Burger 1993: 69) which resulted in the abandonment of most
human centres. On the central coast, between 900 and 700 B.C., new constructions stop at the U-
shaped complexes and they are not replaced (Burger 1981). At Cardal, for example, the site was
abandoned around 800 B.C. and the constructions were not completed (Burger and Salazar-Burger
1991: 294). Further north, Initial Period centres are also abandoned though new sites emerge. In the
Casma Valley, new constructions at mound centres seem to cease between 900 and 800 B.C.
(Pozorski and Pozorski 1987a: 77-78). At the same time, large Early Horizon centres are established
in the lower section of the valley which exhibit strikingly different patterns of spatial organisation.
For example, San Diego and Pampa Rosario are two major Early Horizon settlements in Casma. The
complexes are organised as a series of low platforms, corridors and courtrooms. The lack of large
central mounds contrasts with previous Initial Period centres (Pozorski and Pozorski 1987a: 54). The
Pozorskis led surface surveys and test pit excavations at San Diego and Pampa Rosario, but the new
pattern of architecture they exhibit has yet to be reported in depth. Similar architectural forms have
been documented through horizontal excavations at Huambacho.
Three main models have been proposed to account for the changes witnessed on the coast of
Peru at the beginning of the Early Horizon. These models make use of military invasion, natural
catastrophes, and internal social contradictions, respectively, to account for the demise of Initial
Period societies.
The “military invasion” model has been built using data from the north-central coast,
especially from the Casma Valley (Pozorski and Pozorski 1987a, 1987b). In Casma, the architectural
changes that marked the end of the Initial Period coincided with the introduction of new crops, most
notably maize, along with camelid and guinea pig husbandry and new classes of artefacts. The
Pozorskis have argued that these changes were introduced through a military invasion which marked
a major cultural disruption. For them, Casma was conquered by highland invaders who
commemorated their victory at the site of Cerro Sechín, in stone carvings of mutilated bodies. (S.
Pozorski 1987: 25-28; Pozorski and Pozorski 1987a: 118-119, 1987b: 45). According to the Pozorskis
(1987a: 128), the invasion coincides with a secularisation of architecture and a decrease in the scale of
sites. This model concurs with Daggett’s interpretation of the Nepeña situation (Daggett 1987: 78).
Whereas archaeologists have yet to unearth direct evidence of military conquest (e.g.,
indication of violent death, destruction), or even posit a cause for this invasion, the Casma and
Nepeña models do not account for the apparent widespread nature of the changes that marked the
coastal area circa 1000 B.C. (Burger 1992: 189). Further, groups did continue to build and make use
of ceremonial architecture on the north-central coast, as supported by the Huambacho research.
Archaeologists have also proposed that Early Horizon reorganisations were caused by
environmental factors. This “environmental model” has been largely elaborated using archaeological
data from the north coast. Evidence exists for a large flood, probably caused by torrential rain (i.e.,
El Niño) (Elera 1997; Moseley et al. 1981; Onuki 2001) and/or a tidal wave (Bird 1987). The dating
of these events, however, is unclear. It is generally agreed that a major natural disruption occurred
circa 500 B.C. (Bird 1987; Moseley et al. 1991), but other dates have been suggested. Elera (1998) has
pushed the dating of a mega-El Niño episode at Puémape to 800 B.C. In Casma, Fuchs (1997) and
Wells (1990) suggest the occurrence of torrential rain between 1300 and 1000 B.C. (Shibata and Ugaz
2002: 8). Notwithstanding dating problems, it is believed that these catastrophes had an impact on
local coastal populations.
On the north coast, for instance, it is believed that these events caused coastal populations to
migrate to the highlands. Archaeologists have posited that Cupisnique elites migrated to the
Cajamarca region. Excavations at Kuntur Wasi uncovered the burial of an individual suffering from
auditory extosis, an ear pathology caused by regular water submersion (Onuki 2001). On the north-
central coast, meanwhile, archaeologists still await indication of the impact of these postulated
environmental catastrophes on local populations. For example, whereas excavations by Tello (1942:
114) at Cerro Blanco had suggested the site was destroyed by torrential rain, recent work by Shibata
failed to identify any alluvial traces of such destruction (Shibata and Ugaz 2002: 38-39).
The impact of environmental disasters on human populations must not be underestimated
(Bawden and Reycraft 2000; Moseley and Richardson III 1992). However, research has demonstrated
the adaptability and pervasiveness of Peruvian coastal societies. For example, excavations by
Chapdelaine (2000a) at the site of Huacas de Moche (A.D. 1-800) revealed that the city underwent an
important expansion phase after the occurrence of a major El Niño event circa A.D. 600. In this
perspective, it is unlikely that environmental disasters could alone account for the social and material
reorganisation of coastal communities at the end of the Initial Period. As will be shown, the Proyecto
Huambacho failed to identify clear evidence of environmental disaster. Further, the presence of well-
organised groups capable of organising group labour, expanding irrigation networks and building
monumental architecture strongly inspired from Initial Period canons does not lend weight to the
“coastal exodus” model.
A third model has been proposed by Burger (1988, 1992). For him, the demise of Initial
Period centres was provoked by a multitude of factors, including trade, warfare and natural
catastrophes, which ultimately affected the capacity of leaders to legitimate their authority. Following
Patterson (1983), Burger suggests that internal structural contradictions within Initial Period societies
had a catalyst role in Early Horizon culture changes (Burger 1988: 142). This social disintegration
would have been triggered when individual leaders began to accumulate wealth and institute social
stratification, thus conflicting with the nature of their power mainly based on their religious skills and
ability to mobilise labour force for the sake of the community. Moreover, this internal crisis would
have affected the interaction network of coastal groups and stimulated more contacts with highland
populations. These ties would have, in turn, facilitated the diffusion of the Chavín cult:
[the] adoption of the Chavín cult by coastal groups […] could have been a means of
resolving the strains within regional systems which had developed by the Early Horizon
and thus, in a sense, the initial function of the unprecedented adoption of the Chavín
cult would have been conservative in that it would have helped to maintain a traditional
way of life in the face of changed circumstances (Burger 1988: 143).
On the north-central coast, the “Chavín model” was originally supported by the belief that
many sites were coastal satellites of Chavín de Huántar. Recent research, however, has pushed back
the dating of many sites and questioned the participation of local populations in the Chavín religious
network. In Nepeña, it is now apparent that certain communities developed in relative isolation from
the Chavín religious influence. In contrast, other groups possibly maintained ties with Chavín-related
groups, as suggested by recent excavations at Huaca Partida (Huancas 2005; Koichiro Shibata,
personal communication 2005). The evaluation of the Chavín influence in Nepeña needs more
secure dating from Huaca Partida, and it is still uncertain when the sites of Cerro Blanco and Punkurí
were abandoned. Overall, however, it is unlikely that Chavín religious influence was catalyst to the
development of certain communities.
In Nepeña, the Early Horizon marked the introduction of new crops, the expansion of
irrigation systems and the incorporation of camelid herding into local economies. It is likely that
these innovations had a significant impact of patterns of authority. Further, it is possible that these
Early Horizon innovations were instigated by “aggrandisers” (see Hayden 1995), whose actions and
decisions led to the fundamental reorganisation of the “rules of the game”. According to Drennan
(2000), archaeologists should focus on the circumstances that enable a leader to manage to win out
over competitors in new and different ways by breaking and instituting new rules:
This approach does not depend on the occasional flash of leadership genius. Instead, a
steady supply of eager competitors for power and prestige is assumed. They are just
always there in human society, winning and losing and trying continually to stretch the
envelope. Only under certain circumstances, however, can even a very able, aspiring
leader win by breaking the old rules and thus institute new ones (Drennan 2000: 184).
It is possible to argue that Early Horizon innovations provided exactly such circumstances. In
particular, the introduction of maize and camelids would have allowed the accumulation and
ownership of more resources, the sponsoring of festive events of unprecedented scale, as well as
long-distance exchanges. This alternative model is tested in this dissertation, in particular in the light
of changes in patterns of public architecture.
Whereas much attention has been given to the Initial Period-Early Horizon transition,
archaeologists have yet to document Early Horizon architecture by means of excavations. Our
understanding of Early Horizon cultural variability remains very limited and little is known about the
local histories and agency of coastal communities. Issues of tradition and innovation in architecture
might yield the key to understand Early Horizon social formations in coastal Peru.
In the Casma-Nepeña-Santa region of the north-central coast, Burger (1992) and Wilson
(1987, 1988) see the extensive use of ridges and the presence of several defensive fortifications as an
index of the instability triggered by the collapse of the Initial Period societies centred in the Casma
Valley. Defensive structures, they argue, represent the most important focus of public building
efforts during the Early Horizon (Burger 1992: 188; Wilson 1988: 104).
Research in Casma has focused on sites showing evidence of warfare such as Chankillo (Fung
and Pimentel 1973; Ghezzi 2006) and Cerro Sechín (Fuchs 1997; Maldonado 1992; Samaniego et al.
1985). In Santa, Wilson (1988: 104) concludes that:
the Cayhuamarca [local equivalent of the Early Horizon] settlement system is

characterized by a number of excellently preserved habitation sites as well as by several
impressive ceremonial complexes, but perhaps the single outstanding site type of this
period consists of citadel structures.
Wilson focuses his attention on the upper valley Early Horizon occupation in a way that parallels
initial research in the Nepeña Valley. However, as early as in the 1970s, Cárdenas (1979) reported the
presence of the Las Huacas site located in the lower Santa Valley:
In the Early Horizon, centers appear with pyramids related to rectangular plazas. […] It
is important to mention that near the transition to the Early Intermediate Period, there
was a ceremonial center on the Las Huacas site which indicates a new form of
community planning (Cárdenas 1979: 24).
Las Huacas is very similar to Huambacho. In this dissertation, I explore these new forms of
community and patterns of public architecture as documented through excavations at the site of
Huambacho. In the next chapter, I expose the methodology of the Proyecto Huambacho and detail
the excavation results.
— CHAPTER 3 —
PROYECTO HUAMBACHO: AN INVESTIGATION INTO EARLY
HORIZON ARCHITECTURE IN THE NEPEÑA VALLEY
In the Andes, the study of architecture has been dominated by surface surveys and mapping,
and few archaeological projects have focused on the large-scale horizontal clearing of architectural
contexts. As a result, there are few detailed studies of building processes, architectural design, and
spatial use. Further, scholars interested in public and ritual architecture have concentrated their
efforts on large, monumental structures while smaller buildings have received less attention (Moore
1996: 227). These two factors have combined to make it difficult for archaeologists to consider key
social dynamics in the production of architecture. Excavations in 2003 and 2004 at the Early
Horizon centre of Huambacho provide data to tackle this problem. In this chapter, I describe the
environmental and geographical setting of the Proyecto Huambacho. I also detail the excavation and
laboratory procedures, and describe the excavation results.
3.1 Nepeña, a valley of the north-central coast of Peru

The coastal area of the Central Andes
The Nepeña Valley is situated on the north-central coast of Peru in the Central Andes, one of
the tripartite divisions of the Andean mountain chain that flanks the Pacific littoral of South
America. The Central Andes essentially coincides with the western half of modern Peru and is best
characterised by an impressive range of ecosystems, microenvironments and resources generated by
latitudinal, longitudinal, but mostly altitudinal differences. Different ecological niches are essentially
arranged in a linear fashion in relation to increasing elevation and, as one moves eastward from the
Pacific littoral, three main environmental zones can be identified: (1) the coast, (2) the highlands and
(3) the Amazonian lowlands. The coast is the backbone of this study. It consists of a series of old
marine terraces, probably formed during the Pleistocene, transected by more than 40 perennial rivers
descending from the Andes (Willey 1953: 18-19). After leaving the highlands, the rivers and their
tributaries incise the coastal shelf and meander over the valley floor before reaching the sea.
The main coastal rivers, such as Nepeña, cut through the coastal desert and water the valley
bottomland creating zones of oasis in one of the most arid regions of the world (less than 25 mm of
rain per year) (Burger 1992: 13). The land found between these river valleys is mainly characterised
by zones of rock-covered pampas, windswept dunes and rugged outliers of the cordillera (Lettau and
Lettau 1978). However, periodic fogs and drizzle (garúa) allow occasional epiphytic plants to cover
Chapter 3, Proyecto Huambacho 48
the mountain slopes and creates scattered patches of vegetation and seasonal fog meadows called
lomas (Fung 1988: 69; Moseley 1975b: 8). Xerophytic trees also grow in the coastal desert due to the
presence of subsurface waters (Wilson 1988: 17).
The desertification of the Peruvian coast is essentially due to the cold Humboldt Current, or
Peru Current, which flows northward from Antarctica along much of the Pacific shoreline up to the
vicinity of Cabo Blanco in northern Peru (Shimada 1994: 44). The Humboldt Current contrasts with
the otherwise tropical climate. For instance, while water temperatures immediately offshore Cabo
Blanco vary between 16 and 18o C in winter, water out at sea is warmer than 25o C (Delavaud 1984:
19; Posner 1954: 67). This anomalous cold tropical current cools damp air masses which, when
pushed inland, are exposed to the warm sun-heated land, thus increasing their capacity to retain
moisture. Consequently, the water-laden air only drops its content once in contact with the Andean
peaks farther inland at higher elevation (Moseley 1975b: 8). During the winter months (June to
November), precipitation is usually limited to a fine drizzle and concentrated in the western foothills
of the Andes, between 300 and 800 m asl. In the summer (December to May), the moist maritime air
rises along the flanks of the Andes, and rainfall begins above 1600 m asl (Burger 1992: 15). This
leaves the Peruvian coast free of rain for many years, while the highlands experience an annual rainy
season from October to March (Thomas and Winterhalder 1976).
The Humboldt Current also provides Peru with abundant marine resources. The biotic
richness is essentially explained by the strong southerly winds that produce an “Ekmann spiral”,
allowing cold waters rich in phosphorus and nitrogen to come to the surface (Cane 1983, 1986;
Delavaud 1984). This phenomenon, also known as “upwelling”, sustains phytoplankton which
constitutes the base of an ecological pyramid that includes numerous species of fish, shellfish, sea
mammals and birds exploited by human groups. The delicate equilibrium of this ecological chain is
greatly affected by the El Niño counter-current.
The El Niño Southern Oscillation, or ENSO, is a large body of warm equatorial water low in
nutrients that originates somewhere in the vicinity of the Galapagos Islands and episodically intrudes
southward into the Humboldt Current. Its origins are not well understood, but it appears that El
Niño only represents a fraction of a much more complex and widespread Pacific phenomenon (Cane
1986; Rasmussen and Wallace 1983; Rollins et al. 1986; Wyrtki 1975). The intrusion of El Niño
occurs at irregular intervals up to a dozen times a century. Meanwhile, severe events may occur twice
a century and catastrophic events once in many centuries. El Niño is generally accompanied by a
disruption of the normal atmospheric conditions and brings heavy rainfalls (e.g., Trujillo in March
1925: 394.4 mm of water, with 226 mm in only three days; see Murphy 1926; Nials et al. 1979). It
brings catastrophic effects on marine resources and terrestrial fauna and flora, and it threatens
agricultural stability (Wilson 1981).
Overall, it can be said that the climate of the Peruvian coast is considerably cooler than
tropical latitudinal counterparts. This produces distinct ecological habitats and facilitates the growth
of different vegetal species than in most tropical areas. The aridity of the desert preserves the mineral
content of the Andes sediments deposited in the coastal valleys as alluvium. This renders the well-
drained soils of the valley plain relatively fertile. Thus, with enough water the valleys of coastal Peru
can be transformed into green lush oases, like Nepeña, and were very attractive to early human
populations.
Geography and environment of the Nepeña Valley

Nepeña is located 393 km north of Lima, the modern-day capital of Peru. It is bordered to
the north by the Lacramarca and Santa Valleys and to the south by the Casma Valley. Politically, it is
situated within the Department of Ancash and belongs to the Province of Santa. Geographically,
Nepeña is situated on the north-central coast, an area arbitrarily defined as comprising, from north to
south, the following six valleys: Lacramarca, Nepeña, Casma, Seco, Huarmey and Culebras (Willey
1971). I include the Santa Valley in the north-central coast due to its proximity to Nepeña.
Nepeña is a relatively long and narrow valley that runs a total of 74 km in a northeast-
southwest axis and has a maximum width of 8 km (Gambini 1983-84: 15). The lower Nepeña section
lacks the fan-shaped coastal plain that is typical of neighbouring valleys. The lower valley supports
most of the agricultural activities of the valley, nowadays essentially dedicated to the industrial
production of sugar cane (Kosok 1965: 203; Proulx 1968: 2-3).
Nepeña is a second-class river that receives water all year long. Nepeña’s head-waters are
located in the Cordillera Negra (Adams 1906), more precisely in the Chupicocha Lagoon located
some 4600 m asl (ONERN 1972: 36). It is formed by three main tributaries: the Jimbe, Salitre and
Vinchamarca rivers. The Jimbe and Salitre branches form the Nepeña which merges, near Tomeque
(west of Moro), with the Vinchamarca branch to flow towards the Pacific Ocean.
Annually, the Nepeña River discharges 74.7 million m3, mostly in February and March
(Proulx 1968: 2). The Nepeña annual debit is relatively low when compared to the neighbouring
Casma (172.4 million m3) and, most strikingly, Santa (4593.9 million m3) rivers (Wilson 1988: 18,
Table 1 based on figures reported by Robinson 1964: 166-169). Nevertheless, its geomorphology
clearly made it an attractive setting for early agrarian populations. For example, in the Santa Valley it
is estimated that 93% of the water runoff carried by the deeply incised river makes it to the ocean
(Wilson 1988: 27). In contrast, Nepeña is much less entrenched and most of the 6360 ha of
cultivable land can be irrigated before the water runoff reaches the sea near the Bahía de Samanco.
The Nepeña Valley has a mean annual temperature of 19.7o C and is classified as a BWhn
climate in the Koppen System which corresponds to a warm and foggy barren desert (Proulx 1968:
3). Nevertheless, many ecological zones with specific geography and micro-environments are present
in the valley (see Johnson 1976). The area above the Quebrada Santa Lucía, the bottleneck part of
the middle valley that separates the Moro Pocket from the rest of the valley below, is referred to as
the “upper valley” and extends until Jimbe at about 1500 m asl (Daggett 1984: 31-32).
The Jimbe area consists of a premontane desert dominated by xerophytic vegetation where,
however, soils are fairly well-suited for irrigation agriculture. Below Jimbe down to the Yana-Captuy
area, the valley floor narrows, reducing the availability of soils, and the desert flora and fauna
(ONERN 1972). That zone, referred to as yunga, would have been attractive to both coastal and
highland populations as it is characterised by year-round sunshine and warm temperatures allowing
the cultivation of a wide range of cultigens including coca, maize, tropical fruits, chili peppers, and
other crops difficult to grow on the cooler coastal plain (Pulgar 1972; Dillehay 1979). Northeast of
this area, the Quebrada Salitre stretches up to the highland centre of Pamparomas (23 km from the
river mouth) on the western slopes of the Cordillera Negra. This natural route of communication
between the Callejón de Huaylas and the coastal section of the Nepeña Valley contributes to the
strategic importance of the valley for human settling and interregional interaction (Lane et al. 2004;
Raimondi 1873: 111).
Further down the valley, the “Moro Pocket” (Kosok 1965: 95), located near the mouth of the
Vinchamarca, consists of a 6 km wide pocket of irrigable lands surrounded by hills. Finally, the
middle and lower sections of the Nepeña Valley extends from Quebrada Santa Lucía to Cerro Caylán
to the shoreline, respectively. The topography of this zone is characterised by a flat bottomland with
isolated hills and low mountains on the desert margins.
The lower section of the Nepeña Valley is a unique, and particularly attractive, environmental
setting for human exploitation that offers marine and terrestrial resources. During the Early Horizon,
the groups that occupied the Nepeña Valley relied heavily on irrigation agriculture. They cultivated
many crops including maize, beans, squash, manioc, chili peppers, lúcuma, and cotton, and herded
and raised animals such as llamas, guinea pigs and muscovy ducks (S. Pozorski 1979; Pozorski and
Pozorski 1988a). Populations inhabiting the coast and the valley inland were closely tied to each
other through social and economic networks (Pozorski and Pozorski 1987a: 115).
Of the resource complexes found in coastal Peru, the littoral areas are by far the richest
biomass and easiest to exploit. As a result, ancient and modern fishermen have intensively exploited
sea resources. Resource complexes are clustered in distinct places including, proceeding from the
coast, coastal lagoons, the rocky littoral, the sandy littoral, the rocky shore sublittoral and the open-
beach sublittoral (Moseley 1975b: 13-14). The littoral zones are well-suited for net fishing, clam and
mussel gathering and mammal and bird hunting, whereas the sublittoral zones, less accessible, can
only be fished using either hand lines or watercraft. The littoral zones supplied most of the marine
resources for early populations.
A large bay, the Bahía de Samanco, protects and encloses the Nepeña shoreline areas and
renders the water unusually slow moving. The western cliffs of the peninsula are very rugged and
steep, but the narrow strip of land that separates the Bahía de Samanco from the Bahía de Chimbote
to the north, as well as the eastern edge of the peninsula are well-suited for line fishing, water diving
and gathering.
In Nepeña, human exploitation of the marine littoral resources is documented as early as the
Preceramic Period. Refuse remains have been reported by Engel (1958: 9) at the village of Vesique
situated on the eastern edge of the Bahía de Samanco. Also, a Preceramic site known as Los Chimús,
Las Salinas, or Los Chinos, has been identified on the southern extremity of the Nepeña shoreline
(Proulx 1968: 9-10, 215-216; Engel 1958: 9; Ishida et al. 1960: 441).
3.2 History and archaeology in Nepeña

Spanish documentary sources provide very little data on the history of Nepeña. The first
written account comes from Pedro Cieza de León (1924 [1594]), who travelled across the valley in
October 1547. The Spanish chronicler mentions that the valley was part of a prosperous Inka
dominion which extended over most of the middle and lower sections of the valley, from at least
Samanco on the coast to Pañamarca. At that time, however, the valley was known under the quechua
term “Guambacho” (Cieza de León 1973 [1594]: 176; see also Humboldt 1991: 75; Vázquez de
Espinoza 1948 [1560]: 229). By the end of the 19th century the valley was known as “Nepeña” (Uribe
n.d.).
One of the earliest reports about the prehistoric occupation of the Nepeña Valley was
provided by Squier (1877) who spent more than a year travelling around Peru in the late 1860s.
Squier journeyed from the port of Samanco up the valley and visited many of the largest ruins
including Samanco, Huacatambo, Pañamarca, Huaca Culebra, Quisque, Paredones, Kushipampa, and
Motocachy. Not only was he the first to document archaeological sites in the valley, he also provided
detailed maps and accurate plans of the architectural remains (Proulx 1968: 7). In 1886, the German
explorer Middendorf (1973 [1886]) travelled through Nepeña. He visited the sites of Pañamarca and
Kushipampa, and discovered Huancarpón. Middendorf dated these sites to Pre-Inka times.
Most of the archaeological research in Nepeña has focused on early cultural developments.
As noted earlier, Tello’s work has stressed Nepeña’s cultural connections with Chavín de Huántar. In
1935, Bennett visited Nepeña as part of a general survey of the north coastal valleys. He visited
Cerro Blanco and mentions a second mound, located across the road leading up inside the valley
(Bennett 1939). In 1941, Soriano, a priest stationed in Huaraz, published the accounts of his
exploration of the valley in which he reports the existence of yet unknown ruins including the site of
Huambacho in the lower section of the valley.
In 1950, Schaedel accompanied by colleagues from the Universidad Nacional de Trujillo
visited Pañamarca as part of a study of Moche architecture (Schaedel 1951). A year before, Kosok,
who was conducting extensive research on irrigation systems and water management on the north
coast, had spent time in Nepeña and visited most of the sites discovered by Squier as well as Cerro
Blanco and Caylán. Kosok lacked time to visit Huambacho, but he was particularly impressed by
Caylán which he describes in the following words:
It seemed to consist of a large number of white rectangles, of various sizes and shapes,
surrounded by walls. […] The ruin, which is called Caylán by the nearby inhabitants,
appeared to us at first to be merely the remains of a “settlement” consisting of
innumerable stone walls containing several small stone pyramids. The walls surrounded
enclosures [but] there were no streets! Were these enclosures habitation sites, like others
we had seen, where the former inhabitants walked along the top of the walls? Or were
the enclosures possibly gardens associated with the pyramids? So far the ruin is a
mystery. (Kosok 1965: 208-209)
This lengthy description of Caylán underscores the most salient aspects of the type of “enclosure”
architecture also documented at Huambacho. In particular, the presence of rectangular wall
enclosures along with small raised platforms. This type of architecture has been puzzling
archaeologists for a long time (see Thompson 1961, 1962). Excavations at Huambacho shed light on
this architecture and provide many answers to the questions asked by Kosok.
In 1967, Proulx (1968), of the University of Massachusetts (Amherst), initiated the first
systematic survey of the Nepeña Valley (see Proulx 1993). His objective was to realise a
comprehensive and systematic reconnaissance of the valley. After a first field season, Proulx had
identified some 100 sites, and after a second trip to Nepeña in 1971, 220 archaeological sites were
known from the valley (Proulx 1973). Following Rowe’s (1962) master sequence of the Ica Valley,
Proulx used the analysis of pottery and decoration to assign sites to a particular time period. He
described new ceramic styles, analysed changes in settlement patterns and architecture, and proposed
the first cultural-historical sequence of developments for the valley. Proulx attributed 20 sites to the
Early Horizon, including Cerro Blanco and Punkurí (Proulx 1985: 14).
Following Tello (1943) and Larco (1941), Proulx acknowledged Nepeña as an important
centre of early cultural developments. In 1979, he returned to Nepeña with the primary objectives of
identifying additional early sites, analysing ceramics and architectural remains, and assessing the
extent of the Chavín presence in the valley. At that time, Proulx was assisted in the field by R.
Daggett, one of his graduate students (Proulx 1985: 27), who later completed Ph.D. research on the
Early Horizon occupation of the valley (Daggett 1984).
Proulx and Daggett’s survey focused on the upper Nepeña, especially the area between Moro
and Jimbe which at the time yet remained to be explored (Proulx and Daggett 1980). Their 1979 field
season yielded evidence for the existence of an additional 28 Early Horizon sites which Proulx
divided, on the basis of the analysis of ceramics and architecture, into two distinct phases of cultural
developments. Proulx felt that the initial Chavín influence in Nepeña, associated with Cerro Blanco
and Punkurí, was superseded by a megalithic tradition of architecture originating from upper valley
ridge-top compounds and exemplified at the type site of Kushipampa. Hence, Proulx refers to the
second half of the Early Horizon as the Kushipampa phase (Proulx 1985: 273).
In 1980 and 1981, R. Daggett conducted surface survey research in Nepeña in order to
understand the Early Horizon occupation through the analysis of settlement patterns. His fieldwork
focused on the upper reaches of the valley. In addition to the 220 sites found by Proulx (1968, 1973),
Proulx and Daggett’s surveys identified 143, for a total of 363 sites in Nepeña. Daggett, using a
similiary seriation technique (see Rowe 1961: 326), proposed a tripartite sequence for the Early
Horizon occupation in Nepeña in which he includes a transitional phase between Proulx’s early and
late phases (Phase I-III) (Daggett 1987: 72). He assigned the sites of Samanco and Caylán to his
Early Horizon phase I and, after returning to Nepeña in 1995, included Huambacho (Daggett 1999).
Overall, Proulx (1968, 1973, 1985) and Daggett (1984) assign more than 100 sites to the Early
Horizon and suggest the existence of distinct types of Early Horizon architecture. A “megalithic”
type of architecture (R. Daggett 1983), mainly distributed in the upper section of the Nepeña Valley,
is best exemplified at ridge-top sites, such as Kushipampa, Huancarpón, and Quisque. At
Kushipampa, for example, large enclosure structures were made of finely cut stone blocks, larger-
than-human lintels and double-faced walls (Proulx 1968: 96-99, 1985: 231).
In the lower and middle valleys, meanwhile, Daggett (1984, 1999) attributed at least three
complexes of stone-wall enclosures to the Early Horizon: Caylán in the middle valley, and Samanco
and Huambacho in the lower valley. Many features distinguish them from the megalithic architecture,
notably the extensive use of mud mortar, the smaller scale of the stonework, and their valley floor
location (Daggett 1984: 213-218).
For Proulx and Daggett, the introduction of new agricultural techniques and crops, coming
from the Casma Valley to the south, would have laid the foundation for the emergence of powerful
elites. Unfortunately this model, for the most part, relies on surface evidence. The Proyecto
Huambacho was designed to investigate Early Horizon architecture and test the hypothesis that
Early Horizon architectural innovations are to be understood in terms of local agency and intimately
linked to the exercise of authority. Control over the design and use of public spaces, as well as the
sponsoring of festive events, represent effective strategies to reinforce social ties and legitimate
authority. For example, access to new means of production and the promotion of alternative
religious ideologies through public art and architecture could account for some of the changes
observed in Nepeña society at the beginning of the Early Horizon.
In the 1990s, excavations led by Samaniego (1992) unearthed more of the Punkurí mound
and contributed to our understanding of the early prehistory of the Nepeña Valley. More recently,
members of the Instituto Nacional de Cultura (INC-Ancash), as part of the CHINECAS irrigation
project, surveyed and excavated sites in the Sute Bajo sector of the valley (Cotrina et al. 2003; Serna
et al. 2001). This salvage project yielded relevant data on the early occupation of the Nepeña Valley.
In particular, excavations revealed a colonnaded platform structure interpreted as a Salinar phase
construction (Cotrina et al. 2003).
Finally, in 2002, Shibata (Shibata and Ugaz 2002) undertook archaeological fieldwork at the
sites of Cerro Blanco and Huaca Partida in the middle valley. As mentioned earlier, his excavations at
Cerro Blanco support the conclusion that the Chavín-like features excavated by Tello in the 1930s
actually date to the Initial Period (Shibata and Ugaz 2002). Preliminary results of his excavations at
Huaca Partida suggest that at least some populations in the middle valley built Chavín-like religious
structures, probably during the early parts of the Early Horizon (see Huancas 2005).
This brief review of the history of archaeological research in the Nepeña Valley points to
three major conclusions. First, the Nepeña Valley represents a key to understanding Early Horizon
cultural developments. Early in the history of archaeology, scholars recognised the importance of the
early phases of developments in this valley. Yet, very few data are available from intensive site-based
investigations, such as from scientific excavations. Second, the occurrence of the Chavín
phenomenon in Nepeña remains poorly understood. Chavín-like religious iconographies and
architectural features have been identified at the Initial Period sites of Cerro Blanco and Punkurí,
but, until recently, virtually nothing was known of Early Horizon populations. Results of the
Proyecto Huambacho suggest that the Early Horizon socio-cultural landscape might have been much
more complex than previously envisioned and that some local groups remained independent from
the Chavín phenomenon. Third, scholars have explicitly used architecture as a cultural and
chronological marker in Nepeña. Their interpretations have been mostly based on surface
observations.
Interestingly, this situation is largely paralleled in neighbouring valleys (i.e., Santa, Virú) where
research has focused on surface survey (Collier 1955, 1960; Ford 1949; Ford and Willey 1949;
Thompson 1961, 1974; Willey 1953; Wilson 1983, 1988, 1995). Meanwhile, excavations have
concentrated on either pre or post-Early Horizon occupations (Chapdelaine et al. 2004; Donnan
1973; Fuchs 1997; Fung 1972; Koschmieder 2004; Millaire 2002a; Pozorski and Pozorski 1987a;
Uceda 1990; Zoubek 2000). To this day, no research program has yet to document and analyse Early
Horizon architecture and its social implications in detail.
3.3 The Proyecto Huambacho

The site
Huambacho, also known as Huambacho Viejo, is widely mentioned in the literature
(Horkheimer 1965: 32; Ishida et al. 1960: 179, 440; Kosok 1965: 208; Moore 1995: 174; Proulx 1968:
135-137; Soriano 1941: 267; Wilson 1988: 334). The site occupies a flat sandy plain (Pampa el
Cementerio or Pampa del Inka) on the southern margin of the lower Nepeña at latitude 9°16’ South
and longitude 78°25’ West. Bordered to the south by hills, it is located 8 km from the Pacific
shoreline and approximately 65 m asl. The site lies strategically at the limit of the cultivated valley
floor and consists of two distinct architectural compounds (i.e., Main Compound and North
Compound) connected by a 75 m long wall [Figure 3.1]. The two compounds together originally
covered an area of more than 12 ha, but the recent encroachment of cultivated fields has totally
destroyed the North Compound.
A modern irrigation canal runs on the northwest edge of the site. Some 80 m west of the
canal runs an acequia (Rio Viejo), a seasonal water source which probably represented the northwest
limit of the core of the Early Horizon settlement. The Rio Viejo is a branch of the Nepeña River. Its
junction is located further northeast. Further west, modern fields go uninterrupted up to the
community of Huambacho El Arenal and beyond. Considering that it is likely that a significant
proportion of the local Early Horizon population lived in the immediate vicinity or even within the
agricultural land, this area possibly included Early Horizon settlements associated with the
occupation of the Huambacho site.
Opposite to the cultivated area, the site of Huambacho is bordered by a vast pampa. Surface
survey of the open plain did not yield physical evidence of prehistoric human occupation. Further
west, the valley floor is delimited by the steep hills of the Cerro Huambacho (ca. 600 m asl). The side
canyons of the Cerro Huambacho have yet to be surveyed, but it would be unlikely that an important
fraction of the local Early Horizon community, mostly dependent of farming activities, was
established this far from the arable valley floor.
To the north, the desert fringes extend and surface surveys have identified a series of
cemetery areas (Chicoine and Pimentel 2004: 8-9; see also Proulx 1973). The bulk of the pottery
recovered from these sites belongs to the late prehistory and it is difficult to appreciate their relation
to the Early Horizon occupation of Huambacho. From the lack of architectural structures, however,
it is unlikely that Early Horizon settlements extended north of the North Compound.
To the southwest, the site is delimited by a modern cemetery adjacent to the Panamerican
highway, located some 200 m from the Main Compound. Across the Panamerican highway is the
Cerro Popo, a granite hill of conical shape which stands almost 200 m asl [Figure 3.2]. Disturbed
remains of architectural structures can be observed to the south of the Panamerican highway, but
their poor state of preservation makes it impossible to confirm their association with the
Huambacho site.
Surface surveys from the Proyecto Huambacho have allowed the identification of irregular-
shaped stone structures in a canyon located on the western slopes of the Cerro Popo. At the same
time, more formal, rectangular stone structures were observed on the summit of the hill. These
structures appear to be protected by concentric stone walls. The mapping of these structures still
remains to be realised.
Future research will have to be conducted before any definitive conclusion can be reached
about the occupation of the Cerro Popo, but the overall aspect of the irregular-shaped structures
suggests they might belong to residential areas. Whether these areas are contemporary with the Early
Horizon occupation of the Huambacho site, however, is uncertain. For example, whereas the
structures on the summit of the Cerro Popo are possibly contemporary with a Salinar phase
occupation during the Early Intermediate Period, the sampling of many press-moulded pottery
sherds from an adjacent cemetery area (PV31-104) suggests a late occupation (Chicoine and Pimentel
2004: 7-8; see C. Daggett 1983).
Overall, it can be suggested that the Main and North compounds represented the core of the
Huambacho site. Settlements probably surrounded these enclosure compounds, but the intensive
cultivation has destroyed possible structures. It can be proposed, however, that Huambacho is likely
to have represented the most important site on the southern margin in the lower section of the
Nepeña Valley during the Early Horizon. Further, it can be posited that the local catchment of the
Huambacho centre corresponded to this section of the valley located between the other Early
Horizon settlements of Samanco on the coastline, and Caylán in the middle valley.
The Main Compound, which was the focus of the Proyecto Huambacho, covers an area of
8.4 ha (400 x 210 m) and is composed of a complex arrangement of courtyards, corridors, raised
mounds, and sunken plazas [Figure 3.3]. These structures are remarkable for their diversity in size,
quality of construction and finish, and internal design and complexity. Huambacho is dominated by
two large sunken plazas and two complexes of raised platforms.
The site of Huambacho was first identified as a Chimú provincial centre (Soriano 1941: 267;
see also Moore 1995). The first sketch of the site was realised by Proulx in 1967 (Proulx 1968: 136,
Plan 20), who also sampled surface ceramics. Proulx identified Moche, Casma and Chimú
components. The abundance of Casma Incised (see C. Daggett 1983) and Red-White-Black pottery
sherds, combined with the style of the architecture, led him to suggest a main occupation during the
Middle Horizon (ca. A.D. 600-1000) (Proulx 1968: 137). Proulx concluded that Huambacho was
reoccupied during the Late Intermediate Period (ca. A.D. 1000-1450). He also mentioned that the
site could have been occupied at an earlier date by Moche groups (Proulx 1982). Nonetheless, the
idea that Huambacho was a Middle Horizon settlement was used by Wilson in his discussion of the
“Red-White-Black” state (Wilson 1988: 334). In 1995, Daggett recovered circle-and-dot decorated
pottery at Huambacho which suggested the presence of an Early Horizon occupation (Daggett
1999).
Huambacho appears to have represented a centre with special significance for local
populations. It is an important archaeological site to study the prehistory of the lower section of the
Nepeña Valley. In this study, I focus on the initial, and most notable, occupation of Huambacho
which occurred during the Early Horizon.
Field objectives
Excavations at Huambacho aimed at documenting Early Horizon architecture in both space
and time. At the site level, this translated into a concern with the spatial organisation of the Main
Compound and the understanding of its construction process and occupational sequence. The
clearing and recording of architecture was coupled with a special attention to associated material
remains and their significance for interpreting the site function and the use of space.
At the regional level, material remains were analysed with the objective of defining local
cultural affiliations and relations to neighbouring populations. For instance, the Early Horizon in
Nepeña was traditionally conceived as a period during which local populations came under a strong
Chavín influence. Was Huambacho participating in the Chavín network? If not, how did
Huambacho’s occupants express their religious ideology?
Ultimately, the goal of the Proyecto Huambacho was to understand Early Horizon society
and, in particular, to enhance knowledge about the active role of architecture within the social
dynamics of early complex societies.
Field methods
Most structures at Huambacho are still visible on the surface. They are partially buried under
a layer of windblown sand, but their general mapping was possible prior to the excavations [Figure
3.4]. This operation also included the delimitation of a protection perimeter zone to preserve the site.
The original mapping documented most walls. Architectural details such as entryways and pillars
were subsequently added according to excavation results.
Based on surface information, the Main Compound was divided into five sectors: (1) South
(SS), (2) Central (CS), (3) North (NS), (4) North Extension (NE), and (5) Huaca-A (HA). Distinct
rooms were identified and given an area number followed by the sector’s abbreviation (e.g., A-1/CS
for area one of the Central Sector). For each sector, a distinct numbering sequence was used (i.e., A-
2/SS vs. A-2/NE). Excavation units were originally delimited in order to investigate specific
architectural features and oriented after the site layout. As a result, and throughout the dissertation,
we refer to the geographic north as aligned with the site structures.
A total of 29 units were excavated at Huambacho in 23 weeks of fieldwork spread over two
seasons. Excavations sampled an area of approximately 4500 m2 and allowed the investigation of 50
distinct rooms or areas. This represents more than 60% of the total number of rooms estimated for
the Main Compound (ca. 80). Excavations mainly involved the horizontal clearing of specific
architectural structures in order to understand their organisational features, layout and construction
process. Superficial layers of sand and debris were removed to clear the first, more superficial
occupation floor to allow the recording of architecture and associated artefacts. Excavations
followed the architectural setting and units were often extended in order to document specific
features and answer research questions.
The bulk of Early Horizon floors were found less than a meter below the surface. In most
areas, Floor-1 was set up directly on the sandy pampa and was partially destroyed, especially around
the pillars and the walls. The general stratigraphic sequence included the following strata: (1)
windblown sand (ca. 15-20 cm), (2) debris of collapsed Early Horizon structures (a layer of stone,
mud mortar and sand) (ca. 50-100 cm), (3) sand, dirt and remains associated with Floor-1 (ca. 10-15
cm) and (4) first clay floor (Floor-1) (ca. 5 cm). Stratum-3 yielded the Early Horizon contexts and it
was carefully excavated and sifted using 1/8 inch screen (ca. 3 mm). Material remains were collected
and bagged based on their planimetric and stratigraphic provenance.
On specific occasions test pits below Floor-1 level were made to investigate the building
technique and verify its temporal position. In the case of raised structures, excavations were also
continued beneath Floor-1 in order to sample construction fill materials and techniques, as well as
document possible superimposed structures. When natural and/or cultural layers could be delineated
within the fill stratum, their division was followed. If not, or if greater accuracy was needed, the fill
stratum was divided in arbitrary layers of 10 cm. Again, architectural details were recorded and test
pits below Floor-2 level were excavated. On one occasion, a superposition of three occupational
floors was discovered.
All excavations were described in detail and recorded using different techniques and material
supports. Stratigraphic cuts, cross-sections as well as plan views of cleared areas were drawn using a
1/20 scale. More detailed contexts (e.g., burials, in situ pottery, structural debris) were recorded using
a 1/10 scale. To complement these records, digital and film photographs were taken at various stages
of the excavations to record specific contexts. Ground plan layouts were mapped and elevation
points were measured to allow reconstructions and comparisons. Depending on the stage of the
excavation and the context, data were either collected using a total station, a theodolite and/or air
levels. Information was processed using AutoCAD and a general map of Huambacho was generated.
In the field, building materials were analysed and photographed, and observations on the
building techniques were recorded. Measurements were taken for quarried stone slabs and adobes,
while other objects were collected and brought back to the laboratory for detailed analyses. These
included plaster and mineral pigment samples, perishable materials used for superstructures,
fragments of sculpted and painted friezes, graffiti, and sculpted clay cones.
All the objects found during the excavations were cleaned, classified, and catalogued by
categories. Artefacts were catalogued individually (i.e., every object received a unique number) while
other types of remains (e.g., food remains), except the samples, were catalogued collectively (i.e., one
catalogue entry by type of remains by excavation unit by stratigraphic level). These two divisions
were thereafter broken into distinct cataloguing categories on the basis of their material composition.
Every catalogue entry recorded data on the spatial provenance and the characteristics of the object.
After their registration, objects were placed in identified bags (i.e., plastic bags for ceramics, lithic
objects, animal bones and shell remains; and acid-free paper bags for plant remains and textiles).
All archaeological materials of the Proyecto Huambacho are permanently stored at the
Museo Regional Max Uhle de Casma in Sechín. Only carbon samples were taken out of Peru and
sent for analysis to Beta Analytic (Miami).
In the laboratory, architectural analyses focused on the morphometric attributes of building
materials and the various architectural units. Observations were transferred to SPSS spreadsheets to
facilitate descriptions, generate tables and enable comparisons. To complement field photographs,
architectural ornamentations were drawn by hand and then digitised using Adobe Illustrator. Plans
and section drawings of architectural units were also redrawn and in some cases tri-dimensional,
isometric reconstitutions were generated to facilitate visualisation.
3.4 Excavation results

Excavations at Huambacho substantiate the multi-component nature of the site previously
described on the basis of surface observations (Proulx 1968; Soriano 1941). Most architectural
structures were built as part of a single initial occupation represented by ten carbon samples dated
between 2490 ± 70 B.P. and 2250 ± 40 B.P. (all dates reported as “B.P.” are conventional
uncalibrated radiocarbon years) [Table 3.1]. Calibrated in calendar years, the primary construction
and occupation of Huambacho can be placed in the Early Horizon, between 800 and 200 cal. B.C.
(calibrated with a two-sigma range using OxCal version 3.9 online; see Bronk Ramsey 2001, 2003).
The primary Early Horizon occupation was followed by several subsequent reoccupations
represented by intrusive burials (our excavations documented 20) and occasional squatter-like
dwellings.
Excavations yielded representative samples of Early Horizon architecture and cultural
materials. Material remains mainly came from intact deposits and construction fill, but also from
floors. The materials attest to the conduct of special activities within the Main Compound and their
analyses are detailed in Chapter 5 and 6.
Research at Huambacho was particularly successful at providing data on architecture. Prior to
2003, only surface surveys and illegal excavations had revealed data on the site occupation. The
overall appearance of the architecture, however, suggested the site was not the result of disorganised,
agglutinative building events. Rather, the consistent orientation of the structures and the apparent
formality of the site layout suggested Huambacho could have served as a public or elite centre
(Proulx 1968: 137; Wilson 1988: 334). Excavations support this assertion.
Table 3.1 Radiocarbon assays from the 2003-2004 fieldwork at Huambacho.
Provenience within the Main Compound Beta Analytic Material 13C/12C 14C years B.P.* One-sigma range‡ Two-sigma range‡
Huaca-A, A-5/HA, Unit 23, Burial-8 197085 maize (cobs) -11.6 1850 ± 60 A.D. 80-240 A.D. 20-340
Huaca-A, A-1/HA, Unit 19, Burial-6 197084† maize (cobs) -10.7 1960 ± 40 20 B.C.-A.D. 110 50 B.C.-A.D. 130
Huaca-A, A-7/HA, Unit 26, Floor-2 197087† maize (cobs) -12.3 2250 ± 40 390-200 B.C. 400-200 B.C.
Central Sector, A-4/CS, Unit 4, Floor-1 fill 185372 Maize (mix) -9.1 2350 ± 70 760-250 B.C. 800-200 B.C.
Huaca-A, A-5/HA, Unit 23, beneath ramp (Floor-2) 197088 charcoal -23.0 2360 ± 60 760-370 B.C. 800-200 B.C.
North Extension, A-1/NE (Plaza-B), Unit 25, Floor-1 197089 plant material -10.2 2360 ± 60 760-370 B.C. 800-200 B.C.
fill
North Extension, A-1/NE (Plaza-B), Unit 25, Floor-1 197090 manioc -24.1 2370 ± 70 760-380 B.C. 800-200 B.C.
fill
Huaca-A, A-10/HA, Unit 19, Floor-2 197091 charcoal -25.3 2370 ± 70 760-380 B.C. 800-200 B.C.
Central Sector, A-3/CS, Unit 18, Floor-1 fill 185375 plant material -9.8 2410 ± 50 760-400 B.C. 770-390 B.C.
North Extension, A-2/NE, Unit 15, Floor-1 185374 maize (cobs) -9.1 2420 ± 60 760-400 B.C. 770-390 B.C.
Central Sector, A-3/CS, Unit-4, Floor-1 fill 185373 plant material -23.6 2480 ± 60 770-510 B.C. 790-410 B.C.
Huaca-A, A-7/HA, Unit 21, Floor-1 fill 197086 maize (stalks) -12.0 2490 ± 70 770-510 B.C. 790-410 B.C.
* Conventional uncalibrated radiocarbon years (13C/12C corrections applied)

‡ Calendar years calibrated using the OxCal v3.9 software (Bronk Ramsey 2001, 2003) after atmospheric data from Stuiver et al. 1998
† Analyzed with Accelerator Mass Spectrometer (AMS)
The Main Compound represented the core of the complex. It is dominated by two sets of
raised platforms (Main Platform Complex, Huaca-A Complex) as well as two sunken plazas (Plaza-A,
Plaza-B). On the basis of their location, the Main Platform Complex and Plaza-A appear to have
constituted the main features of the Main Compound. Excavation results indicate these features were
used in different ways, as settings for public and private gatherings. In the succeeding sections, I
describe excavations at the Main Compound, beginning with the South Sector and moving
northward to finish with the Huaca-A Complex.
3.4.1 South Sector

The South Sector covers an extension of 16,000 m2 and includes eleven areas or rooms (A-
1/SS to A-11/SS) [Figure 3.5]. The southernmost perimeter wall of this sector seems to have
delimited the Main Compound. From surface observations, the rooms identified in the South Sector
are mostly represented by large enclosures. The excavation of two units (Unit-9, 16) examined five
rooms including a small enclosed storage room and two large patio rooms.
Unit-9
Unit-9 was excavated in the southeast corner of A-2/SS, at the junction with the rooms A-
3/SS, A-8/SS and A-9/SS [Figure 3.6]. The excavation unit measured 10 x 10 m and revealed useful
information on the abutment sequence of the walls in these areas. Unit-9 was excavated down to the
Early Horizon floor, found at approximately 70 cm from the surface at an elevation of 64.20 m asl.
Clearing of the northwest corner of A-9/SS revealed two colonnades of rectangular pillars associated
with the north and west walls of the room.
The abutment sequence of walls in Unit-9 indicates that A-2/SS predated the construction of
A-3/SS, A-8/SS and A-9/SS. The alignment of the abutted walls is similar. Interestingly, the north
and west walls of A-9/SS exhibit a different degree of finish. In contrast to A-2/SS, the walls in A-
9/SS do not exhibit traces of white plaster. Nevertheless, the building technique and the overall
layout of the colonnades show great consistency with the rest of the Main Compound layout.
In general, the floors of the areas investigated during Unit-9 were not well preserved and
objects are scant. The most noticeable exception comes from A-2A/SS, a sub-division of A-2/SS.
This square room measures 4.40 m by 4.40 m and it lacks entrance. Examples from other sites in
coastal Peru show that this type of small enclosed room often served storage functions (Anders
1981; Millaire 2002a). The discovery of eight gourd containers on the floor of A-2A/SS suggests that
this small square-shaped room was used to store food and/or drink [Figure 3.7]. Similar facilities
were also excavated in the Central Sector and in the Huaca-A Sector.
Unit-16
Unit-16 involved the complete clearing of A-7/SS, a large enclosure located in the southeast
portion of the sector. A-7/SS covers an area of more than 350 m2. Its east wall is wider (ca. 1 m)
than most walls at Huambacho, and coincides with the east perimeter wall of the Main Compound.
This perimeter wall also connects the Main Compound to the North Compound. According to the
abutment sequence, the perimeter wall was built first.
A-7/SS is organised as a rectangular patio room with interior colonnades [Figure 3.8]. Three
colonnades of rectangular pillars were recorded in association with the west (n=10 pillars), south
(n=12) and east (n=12) walls. The centre of A-7/SS was open, like its north side. The room itself
was accessed in the northwest corner through two entryways connecting A-7/SS with A-5/SS to the
north, and A-6/SS to the west.
To sum up, excavations in the South Sector indicate the existence of large patio rooms as
well as more internally complex spatial divisions. Large gatherings can be inferred on the basis of the
overall layout of A-9/SS and A-7/SS. In contrast, A-2A/SS served to store vessels that probably
used to contain food and drink. However, very little material evidence of the activities conducted in
the patio rooms of the South Sector has been encountered during the excavation. Occupation floors
were discovered relatively clean, and most objects that were collected belong to post-occupational
events.
The South Sector is located directly to the south of the Central Sector, the core of the Main
Compound at Huambacho. As a result, its spatial configuration and use are probably tightly related
to the activities conducted in the Plaza-A and the Main Platform Complex, the main architectural
features of the Central Sector.
3.4.2 Central Sector

Constructions in the Central Sector are dense and surface observations suggest more internal
spatial complexity here than in the rest of the site. For example, despite a lesser surface area than the
South Sector, the Central Sector (ca. 10,500 m2) comprises at least 19 rooms (A-1/CS to A-19/CS)
[Figure 3.9]. The sector features a large sunken plaza (Plaza-A) and a complex of raised areas (Main
Platform Complex). Ten excavation units were realised in the Central Sector, which targeted mainly
the Plaza-A and the Main Platform Complex.
Plaza-A
Plaza-A (A-1/CS) is a square sunken plaza, measuring 78 x 78 m. It is enclosed with “outer
wall-platforms” and represents the largest space at Huambacho. Five units (Unit-2, 5, 14, 17, 29)
were excavated. Excavations mainly consisted in clearing Floor-1 and the outer wall-platforms. On
one occasion (Unit-5), a vertical trench was excavated below Floor-1. In the sunken area, Floor-1
was found at an average elevation of 64.50 m asl.
Based on surface observations, it is likely that entryways were located in the four corners of
the Plaza-A. The project excavated the northeast entrance to the Plaza-A [Figure 3.10]. The entrance
can be defined as a “dual entryway”, similar to the one documented in A-7/SS. It is composed of
both an inset staircase (North) and a ramp (East). The north access was complemented by a corridor
(ca. 8 m long) and gave access to A-5/NS in the North Sector. Meanwhile, the access ramp
connected Plaza-A with the room A-2/CS to the east, as well as A-12/NS to the north. This
entryway is the most complex so far documented at Huambacho. It is significant that the entry
system provided a very tight means of control over access between Plaza-A and the immediate
adjacent areas. For instance, the corridors leading both to the staircase and the ramp have an average
width of less than a meter. The corridor leading to A-12/SS, meanwhile, is baffled.
Excavations revealed that Plaza-A’s monumental walls were topped with a floor, and covered
with a roof structure. They are referred to as “outer wall-platforms”. They measure almost 8 m wide
and surround an interior sunken area of almost 4000 m2 (ca. 63 x 63 m). The roof was made of
perishable material, as evidenced by the remains of wooden beams, fragments of reeds, and cane
imprints in the structure debris layer. Unit-17, for instance, yielded various fragments of wood and
reeds in direct association with structural debris. The outer wall-platforms were found 2 m above the
level of the sunken area and they were built using the “fill-chamber technique” [Figure 3.11]. This
technique consists of building retaining walls to create a chamber that is then filled with different
materials. At Plaza-A, sand was used as fill material. No artefacts were recovered from the sampling
of the sand fill. Since later architectural additions at Huambacho contained large amounts of refuse
materials, it is likely that Plaza-A was amongst the first constructions to be built at the site.
Surface observations revealed two pairs of inset stairways on the east and west walls, which
connected the top of the walls with the sunken area. The pairs of staircases are perfectly aligned with
their opposite counterpart and are located at some 5 m from their respective corner. Unit-29 [Figures
3.12, 3.13, 3.14], excavated in the northeast corner of Plaza-A, revealed a 1.30 m wide staircase
composed of seven steps, each step averaging 55 cm in depth. The staircase was erected with finely
cut stone slabs laid horizontally in the mortar and covered with white plaster. It was well preserved,
even though the edges of the steps show traces of use.
A pair of graffiti was encountered inside the staircase, roughly facing each other. They both
depict linear hatched designs. Numerous other examples of graffiti were collected from fragments of
plaster coming from the collapsed areas of Plaza-A. Amongst these, various anthropomorphic and
zoomorphic representations, such as male and bird figures, were noted. Graffiti have been reported
from other early coastal sites in Peru such as Huaca Lucía in the Chicama Valley (Shimada 1986: 177-
179) and Cardal in the Supe Valley (Burger and Salazar-Burger 1991: 281, Figure 4) where they were
interpreted as evidence for ceremonial activities.
Returning to the outer wall-platforms, a series of rectangular pillars was set into the floor,
embedded in some 50 cm in the sand. Rectangular notches or niches are found near the base of each
of the pillars. These vertical niches average 25 x 10 cm and they were all discovered empty. The
designs transect the width of each pillar, creating “holes” through the supporting structures.
Excavations yielded no evidence or wear that indicates their use. The niches could have served
decorative functions. For example, similar decorated pillars have been documented at the late Early
Horizon site of Chankillo in Casma (Ghezzi 2006: 78, Figure 3.9).
It is significant that excavations of the east and north walls of Plaza-A revealed the existence
of wall decoration including numerous relief clay friezes (e.g., Unit-29) [Figure 3.12]. On the upper
section of the interior wall, directly facing the sunken area, a series of inverted step-and-rectangle
motifs were sculpted in low-relief. The friezes were directly built in the wall structure rather than
carved in the clay matrix. They were covered with white plaster. Surface observations of the west and
south walls indicate that the friezes ran all around the sunken area. The destruction of most of the
upper section of the wall makes it impossible to know if the designs recorded were repeated or part
of a more complex pattern.
The iconographic content of the frieze matches the designs from conical clay objects found
during the excavation of the debris of the collapsed walls, pillars and roof structure of Plaza-A. Most
of these “sculpted clay cones” were found between the colonnades and the exterior wall on the top
of the east and north outer wall-platforms during the excavation of Unit-5, 17 and 29 [Figure 3.15].
They were generally found in structural debris. Evidence indicates that most specimens were inserted
in specific sections of wall and roof structures to allow their designs to be seen. Additionally, sections
of collapsed walls with in situ specimens were discovered. The designs depicted on the cones were
probably meant to complement the friezes of the sunken area and, possibly, the niches at the base of
the pillars. Some variation was noted in the geometric designs of the cones, but most specimens
depict variants of step and zigzag designs.
But sculpted clay cones were more than mere decoration. It is possible, for example, that the
cones were part of ritual practices at Huambacho, such as offerings. Unit-5 documented five
specimens, in situ at the floor level of the east outer wall-platform [Figure 3.16]. The cones had been
placed between two pillars; four of them base to base while a fifth had been placed slightly on top.
Two small stones had been set between the bases of the cones. Contrary to most examples found
during the excavations, these five clay cones exhibit traces of white plaster on their conical extension
suggesting a different use. The floor was badly preserved and it is possible that the cones had been
buried in the construction fill, perhaps as offerings. With the compaction of the sand fill and the
collapse of the floor, the cones would have moved upward to be found at the floor level.
Alternatively, they could have been left in situ at the abandonment of the plaza.
Additional mural decoration was noted on the south wall of the corridor connecting Plaza-A
with A-5/NS to the north. The design was located 4 m from the staircase leading to Plaza-A. A
poorly preserved wall mural had been sculpted in the wet clay. The design is a square divided
diagonally in two with circles in each half. It likely depicts an animal head complemented by several
geometric angular forms. It is possible that the depiction was part of a larger and more complex
mural scene, but many sections of the wall plaster have collapsed. Significantly, the surface finish of
the corridor’s walls was rather different than the inside of the plaza. The surface exhibits fingerprints.
The occurrence of white plaster is scarce and the weathering of the wall surface is important.
The floors of Plaza-A, as those throughout the complex, were relatively bare but some
artefacts were recovered. For example, Unit-5 recovered, directly on the floor of the east outer wall-
platform, 22 Spondylus shell beads and two unfinished Spondylus pendants. Many unworked
shellfish specimens along with a fragment of ceramic panpipe were also collected from this
excavation unit. Meanwhile, directly on the floor of the north wall-platform, Unit-17 discovered a
broken black monochrome stirrup-spout bottle. The lip of the bottle is thickened, and the body
exhibits highly polished areas alternating with zones of dense punctation. Zoned punctate pottery
has also been reported at other Early Horizon sites on the north-central coast (Proulx 1985: 191-192,
194-196), as well as from Cupisnique sites on the north coast (Larco 1941; T. Pozorski 1983).
Complete specimens of this type of vessel are generally encountered in funerary contexts. However,
the Huambacho discovery suggests that this type of artefact could have been involved in ritual
activities, possibly libation and/or offering.
As for the sunken area, the excavation of Unit-29 encountered a broken vessel that could be
termed “bowl-with-pouring spout”. This rare vessel type was also documented at the Early Horizon
site of San Diego in the Casma Valley (Pozorski and Pozorski 1987a: 57, Figure 33). Directly at the
base of the northeast staircase, two gourd containers had been left on the floor of the sunken area.
Finally, sherds of a blackware ceramic vessel (n=21) with zoned punctate decoration were recovered
from the layer of sand trapped between the debris of collapsed structures and the floor level.
To summarise, Plaza-A appears to have been engineered as a venue for large public
gatherings. The sunken enclosure stands out as the largest room at the site. Accordingly, the
elaborate finish and decoration given by the builders point out it was meant to be seen by visitors
and impress them, as has been reported from other sites in coastal Peru (Pillsbury 1996; Quilter
2001). The overall organisation of the outer wall-platform and the location of the decoration suggest
that a division was created between sunken areas and outer wall-platforms.
Plaza-A is located at the core of the Main Compound. The plaza does not communicate
directly with the outside of the Main Compound. Consequently, it is likely that people had to walk
through a series of enclosed areas, corridors and entryways before they could access the plaza. With
the northeast entrance, Plaza-A was entered from A-5/NS. At the same time, however, the plaza was
accessed from the east, through a patio (A-2/CS) adjacent to the Main Platform Complex. This
complex of smaller enclosed areas is important for understanding the diversity of built settings at
Huambacho.
Main Platform Complex

Excavations east of Plaza-A revealed that Huambacho also comprised areas for more
restricted, private gatherings [Figure 3.9]. The Main Platform Complex contrasts with Plaza-A in
terms of its higher degree of internal complexity, as reflected in the number and smaller size of the
rooms and their tightly graded access [Figure 3.17]. It consists of a series of contiguous patios
interconnected by corridors. The main room of the complex, A-3/CS, was accessed through A-
10/CS and A-2/CS which, in turn, shares an entryway with the Plaza-A. A-3/CS is the highest
structure at the site and it is visually prominent. The walls of A-3/CS are double-faced, and the north
and west façades are stepped [Figure 3.18].
In contrast to Plaza-A, the Main Platform Complex lacks interior architectural
ornamentation. On the contrary, evidence indicates that the north façade of A-3/CS was decorated
with low-relief clay friezes suggesting that the decorative features of the Main Platform Complex
were designed to be seen from the outside, rather than from the inside.
The Main Platform Complex was subdivided into at least two sub-compounds. One of these,
Sub-Compound A, located to the east of A-10/CS, comprised at least seven rooms, while Sub-
Compound B is a series of eight rooms which ultimately led to A-3/CS. Five of the seven rooms of
Sub-Compound A were excavated. With the possible exception of A-18/CS, floors in Sub-
Compound A were not raised and set directly on the valley floor.
Main Platform Complex, Sub-Compound A: A-11/CS represents the largest rooms excavated in Sub-
Compound A. It is roughly quadrangular and covers an area of 150 m2. Three doorways allow access,
located in the northeast, northwest, and southeast corners, and connect to A-14/CS, A-10/CS, and
A-13/CS, respectively. Colonnades of pillars were found in association with the north (n=5 pillars),
south (n=8), and east (n=9) walls. The Early Horizon floor (66.15 m asl) was partially destroyed by
post-occupational activities.
Directly to the south of A-11/CS is A-13/CS, a small quadrangular room measuring 5.75 x
6.25 m. A “L”-shaped zone was cleared in the west part of the room. Excavation in A-13/CS did not
reveal the presence of pillars. Surface observations of the unexcavated area of A-13/CS suggest the
room was organised differently than A-11/CS. Three entryways were documented in A-13/CS: one
in the northeast giving access to A-11/CS, another in the southwest corner which links to A-12/CS,
and a last one in the southeast corner connecting with A-18/CS. The floor of A-13/CS was found in
a good state of preservation (elevation of 66.17 m asl).
A-12/CS is located directly to the west of A-11/CS. This small patio room measures
approximately 6 x 6 m and it has a single access in the southeast corner. It is located in the centre of
the south wall, and as such constitutes the only documented example of entryway not situated in a
corner. However, this situation is explained by the presence of A-12A/CS, a small chamber
positioned for the patio room. A-12/CS had a roof structure that probably covered the east half of
the patio room. Like in many parts of Huambacho, the floor of A-12/CS was partly destroyed
around the pillars. A-12/CS’s floor rests at a mean elevation of 66.04 m asl.
A-12A/CS measures 1.75 m x 2 m. The room has no access and is interpreted as a storage
facility that could have been related to the activities in A-12/CS. The floor of A-12A/CS was
difficult to define, but it might have been lower than the floor level of A-12/CS. If so, it is possible
that this storage room was sunken. No complete containers were encountered in A-12A/CS, but
animal and plant remains were discovered, including fish, camelid and rodent bones, and peanut
shells, maize, and squash. Finally, several pottery fragments, mainly domestic plain ware, and a
broken ceramic panpipe were collected.
The room A-17/CS is located of the south of A-13/CS. As for A-12/CS, this room is the last
in the access sequence scheme and only had a single entrance. A-17/CS consists of a 7.9 x 7.9 m
patio room which was entered from the east through A-18/CS. Post-holes and vertical stone slabs
served to baffle the access. Two colonnades were observed parallel to the north (n=6 pillars) and
east (n=4) walls. A-17/CS was excavated in its entirety and its floor was encountered at an elevation
of 66.17 m asl.
Main Platform Complex, Sub-Compound B: Sub-Compound B of the Main Platform Complex comprises
eight rooms. As Sub-Compound A, it is accessed through A-10/CS and consists of various types of
rooms, mainly patio rooms. A-6/CS is the first room in the access sequence. This quadrangular room
shares its north wall with A-3/CS. It measures 5.75 x 6 m, and can be considered as a small size
room. The excavation unit in this area took the shape of a “L” associated with the south and west
walls. The floor (65.81 m asl) was relatively well preserved. A-6/CS had two accesses in the southeast
and northeast corners. The southeast entryway was excavated and consists of a corridor
communicating with both A-11/CS to the east and A-10/CS to the south. Unit-10 revealed the
absence of pillars. Considering the small size of A-6/CS, it is likely that this room was completely
covered by a roof structure. Apart from three pottery fragments, the floor of A-6/CS was bare of
artefacts.
A-6A/CS, A-7/CS and A-7A/CS were not excavated, but surface clearing of the walls
allowed the mapping of their access system. These rooms led to A-8/CS, a patio room measuring 9.5
x 8.75 m. Unit-11 was a “L”-shaped excavation in the west section of A-8/CS. The excavation
cleared the structural debris and floor (66.85 m asl). A-8/CS is a raised platform which was filled
using the same technique as in other areas at Huambacho, and its elevation suggests it acted as an
intermediary level between A-6/CS to the west and A-4/CS to the north.
A-8/CS has two entrances located in the southwest and northeast corners. The latter was
complemented by a short corridor. Colonnades of pillars were noted in association with the west
(n=5 pillars) and north (n=2) walls. A complete Spondylus shell was discovered. It was not directly
on Floor-1, but could be associated with the collapse of Early Horizon walls. The shell had been left
by the north wall of A-8/CS, in the northwest corner of the room.
A-4/CS is a patio room excavated as part of Unit-12. This square room covers an area of 210
2
m . It was accessed from the southeast through A-8/CS. A-4/CS also represents the only access to
A-3/CS. The floor of A-4/CS was found at an intermediate level between A-8/CS and A-3/CS
(67.50 m asl). A “L”-shaped excavation in the east section of the room cleared superficial sand layers
and structural debris. A-4/CS was sub-divided in its north part to form A-4A/CS. This rectangular
room measures 12.5 x 3.75 m. It has a single entryway and can be defined as a “backroom” due to its
position at the back of a patio room. It is likely that the use of A-4A/CS was related to the patio A-
4/CS. Overall, these two areas of Unit-12 were largely clean of artefacts - only 16 ceramic sherds,
most of them from the surface level.
A-3/CS nowadays measures 30 by 26 m, but it is likely to have been quadrangular. It is
organised as a patio with four colonnaded sides. Excavations suggest that the room had a unique
entryway in the northeast corner. This entryway consisted of a baffled access ramp complemented by
a corridor. The ramp itself was almost completely destroyed.
Observations of collapsed structures from the north section of A-3/CS reveal that the walls
and pillars originally stood at least 3 m high in that patio room. Therefore, the platform, built using
the fill-chamber technique, originally stood up more than 5 m above the site level. Unit-3, an
excavation unit of 5 x 5 m located in the southwest portion of A-3/CS, revealed that pillars had been
set into the sterile sand matrix, at the same depth as the walls [Figure 3.19]. The sterile level as
recorded in Unit-3 was found at an average elevation of 65.15 m asl, 3 m below the floor level of A-
3/CS. The floor of A-3/CS itself rests at an elevation of approximately 68.50 m asl, more than 2 m
above the floor level in A-2/CS directly to the west.
Just as for the Plaza-A, the Main Platform Complex was built directly on the sandy pampa
and no floor was observed underneath the construction fill. The excavation of various units in the
raised areas A-3/CS, A-4/CS and A-8/CS revealed that, in contrast to the building technique
favoured for the outer wall-platforms of Plaza-A, the composition of the fill varied. Layers of plant
materials, mainly maize, alternate with layers of sand mixed with gravel in order to reinforce the
stability of unconsolidated components. This “inter-digitated” or “layered” fill technique has been
documented at other early coastal sites, notably the Initial Period centres in the Casma and Supe
valleys (Burger and Salazar-Burger 1991; Pozorski and Pozorski 2002: 38). It has been documented
as far south as the Ica Valley, at the Early Horizon site of Santa Lucía (ca. 350-200 B.C.) (Massey
1986: 280-281).
Three excavation units (Unit-3, 4, 18) were realised to investigate the construction process of
A-3/CS, especially the composition of the architectural fill. No artefacts were recovered from the
construction fill suggesting the Main Platform Complex, along with the Plaza-A, was amongst the
first constructions at the site. The maize and other plant materials used to fill A-3/CS were probably
taken directly from the adjacent fields. Evidence indicates that plants were rolled and attached to
form cylindrical bundles. This practice differs from the shicras (Burger 1992; Quilter 1985; Shady and
Leyva 2003). Rather, the Huambacho evidence indicates the use of stretcher-like devices made of
maize stalks. Three carbon samples were collected from layers of plant remains contained in the
architectural fill and dated to 2480 ± 60 B.P. (Beta-185373), 2410 ± 50 B.P. (Beta-185375), and 2350
± 70 B.P. (Beta-185372).
Like other zones investigated at Huambacho, the rooms of the Main Platform Complex
appear to have been kept quite clean. On stylistic grounds, isolated pottery fragments can be assigned
to the primary occupation of the site, but, with the exception of the storage room A-12A/CS, few
artefacts were associated with the Early Horizon floors. In contrast, surface levels yielded materials
that indicate different reoccupations of the site. Meanwhile, the Spondylus shell – an important
prestige good in early Andean societies – points to the importance of the Main Platform Complex,
perhaps as a complex used by privileged individuals.
3.4.3 North Sector

The North Sector consists of an area of approximately 5000 m2 [Figure 3.20]. It has been
badly destroyed by modern activities. Fifteen rooms were identified in the North Sector. Based on
surface observations, the North Sector appears to have represented an intermediate zone between
Plaza-A and the Main Platform Complex to the south, and Plaza-B and its adjacent complex of patio
rooms to the north. Five excavation units investigated the North Sector (Unit-2, 8, 13, 17, 25).
Unit-8 targeted an area directly north of Plaza-A, near its northeast entrance, where a series
of small rooms was observed at the surface. This zone was selected because it seemed to represent a
pattern different from the bulk of Huambacho architecture. Unit-8 documented four rooms: A-
7/NS, A-8/NS, A-9/NS and A-10/NS [Figure 3.10]. A-7/NS was only superficially cleared, and
excavations were realised in the three other rooms.
The rooms here are rectangular and did not have pillars. They were possibly roofed. They are
single level areas, but the horizontal layout of these rooms differs from most areas at Huambacho.
Entryways were all located in the corners, but the absence of corridors and baffled entrances is
unique and contrasts with the site typical layout.
A-7/NS measures 7.5 x 5 m and has one doorway in the northwest corner. A “T”-shaped
excavation in the north section of the room indicates that Floor-1 was partially broken in the
northeast corner. Also, a concentration of ash was discovered near the northwest entrance. The ash
was not found in a hearth structure. A-9/NS is a rectangular room that measures approximately 7.6 x
5 m. It is complemented by a small extension in its south part. Apart from the south extension, its
floor was totally cleared (65.64 m asl). A-10/NS measures 7 x 4.8 m. It has a single access in the
southeast corner. A one meter wide trench was excavated alongside the south wall, which was also
extended one meter to the north near the entrance.
The rooms appear to have constituted two separate systems in which A-7/NS and A-8/NS,
and A-9/NS and A-10/NS were connected, respectively. Though little can be said about their use,
their proximity to Plaza-A could be of special significance.
Another excavation unit, Unit-13, was realised exclusively in the North Sector. It aimed at
clearing the north façade of A-3/CS, and yielded fragments of clay friezes. The motifs are sculpted
and depict zigzags separated by squares. They are visually analogous to the designs encountered on
the clay cones of Plaza-A.
Unit-13 indicates that A-13/NS, one of the largest rooms of the North Sector, was organised
as a patio room. Its floor was found at an elevation of 66.35 m asl. Colonnades were observed in
association with the south (n=10 pillars) and east (n=6) walls. The pillars were crossed by rectangular
notches or niches. In contrast to Plaza-A, a single niche per pillar was found. Again, evidence
suggests these devices were decorative.
One of the pillars in A-13/NS had been burnt as indicated by the red colour of the clay
plaster. Directly to the north of the pillar, a firepit was discovered which contained ash. The ash was
sampled but not dated, and no cultural information could assess whether this event coincides with
the primary occupation of the site.
3.4.4 North Extension

The North Extension consists of at least eight rooms and it is dominated by a sunken plaza,
Plaza-B [Figure 3.20]. The sector itself covers an area of approximately 10,100 m2. The North
Extension appears to represent the northern limit of the Main Compound, a claim supported by the
excavation of a 80 cm wide perimeter wall in the northwest portion of A-2/NE. Four units were
excavated in the North Extension (Unit-6, 7, 15, 25). Overall, the North Extension is organised with
two distinct halves on a north-south axis. Plaza-B is located to the west while a series of large patio
rooms is found to the east. Excavation results demonstrate an initial occupation of the North
Extension coeval with the construction of the Central Sector, whereas Plaza-B represents a later
addition.
Plaza-B
Plaza-B (A-1/NE) is a rectangular sunken plaza, at present measuring 56 x 59 m. Sections of
its walls have been partly destroyed. Plaza-B resembles the layout of Plaza-A closely. The outer wall-
platforms are roughly the same width (7.90 m) and the sunken area was accessed through two pairs
of aligned inset staircases located on the west and east sides. Two units (Unit-6, 25) were excavated
in Plaza-B which documented two superimposed phases of construction, and also recovered Early
Horizon refuse materials.
Unit-6 consisted of a trench excavation in an east-west axis approximately in the middle of
the east outer wall-platform. The unit measured 2 x 4 m. Floor-1 was found at an elevation of 67.20
m asl, at approximately 2 m above the level of the sunken area (65.24 m asl). Pillars were set into the
outer wall-platform in a similar fashion to Plaza-A. However, Plaza-B was built following the layered
fill-chamber technique, which is more characteristic of the raised areas of the Main Platform
Complex than of Plaza-A (single use of sand). The fill at Plaza-B contains large amounts of refuse
from activities. It is composed of alternative layers of plant remains and sand mixed with dirt and
rubbish.
Unit-25 began as a 5 x 5 m excavation unit which was subsequently extended up to an area of
170 m2 [Figure 3.21, 3.22]. Excavations rapidly revealed Floor-1, as well as the remnants of pillars on
top of the east and south outer wall-platforms. The south pillars each had a single decorative niche
near their base. A graffiti design had been etched on one of the southern pillars. The south wall of
the outer wall-platform was doubled to provide support for the fill chamber.
Unit-25 encountered an inset staircase, similar to the one excavated in Plaza-A. It was
composed of six steps and had a width of 1.50 m. The stone used in the construction of the
staircase, contrary to what was observed in Plaza-A, consists not of quarried slabs, but rather
rounded cobbles. Overall, the staircase is not as well-made as in Plaza-A. Stone blocks were visible in
the wall matrix and the clay finish was rough. Nevertheless, excavations yielded several fragments of
white plastered walls, some of them bearing relief designs. The designs were geometric. These clay
friezes probably ornamented the walls of the outer wall-platforms of Plaza-B. It is not known,
however, if the friezes were organised in a similar fashion as Plaza-A since the upper section of the
wall facing the sunken area of Plaza-A was destroyed.
What appears to be the base of an unfired, sculpted clay cone was encountered in the debris
layer. No example of cones was found in situ in Plaza-B. Contrary to the examples from Plaza-A, the
single base did not feature a step-like or zigzag-like designs, but a circular design reminiscent of the
circle-and-dot designs often seen on Early Horizon ceramics from Huambacho and elsewhere.
However, it is highly probable that the circular designs were part of larger designs that included
sculpted triangles.
Two test pits (Unit-25, test pits A and B) were excavated beneath the Floor-1 level of the
wall-platforms [Figure 3.21]. These sampled the content of the architectural fill and documented the
presence of a second floor (Floor-2) associated with an earlier phase of construction. The
architectural fill of Plaza-B contained large amounts of refuse, including pottery sherds, textiles and
well as food remains. Test Pit A yielded two carbon samples of manioc and maize dated to 2370 ±
70 B.P. (Beta-197090) and 2360 ± 60 B.P. (Beta-197089), respectively.
Floor-1 of the sunken area in Unit-25 was found at an average of 65.60 m asl. The top of the
outer wall-platforms was found at an average of 66.85 m asl. Meanwhile, Floor-1 in the room A-
6/NS, located directly to the south of Plaza-B, was found at an average level of 66.00 m asl. From
the excavation of Test Pit A and B, it was discovered that Floor-2 was found 2.20 m beneath the
surface level, at an average elevation of 65.75 m asl. Floor-2 was encountered in a good state of
preservation. Pillars associated with the last phase of construction of Plaza-B were located on top of
the construction fill. The same holds true for the east retaining wall of Plaza-B’s east outer wall-
platform.
Plaza-B was accessed in the southeast corner through an entryway connecting to A-4A/NE.
Located to the east, this room was found at the same level as the east outer wall-platform of Plaza-B.
A colonnade was documented in association with the south wall of A-4A/NE. Test Pit B was
excavated beneath Floor-1 which also revealed the presence of Floor-2. This excavation indicates
that the south wall of A-4A/NE was originally covered with white plaster. It is significant that
excavations in the north portion of A-4/NE demonstrate a different elevation for the floor level
suggesting the presence of a staircase or a ramp between the two areas. Overall, the evidence
recovered from Plaza-B suggests the building and use of another large enclosed public space, albeit
smaller and slightly later than Plaza-A.
Complex of rooms east of Plaza-B

Plaza-B is complemented by a complex of adjacent areas and patio rooms. In addition to the
south portion of A-4A/NE already presented, two more excavation units (Unit-7, 15) were opened
in this area [Figures 3.23, 3.24]. Excavations focused on A-2/NE, a room located directly to the
northeast of Plaza-B.
A-2/NE is large quadrangular room measuring approximately 35 x 35 m. It has a single
access in the southwest corner. This entryway exemplifies the typical access system at Huambacho
[Figure 3.25]. The entrance is baffled and complemented by a 12.30 m long corridor. The corridor
communicates with A-4B/NE to the east. A-2/NE is a patio room and colonnades were
documented in association with the south, west, and north walls. Pillars might also be present on the
east side. The dimensions and construction technique of the pillars are similar to other parts of the
site.
Unit-7 revealed that the west wall of A-2/NE, which is also the east retaining wall of Plaza
B’s outer wall-platform, is double-faced and has a stepped appearance. The floor in the southwest
corner of A-2/NE was found at an elevation of 66.00 m asl. One of the notable finds in this
operation was a highly polished ring-base bowl (N103.362). The vessel was found in the debris of the
collapsed walls. It was not directly associated with the floor level, but, on stylistic and stratigraphic
grounds, it is likely to belong to the Early Horizon.
One of the striking architectural features of the North Extension is the presence of adobes.
For instance, the south wall of the corridor leading to A-2/NE is made of adobes. The wall
represents a later addition to the original architectural layout. The Early Horizon adobes are of
irregular shapes. They were made of clay, sand and fine gravel, and appear to have been cut and
placed more or less randomly in the wall matrix.
Adobes were also used in the construction of the north wall of A-2/NE [Figure 3.26]. This
80 cm wide wall probably represented the north limit of the Main Compound. Unit-15 excavated an
area of 10 x 10 m in the northeast corner of A-2/NE. An Early Horizon floor was found at an
elevation of 66.10 m asl. Colonnades were noted in association with the north and west walls of A-
2/NE, but also with the north wall of the adjacent room to the west (A-1A/NE). In the northwest
corner of A-2/NE, directly on the floor, a circular pit was found containing many complete maize
cobs. A sample was secured and dated to 2420 ± 60 B.P. (Beta-185374).
The presence of A-1A/NE and its possible connection with A-3/HA is consistent with the
hypothesis that the North Extension was linked to the Huaca-A Complex. Consequently, it is
significant that excavations at Huaca-A probably uncovered one, and possibly the only, entrance to
the Main Compound.
3.4.5 Huaca-A Complex

Investigations to the north of the Main Compound revealed another complex of raised patio
rooms and corridors, called Huaca-A. The Huaca-A Complex covers an area of approximately 2000
m2. Surface observations suggest the area was organised as a small isolated mound. Hence, the area
was termed “huaca”. However, excavations revealed that Huaca-A was not isolated from the rest of
the Main Compound and was organised in a similar fashion to the Main Platform Complex. It is
likely that Huaca-A was linked to Plaza-B through A-3/HA, a patio room.
The Huaca-A Complex itself lies at an approximate elevation of 67.00 m asl. Directly to the
north of this mound numerous looted graves were noted. Surface ceramics are diagnostics of the
Early Intermediate Period and the Middle Horizon (see also Proulx 1968: 135-137). However, the
surface observation of building techniques, the presence of pillars and the orientation of the walls
supported the idea that the Huaca-A Complex was part of the Main Compound and occupied during
the Early Horizon.
Ancient burial practices, recent looting and agricultural activities have badly damaged the
architectural remains of the complex. Large amounts of shell refuse and broken ceramics were found
on the surface in this area, which Proulx (1968: 137) also noted. The presence of a concentration of
large broken domestic jars some 90 m northwest of the complex, originally led to the hypothesis that
this area served residential functions (Chicoine and Pimentel 2004).
The excavation of ten units at Huaca-A (Unit-1, 19, 20, 21, 22, 23, 24, 26, 27, 28) cleared
more than 400 m2 and revealed a complex building sequence characterised by a series of rebuilding
and reuse episodes [Figures 3.27, 3.28]. Three superimposed construction phases were identified and
radiocarbon dated [Figure 3.29]. They were given the names Early, Middle and Late Phase.
Excavations at Huaca-A also provide evidence on the possible entrance to the Main
Compound at Huambacho. East of A-5/HA, Unit-22 excavated a 1.10 m wide corridor than runs in
a north-south axis. This corridor probably connected A-3/HA or A-1A/NE with an open area
located north of the Huaca-A Complex. This hypothesis is consistent with the general positioning of
entrances on the coast of Peru opposite to the direction of the wind (i.e., south-southwest at
Huambacho). Unfortunately, the complete excavation of this corridor could not be realised because
of the adjacent cactus plantation. The structures themselves are either buried under the plantation or
destroyed.
Huaca-A, Early Phase

During the Early Phase, Huaca-A comprised a single level and was arranged around a central
room, A-1/HA. This room may have been internally sub-divided (i.e., A-1/HA, A-1A/HA, A-
10/HA), but the available evidence is not sufficient to define its exact shape during the Early Phase.
In the southwest section of Huaca-A, adjacent to the patio room A-3/HA, there is a restricted
rectangular room (A-8/HA) measuring approximately 2.50 x 1.50 m, which is interpreted as a storage
facility. The absolute chronological positioning of A-8/HA is uncertain, but it appears to have been
used throughout the occupational sequence at Huaca-A. Its use was probably linked to the activities
conducted in the patio room A-3/HA.
Early Phase floors were well preserved and buried under large amounts of refuse, in some
places more than two meters thick. Several test pits below Early Phase floors indicate that structures
were built directly on the sterile sand stratum. With the exception of A-3/HA no examples of
colonnaded architecture were documented from Early Phase contexts. For example, the excavation
of Unit-28, in an area denominated A-1A/HA, documented Floor-2 at some 2.5 m from the surface
[Figure 3.30]. The floor (64.85 m asl) was in excellent state. No colonnaded structures were found in
association with Floor-2 in A-1A/HA. This suggests that during the earliest phase of occupation of
Huaca-A, A-1/HA was organised as a relatively large, non-colonnaded room.
Most Early Phase floors were found without significant traces of intensive activity. One
possible exception was the discovery, on the floor of A-10/HA, of a concentration of ash, which
provided a charcoal sample. The ash deposit, excavated as part of Unit-19 (West Extension), was
situated along the west wall of A-10/HA. Neither the wall nor the floor showed evidence of burning
and it is possible that the ash belongs to a layer of refuse. It could correspond to the abandonment
of the Early Phase floor and the first burying episode of the Huaca-A Complex. The concentration
of ash was found in association with 53 ceramic fragments and large amounts of shellfish remains.
The charcoal sample yielded a date of 2370 ± 70 B.P. (Beta-197091). The result is largely consistent
with a date of 2360 ± 60 B.P. (Beta-197088) obtained from charcoal found beneath an access ramp
that was built as part of the Middle Phase remodelling of A-1/HA.
Huaca-A, Middle Phase

Middle Phase constructions at the Huaca-A Complex began with raising the height of A-
1/HA, and the building of an access ramp on its east flank [Figure 3.28]. Floors of the structures
were raised some 2.5 m and walls and rectangular pillars were erected on top of the architectural fill,
over Early Phase structures. The access ramp to A-1/HA was investigated as part of Unit-23 [Figure
3.31]. This unit was located in A-5/HA, a room located east of A-1/HA. The excavation of Unit-23
did not allow the identification of Floor-1 due to the poor state of preservation of surface structures.
However, Floor-2 was found in a very good state of preservation. A ramp was discovered in the
western section of A-5/HA, which connected with the raised patio room A-1/HA. The ramp was
found buried under Late Phase constructions, including pillars [Figure 3.29]. Two pillars were found
east of the east wall of A-1/HA in alignment with those documented in A-1/HA during Unit-19.
These structures had been set on top of the construction fill.
Floor-2 in A-5/HA was found at an average elevation of 64.65 m asl, some 2.5 m below the
surface. The access ramp was elevated at least 1.75 m from the Floor-2 level. A 1 x 1 m pit was
excavated along the west wall of A-5/HA. It was discovered that the structure had been set directly
into the sterile sand of the pampa in a similar manner to that of the north wall of A-1/HA
documented in Unit-21 and 28.
Unit-27 was placed in the southwest portion of the Huaca-A Complex. It revealed a
surprising architectural complexity comprising three construction episodes as well as the
modification of the Middle Phase access system. During the Early Phase, a corridor appears to have
been connected to the corridor situated south of A-7/HA. West of the corridor was a room, A-
9/HA, which was not investigated sufficiently to define its internal spatial organisation. The corridor
led, to the south, to an area south of A-1/HA and possibly to A-3/HA. One of these entrances was
blocked during the Middle Phase episode of construction. This probably coincided with the first
rising of A-1/HA and the construction of A-6/HA. In a later building episode the corridor was
buried under refuse materials. A retaining wall was built to the west, concomitant with the expansion
of the raised patio room A-1/HA westward.
A superimposition of floors was noted in A-2/HA. Floor-2 was found in excellent condition.
A 1 x 1 m test pit was excavated underneath Floor-2 which showed that structures were built on the
sterile sand stratum. Also, it was noted that the upper section of the walls of A-2/HA were made of
fieldstone rather than quarried stone. The middle-sized fieldstone cobbles were set in an irregular,
random fashion – with the wall matrix contrasting with the walls made of quarried stone. This
situation is analogous to what was observed during the excavation of some of the structures of Plaza-
B and, also in additions to earlier constructions.
During the Middle Phase, the raised platform area was divided into distinct spaces. A-1/HA
became a colonnaded patio with a backroom directly to its south, A-6/HA. At that time, A-1/HA,
A-6/HA and A-4/HA represented the highest structures of the Huaca-A Complex. Unit-20 revealed
that the exterior façade of the south wall of A-6/HA, found at the same level as A-1/HA, was
fronted with a patio room A-3/HA [Figure 3.32].
Unit-20 cleared Floor-1 features in both A-6/HA and A-3/HA. It was discovered that A-
6/HA represented a backroom to A-1/HA with which it shared its only access. Most of Floor-1 in
A-6/HA was destroyed by the collapse of walls. The approximate level of Floor-1 is 66.15 m asl
which is consistent with the floor level of A-1/HA.
Some of the most striking discoveries of Unit-20 were made in A-3/HA, near the north wall
of the room. Under the rubble of the collapsed structures, a series of rectangular pillars indicate the
room was colonnaded on at least the north and east sides. The patio room measured at least 20 x 20
m and appears to have connected the Huaca-A Complex with the North Extension and the rest of
the Main Compound. The pillars of A-3/HA had been badly destroyed by the collapse of the north
wall. In fact, the retaining wall was fractured in the middle due to the pressure of the architectural fill.
Under the rubble, the pillars yielded further evidence regarding local construction techniques.
Wooden stakes were found at the base of two pillars, in each corner. The stakes measured
approximately 15 cm long and 2 cm in diameter. These would have been used to align the
colonnades and provide some measured units for the masons. Similar devices have been reported
from coastal public buildings such as Las Haldas (Grieder 1975: 102-103), Taukachi-Konkán
(Pozorski and Pozorski 2002: 28), and Pampa de las Llamas-Moxeke (Pozorski and Pozorski 1994b:
59-61).
These masonry sticks appear to have been left after the construction of the patio room and
the pillars were finished. The sticks had been set into the pampa sand and the floor was apparently
laid on top of them, covering them. Alternatively, they could indicate that the construction of A-
3/HA was not finished at the moment Huambacho was abandoned. The floor in A-3/HA was not
preserved, but it has to be mentioned that the collapsed of the south façade of A-6/HA could
account for its destruction.
Unit-20 also documented fragments of walls with painted and sculpted decorations. Various
fragments were recuperated and indicate that the south façade of the north wall of A-3/HA was
decorated with red and yellow painted murals. Sculpted semi-circular designs were also noted on the
painted wall surface. The remains of the depictions are very fragmentary, but the aspect of the semi-
circular lines is highly reminiscent of some kind of wave often found topping stepped-fret designs.
This particular design was common in ancient Peru as early as the Preceramic (Van Hoek 2004), as
well as during the Moche period (Chicoine 2002; deBock 2003). In addition, graffiti were depicted on
wall plaster fragments from A-3/HA.
Huaca-A, Late Phase

Late Phase architecture was badly preserved. Surviving architectural remains suggest that Late
Phase renovations involved principally raising the height of several rooms, including A-5/HA and A-
7/HA. It appears that the room A-1/HA was enlarged and the south colonnade was extended
eastward. The access ramp was buried under refuse and the zone occupied by A-5/HA and A-7/HA
was reorganised completely. The elevated structures of the Huaca-A Complex, by the Late Phase,
came to cover more than 800 m2.
Unit-19 documented a preserved fragment of Floor-1 associated with the Late Phase
occupation. Floor-1 was found in the southeast corner of A-1/HA, in a baffled entrance leading to
A-6/HA. It was discovered at less than 40 cm from the surface at an elevation of 67.15 m asl. The
excavation of at least two rectangular pillars showed these had been set into the architectural during
the Late Phase of construction at Huaca-A. The base of these pillars was found some 1.2 m from the
surface at an elevation of 66.10 m asl. The construction fill of A-1/HA contained alternative layers
of sand, refuse materials and plant stalks.
The excavation of Unit-21 and 26 yielded more data on the use of the fill-chamber technique
[Figure 3.33]. Unit-21 consisted of a 2.5 x 5 m excavation north of A-1/HA, in the room A-7/HA
and its south corridor. It first excavated a superficial layer composed of plant and other organic
remains. That superficial layer was followed by refuse which pertained to the Late Phase. Floor-1
would have been found in between these two layers, but in most places it was destroyed. It is also
possible that Floor-1 was absent altogether, but the presence of several intrusive post-Early Horizon
human burials in that area makes it difficult to arrive to a definite conclusion.
The architectural fill was composed of alternating layers of plant remains, mainly maize
stalks, and refuse, mainly ash, dirt, broken ceramics and food remains [Figure 3.34]. The layering
resembles the construction patterns from other raised areas at Huambacho. The technique helped to
consolidate the fill and avoid the excessive compression of the unconsolidated materials. However,
in contrast to the Main Platform Complex and the Plaza-A, the fill contained rubbish and other by-
products of human activities.
The fill of A-7/HA did not occur in a single event. In Unit-21, some 1.15 m from the
surface, a layer of hard, sediment mud with plant remains attests to this. The layer was found at an
average elevation of 65.66 m asl. The sedimentation of the refuse indicates the layer was weathered
before the fill was completed. This pattern is typical of middens on the coast of Peru where the air is
laden with salt (Fung 1969). It could also be associated with the occurrence of rain.
Approximately 50 cm beneath, a layer of dense, hard mud sediment was discovered. The
mud came from the collapse of an adobe wall parallel to the south wall delimiting Unit-21 [Figure
3.35]. The adobe wall measured 50 cm wide and delimited a 1.20 m corridor which connected the
western and eastern sectors of the Huaca-A Complex. The masonry was rough and its façade was
not plastered. The actual height of the adobe wall is 60 cm and the adobes had been set more or less
randomly (either vertically or horizontally) in the mud matrix. The adobes were of irregular shapes.
They had been put down in order to use A-7/HA as a refuse area. As a consequence, the remnants
of the wall sedimented and they sealed a layer of fine sand which was found directly on Floor-2.
Floor-2 was well preserved and found clean. Overall, the presence of mineralised organic materials
and silty sediment from the collapsed walls, supports the hypothesis that an episode of rain occurred
during the Late Phase rebuilding of the Huaca-A Complex. Similar evidence was not discovered
elsewhere at Huambacho.
More adobes were encountered during the excavation of Unit-22. The adobes were used as
supporting devices during the Late Phase remodelling of A-5/HA. Three adobes had been
positioned between the south wall of A-5/HA and the westernmost pillar. This example is the only
reported at Huambacho. In other places, however, the base of the pillars was usually set much
deeper in the fill (e.g., A-3/CS).
South of A-5/HA, Unit-24 documented a small rectangular room. A-4/HA was certainly in
use during the Late Phase occupation. It measures 6.8 x 4 m. Excavations were realised down to
Floor-1, which was found in a bad state of preservation. No entrance was identified for that room.
A-4/HA could have served storage functions for A-1/HA when the latter was raised and
subsequently extended during the Middle and Late construction episodes at Huaca-A.
So far, the only possible human burial associated with the Early Horizon occupation at
Huambacho was found at Huaca-A. Burial-1 was discovered in the west section of A-1/HA, against
its west wall. The context had been disturbed and only yielded two feet, a reduced-fired, highly
polished spheroid spindle-whorl, and pattern-burnished reduced-fired pottery sherds. This cultural
evidence, however, suggests Burial-1 could be affiliated with Early Horizon groups. If this is the case,
Burial-1 would be consistent with the Late Phase occupation at Huaca-A.
Radiocarbon evidence corroborates the building sequence inferred from the architectural
evidence. Excavation of the corridor north of A-1/HA yielded a sample of maize cobs dated to 2250
± 40 B.P. (Beta-197087). The cobs were secured from a layer of sand trapped between the Middle
Phase floor and the Late Phase construction fill. The date is consistent with two dates obtained from
Middle Phase construction fill and indicates that the corridor was still in use when Middle Phase
modifications took place. Further, an additional date of 2490 ± 70 B.P. (Beta-197086) was recovered
from a more superficial section of the fill in A-7/HA.
To summarise, the data uncovered indicate the existence of another complex of raised areas
to the north of the Main Compound. The building sequence at Huaca-A Complex is complex and
apparently more dynamic than at the Main Platform Complex. Yet, the complex appears to be
organised in a similar way, as a series of colonnaded and non-colonnaded rooms interconnected by
passageways and baffled entryways. No independent dwelling units were encountered and all the
rooms investigated were apparently contiguous.
3.5 Conclusion
Huambacho was built on a previously unoccupied fringe of the lower Nepeña plain. The
Main Compound represents a planned building project. No experimentation or significant changes in
the technological aspect of the architecture was observed. Consistency was noted in the dimensions
and alignment of a rather complex architectural layout of rooms, pillars and baffled entryways, and
the same organisational features were repeated in both space and time. Radiocarbon assays suggest a
period of no more than 250 radiocarbon years for the entire Early Horizon construction and use of
the Main Compound. Constructions were initiated around 2480 B.P. with the erection of the Main
Platform Complex and the Plaza-A and apparently ended around 2250 B.P. with the Late Phase
modification of Huaca-A. A two-sigma range calibration of the radiocarbon evidence allows us to

infer that the Early Horizon construction of Huambacho is unlikely to have begun before 800 B.C.,
or continued after 200 B.C. This interpretation was substantiated by the discovery of intrusive Salinar
period burials on Huaca-A dated to 1960 ± 40 B.P. (Beta-197084) and 1850 ± 60 B.P. (Beta-197085).
A time gap of approximately 300 radiocarbon years thus appears between the last Early Horizon
occupation date and the first reoccupations of the site.
The causes and circumstances of the abandonment of Huambacho remain obscure. The
demise of the Early Horizon public centre could be related with the establishment a possible Salinar
settlement on Cerro Popo, but further investigations will have to be realised before we can reach
more definite conclusions on the relationships between Early Horizon and Early Intermediate Period
occupations in the lower Nepeña Valley. Results of the ceramic analyses reveal the possible existence
of a transitional phase between Early Horizon Huambacho and Early Intermediate Period Salinar.
The abandonment of Huambacho could also be related to developments elsewhere in Nepeña, for
example at the large settlement of Caylán.
After its initial construction and abandonment at the end of the Early Horizon, the site of
Huambacho was reused for different purposes. For instance, the site is still used today as a cemetery
by the modern community of Huambacho El Arenal, and most of the surrounding area is under
cultivation. Excavations by the Proyecto Huambacho have revealed many insights into the post-
abandonment processes at the site.
Various sectors of the Main Compound were used at different time periods for various
reasons. The two sunken plazas were used intensively as burial grounds by Late Intermediate Period
populations. Meanwhile, areas in the South and Central sectors housed squatters, probably during the
Early Intermediate Period. Excavations in the North Sector and the Huaca-A Complex have yielded
Moche burials. Overall, the nature of the reoccupations attests to the special importance of
Huambacho for local populations after its abandonment. In the remaining part of the dissertation I
focus on the Early Horizon occupation of the site, beginning, in the next chapter, with the analysis
of architectural forms.
— CHAPTER 4 —
ARCHITECTURE: TECHNIQUES, DESIGN AND SPATIAL ORGANISATION
In this chapter, I detail the building techniques, architectural design and spatial organisation
at Huambacho. I investigate how the centre was designed and built, and elucidate the principles that
guided its arrangement. I am interested in exploring how Huambacho architecture can be used to
infer social differentiation within Early Horizon groups.
I begin by describing the materials and the building techniques employed in the construction
of the various structures and superstructures. I also review techniques of wall decoration and other
forms of public art. I use these data to argue that Huambacho’s builders had strong ties with local
building traditions while, at the same time, they transformed techniques to generate new forms of
architecture.
I focus on the spatial organisation of the Main Compound and concentrate on the physical
properties of the different types of rooms. Huambacho represents a well-organised project
supervised by some form of authority. This authority is materialised in aspects of the built
environment, including room forms, the location of visual arts, and patterns of entryways.
4.1 Building techniques and construction process

The Main Compound at Huambacho represents a planned, coherent building project. Most
of the techniques and materials employed for its construction can be traced to early coastal building
traditions of the Late Preceramic and Initial Periods. Huambacho builders also reinterpreted local
knowledge and invented new techniques of construction. Innovative techniques are most visible in
patterns of public art, including mural friezes and sculpted clay cones. Significantly, these innovations
are associated with the propagation of unique iconographies and ideological messages based on new
forms of authority that contrast markedly with previous Initial Period as well as coeval Chavín-
related canons.
Different lines of evidence – including the high formality and repetitious aspect of the
architectural layout, the coherence of the overall organisation, the correspondence between
ceremonial activities and renovation programmes, and the lack of improvised modifications of the
built landscape – suggest that the construction of the Main Compound at Huambacho was not the
result of non-concerted, communal efforts. Further, the lack of improvised modifications suggests
that it is unlikely that the site was the focus of strong domestic activities and/or housed an important
permanent population.
Chapter 4, Architecture at Huambacho 86
4.1.1 Techniques and materials

Building materials
At Huambacho, the great majority of walls were constructed of granitic stone laid in silt clay
mortar. The stone blocks were likely quarried from outcrops of the nearby Cerro Popo hill located
some 350 m southwest of the site. Stone blocks were typically laid in mud mortar in a non-random
fashion to form walls and pillars. Many blocks feature a rectangular notch removed from one of the
corners. In situ examples showed these notched stones were laid in the corners of walls and pillars.
The mud was probably excavated from the adjacent acequia and/or from the bed of the Nepeña
River. It was mixed with sand and small gravel and constituted most of the structures’ matrix. With
regard to wall finish, lime (probably ground shell) was mixed with fine clay to produce a white
substance with which walls and pillars were plastered. This type of plastering is common in coastal
Peru, especially in public, ceremonial and/or elite constructions (Campana 2000). Lime-based white
plaster helps to protect walls from the salt-laden winds of the Pacific. It also enhances the aesthetic
qualities of walls.
Mud was also combined with sand and gravel to produce adobes. A total of 94 loose adobes
was measured during fieldwork operations. The adobes are irregular in shape. It appears that they
were of rectangular shape originally, and then cut to fit in specific places in the wall. Measures taken
on 77 complete examples indicate mean dimensions of 31.4 cm in length (s=5.7), 24.6 cm in width
(s=4.1), and 16 cm in thickness (s=3). It is significant that the use of adobes did not follow the care
and rigour of the stonework. Rather, adobes were set randomly in the wall matrix and adobe walls
were generally not plastered.
The adobes came from the North Extension (i.e., south wall of the corridor leading to A-
2/NE, which is also the north wall of A-4/NE) (n=63) and the Central Sector (i.e., collapsed north
wall of A-11/CS) (n=31). More adobe walls were documented in the North Extension (i.e., north
wall of A-2/NE) and at Huaca-A (i.e., north wall of the corridor leading to A-5/HA). Of these four
walls, three appear to have been entirely made of adobes whereas one (A-11/CS) could have had a
stone base with an upper section made of adobes (see also Proulx 1968: 135-137). This latter
example is uncertain as no adobes were found in situ. Further Early Horizon adobes were found at
Huaca-A. Here, three adobes were placed in the construction fill, squeezed between a pillar and a
wall in order to secure a stable position to the pillars in the architectural fill.
Overall, however, the use of adobes during the Early Horizon is very limited and belongs
typically to space modifications and/or additions to earlier structures. Interestingly, no conical
adobes were recorded during fieldwork, thus contrasting with Initial Period contexts on the coast. It
appears, it must be noted, that the Huambacho builders reinterpreted the conical adobe technique by
ornamenting structures and superstructures with smaller, sculpted clay cones.
Walls
Most walls at Huambacho were built following the “orthostatic technique” defined by the use
of stone slabs, or orthostats, set upright at the base of a structure to form the lower section of it
(Fleming et al. 1999: 416). The technique has been reported in coastal Peru in pre- and post-Early
Horizon contexts at Cupisnique and Salinar period sites, respectively (Campana 2000: 43). The most
notable examples probably come from La Galgada (Grieder et al. 1988: 56, Figure 52), and Cerro
Arena (Moche Valley) (Brennan 1980: 6; 1982; Mujica 1974). A similar, yet more monumental
technique was also used at Sechín Alto (Pozorski and Pozorski 2002: 37-38). In Nepeña, the
technique has been reported from Sute Bajo (Cotrina et al. 2003: 9).
At Huambacho, large stone slabs (ca. 50-80 cm) were set vertically in the ground, their lower
section buried, in order to create a chamber. Slabs were held together by mud mortar and the
retaining chamber was filled with smaller stone and rubble. Subsequent layers of smaller flat quarried
stone and mud mortar were then placed horizontally on top of the orthostats formed by the slabs.
The exterior façades of most walls were smoothed and covered with white plaster, some still bearing
fingerprints. Sometimes walls were decorated with painted murals and clay friezes. No examples of
windows were documented.
Some stone walls at Huambacho were not built using the orthostatic technique. In this case,
walls were built using irregular shaped river cobbles that were set into a mud matrix. These examples
can be considered of lesser quality than those built with the orthostatic technique. Excavations
revealed such walls on the Huaca-A (A-2/HA), where they were used as retention walls during the
Middle and Late Phases. Also, the excavation of Unit-25 revealed that the retaining walls of Plaza-B’s
southeast staircase also used irregular shaped cobbles. It appears that the “sloppy workmanship” was
not meant to be seen as the rough façade of the retaining walls would have been invisible to visitors.
This reinforces the idea that a certain degree of care guided the elaboration of the centre of
Huambacho and contrasts with Early Horizon domestic architecture (e.g., on top of the main mound
at Sechín Alto) (Pozorski and Pozorski 2002: 35-40).
At Huambacho, walls could reach elevations of more than two meters above floor levels. In
the case of raised platforms, such as A-3/CS, walls could reach heights of almost five meters. The
section below the floor level was double-faced to increase the retaining properties and strength of
the fill-chamber.
The width of the walls varies between 50 cm and 150 cm depending on whether it is a single
division wall (ca. 50-60 cm), a double-faced retaining wall (ca. 100-120 cm) or a compound perimeter
wall (ca. 150 cm). In the sunken plazas, outer wall-platforms could measure up to 8 m wide. In this
case, the configuration of the wall-platforms allowed people to walk on top of them. The
configuration of most walls, however, did not allow people to walk on top of walls.
The construction of walls followed a complex sequence which apparently started with the
erection of a 150 cm wide and more than 400 m long perimeter wall. This wall delimited the Main
Compound to the east and linked it with the North Compound. Excavations in the Central and
South sectors have revealed that division walls are abutted to this perimeter wall. From there,
division walls were abutted to each other in a complex, planned sequence. In some cases, however,
interlocking junctions were observed. This technique was used in a single building operation to
divide a rectangular enclosure into four rooms. It helped builders following the orthogonal layout. It
also attests to the hierarchical order of construction. Architectural units were built from the outside
in; that is, the enclosure walls were built first followed by the internal divisions.
It appears that the use of reeds, or quincha, was restricted to roofing and other possible
superstructures. By adding the height at which walls still stand today to the length of collapsed wall
sections, it is possible to infer that most walls were standing at least two meters tall. This would be
high enough to support a roof and allow people to circulate without having to bend. The lack of
structural debris in the centre of most patios indicates the absence of second stories at Huambacho.
Excavations did not substantiate the use of ladders, and when doorways are absent, the low
height of walls suggest that room contents were accessed from above. Overall, the height and width
of most walls, the presence of roofs, and the lack of windows show that communication between the
different rooms was only made possible through entryways.
At many sites in coastal Peru, dwelling units and domestic residences are made of wattle-and-
daub walls (Campana 2000: 48-56). This economic practice is still common nowadays, but it requires
the walls to be rebuilt frequently because of their rapid decay. Walls at Huambacho are better in
quality and durable. This demonstrates the special attention given to the construction of the site and
the permanency of the structures.
Colonnades and pillars

One of the most typical architectural features at Huambacho is the interior colonnaded
layout. Colonnades are made of rows of pillars (Fleming et al. 1999: 122). At Huambacho, pillars are
rectangular and made of stone and mud. Notched stones were often used. In these cases, the notch
was oriented inward in order to create a chamber in the centre of the pillar which was filled with
smaller cobbles and mud. However, most pillars display the combined use of stone and mud in
which small stone slabs are set horizontally in the mud matrix in an overlapping fashion. Most pillars
were plastered; sometimes white plaster is still present.
The pillars vary in dimensions, but most examples measure 50 x 60 cm approximately. The
pillars that compose the colonnades in the sunken plazas are larger, measuring around 60 x 70 cm.
They are rectangular, rather than square or cylindrical.
The length of collapsed sections indicates that pillars could stand as high as two meters above
floor levels. In the case of A-3/CS, the base of the pillars was set three meters below the floor level,
indicating that pillars may have originally stood up almost five meters, like the walls.
The colonnades were aligned parallel to walls. Pillars were spaced from each other regularly,
at a distance that could vary between 60 and 100 cm depending on the room. Those of the sunken
plazas were the furthest apart from each other (ca. 100 cm). Pillars in colonnaded patios were in
general closer to each other (ca. 60-80 cm). Overall, however, colonnades show very little variation.
The colonnades were usually placed between 150 and 200 cm from the wall in the case of the patio
rooms, and slightly further on top of the outer wall-platforms of the sunken plazas (ca. up to 250
cm). Thus, in the case of patio rooms, the relative positioning of the colonnades to the wall does not
vary according to the size of the room.
Roofing and superstructures

Superstructures, primarily roof structures, were for the most part not preserved at
Huambacho. They are inferred, however, by many lines of evidence. In several occasions, the
remains of quincha were discovered in the structural debris below layers of stone, suggesting that
roofs collapsed prior to the walls. Sections of mud with quincha imprints have also been discovered.
Such evidence is common in ancient Peru, notably at La Galgada (Grieder et al. 1988: 57, Figure 54).
Cordage, probably used for binding roofing material, was also found in association with the quincha.
It is believed that the pillars supported a roof structure, but it is not known if such structures
would have been straight/flat or inclined. Based on ceramic representations available from other
coastal groups, it could be suggested that roofs sloped towards the room exterior. In early coastal
iconography, rooftops are often ornamented. Roof ornamentation could take many forms and
sometimes sculpted designs were incorporated to the extremity of the superstructure. In Moche
times, for example, stylised ceramic war-clubs were integrated in the rooftops of elite architecture, as
well as in temple buildings (Bernier 2005: 158; Campana 1983: 24-25; Chapdelaine et al. 2003: 12;
Franco et al. 1999: 18, 21). At Huambacho this practice is represented by the probable incorporation
of sculpted clay cones in rooftops.
Contextual evidence and physical traces on the sculpted cones suggest that these objects were
set into roof structures. For instance, they were in general found below layers of stone and/or mixed
with the layers of stone from the walls. Also, they bear traces of quincha, cordage and stone. It is
probable they were inserted between sheets of quincha bound with cordage.
At Huambacho, superstructures are also documented by the presence of post-holes. Such
remnants are found in various spaces, but it is often difficult to distinguish between post-
abandonment, intrusive post-holes and Early Horizon post-holes. One clear example of post-holes
was found in the entrance of the patio room A-17/CS where it appears that wooden beams were set
into the floor to baffle the doorway and block visual access to the room.
Floors
At Huambacho, Early Horizon floors were carefully made of silt clay. They were
approximately 5 cm thick and they were generally even and well executed. In some areas floors were
badly preserved due to looting activities. Floors were built directly on top of the sterile sand of the
pampa or on top of the architectural fill. In raised areas, floors often collapsed under the compaction
of the architectural fill. When layered fill was present, floors were set on layers of sand rather than
plant remains.
Leaving aside post-Early Horizon squatters, floor remodelling and/or re-flooring was only
noted in one occasion (A-7/HA). Whereas residential architecture on the coast of Peru usually
exhibits regular floor refurbishments due to daily practices and frequent wear, the lack of such floor
remodelling at Huambacho indicates an episodic use of the Main Compound. This suggests that
most spaces at Huambacho were not used intensively and sustains the idea that the Main Compound
was not occupied by a large, permanent population.
Fill-chamber technique and sub-floor deposits

At Huambacho, raised areas were constructed following the “fill-chamber technique”. Fill
materials were typically organised in alternating layers of unconsolidated materials such as sand,
rubbish, dirt, and ash, and plant remains (mainly bundles of stalks from maize, manioc and other
cultivated and wild plants). The use of plant remains in construction fill strengthens structures. For
example, it is known as an anti-seismic device (Huapaya 1977-78).
A total of approximately 12,000 m3 of fill materials have been used in the construction of
raised structures at Huambacho [Table 4.1]. Fieldwork has allowed the recognition of two types of
architectural fill on the basis of the presence or absence of refuse materials in the fill composition.
The refuse materials used at Huambacho consist of large amounts of broken ceramic and non-
ceramic artefacts as well as food remains. These are taken to be the refuse of previous activities at the
site. The use of refuse in construction fill is not limited to the ancient Andes and instances have been
documented, amongst other places, at ancient Mesoamerican sites including Tikal (Moholy 1997).
On the north coast of Peru, excavations at Huaca Herederos Chica, one of the earliest ceremonial
mounds at Caballo Muerto, yielded concentrations of refuse (T. Pozorski 1976).
Table 4.1 Compositional and volumetric estimates for the different raised structures at
Huambacho. Volumes are calculated on the basis of current elevations and surface areas.
Raised area Content Volume (m3)
Plaza-A Sand, gravel 3426
Main Platform Complex Sand, gravel, plants 3299
Plaza-B Sand, gravel, plants, refuse materials 2138
Huaca-A/Middle Phase Sand, gravel, plants, refuse materials 1338
Huaca-A/Late Phase Sand, gravel, plants, refuse materials 2363
TOTAL 12,564
Most fill at the site – the Main Platform Complex and the Plaza-A combine for almost 7000
m3 – is devoid of refuse. Here, fills pertain to single building events. In contrast, the discontinuous
layered-fills – in areas where refuse is used as fill material – lends weight to multiple, successive
discard episodes. Furthermore, in some cases (e.g., Huaca-A) the presence of mineralised refuse
layers suggests that rain might have occurred during the filling process.
Overall, the disposal of rubbish at Huambacho was made in fill-chambers that acted as “sub-
floor deposits”. In contrast, very little evidence of trash accumulation was found in association with
floors. Rubbish discard was coordinated with the various renovation programmes at the site.
Assuming that people did not bring rubbish from afar, it is reasonable to think that most materials
from sub-floor deposits are by-products of the special activities carried out at the Main Compound.
Sculptures, friezes and paintings

Wall sculptures, clay friezes and mural paintings were documented at the Main Compound,
indicating that the sunken plazas and the complexes of raised platforms were adorned. In situ
examples of public art were only recorded at Plaza-A. In the other sectors, evidence came from
collapsed sections of structures. Here I detail the techniques and forms of ornamentation. The
iconographic content will be examined in Chapter 7.
At Huambacho, techniques of architectural ornamentation include low and high-relief clay
friezes, sculpted clay cones, and mural painting. It has been proposed that the niches at the base of
the pillars were decorative. These techniques emphasised relief over colour.
Friezes: Friezes, whether in situ or from collapsed structures, have been found. Most instances were
carved in low-relief, but a fragment from Plaza-B indicates the use of high-relief techniques. Most of
the friezes were documented from the sunken plazas, but also from A-13/NS (from the collapsed
north façade of A-3/CS). Overall, friezes can be classified into three categories. First, friezes were
built in a low-relief fashion directly in the wall sections. This technique appears on the upper section
of the outer wall-platforms of Plaza-A (Unit-5, 29), directly facing the sunken area. Here, a series of
inverted step designs spaced with rectangles was built as part of the wall structure. The designs were
realised by leaving empty spaces in the wall matrix. The friezes measure approximately 20 cm in
depth. Whereas the façade of the wall is well smoothed and plastered in white, the interior of the
designs is irregular and rough.
The niches (on pillars) are part of the same technology and programme of ornamentation.
These niches crossed the whole width of the pillars to create rectangular designs visible from the
sunken areas (in the case of the plazas) and/or from the centre of patio rooms (in the case of A-
13/NS). It is possible that the niches were part of more complex patterns that continued on the
upper section of the pillars (now collapsed).
Friezes were also realised on flat wall surfaces. This category of friezes was not built in the
wall structure. Rather, the designs were sculpted in the clay. Therefore, the designs themselves are
not as deep (ca. 2 to 5 cm). It appears that the friezes were sculpted using wooden and/or stone
tools. In contrast to “built in type” of friezes, this form of wall decoration preserves well in structural
debris and instances were discovered in A-13/NS (Unit-13) as well as from Plaza-B (Unit-6, 25). In
these cases, frieze fragments yielded much information on mural ornamentation. Friezes can be
made in low- or high-relief. Designs are essentially geometric, comprising steps, zigzag and circular
designs. All examples were covered with white plaster.
An isolated example of clay frieze was found in the corridor (A-5/NS) leading to the
northeast entrance of Plaza-A. Here, a zoomorphic representation was sculpted in the wet clay
plaster of the south wall. Unfortunately, most of the wall plaster has collapsed.
Sculpted cones: The outer wall-platforms of Plaza-A were also decorated with sculpted clay cones that
were set into the walls, pillars and/or rooftops. These sculpted cones are unique and though they are
reminiscent of the conical adobes – common during the Initial Period on the coast of Peru – the
Huambacho cones are smaller in size, sculpted and strictly decorative [Figure 4.1].
A total of 223 decorative clay cones were collected during the excavations, most of them
from the debris of collapsed structures of the north and east outer wall-platforms of Plaza-A (n=198,
88.8%). Cones were also found in the vicinity of the outer wall-platforms of Plaza-A, in A-5/NS
(n=12, 5.4%) and A-10/NS (n=8, 3.6%). Other examples were recovered from the Main Platform
Complex in A-3/CS (n=2, 0.9%) and A-11/CS (n=1, 0.4%), as well as in the North Extension in A-
2/NE and A-4/NE (n=2, 0.9%).
Measurements of the complete cones yield mean dimensions of 16.9 cm in height (s=1.9,
n=141), 13 cm in base diameter (s=1.1, n=143), and 4.7 cm in conical tip diameter (s=1.3, n=140).
Cones had their base covered with white plaster in more than 70% of the cases. In one case, yellow
paint was noted on the base of a cone. It is likely that all the cones were sculpted with geometric
designs on their base. Such designs could be defined on 194 specimens (87%). They were realised by
carving clay to a depth of approximately 2 cm.
The cones were set into the architectural structures at Plaza-A so that their decorated base
could be seen from inside the sunken area. Imprints of cords, stone blocks and canes indicate that
the mud was still wet when the cones were attached. Most specimens only exhibit plaster on their
base demonstrating the walls were finished after the decorative cones were set. When set, with the
conical end hidden from view, only the sculpted designs would have been visible to the viewer.
Mural painting: No in situ examples of mural painting were discovered, but many fragments of wall
plaster exhibit painted colours. These appear limited to yellow and red fields. Excavation results
suggest that, overall, painting was not combined with sculpted friezes (i.e., with the exception of
white plaster). In one instance it is possible that graffiti occurred over mural paintings.
Most examples of mural painting at Huambacho come from the structural debris of the south
façade of Huaca-A (A-3/HA). Here, excavations revealed that the walls, and perhaps the pillars, were
painted with red and yellow designs. Red and yellow paintings have also been identified in A-2/NE
and A-13/NS, respectively.
4.1.2 Construction process, building episodes and modifications

Now that I have described the building materials and techniques, I explore the processes
through which these building units were combined in the construction of the Main Compound. I am
especially interested in these processes – from the choice of location to the planning of building
episodes and the modification of space – for their value in elucidating the intention, planning, design
and dynamics behind the architectural centre.
Location and alignment

As described in Chapter 3, the construction of the Main Compound began with the erection
of the Main Platform Complex before the middle of the first millennium B.C. No radiocarbon assay
is available for Plaza-A, but considering the abutment sequence and the absence of cultural materials
from the architectural fill it can be suggested that it was probably built around the same time.
The east perimeter wall of the Main Compound was most probably the first structure erected
at the site. The perimeter wall is of critical importance because it gave a starting point to the
orthogonal layout and guided the orientation of all future constructions. This wall is aligned N41oE
which is consistent with the north-central coastal tradition. During the Initial Period and the Early
Horizon, coastal ceremonial centres in north-central Peru were aligned according to roughly the
same orientation (see Pozorski and Pozorski 1987a; Williams 1985). It has been suggested that this
orientation paralleled the river alignment and noted that the open end of the U-shaped layout is
typically oriented up valley, probably in relation to the source of water (Pozorski and Pozorski
1987b: 43). Some archaeologists have even posited that, oriented this way, U-shaped ceremonial
centres metaphorically possessed the potential to capture the waters running down from the Andes
(Williams 1985). It could also be observed that following this orientation, ceremonial centres of the
coastal plain occupied a special, liminal place in the sacred landscape, connecting the mountains with
the sea through real as well as metaphorical waterways.
The importance of irrigation agriculture for Initial Period groups was undeniable and marked
a shift from previous, marine-oriented subsistence patterns. However, the reliance on irrigation
attained new heights during the Early Horizon. At this time, most settlements were built on the
valley margins and the large complexes located in the valley bottom were abandoned. This would
have freed more arable land for irrigation while, at the same time, it would have made it easier to
control canals. Huambacho was established at the limit of the cultivated land, next to an irrigation
canal that most probably fed the whole southern portion of the lower Nepeña.
The choice of a location to build Huambacho answered specific economic and political
concerns. But, as an elite centre with, amongst others, religious functions, Huambacho probably
represented more for community members. It is strategically located at the limit of the cultivated,
inhabited valley floor and the austere, uninhabited desert. Huambacho does not only occupy a
liminal space; it entertains a special relation to elements of the sacred landscape. Coastal centres
often have a symbolic relationship with adjacent hills, often conceived as metaphorical equivalent for
the Andean mountains as providers of water. Therefore, some centres are built directly on top of
hills, on the flanks or at the base of them, and/or in the immediate vicinity. In the case of
Huambacho, the location of the site may have been related to the presence of the Cerro Popo hill.
Construction phases, renovation programmes and dedicatory offerings

Renovation programmes at Huambacho involved the addition of new rooms as well as the
modification of existing structures. These modifications included raising the height of structures,
blocking entryways, and adding retaining walls in order to create fill-chambers. These modifications
were carefully planned and orchestrated in coordination with larger renovation projects. By contrast,
less planned modifications, including the destruction of Early Horizon wall sections and pillars, have
been attributed to post-Early Horizon, squatter-like reoccupations. In short, once a room was built it
was generally left unmodified until its abandonment.
Spatial modifications appear to have been closely related to gatherings inside the Main
Compound, as suggested by the presence of refuse in construction fills. On two occasions, excavated
contexts can be interpreted as possible offerings associated with the construction and/or use of
Early Horizon structures. One comes from the Plaza-A (Unit-5) where clay cones may have been
dedicated to the construction of the plaza. The other context comes from the east outer wall-
platform of Plaza-B (Unit-25). It consists of a camelid leg, most probably a llama. The leg was found
with hair and hoof, and it had been placed in the lower section of the architectural fill prior to the
construction of the Plaza-B.
Excavations at Huambacho have documented many building episodes that pertain to at least
three construction phases. These three phases account for the organisation of the Main Compound
during the final stages of its use and its subsequent abandonment, probably at the end of the Early
Horizon and the beginning of the Early Intermediate Period. The construction of the Main
Compound began in the Central Sector. From there, constructions extended to the north and south
to include the South Sector, as well as the North Sector, the North Extension and the Huaca-A
Complex.
Whereas the renovations at Huaca-A primarily involved raising the height of the room A-
1/HA, the addition of another sunken plaza, Plaza-B, provided the Main Compound with more
gathering space. It is probable that Plaza-A was not abandoned when Plaza-B was built, but that the
two plazas functioned together over a period of time.
Radiocarbon measurements indicate, using a one sigma range, a period of no more than 350
radiocarbon years for the entire construction and renovation of the Main Compound. These results
are reinforced by the strong formal continuity of the architectural layout. Similar structures were
repeated in both time and space from the South Sector to the Huaca-A Complex. Very little variation
could be observed in the organisation, dimension and alignment of the architectural units.
To sum up, at the beginning of the Early Horizon, people familiar with Initial Period building
traditions established a centre on the southern margin of the lower Nepeña. Builders initially erected
an enclosed complex centred on a large sunken plaza and a complex of raised patio rooms. During
the initial construction phase, the Main Compound extended north until the Huaca-A Complex and
probably to the south to encompass the South Sector. Later in time, a second sunken plaza was
added, probably in a joint effort to raise the Huaca-A Complex. Finally, this complex would be
modified again later in the last dated phase of construction at the site. The association between
sunken plazas and raised platforms is not fortuitous and was of special importance for local groups.
Therefore, it is critical to consider the physical properties, spatial organisation and use of these
important spaces.
4.2 Spatial organisation

4.2.1 Architectural units
Most spaces within the Main Compound are enclosed by high stone and mud walls and
interconnected through a complex system of corridors and entryways. Builders expressed
architectural prototypes in distinct and highly recognizable room patterns. All the rooms are
rectangular in shape and they had similar internal organisation, proportions and alignment. Given the
high degree of formality and regularity in the architecture most spaces may have served similar
functions.
Excavations, surface reconnaissance, and the analysis of aerial photographs allow the
identification of more than 80 rooms within the Main Compound. Stratigraphic information reveals
that at least 75 rooms could have been used coevally. Excavations investigated circa 50 rooms in
order to provide a representative sample of the architectural variability [Table 4.2]. Huambacho is
characterised by five basic types of architectural units including (1) sunken plazas, (2) colonnaded
patios, (3) storerooms, (4) backrooms, and (5) other non-colonnaded rooms. Basic data on room
sizes are plotted in Figure 4.2. The rooms included in the sample are the sunken plazas, the
colonnaded patio rooms, the storerooms and the backrooms. With the exception of backrooms, all
rooms are roughly square; it can be seen that room types fall into distinct size categories. Sunken
plazas and patios are colonnaded; the other three categories are not.
Colonnaded architecture is common at the site as seen in the number of patios (n=15) and
sunken plazas (n=2). Non-colonnaded architecture meanwhile, is represented by storerooms (n=4),
backrooms (n=2), possible domestic areas (n=5), and transit/corridor spaces (n=3) (i.e., the latter
two are regrouped together under “non-colonnaded rooms”). Many rooms that were not investigated
and/or only partially excavated remain unassigned to a specific type, but surface observations, in
particular the width of the walls/pillars and the lack of internal division, attest to the presence of
many more patio rooms (n=at least 7).
Sunken plazas
Two sunken plazas are found at the Main Compound. Plaza-A and Plaza-B measure 78 x 78
m and 57 x 59 m respectively. Overall, the organisation of Plaza-A and Plaza-B is very similar. An
isometric reconstruction of Plaza-A is provided in Figure 4.3. Both plazas are arranged as a vast
sunken area surrounded by raised outer wall-platforms that are topped with a floor. Access to the
sunken area was made possible through pairs of staircases. This pairing is significant and exhibits a
bilateral symmetrical organisation on a north-south axis.
In this light, it is possible that some principles of dual organisation guided the design of
Plaza-A and Plaza-B, a feature that is often noted in the design of sunken plazas in early Peru. In
contrast to Initial Period and Chavín-related sunken plazas, for example, the Huambacho plazas are
enclosed with outer wall-platforms. Furthermore, fieldwork failed to identify entrances in the middle
of the rooms. Rather, entryways, as is the rule at Huambacho, were located in the corners of the
plazas and connected the top of the outer wall-platforms with adjacent areas through systems of
corridors, staircases and ramps. It is most probable that both sunken plazas had entryways in their
four corners, but excavations only documented one in each plaza.
Sunken plazas represent the largest and most ornamented spaces at Huambacho. In both
rooms, wall sculptures and friezes decorated the outer wall-platforms. Differences, however, existed
in the ways these spaces were decorated and what was depicted in the public art. Whereas
excavations at Plaza-A have revealed elaborate in situ friezes along with hundreds of sculpted clay
cones, Plaza-B only yielded fragments of friezes detached from wall plaster.
Differences also appear in the iconographic content of the sunken plaza friezes. Whereas
designs on Plaza-A emphasise combinations of step-and-rectangular and zigzag designs, Plaza-B
friezes depict circular designs primarily. In fact, only one instance of the step design was encountered
in Plaza-B. Such differences could be explained by the nature of our sampling strategy, but they can
also have some interpretative value for understanding deeper social and ideological aspects of the
sunken architecture at Huambacho.
Sunken plazas were most probably the focus of public gatherings at the site. Through their
use, community was celebrated, social positions were negotiated, and authority was affirmed. On the
basis of their spatial arrangement, it is significant to note that sunken plazas at Huambacho
materialise some form of hierarchy. While the bilateral symmetry of the sunken plazas possibly
attests to the involvement of opposite, yet balanced entities in public ceremonies, the vertical
organisation of the sunken plazas, in particular the spatial segregation into raised, outer wall-
platforms and sunken areas, suggests that hierarchical social differences were reproduced through
ritual practices. In contrast to Preceramic and Initial Period sunken plazas which, Quilter (2002: 22-
23) has argued, tend to privilege communal inclusion and social egalitarianism, at Huambacho, the
addition of wall-platforms served to create and/or accentuate the vertical segregation between social
segments. It indicates increased social inequalities.
Table 4.2 Data from excavated rooms at Huambacho.

Excavation Elevation Length Width Surface
Sector Area‡ Room type*
unit (m asl) (m) (m) (m2)
A-2A/SS† 9 3 64.20 4.3 4.5 19
South Sector
A-3/SS 9 6 64.20 40.6 30.3 71
A-7/SS† 16 2 65.38 20.4 18.7 381
A-8/SS 9 6 64.20 39.4 62 2443
A-9/SS 9 2 64.20 28.8 31.4 904
A-1/CS 2,5,14,17,29 1 64.93 78 78 6084
A-2/CS 3 2 26.9 19.2 516
A-3/CS 3,4,18 2 68.52 27.6 24.6 679
A-4/CS 4,12 2 67.74 15.6 16 250
A-4A/CS 12 4 67.53 5 13.1 66
A-6/CS 10 5 65.81 7.8 9.9 77
A-8/CS 11 2 66.85 9.5 8.8 84
A-11/CS† 10 2 66.15 12.5 13.6 170
Central Sector
A-12/CS† 10 2 66.04 5.8 7.5 44

A-12A/CS† 10 3 65.90 1.5 2.3 3
A-13/CS 10 5 66.17 7.8 5.6 44
A-17/CS† 10 2 66.17 8.2 8 66
A-4/NS 2 6 8.9 17 151
A-5/NS 17 5 65.65 5.7 20.6 117
A-6/NS 25 6 66.00 10.5 14.5 152
A-7/NS 8 5 65.50 7.6 4.9 37
A-8/NS 8 5 7 5.2 36
North Extension North Sector
A-9/NS 8 5 65.64 7.6 4.9 37

A-10/NS 8 5 65.50 6.9 4.8 33
A-13/NS 13 2 66.35 21.1 23.5 496
A-15/NS 13 6 66.45 22.7 12.9 293
A-1/NE 6,25 1 65.42 56.5 58.9 3328
A-1A/NE 15 2
A-2/NE 7,15 2 66.00 37.4 32.7 1223
A-4/NE 7 5 65.94 11.2
A-4A/NE 25 2 66.85 11.3
A-4B/NE 7 6 66.16 23.7 25.2 597
A-1/HA (E) 28 5 64.85
A-1/HA (M-L) 19 2 67.15
A-1A/HA(M-L) 28 6
A-2/HA(M-L) † 27 6
A-3/HA 20 2
A-4/HA(M-L) † 24 3 3.9 6.8 27
A-5/HA(E-M) 23 5 64.65
A-5/HA(L) 22 6
A-6/HA(M-L) 20 4 2.8 17.9 50
A-7/HA(E-M) 21,26 5
Huaca-A Complex
A-7/HA(L) 21,26 6
A-8/HA† 27 3 2.8 1.4 4
A-9/HA 27 6
A-10/HA(E) 19 6
A-11/HA 26 6
A-12/HA 22 6
‡ Huaca-A Phases: (E) Early, (E-M) Early to Middle, (M-L) Middle to Late, (L) Late.
† Room excavated completely.
* Room types: (1) sunken plaza, (2) colonnaded patio, (3) storeroom, (4) backroom, (5) non-colonnaded
space, (6) not determined/unknown.
Interestingly, the vertical segregation of the sunken plazas implies that some people could
have gathered on top of the outer wall-platforms while activities were being carried out inside the
sunken area. The ratios of covered surface area to uncovered area (i.e., sunken area) are of 0.5 and
0.6 for the Plaza-A and Plaza-B, respectively. This suggests that only a certain number of select
individuals could have occupied the top of the outer wall-platforms, while the bulk of the audience
filled the sunken area.
While the outer wall-platforms would have represented vantage points to observe actions set
inside the sunken area, people inside the sunken area would have been exposed visually to the friezes
and be witnesses to potential movements on top of the outer wall-platforms. Thus, it could be
posited that some form of visual association existed between the people who used the top of the
outer wall-platforms and the designs depicted in the mural friezes. Humphrey and Vitebsky (1997:
46) underlines that the association between religious imagery and ceremonial attendants is common
in sacred architecture. At Huambacho, the location of the visual imagery inside the sunken plazas
suggests a marked difference between the people who respectively occupied the sunken areas and the
top of the outer wall-platforms.
Colonnaded patios
In architecture, patios are conceived of as inner courtyards open to the sky (Fleming et al.
1999: 426-427). At Huambacho, patio spaces feature the presence of interior colonnades of
rectangular pillars. They are single-level rooms. The interior spaces of patios were unroofed. The
interior perimeter area (between the colonnades and the walls), meanwhile, was roofed. Huambacho
patios are open areas located at the centre of a complex of dwellings, houses and domestic spaces.
They are enclosed spaces or rooms themselves that consist of both roofed and unroofed areas.
Fifteen patios were excavated in all five sectors [Table 4.3]. Four patios were completely
excavated (A-7/SS, A-11/CS, A-12/CS and A-17/CS). Most of the Main Compound appears to
have been organised as patios. Those spaces may have been used for gatherings, probably for
restricted congregations and receptions.
The presence of more exclusive spaces may indicate the fragmentation of Early Horizon
ritual life. Overall, the number and variability of patios indicate gatherings of different sizes and
compositions. For example, some were made for only a few people at most (e.g., A-12/CS, 44 m2)
while others could have accommodated large numbers of people (e.g., A-2/NE, 1223 m2). This
variability is especially important in relation to location and access patterns, but let me first review
the basic architectural features of patio rooms.
Table 4.3 Data from excavated colonnaded patios at Huambacho.

Ratio Average
No. Dwelling Open Surface No. No.
Sector Area‡ dwelling / distance walls
entrances (m2) (m2) (m2) Colonnades pillars
open /colonnades
A-7/SS† 2 131 250 0,52 381 3 34 2,52
SS
A-9/SS 904 1,98
A-2/CS >1 516
A-3/CS 1 277 402 0,69 679 2,02
A-4/CS 3 135 115 1,17 250 4 1,96
CS A-8/CS 2 39 42 0,93 84 >2 7 2,04
A-11/CS† 3 94 97 0,97 170 3 22 1,97
A-12/CS† 1 19 32 0,59 44 1 4 1,85
A-17/CS† 1 30 30 1 66 2 9 1,84
NS A-13/NS >1 496 1,95
A-1A/NE
NE A-2/NE >1 1223 1,75
A-4A/NE >1
A-1/HA (M-L) 2
HA
A-3/HA
‡ (M-L) Middle to Late Phase.
† Room excavated completely.
Little variability could be observed in the overall layout of the patios, thus indicating that
their design reflects clear intentions and spatial prototypes. Yet, patios varied in size, number of
colonnades, number of entryways, and the presence/absence of integrated storerooms and/or other
annexes. The organisational variability of the patios is illustrated in Figure 4.4.
The ratio of roofed area to unroofed area varies between 0.5 and 1.2 with a mean of 0.8
(s=0.2, n=7) indicating that, in most cases, patios have more unroofed than roofed area. The roofed
areas could have been used as dwelling spaces; the design of patios is consistent with their use for
holding receptions, “sitting together” reunions, and other communal activities. It is significant that
the patios are, in many respects, smaller replicas of the sunken plazas, but without outward
distinction between upper and lower spaces.
Huambacho patios could have one to four colonnades. They usually lack benches, altars, and
niches. Areas that were completely excavated reveal that individual colonnades could have from 2 to
12 pillars for a total ranging between 4 and 34 pillars per room. With respect to planning, the
constant distance between walls and colonnades argues for the use of a grid system rather than a
reliance on proportions. For example, unlike the patio proportions popularised by the Roman
architect Marcus Vitruvius Pollio in the first century B.C. (Fleming et al. 1999: 611-612; Hejazi 2005:
1415; Humphrey and Vitebsky 1997: 37), Huambacho colonnades are always set at approximately
two meters from the walls. This is consistent with the interpretation of the roofed area as possible
dwellings or sitting areas.
Patios are roughly square-shaped and excavated examples average 19.4 m (s=10.1, n=11) on a
north-south axis, and 17.9 m (s=8.7, n=12) on an east-west axis. Meanwhile, possible, non-excavated
patios have mean dimensions of 20.9 (s=4.8, n=7) by 24 m (s=7.2, n=7). With respect to surface
area, excavations indicate that patios could cover from 44 to 1223 m2, with a mean of 438 m2 (s=378,
n=11). Overall, patio sizes exhibit great variability.
At Huambacho, patios had up to three entryways, and they were sometimes complemented
by storerooms or backrooms. The presence or absence of such facilities, as well as the relative
location of a patio within the access system scheme, were important. For example, smaller patios
often had a single entryway and sometimes an inner storeroom suggesting that more exclusive and
remote spaces could have been used for private gatherings. In these spaces, people had direct access
to storerooms. In some cases, a backroom was integrated to the patio, possibly indicating the need
for privacy. Larger patios, such as A-2/NE and A-7/SS, lack such features.
At least two patios appear to have been decorated with friezes and/or paintings. Significantly,
these instances occur in patios adjacent to raised platform complexes where exterior façades were
decorated. However, the presence of niches at the base of pillars in A-13/NS suggests possible
decoration of some of the patios.
Colonnaded patios find correlates at coeval sites on the north-central coast of Peru.
Excavations at the Early Horizon sites of San Diego and Las Huacas, for instance, have documented
rectangular rooms with interior colonnades that compare favourably with the Huambacho patios
(Cárdenas 1998: 72-73; Pozorski and Pozorski 1987a: 51-65). Whereas fieldwork at these sites has
yielded little evidence on the use of patios, the Huambacho spaces are reminiscent of the audiencias
documented by the Pozorskis at the Initial Period Mound of the Columns (Taukachi-Konkán) in
Casma (Pozorski and Pozorski 2002: 28). This suggests that similar architectural forms were known
to coastal groups prior to their popularisation during the Early Horizon. Significant differences,
however, can be noted between Initial Period and Early Horizon colonnaded spaces.
At the Mound of the Columns, colonnaded spaces are interpreted as elite audiencias.
According to the Pozorskis (2002: 28), the patios “would have afforded visitors and residents
protection from the sun as well as privacy from prying eyes on the nearby hillsides.” This
interpretation is consistent with the Huambacho evidence. Yet, at Taukachi-Konkán, the patio
rooms, adjacent to an area interpreted as an elite residential compound, display a pattern of single,
central entrance that appears to have discriminated between hosts and guests. At Huambacho the
internal spatial arrangement of the patios does not clearly make such discrimination. For example,
entryways were located in the corners and, if we accept that roofed areas could have served as
dwelling spaces, their location does not suggest that visitors would have entered the rooms facing
their hosts or vice-versa. Rather, Huambacho patios incorporate all the participants in a single,
integrated space. Here, spatial segregation was not achieved internally, but rather through complex
and graded patterns of entryways.
While Huambacho patios contrast with the Mound of the Columns audiencias, it is significant
that they also contrast with the well-documented U-shaped Chimú audiencias of Chan Chan (Andrews
1974, 1980; Moore 1996; Ravines 1980; Topic 2003). At Huambacho, when patios are colonnaded
on three sides (i.e., thus forming a U) no pattern is discernible with respect to the orientation of the
U and/or the location of entryways.
To sum up, it is likely that the Huambacho patios represented gathering spaces. The patios,
with their smaller, more exclusive gathering spaces, contrast with the large, more inclusive sunken
plazas. As asserted by Humphrey and Vitebsky (1997: 75), religious buildings are often organised in
order to provide smaller ritual spaces that provide settings for more private types of utterances.
Differences in the scale of constructed spaces set limits on forms of ritual communication (see Hall
1959, 1968, 1972) and may have reinforced social differences as reported elsewhere in the Andes
(Moore 1998: 791-792; Urton 1992).
Storerooms
Storerooms are identified on the basis of their limited dimensions and their lack of entryway.
They also lack wall ornamentation and generally exhibit poor wall finish. The storing functions of
these rooms are not only inferred by their spatial features, but also by the discovery of gourd
containers. Four storerooms were excavated during fieldwork in the South Sector, Central Sector and
at Huaca-A.
Storerooms are roughly square-shaped. Their surface area ranges from 3 to 27 m2. They can
range in length (north-south) from 1.4 to 4.3 m, and in width (east-west) from 1.4 to 6.8 m with
mean dimensions of 3.1 m (s=1.3, n=4) and 3.8 m (s=2.4, n=4), respectively. These restricted
storerooms are typically located next to or directly within a patio. Floors, if any, were usually badly
preserved, but elevations indicate that, in some cases (i.e., A-2A/SS, A-12A/CS), floors were lower
than the site level. The rooms were probably accessed from above as no entrance could be identified.
The limited quantity of structural debris suggests that walls were relatively low to facilitate access to
stored goods. Overall, the limited occurrence and small size of storerooms at Huambacho lend
weight to the hypothesis of short-term, episodic usages rather than large-scale, permanent storage
(e.g., Huaca-A at Pampas de las Llamas-Moxeke; see Pozorski and Pozorski 1986).
Backrooms
At Huambacho, small rectangular chambers, termed “backrooms”, were documented at the
back of some patio rooms. Backrooms lack interior wall ornamentation and their floors are found at
the same level as their associated patio. The backrooms sampled (A-4A/CS, A-6/HA) exhibit a
single access. They lack pillars and may have been covered by a roof. A-4A/CS measures 5 x 13.1 m.
Meanwhile, A-6/HA was built during the Middle Phase occupation at Huaca-A and measures 2.8 x
17.9 m.
The exact function of the backrooms is still uncertain, but it is probable that they were used
as more private spaces. No matting/litter was discovered inside the backrooms, but it is possible that
they served as rest areas and/or spaces for very restricted ritual practices.
Other non-colonnaded rooms

This category is comprised of the rooms that lack pillars and which cannot be classified as
storerooms or backrooms. Overall, these non-colonnaded spaces appear to have been organised in
different ways for different purposes. Eleven such rooms could be identified, almost half of them in
the North Sector. Non-colonnaded spaces are rectangular in form. In comparison to sunken plazas
and patios, non-colonnaded spaces are rather small, ranging in surface area from 33 to 117 m2 with a
mean of 54.4 m2 (s=31.5, n=7). On the basis of their dimensions it is possible that non-colonnaded
rooms were completely covered with a roof.
Access patterns indicate one to three entryways, but no non-colonnaded room was fully
excavated. Nevertheless, it appears that the number of accesses and relative location parallel room
function. For example, some non-colonnaded rooms can be qualified as transitional spaces or
passageways on the basis of their elongated, corridor-like layout and position between patios. They
have at least two doorways.
In contrast, some non-colonnaded rooms were positioned as antechambers or vestibules to
patios. This seems to be the case in the Main Platform Complex, where a series of small,
interconnected spaces preceded the access to the patio rooms A-8/CS, A-4/CS and A-3/CS. The
rooms A-6/CS, A-6A/CS, A-7/CS, and A-7A/CS probably represented transitional spaces that one
needed to go through before accessing the more remote and exclusive domain of the Main Platform
Complex. A-13/CS also appears to have acted as an antechamber for the patio room A-12/CS, as
well as a transitional space between the latter and A-11/CS.
In the North Sector, a group of non-colonnaded spaces appears to have fulfilled different
functions. The four adjacent rooms A-7/NS, A-8/NS, A-9/NS and A-10/NS are located directly to
the north of Plaza-A. The two southernmost rooms have a single doorway and they do not
communicate with each other. The two northernmost rooms had accesses with other rooms. In
contrast to transitional spaces, these rooms probably served for activities linked to Plaza-A.
Interestingly, a concentration of ash on the floor of A-7/NS suggests food preparation.
Architectural units, discussion

The analysis of Huambacho’s architectural units reveals a clear typology of rooms with
different layouts and functions. Overall, architecture is mostly represented by unroofed patios of
different sizes and large sunken plazas. These spaces are characterised by their interior colonnaded
layout and I suggest that they were used mainly for special activities such as festive gatherings,
musical displays, receptions and congregations. Smaller, non-colonnaded roofed spaces are
associated with these rooms, in particular storerooms, backrooms, antechambers and, possibly, food
preparation areas. The analysis of cultural remains should shed more light onto the use of patio
rooms and sunken plazas at Huambacho.
Many transitional spaces and a complex arrangement of corridors and entryways were
established to channel human movements and to orient the flow of ritual participants through the
site. The analysis of this access system is critical to understand the organisation and interrelation of
the various architectural units described here.
4.2.2 Access system

At Huambacho, enclosed spaces were contiguous, but structurally isolated from each other
by high walls that prohibited physical and visual communication. For example, walls lacked windows
and the absence of parapets made it impossible to walk on top of the walls. Entryways were most
likely the only way to circulate between the different rooms and sub-compounds at the site.
Overall, the organisation of the access system reveals significant insights into the constitution
of Huambacho society. In particular, I argue that the division between the public sunken plazas and
the more exclusive complexes of raised platforms is materialised in a tightly controlled graded access
system that helped to create social inequalities and reinforce authority.
As demonstrated in the previous chapter, a long corridor leading north of the Huaca-A
Complex probably acted as entrance to the Main Compound. It is worth noting that, to the east,
access was made impossible by a perimeter wall linking the Main Compound to the North
Compound. A similar situation is visible with the south and north walls delimiting the Main
Compound. While it is possible that access was possible from the northwest, via the Huaca-A
Complex, in particular the patio room A-3/HA, people were forced to approach the site from the
west. This is consistent with the hypothesis that most of the local community did not live in the
desert and probably settled to the west of the Main Compound. It also indicates contacts with other
Early Horizon communities established in the lower and middle Nepeña, such as Samanco and
Caylán.
Excavations reveal that most spaces, including sunken plazas and complexes of raised
platforms, did not have a direct access with the exterior of the Main Compound. These spaces were
accessed through corridors, transitional rooms and doorways. There was therefore a sustained
interest in controlling movements and orienting the flow of people within the Main Compound. I
suggest that Huambacho elites, most probably assisted by ceremonial officials and site attendants,
directed people to certain sectors.
Doorways and corridors

Doorways represent one of the most striking examples of the rigid planning of Huambacho’s
architectural layout. As noted by Humphrey and Vitebsky (1997: 130), it is common for people to
distinguish between what lies within and what lies outside sacred buildings. At Huambacho, such a
concern is materialised in the overall spatial arrangement of the Main Compound, especially the
access system. In particular, the entryways and corridors appear to have been designed to extend the
distance between the outside and the inside of walled enclosures.
Doorways at the Main Compound are located in the corners of rooms, and never in the
centre. Door jambs are rectangular and no steps are observed. Typically, entrances were baffled
and/or complemented by a passageway that could run from 5.5 m (A-3/CS) up to more than 40 m
(east of Huaca-A). Doorways have a mean width of 102.8 cm (s=24.2, n=30). It is significant that the
doorways at Plaza-A are significantly wider than the rest of the Main Compound with an average
width of 156.2 cm (s=20.7, n=3). In contrast, the rest of the doorways have a mean width of 96.4 cm
(s=14.9, n=27).
At Huambacho, entrances are baffled. This could have helped to insulate the spaces from
wind, sand and sound, but it also illustrates an intention to control the movement of people within
the Main Compound. However, no wooden doors and/or other closing mechanisms were
encountered and it is plausible that control was regulated by ceremonial attendants.
Overall, the restricted width of doorways and corridors at Huambacho stopped people from
walking and gathering side-by-side. Rather, it is likely that people had to move one after the other,
forming a queue before being admitted, possibly one-by-one, in most of the rooms. At Plaza-A for
instance, the sensory deprivation of walking through a long, dark corridor would have contrasted
with the monumentality and openness of the sunken plaza.
One of the most significant features of the access system at Huambacho is the organisation
of entrances in relation to movement within and between the enclosed spaces. For example,
excavations have revealed the existence of two types of multiple-entry arrangements. First, what I
call the “opposite entryway system” consists of entrances located in different ends of a room. These
opposite entryways imply that visitors needed to cross the entire room to get to another.
Second, a different type of multiple-entry system is referred to as a “dual entryway system”.
This system consists of a double-entryway that is located in the same corner of a room, which links
the room with two adjacent, but separate rooms. The dual entryway system allows people to move
between two rooms through a third one, but without having to cross the latter. The difference
between the two types of access systems appears to have been significant, in particular since the dual
entryway system occur in the large, more inclusive spaces.
In the northeast corner of Plaza-A, a unique example of entryway was documented which
consists of a complex version of dual entryway system that connects three rooms together. This
unique example indicates the importance of the access to Plaza-A, as well as the critical spatial
relationships between Plaza-A, the Main Platform Complex and the eastern portion of the North
Sector.
The entryway was composed of both a staircase and a ramp and represented an
intersection/crossroad, where flows of people could be oriented either to the west, north or east. On
the basis of the apparent complementary nature of the Plaza-A and the Main Platform Complex, I
would argue that this complex entryway was critical in the movement and procession between the
two settings. The control over its use would have been of particular concern.
Ramps and staircases

Another significant aspect of the access system at Huambacho is the combination and
alternation of staircases and ramps. Doorways and corridors are arranged as staircases and ramps
when rooms of different levels need to be linked. At least nine staircases were identified, while ramps
number three, but most probably five or more.
Staircases are only found in association with the sunken plazas and their use appears to have
been to link raised and sunken ceremonial spaces. They are composed of varying numbers of steps
made of stone slabs set into mud mortar. Staircases are typically inset and they measure from 100 to
150 cm in width. The three excavated examples of staircases indicate that they could comprise up to
eight steps. All instances show traces of use. Overall, staircase structures at Huambacho contrast
with those found at Initial Period centres by their small size and use wear (Burger and Salazar-Burger
1991: 283).
Three examples of ramps were excavated. Ramps were oriented in both north-south and
east-west. The larger of these is located to the east of A-1/HA at Huaca-A which measures at least
9.5 m long and have an elevation of approximately 2.3 m. By contrast, the access ramp to A-17/CS
only measures 1.2 m with an elevation of less than a meter.
Many ramps have been destroyed, but their distribution appears to contrast with staircases
and be limited to the complexes of raised platforms. For example, on the basis of the presence of
corridors and the absence of staircase features, it is posited that the raised structures of the Main
Platform Complex were linked through a system of ramps. Overall, it appears that ramps were
limited to more exclusive areas. They might have been used by fewer people than the staircases built
to access the large, and more public sunken plazas. The presence of a ramp in the portion of the
northeast entrance to the Plaza-A – which gave access to top of the outer wall-platforms from an
area that was apparently linked to the Main Platform Complex and from where elite members would
have moved back and forth between the two settings – possibly attest to this situation. This
reinforces the division between sunken plazas and complexes of raised platforms.
4.2.3 Sectorisation
Huambacho was probably organised as multiple sectors with different access patterns. From
excavation results, surface reconnaissance and aerial photographs, a number of observations can be
made. The Central Sector is the core of the Main Compound and the interrelation between its two
main architectural features is critical in understanding the occupation of the site.
The association between the Main Platform Complex and the Plaza-A was important and
both features were delimited to the north and south by walls with tightly controlled entryways. Their
access had to be mediated through other areas. In the case of the Main Platform Complex, it was
accessed through the room A-10/CS, which was itself connected to the A-9/CS and eventually A-
2/CS, Plaza-A and the North Sector. Meanwhile, Plaza-A gave access to the Main Platform Complex
and was itself accessed from the north, through the corridor-room A-5/CS.
The area between the two sunken plazas, in the North Sector, possibly had a direct access to
the exterior. This access would have been located to the west of the sector. The east part of the
sector directly faced the Main Platform Complex and access to the latter was prohibited by a division
wall. In fact, the only access between a room related to the Main Platform Complex and the North
Sector was through the room A-12/NS, which accesses both Plaza-A and A-2/CS.
North of the Main Platform Complex a patio, A-13/NS, was decorated with friezes with the
objective of signifying the special importance of A-3/CS. In this perspective, the people who
accessed A-13/NS would have been particularly exposed to the message conveyed in these friezes, in
a similar fashion as the people who visited the sunken plazas.
Two other possible sub-compounds are located within the North Extension: (1) the Plaza-B,
and (2) the area to the east of the plaza. This area is composed of a limited number of large
enclosures, at least three of which have been identified on the basis of excavations as colonnaded
patios (i.e., A-1A/NE, A-2/NE, A-4A/NE). The North Extension also comprises Plaza-B which
was accessed from the southeast through A-4A/NE. A wall separates A-4A/NE from A-4C/NE to
the east and it can be inferred that the former was linked to A-4/NE, most certainly through a ramp
system or a staircase. It is not clear, however, how or where the North Extension and the North
Sector were articulated. A wall aligned with the south wall of Plaza-B extends to the east and abuts to
the east perimeter of the Main Compound and no entrance could be identified. Therefore, the
possibility exists that the North Extension and the North Sector were isolated sub-compounds that
lacked direct, connecting entryways.
In contrast, evidence suggests that the northwest section of the North Extension was linked
to the Huaca-A Complex through A-3/HA. The southern extension of this patio is destroyed and
the ways in which it is articulated with the access system of Plaza-B is uncertain. But if we project the
length of the east-west wall of A-3/HA to the south it appears to connect to the northwest corner of
Plaza-B. Like the Central Sector, the North Extension does not appear to have a direct access from
the exterior of the complex.
The data on access patterns and sector sub-divisions allow several conclusions. First, the
control of access to and between the sunken plazas and the complexes of raised platforms was
important. Movements between these spaces may have been an important feature of ceremonies at
Huambacho. Second, it is possible that the Main Compound at Huambacho was composed of
possibly eight sub-compounds. It is impossible to know with certainty whether these spaces were
used simultaneously, in alternation or in succession. However, it is plausible that the large inclusive
gatherings in the sunken plazas were preceded and followed by more exclusive, fragmented
ceremonies. In the next section, I suggest that this fragmentation was hierarchical.
4.2.4 Spatial syntax: Hierarchy, fragmentation and integration

Beyond the traditional formal descriptions of the individual architectural units, Hillier and
Hanson (1984) have developed a particularly cogent way to investigate the relational aspects of
spatial organisation with respect to access systems (see also Hillier et al. 1976). According to them,
architectural units represent sets of controlled permeabilities that create boundaries within and
between different spaces. These boundaries generate continuities and discontinuities that reflect the
logic of space and structure human experience. Ultimately, these patterns relate to the interactive
nature of society (Hillier and Hanson 1984: 140-142).
Methodologically, this approach suggests that we translate into graphics the spatial
relationships between different spatial units, and represent them through a series of circles (spatial
units) and connectors (permeabilities). These graphs, called Gamma-analyses, display various levels
according to the relative depth (i.e., number of rooms one must get through to reach another room)
of the interconnected spatial units. Gamma-analyses create different configurations related to the
horizontal and vertical dimensions of the spatial system. Hillier and Hanson (1984) refer to these two
axes as (1) symmetry vs. asymmetry and (2) distributedness vs. non-distributedness.
The degree of symmetry or asymmetry refers to the hierarchy or depth of space. It is defined
by the number of rooms that exist between the starting point of entrance, or carrier space, and the
last spatial unit in the system. The degree of distributedness or non-distributedness relates to the
number of possible permeabilities between spatial units. A system is more distributed when there are
many connections between the units than when there are few. Therefore, this variable informs on
the extent to which a spatial system is centralised and potentially controllable.
The visualisation and measurement of relative integration and spatial hierarchy are
particularly significant in the study of public architecture since they indicate the degree to which
visitors could move between different spaces. The basic idea is that there exists a fundamental
difference between boundaries and permeabilities. Archaeologically, one must substantiate this
opposition with material evidence. For example, it is significant that only sunken plazas are believed
to be distributed spaces at Huambacho while all other architectural units are non-distributed and
contiguous.
Raised platform complexes are organised hierarchically in a non-distributed way. The Main
Platform Complex provides a good example. An isometric reconstruction of the complex and an
access diagram are provided in Figure 4.5. Here, data indicate a fragmentation of space and the
existence of a graded access. Two sub-compounds were accessed through the carrier space A-10/CS.
One of these, Sub-Compound-A, located to the east of A-10/CS, consisted of at least seven
contiguous rooms. Sub-Compound-B was a series of agglutinated rooms which ultimately led to A-
3/CS.
Overall, the Main Platform Complex would have allowed different modes of communication
than the large public spaces that are the sunken plazas. Whereas evidence from the sunken plazas
suggests non-verbal and paralinguistic forms of communication (e.g., visual imagery, music, dance),
the patios of the Main Platform Complex may have been the stage for more private events. The
more restricted and private gatherings may have emphasised personal communication and
encouraged the exchange of information. Therefore, the monopoly over the access to the Main
Platform Complex would have been decisive in securing control over the exercise of power and the
decision-making processes.
The spatial syntax of the Main Compound indicates (1) a certain degree of control over the
access and (2) a hierarchy of space. It is still unclear the extent to which this graded access was
articulated through practice, but it could be suggested that, somehow, it paralleled hierarchical social
relationships. Graded access to ritual spaces is common in sacred architecture where it can
materialise social organisation but also degrees of cult initiation. At the Shaolin Temple (ca. A.D.
495) in China, for example, access to certain areas was dictated by degrees of initiation and only
masters could have access to the entire temple (Humphrey and Vitebsky 1997: 49). The exclusive
access to private spaces provides power over the control of information and marks a clear distinction
between social groups. In Ashanti palaces, public and private spaces have distinction spatial
configurations that promote chiefly rules. According to Hanson (1998: 36-37):
The most shallow places in Ashanti palace are the reception and audience courtyards and
the court of the mausoleum, where the public and ceremonial functions associated with
chiefly rule are acted out. […] The deepest courtyards are those for hygiene, animal
slaughter and the dispensing of food, where the chief sleeps, and where he entertains his
guests privately and meets his elders in secret. […] Looked at this way, the Ashanti
palace seems not so much a “machine for living in” as a sophisticated “ruling machine”
which constitutes a microcosm of the society in a single building complex.
At Huambacho, the division between sunken plazas and complexes of raised platforms
attests to a similar situation and suggests the existence of marked social differences. Rooms, as spatial
units, brought people into a single integrated space. Each unit occupied a specific place within a
hierarchical access system that reflects the fragmentation of Early Horizon ceremonial practices and,
possibly, social divisions.
4.3 Conclusion
In this chapter, I have presented data on the building techniques, the construction processes
and episodes, as well as discussed the renovation programmes at Huambacho. I have also analysed
the features and organisation of architectural units, focussing on their internal arrangement. Access
patterns have been described and provided insights into the sectorisation and hierarchical
fragmentation of space at Huambacho. Combined, this evidence allows the conclusion that
Huambacho was built with intentions of controlling space and an elaborate understanding of local
building traditions.
Research on the Early Horizon on the north-central coast has focused on defensive
buildings, such as citadels, fortresses, hilltop redoubts (e.g., Daggett 1984; Ghezzi 2006; Wilson
1988). Huambacho, however, cannot be considered a typical defensive complex (see Topic and
Topic 1987). For example, in comparison to Cayhuamarca phase defensive citadels from the Santa
Valley (see Wilson 1988: 104-110), Huambacho lacks defensive attributes such as large concentric
enclosure walls, bastions, parapets, and dry ditches.
In contrast to the fortified ceremonial centre of Chankillo in Casma (Fung and Pimentel
1973; Ghezzi 2006), Huambacho is located directly on the valley floor. The position away from
defensive locations, such as hilltops and ridges, as well as the internal complexity and labyrinth-like
aspect of the access system would have made Huambacho’s occupants very vulnerable to external
attacks. Weaponry at the site, meanwhile, is very rare. Sling-stones and spearheads, common at
defensive sites, have not been found.
Whereas available data suggest that the Main Compound was not designed or used as a
typical defensive site, a more definite conclusion on the place of warfare at Huambacho must await
excavations on the adjacent Cerro Popo where possible defensive structures have been reported
(Chicoine and Pimentel 2004). For example, recent research suggests that late Early Horizon
populations in Casma were engaged in forms of religious warfare exemplified in the fortification of
ceremonial centres (Ghezzi 2006).
The interior colonnade tradition of architecture

The Huambacho architectural canon appears fully developed and is best illustrated by the use
of the orthostatic wall building technique and interior colonnaded forms. In Nepeña, orthostatic
walls and rectangular pillars were documented by the Proyecto CHINECAS at VN-35 and VN-36 in
the Sute Bajo area (Cotrina et al. 2003: 9). Comparative evidence suggests these architectural forms
were not limited to the Nepeña Valley and cases have been reported from other Early Horizon sites
on the north-central coast of Peru.
In the Santa Valley, as in Nepeña, most Early Horizon (Cayhuamarca phase) sites were
established in the middle and upper sections of the valley (Wilson 1988: 100-140). However,
Cárdenas (1979: 10) reported on the existence of the Las Huacas site, a valley floor complex located
in the lower Santa Valley. Clearing of the Edificio de las Pilastras, radiocarbon dated to 1840 ± 70
B.P. and 1930 ± 70 B.P. (Ziólkowski et al. 1994: 399-402), revealed more than 20 pillars built of
stone and mud mortar said to form a large rectangular patio room (Cárdenas 1979: 11, Figure 12).
In Casma, the sites of San Diego and Pampa Rosario were major settlements built around the
beginning of the Early Horizon. Test pits have yielded ceramics diagnostic of the Early Horizon
confirmed by radiocarbon dates. San Diego is dated between 2510 ± 115 B.P. and 2245 ± 60 B.P.
and Pampa Rosario between 2760 ± 75 B.P. and 2400 ± 70 B.P. (S. Pozorski 1987: 17).
Interconnected units of stone walled enclosures, plazas, corridors and low platform mounds have
been described from these sites and excavations revealed the presence of rectangular pillars at San
Diego (Pozorski and Pozorski 1987a: 51-65). There may also be architectural similarities with Early
Horizon sites in the Huarmey Valley, directly south of Casma (S. Pozorski 1987: 29; Thompson
1966). Further south, excavations and surface reconnaissance at the site of Chimú Capac in the Supe
Valley have brought to light the remains of pillars, dated to the Early Horizon, and interpreted by
Valkenier (1995: 275) as similar to those found at San Diego in Casma.
Solid evidence is thus available suggesting that a number of Early Horizon sites in coastal
Peru, and especially in the Casma-Nepeña-Santa drainages, shared a typical architectural layout of
rectilinear interior colonnades. Further connections between these neighbouring populations are
evidenced by strong similarities between their artefact assemblages – notably ceramic panpipes and
discs, slate artefacts, stone bowls and anthracite mirrors (see Chapters 5 and 6). In Nepeña, the
evidence from Huambacho indicates many similarities with the Initial Period tradition of architecture
as exemplified at Cerro Blanco and Punkurí. As outlined by Larco (1966: 52, 61), these two sites
apparently had close ties with north coastal Cupisnique populations.
Examples of colonnaded architecture reminiscent of the Huambacho interior colonnaded
layout have been reported from many Cupisnique sites: Huaca Lucía (Shimada 1981, 1986: 168,
Figure 8.3; Shimada, Elera and Shimada 1983), Purulén (Alva 1988), Montegrande (Tellenbach 1986),
Casa Grande (Elera 1998: 287; Kosok 1965: 109), Caballo Muerto (Huaca de los Reyes) (Conklin
1985; T. Pozorski 1980: 101) and Huaca de los Chinos (Watanabe 1979; cited in Campana 2000: 39).
For example, excavations at Huaca de los Reyes revealed that the access to the main ceremonial
mound was complemented by rows of rectangular pillars which supported a roof and visually
masked a doorway (T. Pozorski 1983). At the same time, at Casa Grande, in the Chicama Valley,
cylindrical pillars decorated with polychrome relief paintings were photographed by Kosok (1965:
109, Figure 32).
The resemblances between the interior colonnaded layout at Huambacho and other
neighbouring sites suggest that these specialised architects shared knowledge and participated in
broader social networks. The lack of excavated architectural data from neighbouring sites makes it
difficult to know, however, if the same architects could have worked across the whole Nepeña or
even the north-central coast. While further research might reveal more similarities between
Huambacho and its neighbours, overall considerations do not suggest the existence of imperial
architects such as those employed by the Middle Horizon Wari Empire for instance (Isbell 1991: 305;
McEwan 1990; Schreiber 1992: 174).
Labour organisation and authority

Moseley (1975a: 194) suggested, in his pioneering study of early public architecture in coastal
Peru, that distinctions in size and elaboration of buildings can be attributed to different types,
degrees and variations of corporate power. According to Burger and Salazar-Burger (1986: 66), in the
Andes, public, or “corporate labor projects were traditionally carried out within the context of
asymmetrical reciprocity between the authorities who usually provided direction, food, corn beer,
and coca, and supporting communities which provided labor.” Labour groups were most likely
supplied by hamlets and villages. Projects themselves were divided into small, repetitious segments
and assigned to labour groups. At Huambacho, the scale of construction, the consistency in the use
of elaborate building techniques, the high degree of planning and the formality of the architectural
layout suggest some form of supra-household or corporate labour organisation.
Overall, corporate labour projects, like Huambacho, can be contrasted with cargo-like
systems which involve a rotation in social and ritual responsibilities that is translated in episodic
shifts in authority from clans to clans or lineages to lineages. In theory, cargo-like labour organisation
should differ from corporate labour by (1) the absolute size of public constructions, (2) the
fluctuations in labour input, (3) the complexity of the project, and (4) the degree of short-term
variability (Burger and Salazar-Burger 1986: 69). At Huaricoto, for instance, a cargo-like system of
labour organisation is reflected in high degrees of variation in building’s styles and it was possible “to
build a number of very different structures for the same ritual” (Burger and Salazar-Burger 1986: 75).
Wall and floor forms varied, and the orientation of buildings was not constant. Although it is often
difficult to distinguish between cargo and household units, cargo-like organisational features appear
to contrast sharply with the kind of formal, repetitious architectural units at Huambacho.
In the Andes, models of corporate labour have been strongly inspired by Inka corvée-like
systems such as the mi’ta and the faena, which were imposed duties designed as mechanisms to
distribute labour throughout regions administered by the empire. Communities were supplying
labour forces that were guided by Inka authorities which were usually not residing in the locality. In
early coastal Peru, such models have been used to explain the construction of large sites such as
Aspero (Feldman 1987) and Huaca de los Reyes (T. Pozorski 1980). In these cases, it is believed that
building projects are under the guidance of a centralised permanent authority.
Huambacho finds similarities with corporate labour systems. At Kotosh, for example,
permanent authorities are inferred by Izumi and Terada (1972: 306) on the basis of the well-planned,
large-scale aspect of Mito architecture. According to Burger and Salazar-Burger (1986: 77):
The regularity and conservatism in the design of the Kotosh temples over several
centuries, along with the standardized orientation of these buildings to the cardinal
directions, is [sic] consistent with the notion that the undertakings were organized and
directed by recognized leaders capable of subordinating the will of individual households
in order to ensure the continuity of ritual patterns.
The construction of Huambacho was most likely supervised by permanent authorities who
were capable of mobilising labour and able to employ skilled architects and artists. This is
conspicuous in the high degree of planning, the spatial fragmentation and the hierarchy inherent to
the architectural layout. Spatial logic expresses degrees of control (Czwarno 1988), and it appears that
authority at Huambacho was not so much based on the scale of monuments as in the capacity to
control access to certain precincts.
Perspectives on the elite centre of Huambacho

But beyond the infrastructure necessary for its construction, Huambacho’s construction, wall
ornamentation and spatial configuration suggest the Main Compound was a centre of special
importance. A comparative review indicates sharp differences with known examples of early
domestic architecture, especially low-status dwelling units. Early Horizon dwelling units on the coast
tend to be closed and roofed, and they are mostly made out of wattle-and-daub. For instance, Early
Horizon dwellings have been documented at the site of San Diego. Those were made of perishable
materials and did not exhibit the technological qualities of the Huambacho architecture (Pozorski
and Pozorski 1987a: 54-55, Figure 31).
Early Horizon domestic architecture has been documented in the Ica Valley. Here,
excavations have revealed houses set on terraces built on hill slopes (Massey 1986: 164-165).
Dwelling units are built on “terrace rows” comprised of free-standing terraces set on a main terrace.
These structures served as the foundations for houses. Terraces are elevated about 30 to 60 cm from
the main terrace and they average 2.5 x 3 m in size. Terrace complexes can be composed of up to
two or three terrace units sharing a common entrance. These complexes contrast with larger
platform terraces that could stand up to 5 m which are interpreted as elite residences. Elite buildings
are usually fronted by a patio and the overall layout of complexes leaves large open spaces used as
public plazas. Massey (1986: 166) notes that these public spaces contrasted with private areas which
“access was restricted by height, a circuitous or interrupted entry. These restricted areas are called
audiences. Both the plaza and audience are considered here to be ceremonial-civic architecture.” This
pattern seems to characterise Huambacho architecture.
On the north-central coast, domestic architecture is better known during the Initial Period.
At Pampa de las Llamas-Moxeke, domestic structures were identified by the Pozorskis east of the
Huaca-A (Pozorski and Pozorski 1986, 1987a). Dwelling units here are rectangular and range from 2
to 5 m in length. They are made of double-faced stone wall with rubble-filled cores that in general
stand only a few stones high (maximum 60 cm in height). Evidence of post-holes suggests that the
walls were higher and made of perishable materials, such as wooden beams and/or reeds (Pozorski
and Pozorski 1987a: 37). Structural debris found on occupational floors were only 5 to 30 cm thick, a
situation that contrasts with Huambacho where stone walls were as high as 5 m (i.e., 3 m above floor
level) in some areas (e.g., A-3/CS, A-4/CS). At Pampa de las Llamas-Moxeke, hearths and
concentrations of ash were excavated in association with domestic structures indicating that cooking
was done inside, but also outside dwelling units (Pozorski and Pozorski 1987a: 38).
My research suggests that Huambacho was above all the domain of elites. In contrast to low-
status domestic architecture, elite architecture frequently exhibits more concerns with planning,
decoration, and formality and it is often associated with public and ceremonial activities (e.g., Moore
1996). Huambacho compares favourably with early elite architecture documented on the north-
central coast.
Huambacho architectural characteristics are reminiscent of Wilson’s Cayhuamarca phase
civic-ceremonial centres (Wilson 1988: 110, 129-131, Figures 50-56). Like Huambacho, these sites are
located on the desert margin of the valley floor close to the irrigated fields. Their main characteristics
are the presence of platform mounds, circular sunken pits, aligned staircases and complexes of
irregular shaped rooms. At Taukachi-Konkán in Casma, the Mound of the Columns is interpreted as
a royal residence or palace on the basis of the sharp contrast between public and private portions of
the complex (Pozorski and Pozorski 1994a: 72, 1998: 85, 1999: 101-106, 2002: 25, 27). The eastern
portion of the mound features public spaces that include a large plaza and a series of colonnaded
audiencias. As at Huambacho, access to patio rooms was tightly controlled.
The residential area, meanwhile, was located at the extreme west of the mound and
comprised private living quarters as well as ventilated hearth structures. In contrast to the audiencias
and other public rooms, residential areas vary in shape and dimensions and lack the symmetrical
layout of the patio rooms. Further, they have multi-levelled floors and may have provided space for
food consumption, relaxing and sleeping (Pozorski and Pozorski 2002: 29).
Though the overall appearance of Taukachi-Konkán contrasts with Huambacho, the Mound
of the Columns and Huambacho share many organisational similarities. Both complexes bring
together, in adjacent, yet exclusive areas, public and private spaces. However, Huambacho is unique
in the regularity and the formality of its architectural layout. Multi-levelled living quarters as well as
hearths have yet to be excavated. Storage facilities can only be interpreted as limited, yet refuse
deposits indicate that significant amounts of food were consumed at the site. Therefore, the analyses
of material remains are critical in considering the use of the Main Compound. At Huambacho, such
remains are represented by ceramic and non-ceramic artefacts, as well as food remains.
— CHAPTER 5 —
SPACE USE AND CULTURAL REMAINS, PART 1: CERAMICS
As detailed so far, Huambacho appears to have represented an elite centre occupied during
the Early Horizon. Excavations indicate that new patterns of architecture appeared in the lower
Nepeña that seem to differ from Chavín-related canons. At the site-level, Huambacho was organised
into different types of spaces. But what were the sunken plazas and patios, the bulk of the
architecture at the site, used for? On the basis of architectural features and preliminary consideration
of the material evidence, it has been suggested that these spaces were used for special, possibly
ceremonial, gatherings.
Analyses of material remains shed more light on the use of space at Huambacho. Most Early
Horizon remains were found in sub-floor deposits which also served as construction fill for
architectural additions and modifications. Sub-floor deposits were documented in two specific areas:
(1) the outer wall-platforms of Plaza-B, and (2) the various raised areas of the Huaca-A Complex. I
begin with the analysis of ceramics and deal with the non-ceramic artefacts and food remains in the
next chapter. Ceramic analyses emphasise significant attributes of objects to shed light on their
functions and their stylistic and cultural affiliations.
5.1 Methodology
All materials from the Proyecto Huambacho were transported to Casma where they were
analysed. Objects were cleaned, labelled and preliminarily classified prior to detailed analysis. Various
variables and attributes were observed and measured for each class of materials. Overall, the ceramic
analyses were the most detailed, though they employ a simple methodology. My analysis focuses on
morphometric and stylistic attributes, as well as macroscopic use wear. These aspects of material
culture are critical in defining the functional and cultural affiliation of objects. Observations were
recorded on analysis paper forms and objects were drawn. Results were later transferred to SPSS
databases to facilitate calculations and observations of each object, artefact class or ware.
Ceramics are the most common type of artefacts recovered during the fieldwork. I organise
the ceramic analyses with respect to the different classes of objects present in the Huambacho
corpus. The most common ceramic remains are pottery sherds, but ceramics also include discs,
spindle-whorls, graters, tiles and panpipes. Pottery sherds compose most of the ceramic corpus, with
approximately 4000 catalogue entries.
Chapter 5, Space use and cultural remains (part 1) 120
At Huambacho, pottery was found in various contexts, in association with different

occupational episodes. Laboratory observations were made on a total of 2923 analytical pottery units.
As outlined in Chapter 3, prehistoric post-Early Horizon reoccupations and modern looting activities
have damaged the original stratigraphy of the site. For example, including post-Early Horizon
ceramics, almost 60% (n=1652) of the pottery sherds were found in superficial contexts. Due to the
scarcity of intact contexts, my aim was to distinguish between Early Horizon and post-Early Horizon
ceramics. This was realised through a similiary seriation based on typologies put forth by previous
scholars working in Nepeña and elsewhere on the north-central coast (e.g., C. Daggett 1983; Daggett
1984; Pozorski and Pozorski 1987a; Proulx 1985; Wilson 1988). This allowed me to associate 2118
ceramic objects with the Early Horizon occupation of Huambacho, 1877 of which are pottery sherds
(64% of total pottery corpus).
Using the same technique, post-Early Horizon pottery styles can be grouped under various
types including Gallinazo period modelled, Salinar phase white-on-red painted, Moche moulded and
white-and-red painted, Casma incised and red-white-black, as well as Chimú black press-moulded.
Post-Early Horizon ceramics at Huambacho indicate episodic presences at the site from the Early
Intermediate Period to the Late Intermediate Period. Post-Early Horizon sherds number 833 and
account for about 30% of the pottery corpus at Huambacho. The remaining specimens (n=203) are
sherds whose stylistic affiliation could not be recognised with certainty. Most of this category
consists of badly weathered sherds that, from the preliminary observation of fabric composition and
firing technique, do not appear to pertain to the primary Early Horizon occupation of the site. In the
following sections I discuss the analysis of the Early Horizon ceramics.
5.2 Pottery
Early Horizon pottery wares at Huambacho are defined on the basis of fabric, as well as
morphometric, and stylistic attributes. I employ the term “ware” categories as defined by Rice (1987:
484) as “a class of pottery whose members share similar technology, fabric and surface treatment”. I
make a basic differentiation between plain and decorated wares. Plain wares are non-decorated and
consist of diagnostic rim, neck, or body sherds that provide information on the fabric, the vessel
shape, and the production techniques. Decorated pottery provides similar information, but, in
addition, includes sherds with special surface treatment, including incisions, modelling, painting,
burnishing, stamping, and textile impression. Given the paucity of published Early Horizon ceramic
materials from the north-central coast, I give much attention to the description of ceramic attributes
and the illustration of the different pottery wares (see Appendix 1). A total of five pottery wares,
lettered A to E, are associated with the Early Horizon occupation of Huambacho.
Ware A
Three categories of plain wares could be identified at Huambacho. They are named Ware A,
B and C, and they correspond respectively to different fabrics, surface treatments and vessel shapes.
Huambacho Ware A represents the most common ware found at the site. It is basically a non-
decorated ware with a medium type of fabric, and it includes several vessel shapes such as bottles,
jars, jugs, and bowls. A total of 1063 Ware A pottery fragments were analysed from Huambacho (see
Appendix 1: 272-276).
Ware A encompassed much of the morphological spectrum of Early Horizon vessel shapes
from Huambacho [Figures 5.1, 5.2]. This spectrum, along with vessel shapes from other wares can
be classified with respect to their possible functions. Serving vessels (including Bottle 1, Bowl 1,
Bowl 2, Bowl 3, Jar 3, as well as the unique example of neckless bowl-with-pouring spout
(N103.3811; see Figure 5.3a)), exhibit the greatest variability with respect to vessel forms. A serving
function is inferred by their relative small size (e.g., in comparison to large storage vessels), the easy
(i.e., in the case of bowls) or restricted (i.e., in the case of the small necked jar) accessibility to the
content of the vessel. Whether it is for pouring or eating, it is likely that these vessels were used for
the serving of food and drink. Except for Bowl 2, this interpretation is further supported by the low
incidence of carbonisation on the exterior wall of Ware A serving vessels. As such, it could be
proposed that Bowl 2 could have also served cooking functions.
It is significant that Ware A featured heavily in vessels that appear to have been involved in
the processing of food. Besides Bowl 2, Jar 1 and Jar 2 account for 58.3% of Ware A vessel corpus.
These vessels are interpreted as cooking vessels on the basis of their morphology and the high
incidence of carbonisation (usually almost 30%). Ware A also includes large storage vessels, Jar 4 and
Jar 5, which are present in low proportions (n=40, 5.1%). Overall, Ware A was used in pottery for
the preparation, limited storage, and consumption of food and drink.
Huambacho Ware A has been identified in Nepeña by Proulx and R. Daggett. Proulx, for
instance, uses the type Nepeña Plain Black to refer to Ware A vessels (Proulx 1985: 199-200, Plate
4c). At Huambacho, I decided to group black and red plain vessels in the same ware. For Proulx, this
ware is chronologically distributed from the Initial Period to the Early Horizon, and the association
between Nepeña Plain Black and pottery sherds decorated with circle-and-dot (see Huambacho Ware
D; Proulx 1985: 187-190, Plates 1a-c, 2a) leads him to propose strong cultural ties with Chavín
populations. Nevertheless, Huambacho Ware A can be related to Initial Period coastal
developments. For instance, clear ties in fabric, shape and surface treatment are noted with pottery
types defined in the Virú Valley, in particular Guañape Red Plain and Guañape Black Plain (Strong
and Evans 1952: 253-256, Figure 35). These pottery wares are developed during the Initial Period
and the Early Horizon, and they are replaced at the beginning of the Early Intermediate Period by
Huacapongo Polished Plain wares (Strong and Evans 1952: 259-260).
In the Santa Valley, Wilson’s Cayhuamarca phase ceramics indicate close ties with
Huambacho Ware A. This phase is defined as coeval with Early Horizon developments (Wilson
1988: 100-140). It supersedes Las Salinas materials associated with the Preceramic period. Initial
Period vestiges were not identified by Wilson, but some Cayhuamarca architectural features (see
Wilson 1988: 110) were likely to have developed prior to the Early Horizon. By association, it can be
assumed that ceramics may date back to the Initial Period.
Cayhuamarca vessels exhibit the same forms of bowls and jars as Huambacho Ware A,
whereas bottles appear to be absent. As in Nepeña, Wilson associates plain wares similar to
Huambacho Ware A with stamped circle-and-dot decorated wares (Wilson 1988: 369-379, Figures
191-194). It is worth noting that Huambacho Ware A vessels also shares similarities, mainly in form,
with Wilson’s Vinzos phase ceramic materials (see Wilson 1988: 380-392, Figures 196-200). Whereas
Wilson dates the Vinzos phase to the beginning of the Early Intermediate Period (Wilson 1988: 140-
150), at Huambacho they are associated with dated Early Horizon contexts.
In Casma, excavations at San Diego yielded similar vessel shapes as Huambacho Ware A
(Pozorski and Pozorski 1987a: 58, Figure 34). A fragment of bowl-with-pouring spout similar to
N103.3811 was also recovered at San Diego. Interestingly, the piece was found in association with a
sub-adult burial. Pottery reminiscent of Huambacho Ware A at San Diego was collected in
association with circle-and-dot, zoned punctate, textile impressed and incised decorated wares, as
well as other ceramic artefacts including grater bowls, solid figurines, spindle-whorls, and discs
(Pozorski and Pozorski 1987a: 59). As noted by the Pozorskis, the ceramics from San Diego share
characteristics with the Patazca style described by Collier (1962: 412) for Casma.
Huambacho Ware B
Ware B is also a plain ware; which is highly polished. It could have represented a finer
category of plain pottery [Figure 5.3]. Vessel shapes parallel Ware A, but they appear to be more
limited. Ware B sample comprises a total of 277 pottery sherds (see Appendix 1: 276-278).
Apart from Jar 1 and Jar 2, vessel shapes of Ware B appear related to food and drink serving
(Bottle 1, Bowl 1, Bowl 2 and Jar 3). As it is the case of Ware A, however, Jar 1 and Jar 2 account for
most of the specimens (n=121, 71.2%). Ware B can be considered as a finer version of Ware A and,
as a result, it has many affinities with Proulx Nepeña Plain Black (Proulx 1985). While, stylistically,
Ware B can be affiliated with Early Horizon decorated styles including stamped circle-and-dot and
zoned punctate, at Huambacho these wares were found together. Ware B is highly reminiscent of the
Ancón Polished Black type identified in Virú by Strong and Evans (1952: 256-259, Figure 36). In
Santa and Casma, Early Horizon ceramic assemblages share characteristics with Huambacho Ware B
(Pozorski and Pozorski 1987a; Wilson 1988: 100-140).
Huambacho Ware C
This ware is a plain utilitarian ware that is distinguished from Ware A and Ware B by its
coarseness. The main diagnostic features of Ware C are the size of the vessels, the composition of
the fabric and the low priority given to surface treatment [Figure 5.4]. Ware C is represented by a
total of 128 pottery fragments, mainly rim sherds (see Appendix 1: 278-280). As is the case for Ware
A Jar 5, few examples of Ware C were found at Huaca-A (14.8%). Rather, Ware C sherds are mainly
distributed at the surface of the South and Central sectors in the room A-7/SS, A-10/SS, A-11/CS
and A-17/CS (78.2%), where post-Early Horizon contexts have been discovered. Thus, Ware C
could be associated with a reoccupation of the site, possibly by Early Intermediate Period squatters.
Ware C vessels can be interpreted as cooking (Jar 1) and storage vessels (Jar 2 and Jar 3). The
discovery of Huambacho Ware C sherds in Early Horizon deposits forces me to consider it as coeval
with the primary occupation of the site. Early Horizon coarse wares at Huambacho can be related to
the Guañape Coarse Ware identified in the Virú Valley (Strong and Evans 1952: 256) on the basis of
fabric and surface treatment. Similar vessel fragments were also recovered from San Diego (Pozorski
and Pozorski 1987a: 58, Figure 34f).
As mentioned above, most examples were found from superficial contexts in association with
squatter-like reoccupations. The presence of slip and modelled decoration reminiscent of the
Gallinazo-modelled style of the Virú Valley argues for affiliations with Early Intermediate Period
populations. I would argue that coarse, over-sized Ware C vessel forms could have been coeval with
the Early Horizon occupation at Huambacho, but did not represent an important component of the
pottery assemblage until later times.
Huambacho Ware D
Ware D is the most common of two Early Horizon decorated wares at Huambacho. A total
of 175 sherds of Ware D were collected during fieldwork operations (see Appendix 1: 280-285). The
great majority of Ware D specimens were recovered from the excavations at Huaca-A (80.6%) and
Plaza-B (9.1%). Ware D vessels include various shapes and types of decoration. The fine appearance,
decoration and discard patterns of Ware D vessels suggest they represent a ware of special
significance.
Ware D forms are predominantly serving vessels (Bowl 1, Bowl 2, and Bowl 3) [Figures 5.5,
5.6]. An inferred cooking jar, Jar 1, is also present in the corpus but, in contrast with other ware
types, it is less frequent statistically (7.9%). Also, a new form, Bottle 1 (i.e., stirrup-spout bottle), is
unique to this ware category. Bottle 1 could be associated with more restricted ritual activities such as
libation, offering and visual display. Ware D accounts for most of the diversity in ceramic decoration
at Huambacho.
In Nepeña, Huambacho Ware D has been identified by Proulx and Daggett (Daggett 1984;
Proulx 1985). Proulx divides the decorated wares in different types on the basis of the decorative
techniques. With the exception of Proulx’s Nepeña Painted Incised type (Proulx 1985: 201-202, Plate
5b), all the early decorated pottery types identified by Proulx are represented in Huambacho Ware D
vessels. They include the stamped circle-and-dot and zoned decorative techniques, but also the less
common Ware D decorative elements found in Proulx’s typology such as Nepeña Broad-Line
Incised, Nepeña Appliqué Nubbin, and Nepeña Cylinder Stamped (Proulx 1985: 196-201, Plates 4a,
5a).
Huambacho Ware D stamped circle-and-dot vessels [Figures 5.5h-o, q-x, 5.6d-e] have direct
correlates with Proulx’s Nepeña Stamped Circle-and-Dot type (Proulx 1985: 187-190, Plates 1a-c,
2a). Similar pottery has been discovered at Chavín de Huántar where it is interpreted by Burger as
coeval with the Janabarriu phase of development (Burger 1978). Janabarriu phase ceramics have been
used by archaeologists to define the Chavín horizon (Burger 1988: 135-136; Burger and Matos 2002:
161-162). Therefore, Proulx associates the type to a Chavín influence in the valley and dates it to the
Early Horizon.
Daggett (1984: 135-177) associates stamped circle-and-dot pottery to his Early Horizon
Phase I and his analysis reveals the same vessel shapes as Ware D. It is worth noting, however, that
Daggett (1984: 166: Figure 5.14) also identifies a necked jar, similar in form to Ware A Jar 2, but with
stamped circle-and-dot decoration.
Meanwhile, Huambacho zoned decorated vessels, including textile impressed and zoned
punctate, are treated as different categories by Proulx. For instance, he identifies a Nepeña Textile
Impressed type which he dates to the Early Intermediate Period (Proulx 1985: 213-215, Plates 8b-c).
For Daggett (1984: 273-275, Figure 6.8) textile impressed pottery styles date to the Early Horizon.
However, evidence exists that indicates that textile impressed decorative technique appeared before,
during the Initial Period in coastal and highland Peru (Conklin 1978).
At Huambacho, zoned textile impressed wares are reminiscent of the Cupisnique style of
decoration of the north coast [Figure 5.6f-k]. For instance, this type of decoration is only found on
stirrup-spout bottles, the typical Cupisnique ritual vessel shape during the Initial Period and the Early
Horizon (see Larco 1941; T. Pozorski 1983). Unzoned textile impressed pottery sherds are reported
from Initial Period and Early Horizon sites in Casma including Las Haldas (Pozorski and Pozorski
1987a: 25, Figure 11), San Diego (Pozorski and Pozorski 1987a: 61, Figure 38), and Pampa Rosario
(Pozorski and Pozorski 1987a: 68-69). Unpolished punctate sherds were also discovered at
Huambacho [Figure 5.6o].
With respect to Ware D zoned punctate wares [Figures 5.5a, 5.6a-c, l-n], they correspond to
several of Proulx’s types such as Nepeña Triangular Zoned Punctate, Nepeña Banded Lozenge,
Nepeña Sinuous Zoned Punctate, and Nepeña Angular Zoned Punctate (Proulx 1985: 191-196,
Plates 2b-c, 3a-c). The main difference between Proulx’s types is the form of the punctated zones:
whether those are triangular, sinuous, banded or angular. I group these forms in a single ware on the
basis of the similarity in fabric composition, and the morphometric aspects of the vessels.
Overall, the zoned punctate pottery types are interpreted by Proulx and R. Daggett as coeval
with an early phase of Early Horizon developments. For Proulx, the zoned punctate types date to the
Initial Period and the Early Horizon, and have particular affinities with assemblages from Kotosh
and Chavín (Urabarriu phase) (Proulx 1985: 191-196).
Recent research on the coast, however, indicates that these decorative styles developed in
different regions by the Initial Period. A comparison with the ceramic assemblage from
Montegrande, for instance, reveals many similarities in vessel shape and decorative techniques
between Huambacho Ware D zoned punctate vessels and Montegrande Ware A bottles and bowls
(Ulbert 1994: 18, Figure 6, see also Plate B-2).
In Casma, zoned punctate sherds have been excavated at Initial Period and Early Horizon
sites including Las Haldas (Pozorski and Pozorski 1987a: 24, Figure 10), Pampa de las Llamas-
Moxeke (Pozorski and Pozorski 1987a: 38), San Diego (Pozorski and Pozorski 1987a: 59) and Pampa
Rosario (Pozorski and Pozorski 1987a: 68-69).
Meanwhile, in the Santa Valley, Wilson reports zoned punctate pottery from Cayhuamarca
phase collections (Wilson 1988: 379, Figure 194a). Zoned punctate fragments have also been
reported in the Chao Valley by Cárdenas (1998: 67, Figure 9a) at the site of Tizal. The site can be
dated to the Initial Period on the basis of the presence of conical adobes. Further to the south, zoned
punctate vessels have been reported from Initial Period U-shaped mounds sites in the Chillón Valley
(Silva 1998: 264, Figure 12). In central highlands, zoned punctate ceramics are also reported in
association with stamped circle-and-dot vessels from Initial Period and Early Horizon contexts
(Morales 1998: 279, Figures 3-5; Ochatoma 1998: 296, Figure 4).
With respect to stamped circle-and-dot pottery, it is also reported from neighbouring Early
Horizon sites, but also from Initial Period sites. In Casma, similar examples have been excavated at
San Diego (Pozorski and Pozorski 1987a: 60, Figure 37), Pampa Rosario (Pozorski and Pozorski
1987a: 65-70), Pallka (Pozorski and Pozorski 1987a: 88, Figure 53), Huaca Desvio (Pozorski and
Pozorski 1987a: 91, Figure 55), and Chankillo (Pozorski and Pozorski 1987a: 102, Figure 63).
Cayhuamarca materials from Santa also comprise examples of stamped circle-and-dot sherds (Wilson
1988: 371, Figure 191). Here, excavations at the site of Las Huacas have yielded similar specimens
(Cárdenas 1998: 78, Figures 24, 26).
In Casma, Nepeña and Santa, the stamped circle-and-dot decorative technique appears to be
mostly coeval with the Early Horizon. Further north, it appears to have developed during the Initial
Period and continued to be popular during the Early Horizon. Examples of stamped circle-and-dot
have been documented at many sites, notably at Huaca de los Reyes, Huaca Curaca and Huaca
Guavalito in the Caballo Muerto archaeological complex (T. Pozorski 1976: 108).
Also, similar stamped circle-and-dot sherds were documented in the north highlands, from
the Santiago de Chuco area (La Libertad) to the Department of Cajamarca (e.g., at Pacopampa)
(Morales 1998: 141, Figure 6.7; Rosas and Shady 1970: 10, Figures 7a, 8c-e). Here, however, the
introduction of the stamped circle-and-dot decorative element is interpreted as an intrusion coeval
with Chavín-related elements (Morales 1980). For example, for the Cajamarca basin Seki (1998: 154,
Figure 154) illustrates stamped circle-and-dot bowls from Early Layzón contexts (ca. 550-250 B.C.).
To the south, in the Chancay Valley, excavations at the U-shaped centre of San Jacinto have
yielded examples of stamped circle-and-dot pottery from Initial Period (Fase II, ca. 1200-900 B.C.) to
Early Horizon contexts (Fase IV, ca. 500-200 B.C.) thus confirming the coastal priority of this motif
over its arrival and popularisation at Chavín de Huántar (Carrión 1998: 243-247, Figures 4, 6). Even
more interesting is the association of this pottery type with U-shaped mounds. Similar stamped
circle-and-dot vessels have been found in association with U-shaped mounds in the Chillón Valley
(Silva 1998: 262, Figure 11).
Ware D decorative elements also have parallels in Virú where, however, stamped circle-and-
dot sherds are virtually absent. For example, the Guañape Zoned Punctate (Strong and Evans 1952:
285, Figure 49) and the Ancón Zoned Punctate (Strong and Evans 1952: 292, Figure 52) types are
similar to Ware D zoned punctate from Huambacho. Strong and Evans date these types to the Early
to Middle Guañape phases which correspond to the Initial Period. For them, the Ancón Zoned
Punctate type represents a finer ware which they associate with a Cupisnique funerary style.
Ware D cylinder stamped vessels exhibit similar decorative patterns as the Guañape Punctate
type (Strong and Evans 1952: 283-284, Figure 48). Ware D fine-line incised and broad-line vessels
resemble the Ancón Fine-Line Incised (Strong and Evans 1952: 286-289, Figure 50), and the Ancón
Broad-Line Incised (Srong and Evans 1952: 289-291, Figure 51) types, respectively. Ware D fine-line
incised decorated vessels are also similar in designs as Montegrande Ware B composite carinated
bowls (B5) (Ulbert 1994: 136, Plates 125-126). Similar fine-line incised examples are also reported
from Santa where they are coeval Cayhuamarca and Vinzos phase developments (Wilson 1988: 379,
Figures 194b-c, 391, Figure 200a-c).
To summarise, two conclusions can be drawn from the discussion of Ware D vessels. First,
with respect to function, Huambacho Ware D represents a class of fine decorated vessels probably
used to serve and consume food and drink. It is likely that these activities were part of the gatherings
and ceremonies carried out in different parts of the site, but especially in the plaza areas.
With the exception of Ware D Bottle 1, Ware D forms are repeated in the plain Ware A and
Ware B which suggests a special importance for stirrup-spout bottles, perhaps in libation ceremonies.
Further, fine vessels such as stirrup-spout bottles and carinated bowls could attest to the existence of
specialised ritual equipment related to feasting activities. However, Huambacho fine serving vessels
contrast with imperial feasting kits such as those of the Wari Empire which included finely decorated
cups (keros) (Goldstein 2003).
Second, the presence of Ware D at Huambacho suggests cultural affiliations with local
ceramic traditions, in addition to possible interactions with Chavín-related groups. Affiliations are
also salient with Cupisnique ceramics from the north coast. Ware D decorative elements are found
on the coast in both Initial Period and Early Horizon contexts, although some differences are noted
in the chronological distribution of different decorative techniques. For instance, whereas the
introduction of stamped circle-and-dot vessels appears coeval with the beginning of the Early
Horizon on the north-central coast, most zoned punctate techniques were already in use during the
Initial Period.
At a broader regional scale, the distribution of certain decorated wares during the Early
Horizon is not homogenous or continuous. While this suggests that local agency is likely to have
played a major role in the popularity of certain decorative practices over others, it is also apparent
that certain stylistic elements, most notably the stamped circle-and-dot, can no more be considered
as simple markers of the Chavín influence. This situation is most notable at Huambacho, where
stamped circle-and-dot and various types of zoned punctate where found together in dated Early
Horizon contexts without significant trace of Chavín religious influence – mostly visible through
ritual paraphernalia, ceremonial architecture and iconography. In other words, at the same time that
groups at Huambacho used pottery with Chavín elements, it is clear that they did not participate
intensively or directly in the Chavín pan-regional cult.
Huambacho Ware E
A total of 148 pottery fragments were attributed to Huambacho Ware E (see Appendix 1:
285-287). It represents the other decorated ware at the site. In fact, in terms of fabric, Ware E is
highly reminiscent of the plain pottery of Ware A. Ware E, however, can be distinguished by the
particular surface treatment that creates patterns of burnished striations on the exterior wall of pots.
Huambacho Ware E includes serving vessels (including Bowl 1, Bowl 2 and Jar 2) but most
of the specimens belong to cooking vessels (Jar 1) (n=116, 91.3%) [Figure 5.7]. Large storage jars are
also represented by Jar 3. Overall, analyses indicate the existence of a utilitarian ware decorated with
pattern-burnished patterns. It contrasts with Ware D vessels, which are considered a finer, non-
utilitarian decorated ware.
Pattern-burnishing is found throughout Peru as far north as Ecuador, and it is present at

other Early Horizon sites in Nepeña where it was first identified by Proulx at the site of Kushipampa
(Proulx 1968: 96-98). Since then, Proulx recorded it at more than 15 sites in the valley (Proulx 1985:
203). Proulx and Daggett have suggested that pattern-burnished pots are coeval with a late phase of
Early Horizon developments (Daggett 1984: 313-336; Proulx 1985: 268). They associate this
decorative technique with the introduction and development of a megalithic canon of architecture
best exemplified at the site of Kushipampa. Huambacho Ware E corresponds to three types
previously identified in Nepeña: Kushipampa Pattern-Burnished, Kushipampa Polished Wiped, and
Kushipampa Post-fire scratched. At Huambacho, pattern-burnished ceramics are found in the same
stratigraphic contexts as stamped circle-and-dot sherds and other Ware D vessels.
Pattern-burnished pottery sherds have also been collected from Cayhuamarca and Vinzos
phase sites in the Santa Valley (Wilson 1988: 374, Figures 192, 382, Figure 196). At these sites,
pattern-burnished decoration is exclusively found on bowls. In Casma, pattern burnished pottery has
been reported at Rumipallana in the upper Casma Valley (Fung and Williams 1977: Plates 1n-o). In
comparison to other decorative techniques from Huambacho, pattern-burnished examples are scarce
from Casma Early Horizon materials. Consequently, it is worth noting that further north, pattern-
burnished pottery styles share affinities with Salinar phase sites (see Brennan 1978).
Pattern-burnished ceramics have been reported from the north highlands at the site of
Kuntur Wasi, for example, where it is associated with Ídolo Phase contexts (Inokuchi 1998: 164,
Figure 3). Here, however, the presence of pattern-burnished decoration is found on white-on-red
painted fragments.
Miscellaneous
Early Horizon pottery at Huambacho also features miscellaneous objects that could not be
classified into the ware categories described above [Figure 5.8]. The miscellaneous category mainly
includes highly polished, blackware ceramic fragments some of them representing sculpted
anthropomorphic figures and designs that could not be identified with certainty. These miscellaneous
pieces, however, employed the same decorative techniques as the other Early Horizon styles. For
instance, one specimen of stamped circle-and-dot combined with incisions and raised, punctated oval
appliqué was found [Figure 5.8f]. The sherd is reminiscent of Daggett’s Appliquéd Punctate Oval
which he dates to his Early Horizon Phase II (Daggett 1984: 271, Figure 6.6). Also, stamped circle-
and-dot and pattern burnished techniques are combined on a neckless olla sherd [Figure 5.8c].
Miscellaneous ceramics from Huambacho also offer similarities with assemblages from other sites in
Nepeña, as well as from the neighbouring Santa and Casma valleys (e.g., Wilson 1988: 379, Figure
194d, f).
Miscellaneous pots were also recovered from the excavation of an intrusive human burial,
Burial-6, at Huaca-A. The burial is considered intrusive on the basis of its stratigraphic context (i.e.,
cuts though Floor-1 level in A-1/HA). This burial is dated to the beginning of the Early Intermediate
Period (Beta-197084, 1960 ± 40 B.P.; see Table 3.1), some 300 radiocarbon years after the last dated
phase of construction at the site. Burial-6 contains the skeletal remains of an adult female placed in a
flexed position. The body was wrapped in a cloth and accompanied by several offerings including
seven vessels. Some vessels display Salinar phase modelled decoration whereas others appear Early
Horizon in style. For instance, a black, highly polished ovoid-shaped bowl (N103.2620) is similar in
shape and surface treatment to Ware B Bowl 2. Other vessels from Burial-6, including necked jars
with lateral strap-handles are also highly reminiscent of Early Horizon wares. In contrast, a spherical
face-necked jar shares many similarities with the Salinar style. Further analyses should shed more
light on post-abandonment cultural developments, but for now it could be suggested that Burial-6
ceramics represent a transitional event that includes both Early Horizon Huambacho wares and later
styles.
Interestingly, several examples of early Early Intermediate Period ceramic styles including
Salinar-like and Gallinazo-like sherds were collected during fieldwork. Salinar-like pieces include
face-necked jars [Figure 5.8k], incised [Figure 5.8j], and white-on-red (paste) pottery sherds [Figure
5.8i]. Gallinazo-like fragments include a variety of punctated designs (e.g., circular, triangular) [Figure
5.8l, n-o], as well as modelled decoration [Figure 5.8m]. Examples of negative resist painting were
also documented from burial contexts. Whereas it is likely that these ceramics pertain to intrusive
events, further research will be necessary to elucidate the chronological implications of the ceramic
stylistic changes at in the lower Nepeña Valley at the end of the Early Horizon and the beginning of
the Early Intermediate Period.
Table 5.1 Possible functions of ceramic vessels at Huambacho.

Possible functions of vessels
Ware Vessel shape Cooking Storage Serving Other
Bottle 1 X
Bowl 1 X
Bowl 2 ? X
Bowl 3 X
Ware A
Jar 1 X ?
Jar 2 X ?
Jar 3 X
Jar 4 X
Jar 5 X
Other X
Bottle 1 X
Bowl 1 X
Ware B
Bowl 2 X
Jar 1 X ?
Jar 2 X ?
Jar 3 X
Jar 1 X ?
Ware C
Jar 2 X
Jar 3 X
Bottle 1 X X
Bowl 1 X
Ware D
Bowl 2 X
Bowl 3 X
Jar 1 X ?
Bowl 1 X
Bowl 2 X
Ware E
Jar 1 X
Jar 2 X
Jar 3 X
Pottery, discussion
The pottery evidence from Huambacho exhibits ties with Initial Period and Early Horizon
coastal assemblages. At the site-level, the comparison of certain attributes, including size, surface
treatment and the occurrence of decoration suggests the existence of special classes of ceramic
containers. Wares B and D, but also some specimens of Ware A (e.g., Bottle 1, Bowl 1, Jar 3),
contrast markedly with the more utilitarian aspect of some vessels, especially Ware C and Ware E.
While this difference concurs with functional qualities, it also points out the possible visibility of
social divisions through the ceramic record.
A review of the vessel shapes indicates that Huambacho pots served different functions
including the processing, storage, and serving of food [Table 5.1]. Also, the presence of a unique
vessel shape, Ware A Bottle 1, suggests other vessel functions such as ritual libation, display, and
offering. Finally, miscellaneous vessels from an intrusive Salinar phase burial indicate funerary reuse
of earlier wares in later times.
At Huambacho, storage vessels are characterised by forms and sizes of jars. Their limited
frequency and distribution suggest that storage was not realised at a large scale. This should not come
as a surprise considering the paucity of spaces that appear dedicated to storage at the site. Fragments
of storage jars were typically found at the surface of the Main Compound, pointing out that they
were not discarded in the deposits, but rather left in place after use [Table 5.2]. Current evidence
does not allow discriminating between the types of goods contained in the storage vessels, but it is
possible that they were used to store solid foodstuffs, water or maize beer.
Cooking vessels are mainly recognised on the basis of their shape and size, but also the
incidence of carbonisation on the exterior vessel walls. At Huambacho, the most common cooking
vessel shape is the neckless olla represented by Ware A Jar 1, Ware B Jar 1, and Ware E Jar 1. A
necked olla is also interpreted as a cooking vessel and it includes Ware A Jar 2 and Ware B Jar 2. The
bulk of the broken cooking vessels at Huambacho was discarded in the construction fill of the
Huaca-A Complex and the Plaza-B outer wall-platforms. Meanwhile, very few examples of cooking
vessels were collected from floors.
Serving vessels demonstrate the most diversity in shape, decoration and surface treatment.
Serving shapes include restricted (i.e., bottles, necked jars, jugs) and open (i.e., bowls) pots. Restricted
serving vessels – since they can be covered – could have also been used for carrying, storing and
consuming liquids. Evidence suggests that such covers were discarded at Huambacho. In contrast,
open vessels like bowls were likely used solely for the serving and consumption of either foodstuffs
or liquids.
A special attention appears to have been given to the elaboration and decoration of serving
vessels. For example, only two decorated vessel forms – Ware D Jar 1 and Ware E Jar 1 – might
have not been associated with serving practices. Moreover, whereas Ware E Jar 1 was most likely
used in cooking activities, the low incidence of carbonisation (n=3, 23.1%) and the fine appearance
of Ware D Jar 1 makes it likely this vessel was not involved in cooking activities. In contrast, six out
of the remaining seven decorated vessel shapes are interpreted as serving forms.
Table 5.2 Archaeological contexts of ceramic vessels: counts and percentages.

Archaeological contexts
Ware Vessel shape Surface Structural debris Floor features Sub-floor deposits Other
Bottle 1 10 (35.7%) 3 (10.7%) 15 (53.6%)
Bowl 1 3 (100%)
Bowl 2 6 (24%) 3 (12%) 16 (64%)
Bowl 3 16 (51.6%) 2 (6.5%) 3 (9.7%) 10 (32.3%)
Ware A
Jar 1 127 (33.3%) 27 (7.1%) 54 (14.2%) 172 (45.1%) 1 (0.3%)

Jar 2 37 (48.7%) 17 (22.4%) 22 (28.9%)
Jar 3 100 (61%) 4 (2.4%) 27 (16.5%) 33 (20.1%)
Jar 4 9 (47.4%) 2 (10.5%) 8 (42.1%)
Jar 5 18 (85.7%) 3 (14.3%)
Other 1 (100%)
Bottle 1 1 (25%) 3 (75%)
Bowl 1 7 (58.3%) 5 (41.7%)
Ware B
Bowl 2 6 (85.7%) 1 (14.3%)

Jar 1 43 (36.8%) 1 (0.9%) 16 (13.7%) 57 (48.8%)
Jar 2 3 (75%) 1 (25%)
Jar 3 17 (81%) 1 (4.8%) 3 (14.3%)
Jar 1 16 (72.7%) 6 (27.3%)
Ware C
Jar 2 25 (100%)
Jar 3 16 (80%) 4 (20%)
Bottle 1 9 (18.4%) 6 (12.2%) 10 (20.4%) 24 (49%)
Bowl 1 14 (56%) 1 (4%) 1 (4%) 9 (36%)
Ware D
Bowl 2 2 (50%) 1 (25%) 1 (25%)

Bowl 3 1 (20%) 4 (80%)
Jar 1 6 (46.2%) 7 (53.8%)
Bowl 1 1 (50%) 1 (50%)
Bowl 2 1 (100%)
Ware E
Jar 1 27 (23.3%) 7 (6%) 10 (8.6%) 72 (62.1%)

Jar 2 1 (25%) 1 (25%) 2 (50%)
Jar 3 3 (100%)
Fine decorated vessels such as stirrup-spout bottles (Ware D Bottle 1) and carinated bowls
(Ware D Bowl 1) are likely to have been used in public activities and ceremonial contexts. For
example, they may have been handled by high status individuals in specific rituals. Through their use
and display, these fine pieces would have marked status, and their decoration may have
communicated symbolic meaning during rituals.
5.3 Ceramics-Others
In addition to pottery, almost 300 ceramic objects were found at Huambacho including discs,
spindle-whorls, graters, tiles, and panpipes. Apart from ceramic tiles, these ceramic objects are typical
of Early Horizon assemblages in Nepeña (Daggett 1984: 134-187). Overall, the possible function of
non-pottery ceramic objects could have included food and drink processing, storage, and musical
display. Here I provide results of the analyses of these objects which further contribute to
understanding the site function and space use, as well as the cultural affiliation of Huambacho’s
occupants.
Panpipes
After pottery sherds, panpipes are the most common Early Horizon ceramic artefacts
recovered at Huambacho [Figure 5.8g-h]. A total of 131 ceramic panpipe fragments were collected
during excavations, mostly from the architectural fill of Plaza-B and Huaca-A. Fragments of
panpipes recovered from Early Horizon structural debris and floor features have been reported
found in both sunken plazas (n=3), in one of the colonnaded patios of the North Sector (n=1), as
well as from storerooms (n=1), non-colonnaded rooms (n=10) and other rooms (n=8) at Huaca-A.
Overall, excavation results suggest that very few panpipes were left in situ after use.
Panpipes, locally known as antaras (Gruszczyńska-Ziólkowska 1999, 2001, 2003; Makowski
1999: 51), are air musical instruments or aerophones. Panpipes are widely distributed throughout the
Andes (Díaz 1962: 162; Fernández 1993: 38-39; Iribarren 1957: 12-16), and they are common at early
archaeological sites in Peru. They consist of a series of parallel tubes of various lengths which, when
blown, produce different notes. Panpipes can be made of vegetal or ceramic materials, though most
archaeological examples are ceramic. Ceramic panpipes contrast with cane panpipes by having the
end of the tubes closed. Examples from Huambacho have their inner surface unworked. The tubes
are uniform which suggests that they were produced by slip-casting (Daggett 1984: 177; Dawson
1964: 108).
As noted by Daggett (1984: 177, 179), it is likely that ceramic panpipe sections took a “V-
shape” because of the decreasing size of tube diameters. However, it is possible that panpipes
adopted a staircase or step-like shape, a situation often noted on panpipes from elsewhere in the
Andes (Fernández 1993: 38-39) At Huambacho, no complete specimen was recovered, and most
examples were highly fragmented. Morphometric analyses, however, allow several observations.
The panpipes average 13.7 mm in thickness (s=4, n=71), and their tubes have a mean
diameter of 8.4 mm and little variation can be noted (s=2.3, n=130). The tube’s walls are 1.72 mm
thick (s=0.7, n=137). Most tubes are cylindrical in shape, but a few examples of irregular-shaped
tubes were observed. In six cases, it could be observed that the lip of the panpipes, where musicians
place their mouth, was straight-squared. The fragmentary nature of the panpipe remains makes it
difficult to infer the overall shape of the musical instruments. The maximum of tubes observed for a
single object is five. Examples from other archaeological sites have shown that panpipes can have up
to more than ten tubes (Gruszczyńska-Ziólkowska 2001).
Ceramic panpipes at Huambacho range in colour from red to dark grey and they are fired
typically in an oxidising atmosphere. The control over the firing process, however, is poor and most
panpipes exhibit fire-clouds (n=74, 56.5%). With the exception of burnished patterns found on one
specimen [Figure 5.8g], panpipes are not decorated. Their surface is highly polished in most cases
(n=116, 88.5%) and they exhibit a fine fabric with abundant amounts (more than 20%, n=102) of
fine inclusions (0.11-0.25 mm, n=96). Most panpipes use fine sand as temper (n=97), though, as it is
the case for some Early Horizon pottery wares, some specimens indicate the use of shell (n=15).
Ceramic panpipes are common at Early Horizon centres on the north-central coast. In
Nepeña, Proulx and Daggett found panpipes in over half of the Early Horizon sites he surveyed and
associates this feature to an early phase of Early Horizon developments (Daggett 1984: 177-180;
Proulx 1985: 260). In Casma, ceramic panpipes have been reported at the Early Horizon sites of San
Diego (Pozorski and Pozorski 1987a: 58, Figure 35), Pampa Rosario, Pallka, Huaca Desvio, La
Cantina, and Chankillo (Pozorski and Pozorski 1987a: 68, 88, 90, 95, 103). Meanwhile, in Santa,
Wilson (1988: 378) reports two panpipe tubes from CAY-35, a Cayhuamarca site located in the
middle valley. He also identifies ceramic panpipes in Vinzos materials (Wilson 1988: 391, Figure
200d). Further north, at Huaca Herederos at Caballo Muerto in the Moche Valley, a ceramic panpipe
was found along with stamped circle-and-dot pottery sherds (Burger 1978: 364).
Sherd discs
A total of 65 ceramic discs was unearthed during the excavation procedures. The discs are
modified pottery sherds [Figure 5.9a-r]. They were identified on the basis of having their edges
worked to create a circular shape. The fabric, decoration and surface treatment of the discs parallel
those of the Early Horizon pottery. The mean dimensions of the sherd discs are 4 cm in diameter
(s=1.2, n=65), and 5.2 mm in thickness (s=1.4, n=65). Following pottery types, the colour of the
discs ranges from red to black, with most examples clustering around dark grey and dark brown
colours. Surface treatment usually involves high polishing (72.3%) and burnished decoration is
sometimes noted (7.7%). One example stands out with a zoned textile impressed decoration similar
to Ware D Bottle 1 decorative patterns. Most of the discs recovered were made out of incomplete-
oxidised fired pottery (60%) with moderate amounts (84.6%) of medium-sized inclusions (67.7%).
Three categories of discs could be identified on the basis of the presence of perforations in
them: (1) unperforated discs [Figure 5.9a-m], (2) discs with one perforation [Figure 5.9n], and (3)
discs with two perforations [Figure 5.9o-r]. While most examples are not perforated (n=55), six
examples have one perforation and four two perforations. The perforations themselves are circular,
with a mean diameter of 4.5 mm (s=1.4, n=11), and they are situated in the centre of the discs. Discs
with a single perforation are known from archaeological sites in Peru where they are usually
interpreted as discoid spindle-whorls or torteros (Millaire 1997).
Spindle-whorls are counterweights for spinning rods, or husos. The rod is passed through the
perforation of the spindle-whorl. The weight of the spindle-whorl contributes to the rotation of the
shaft and the spinning of fibres. Torteros are related to the spinning of camelid fibres and, as such,
they are larger and generate a heavier rotative motion than the piruros, which are smaller and designed
to spin cotton fibres (Millaire 2002b: 147). However, torteros, in contrast to ceramic discs with
perforations from Huambacho, are usually not made out of discarded pottery sherds. At
Huambacho, at least one example of ceramic tortero was documented [Figure 5.9s]. The presence of
possible torteros at Huambacho could be consistent with the introduction of camelid husbandry on
the north-central coast during the Early Horizon. However, the frequency of such objects point to
the low importance of this activity at the site.
As for the discs with two perforations, they were certainly not used for spinning. Very little
evidence is available to infer their probable function, but it is possible they served as lids for
containers. Also, they could have been used as toys or noise-making devices. In this case, cords could
have been passed through the disc’s perforations.
The same problem holds true for the unperforated sherd discs. Such objects are often
interpreted as spindle-whorls in preparation or “blanks”. The great quantity of these objects at
Huambacho questions this assumption. Though other functions could be imagined for the ceramic
discs, I would suggest they were used as covers for small restricted jars and/or other restricted spout
containers (e.g., Ware A Jar 3, Ware B Jar 3, Ware E Jar 2, Ware A Bottle 1). It is significant the
diameter of the ceramic discs roughly corresponds to some of these vessel types. The high incidence
of sherd discs point to the importance of drinking activities at the site.
Though no in situ example was documented at Huambacho, it is worth noting that
excavations yielded several examples of gourd discs, similar in shape and dimensions to the
unperforated ceramic discs. These objects would have been too light to act as spindle-whorls and
they are also interpreted as covers for containers. The evidence suggests that the discs might have
been related to the limited storage and consumption, rather than the preparation of food and drink,
and their presence could indicate the need for covering jars, bottles and other containers. The discs
were discarded in refuse deposits without significant trace of carbonisation. Most of the times, they
are complete or considered as complete (n=50).
On the basis of their horizontal and vertical distribution, as well as on stylistic grounds, the
shaped sherd discs found at Huambacho are associated with Early Horizon activities at the site.
Sherd discs from Early Horizon structural debris and floor features have been discovered from
Plaza-A (n=1), Plaza-B (n=8), as well as from contexts at Huaca-A including inside one of the
colonnaded patios (n=1), in a storeroom (n=1), in non-colonnaded rooms (n=4) and unknown room
types (n=4). Refuse deposits, however, represent the context which yielded most examples of
ceramic discs (n=43, 66.2%), whereas some examples were found directly on Early Horizon floors
(n=16, 24.6%). Not surprisingly, the great majority of discs come from the Huaca-A Complex
(n=50, 76.9%) where the greatest efforts were made at sampling the content of the refuse deposits.
Sherd discs are common on Early Horizon sites in the Nepeña Valley. Daggett (1984: 180)
mentions that he collected 114 similar discs, whether perforated or unperforated, at 39 Early
Horizon sites during his survey. He also specifies that only 24 discs were perforated and illustrates
one example of disc with two perforations (Daggett 1984: 181, Figure 5.22f). In Santa, ceramic discs
were reported from the Early Horizon site of La Pampa (Terada 1979: Plate 63). Wilson also reports
a 4 cm wide, unperforated ceramic disc from a Cayhuamarca site (CAY-4) located in the upper Santa
Valley (Wilson 1988: 378). Meanwhile, unperforated ceramic discs are common from Early Horizon
sites in Casma including San Diego, Pampa Rosario, Chankillo and Pallka (Pozorski and Pozorski
1987a: 59, 68, 88, Figures 53, 103). The similarities between the Casma, Nepeña and Santa sherd disc
assemblages point out to close ties between these neighbouring populations and the spinning,
probably of camelid and plant fibres, at these sites.
Spindle-whorls
As mentioned in the discussion of the sherd discs, torteros were probably identified at
Huambacho. Also, ten smaller ceramic spindle-whorls, locally known as piruros, were also collected
[Figure 5.9t-z]. Piruros are identified on the basis of their dimensions, usual sub-spheroid, conical or
cylindrical shape, and the presence of a perforation in the central-vertical axis of the object. Of the
piruros collected at Huambacho, nine were fired whereas one was made of crude clay. Stone piruros
were also discovered. They will be analysed below.
Of the total of ceramic piruros, only five can be securely associated, on stratigraphic and
stylistic grounds, with the Early Horizon occupation of Huambacho [Figure 5.9u-z]. These five
spindle-whorls were collected from the surface and refuse deposit levels at Huaca-A. No piruros were
found from floor features or structural debris. The mean dimensions of the Early Horizon piruros are
17.6 mm in height (s=2.1, n=5), 19.5 mm in width (s=1.5, n=5), and 5.4 mm (s=1.4, n=5) in
perforation diameter. Their shapes can be cylindrical [Figure 5.9y], spherical [Figure 5.9v], inverted
trapezoid-conical [Figure 5.9u, w], or double-conical [Figure 5.9z]. Three specimens are black and
fired in a reducing atmosphere, while the others are dark brown. Overall, the piruros’ fabric consists
of very fine inclusions (less than 0.1 mm, n=3) used in abundance (more than 20%, n=3). The salient
characteristic of Early Horizon piruros at Huambacho appears to be their polished surface treatment.
Piruros can be defined as fine ceramic objects on the basis of their size, fabric, and surface treatment.
With respect to decoration, two Early Horizon piruros exhibit surface decoration. In both cases,
incisions were made to create geometric designs. In the case of N103.2907 [Figure 5.9z], red mineral
pigments were applied after the firing the spindle-whorl to fill the incisions.
In early coastal Peru, such objects are found in various contexts, from household domestic
activities to textile production and human burials. At Huambacho, piruros associated with the primary
occupation of the site are scant and their presence cannot support the idea of intensive spinning
activities. Spindle-whorls are also personal belongings that have a certain value. Consequently, they
are often worn by people and found in funerary contexts.
Sherd tiles
At Huambacho, excavations yielded 18 rectangular-shaped ceramic objects identified as tiles
[Figure 5.9aa-ai]. Ceramic tiles are recognisable on the basis of their shape, dimensions, and their
worked edges. They are actually reworked from pottery sherds, and reminiscent of the sherd discs,
but rectangular in shape and usually larger. Their mean dimensions are 6.6 cm in length (s=1.4,
n=15), 5.5 cm in width (s=1.3, n=15), and 9.4 mm in thickness (s=2.4, n=17). Since the tiles are
made of transformed pottery sherds, it is significant that their fabric and overall appearance are
consistent with Early Horizon ware groups. No sherd tiles can be associated with post-Early
Horizon contexts.
The sherd tiles vary in shape, even though they are always angular, from square (n=5) to
rectangular (n=6) and pentagonal (n=2). Like Early Horizon pottery, their exterior façade is either
smoothed (n=10) or polished (n=7), with colours ranging from red to dark grey. It appears that
sherd tiles, in contrast to discs, were made out of coarser pottery wares. For instance, fabric
inclusions are usually coarse (0.51-1 mm, n=10) and found in moderate amounts (5-20%, n=16).
Decoration was only present in three cases and consisted of burnished patterns.
With respect to their distribution, only one ceramic tile was encountered outside the Huaca-A
Complex – in the structural debris of A-4/NE. At Huaca-A, they were found throughout the
stratigraphic sequence, with the greatest concentration in the refuse deposit of the Floor-1
construction fill (n=6). Here, sherd tiles associated with Early Horizon structural debris and floor
features were discovered in non-colonnaded rooms and rooms of unknown types. No sherd tiles
were recovered from patios.
No in situ tiles were found (e.g., in a wall or roof structure) and their function remains
problematic. At other later coastal sites where adobes are the main construction materials, ceramic
objects are sometimes found set into architectural structures (Chapdelaine 1998, 2000b; Van
Gijseghem 1997, 2001). It is not the case at Huambacho. Rather, ceramic tiles were discarded in
refuse deposits along with other remains of the activities conducted at the site. Whereas it is possible
that the sherd tiles were used as covers, this interpretation would not account for the rectangular
shape of the objects, especially since large amounts of discoid covers were discovered.
A literature review indicates the virtual absence of such rectangular sherd tiles at Initial
Period and Early Horizon sites in Casma, Nepeña, and Santa. Whether sherd tiles were overlooked
by archaeologists working in neighbouring areas or simply absent from artefact assemblages is
uncertain. Similar rectangle objects, but made of sandstone have been reported by Grieder (1978:
104, Figure 86) at the Recuay site of Pashash. Their function, however, is unclear.
Graters
A total of 22 ceramic objects defined as graters were discovered at Huambacho. Graters are
defined on the basis of their pre-fired, deep cross-hatched incisions on their interior, concave façade
[Figure 5.10]. Similar objects have been identified elsewhere on the coast, notably at early sites in
Virú (Strong and Evans 1952: 323-325, Figure 67). In coastal Peru, their functions are related to the
processing of food. As such, organic remains were observed inside the incisions of ten of the graters
from Huambacho. On the basis of their morphometric attributes, ceramic graters were likely
involved in pre-cooking food processing activities, in particular the preparation of food plants. For
instance, such tools could be useful to easily remove and grind kernels from maize cobs, a decisive
operation in the preparation of maize-based soups and casseroles, as well as maize beer or chicha.
At least two categories of graters could be identified at Huambacho: (1) grater bowls, and (2)
hand-graters. Three specimens are identified as grater bowls on the basis of the presence of a rim.
The rims have a mean diameter of 32 cm (s=2, n=3), and their lips were grooved, rounded or
straight-squared. As for the hand-graters, they are of rectangular shape and would have fit easily in
the hand. At least two hand-graters, or manos, were discovered in a complete state. They measure 8 x
6.5 cm and 4 x 4 cm, respectively. Most graters (n=16, 72.7%) are probably fragments of a larger
object, probably bowls, and they are of irregular shape.
Overall, the graters have a mean thickness of 15.5 cm (s=4.2, n=22). The incisions
themselves are 5.6 mm deep (s=2, n=22) and 3.88 mm wide (s=1.1, n=22). The surface treatment of
certain graters was irregular, if not absent. Their fabric mainly consists of coarse inclusions (0.5-1
mm, n=15) usually present in moderate amounts (5-20%, n=18). Graters are generally fired in an
incomplete oxidizing atmosphere (n=12), and the colour of the wall section ranges from red to dark
grey.
Graters were mainly collected from the architectural fill (n=14, 63.6%). Some examples were
discovered in direct association with Early Horizon structural debris and floors: at Huaca-A (n=6),
and on top of Plaza-B’s east outer wall-platform (n=1). At Huaca-A, two fragments came from a
storeroom and four from non-colonnaded rooms.
In Nepeña, Daggett (1984: 155-158, Figure 5.9) reports the presence of grater bowls in his
Early Horizon Phase I assemblage. In Casma, ceramic graters have been discovered at Early Horizon
sites including San Diego, Pampa Rosario, and Huaca Desvio (Pozorski and Pozorski 1987a: 59, 68,
90). Similar graters were also encountered in the Virú Valley where they were common from
Guañape to middle Puerto Moorin phase contexts (Strong and Evans 1952: 322, Figure 67). While
grater bowls appear to concur with the introduction of maize in coastal societies, at Huambacho they
confirm their association with food processing activities likely related to public and ceremonial
gatherings.
Ceramics-others, discussion
With the exception of sherd tiles, the Huambacho evidence exhibits strong ties with coeval
assemblages from neighbouring coastal valleys. At the site-level, the review further attests to the
importance of food and drink, but also musical displays at Huambacho. In comparison, other
activities, such as textile production (spindle-whorls), appear to be minor. Food and drink related
activities are documented by the presence of culinary tools (graters) and covers (sherd discs). The
most salient artefact, however, appears to be ceramic panpipes.
At Huambacho panpipes are found in abundance in refuse deposits dated from the early until
the end of the Early Horizon. They were likely played in gatherings at the site and discarded when
broken. Their presence indicates their importance in Early Horizon ceremonial practices. According
to Fernández (1993: 38-39), panpipes “would have been one of the most important instruments in
the magical-religious rituals of the South American Indians”. At Huambacho, it can be suggested that
panpipes were used in specific festive contexts which differed from daily life. For example, according
to Hickmann (1988: 121) the high variability in vessel flutes from ancient coastal Ecuador suggests
that the instruments were not played in ensembles:
Comparison of the surviving examples only confirms that an absolute pitch standard was
unknown. Makers of the period were apparently little concerned with the tonal
implications of their instruments when deciding the size. Each flute was conceived
individually, its length and tonality not determined by convention. This implies that they
were most likely played not in ensembles but rather as solo instruments.
In contrast to the Ecuadorian vessel flutes, the panpipe fragments from Huambacho exhibit very
little variability with respect to the diameter of the tubes. Further, the use of the slip-casting
technique may have served to standardise dimensions and sound pitch. The length of the pipes,
meanwhile, is more difficult to evaluate since most specimens are incomplete. This line of evidence,
combined to the large numbers of fragments recovered during fieldwork, suggests that ceramic
panpipes were used in ensembles rather than as solo instruments.
The presence of ceramic panpipes at Huambacho is consistent with the model that considers
the Main Compound as an elite centre that served ceremonial purposes. Musical displays are often
central to most rituals and associated with elite practices. This is particularly the case in the Andes.
Amongst the Kaatans of Bolivia, for example, flutists play a critical role in ceremonies. Bastien (1978:
77) reports on a llama sacrifice ceremony:
Once the earth shrine had eaten and the children had plowed the field, the lowland
secretaries poured chicha for everyone and the flutists danced around the new earth.
They danced in their slow east-to-west spiral, which every so often reversed its direction
and retraced its steps, until finally at the point of completion, the dancers turned and
marched from the small field toward Kaata.
In early coastal Peru, music was fundamental to rituals and it was associated with the power of elites.
For example, in the Lurín Valley during the Early Intermediate Period, instruments (aerophones and
percussion) were exclusively buried with males, and high-ranked warriors were buried with ceramic
panpipes (Makowski 1999: 51).
At Huambacho, the presence of panpipes suggests that music was an integral part of
ceremonial activities. Further, it is likely that public spaces were specifically designed to host such
display. Sunken plazas, in particular, would have been perfectly suited for musical ensembles to
perform. The sunken area is protected from the wind by the outer wall-platforms. At the same time,
walls would have acted as reverberating devices to enhance acoustical perception.
5.4 Conclusion
The description of ceramics has focused on fabric, morphometric, stylistic and use wear
attributes. Pot sherds are the most common ceramic artefacts. Beyond pottery, Huambacho ceramics
include food processing tools, pots and utensils, storage implements, serving vessels, textile
production tools and musical instruments. Ceramic analyses have allowed the characterisation and
comparison of Huambacho materials. Also, it has been possible to draw preliminary conclusions
about the nature of the activities conducted at the site.
The ceramic evidence indicates that activities at Huambacho involved food processing,
storage, food serving and consumption, as well as musical display. Ceramic remains are consistent
with the idea that the Main Compound represented a centre of special importance where public
gatherings and other festive events were carried out. Further evidence is provided by the analyses of
non-ceramic artefacts and food remains which are detailed in the next chapter.
— CHAPTER 6 —
SPACE USE AND CULTURAL REMAINS, PART 2:
NON-CERAMIC ARTEFACTS AND FOOD REMAINS
In this chapter, I present the second part of the analysis of cultural remains. While the
analysis of ceramic materials brought insights into some aspects of Early Horizon material culture, a
review of the faunal and botanical remains further sheds light on the special activities conducted at
the site, in particular the types of foods consumed and objects used. I begin with a discussion of
non-ceramic artefacts including stone, bone, shell, metal, wood, gourd, basketry and textile objects. I
then turn to evidence from faunal and botanical remains which are comprised of various species of
marine and terrestrial animals, as well as wild and cultivated plants. I conclude by synthesising results
from the analyses of cultural remains (i.e., including ceramics), emphasising their implications for
understanding space use, congregation and feasting practices at the site. Ultimately, data from
Huambacho can be used to argue that the introduction of maize, along with animal husbandry, had a
significant impact on Early Horizon societies and that these innovations are related to the changes
observed in architectural settings, standards of hospitality, and forms of authority.
6.1 Methodology
The methodology employed here is in many ways similar to the ceramic analyses. Non-
ceramic artefacts were cleaned and then classified on the basis of materials. They were then
described, measured and drawn. Attention was given to their morphometric attributes, function, and
cultural affiliations. The formal analysis of non-ceramic objects, in general, considered fewer
variables than ceramic analyses. Different variables were examined with respect to classes of non-
ceramic artefacts and focus was placed on the implications of objects for understanding the use of
space.
As for the faunal and botanical remains, their analysis employed a slightly different
methodology. When possible, faunal remains were classified following their phylum, family, and
species. Species of vertebrates were not identified in all cases and my analysis considers different
classificatory levels judged significant (i.e., camelids, fish, rodents, birds). In contrast, the analysis of
seafood (crustaceans, echinoderms, and molluscs) allowed specific identification, as well as the
determination of minimum numbers of individuals (MNI). The latter is used to evaluate the relative
frequency of the different mollusc species and gauge implications for understanding marine
exploitation. Similarly, the analysis of botanical remains allowed the identification of discrete species.
Overall, the analysis of food remains does not aim at providing absolute quantitative insights,
but rather considers the relative importance of the different classes of species at the site. I emphasise
the place of these remains in the use of space, as well as their implications for understanding the
economic bases of Huambacho society.
6.2 Non-ceramic artefacts

Non-ceramic artefacts include various classes of objects made of different materials such as
stone, bone, shell, wood, basketry and metal. Also, several textile fragments were recovered. Most
objects were collected from either the surface or sub-floor deposits where they were originally
discarded after use. Some non-ceramic artefacts, however, were discovered in association with floor
features. In addition, several objects were found at the surface of the site, without secure
stratigraphic association with the Early Horizon occupation.
Due to the presence of several post-Early Horizon reoccupations at Huambacho, non-
ceramic artefacts that do not exhibit clear stylistic affiliations with Early Horizon materials are
problematic. In contrast to ceramics, these objects are less often decorated and it is sometimes
difficult to associate them to a specific culture or time period. Consequently, it is with care that
materials from superficial and/or disturbed contexts must be considered.
Table 6.1 Non-ceramic artefacts from Early Horizon refuse deposits.

Huaca-A
Plaza-B
Category Middle Phase Late Phase TOTAL
Mano 3 10 13
Two-hand grinder 2 2
Polisher 10 10
Stone bowl 2 2
Stone adornment 1 1
Stone weight (fishing net) 1 1
Bone spatula 2 2
Bone perforator/awl 1 1
Pelican bone 1 1
Gourd container 1 7 1 9
Shell adornment 1 5 6
Wooden adornment 1 1
Bottle lid 1 1
Cordage 5 2 7
Textiles 6 29 19 54
Table 6.2 Non-ceramic artefacts from Early Horizon structural debris and floor features.
Mortar Bone Bone Spondylus Shell body Gourd Gourd
Area Mano Polisher Hammerstone Cordage Textiles TOTAL
and pestle spatula perforator/awl shell ornament container cover
A-2/SS 1 1
8
SS
A-2A/SS 8
A-9/SS 1 1
A-1/CS 1 2 2 6 2 13
A-3/CS 1 1
A-8/CS 1 1
CS
A-12/CS 2 1 3
A-12A/CS 1 1
A-17/CS 1 1
A-1/NE 2 1 1 1 5
A-2/NE 1 1 2 4
NE
A-4/NE 1 1 2
A-4A/NE 1 1
A-2/HA 1 1
A-3/HA 2 3
HAC
A-5/HA 4 5 9
A-7/HA 1 1 2
A-8/HA 1 1
TOTAL 10 2 10 1 1 1 1 6 17 1 4 3 58
In comparison to ceramics, roughly the same amounts of non-ceramic artefacts were

recovered from refuse deposits (n=54) and Early Horizon floor features and structural debris (n=58)
[Tables 6.1, 6.2]. Overall, refuse deposits from Huaca-A and floor features from Plaza-A have yielded
the most non-ceramic artefacts. The distribution of non-ceramic artefacts will be considered in
relation to ceramics and food remains later on in this chapter.
6.2.1 Stone artefacts

At Huambacho, 110 stone artefacts were collected from various contexts including surface,
structural debris, floor features and rubbish deposits. More than 30% of the stone objects were
discovered at the surface of the site, and securely dated Early Horizon artefacts number 65. In
general, no chipped-stone artefacts were found during fieldwork. For example, obsidian, which is
often discovered at sites that participated in the Chavín interaction network (Burger and Glascock
2000, 2002; Burger and Matos 2002: 173; Burger et al. 2000; Massey 1986: 290-291), has not been
found at Huambacho. Seven fragments of quartz were collected – a situation reminiscent of
Guañape period sites in the Virú Valley (Strong and Evans 1952) – and only one was possibly
worked. Rather, the remaining objects were produced using abrasive techniques such as grinding,
cutting, and/or polishing.
I classify stone artefacts into four general categories: (1) grinding stones (mortars, pestles,
manos, two-hand grinders), (2) hammerstones, (3) rounded pebbles/polishers, and (4) miscellaneous
stone artefacts (mirrors, bowls, spindle-whorls, beads, pendants, and stone rings, war-clubs).
Grinding stones
Fieldwork recovered a total of 38 grinding stones. They are identified on the basis of having
one or more of their surfaces/edges modified by human action. These tools served to grind different
kinds of materials, especially organics and minerals. At Huambacho, grinding stones are made of
different materials including granite, andesite, and basalt. They include three categories: (1) mortars
and pestles, (2) manos, and (3) two-hand grinders.
Mortar and pestle: A total of five broken mortars (n=3) and pestles (n=2) was collected during
fieldwork. Mortars and pestles came from the surface or the structural debris levels. All objects are
incomplete. A fragment of mortar, discovered inside the patio room A-3/HA (N103.39), indicates a
rounded and polished interior surface. Interestingly, the excavation of A-3/HA also yielded a broken
pestle (N103.37). Both the mortar and the pestle are made with the same material, a light yellow-grey
granitic stone [Figure 6.1a]. The pestle has a conical-truncated shape and its distal tip exhibits traces
of abrasion from the contact with the interior of the mortar.
Stone mortars and pestles are common in ancient Peruvian rites (Elera 1994; Kauffmann
Doig 1980: 279-286; Lathrap 1970: 108; Quilter 1989; Tellenbach 1986), at least from the Late
Preceramic Period (Grieder et al. 1988). At Huambacho, no complete example of mortar or pestle
was encountered, but it is possible to note similarities with stone objects from other Initial Period
and Early Horizon sites. Tello (1956: 52) found a decorated stone mortar at Pampa de las Llamas-
Moxeke. Here, the Pozorskis also encountered complete as well as fragmented stone pestles
(Pozorski and Pozorski 1998: 93, Figure 15). Similar objects have been found at Chavín-related sites
(Burger 1992: 200; Lumbreras 1993: Plate 84). At Chavín sites, mortars and pestles were possibly
used to process hallucinogenic substances involved in ritual ceremonies (Cordy-Collins 1977).
Chavín mortars and pestles are usually made of basalt or andesite, and they are often
decorated (e.g., see Salazar-Burger and Burger 2000: 67, Figure 57). In these cases, pestles can be
carved. Also, the exterior surface of mortars bear incised Chavín-related iconography. Usually, these
objects are part of a larger ritual kit that includes decorated conch-shell (Strombus galeatus) trumpets or
pututo, snuff trays, snuff spoons, and bone tubes and spatulas. In a fashion similar to the mortars,
these objects were decorated with supernatural and zoomorphic elements and probably played an
important role in the rituals associated with the Chavín cult (Burger 1992: 200). None of these
objects was found at Huambacho. Consequently, whereas the assorted mortars and pestles from
Huambacho likely indicate their importance in the ceremonial use of patios, the Huambacho objects
appear to contrast with Chavín ritual paraphernalia.
Manos: Several manos (n=26) were collected at Huambacho. On the basis of stratigraphy it is secure to
assign them to the Early Horizon occupation of the site (i.e., only one was found at the surface of
the site). Besides their relative small size, manos are identified on the basis of having one or more of
their edges worked [Figure 6.1c]. Sub-floor deposits yielded the most specimens of manos (n=13,
50%). The objects are made of granitic stone or andesite, and range in colour from black to dark grey
and reddish grey. Manos can be spherical or oblong [Figure 6.1d] with mean dimensions of 10.9 cm in
length (s=6.5, n=5), 6.7 cm in width (s=1.6, n=6), and 3.8 cm in thickness (s=1.1, n=6). They would
have fit easily in one hand. Manos are common at early coastal sites, and they contrast with larger
grinders used with both hands. Such stone tools could have served myriad tasks that involve
grinding.
Two-hand grinders: Four two-hand grinders were collected during fieldwork. At least two can be
securely associated with the primary occupation of Huambacho. The objects came from Late Phase
sub-floor deposits at Huaca-A. Both are incomplete. One (N103.53) is a black oblong two-hand
grinder of unknown length that measures at least 6.6 cm wide and 5.4 cm thick. It exhibits polished
patterns that indicate that the grinder was probably used in a rocking motion. It was discovered
during the excavation of Unit-23, in Late Phase sub-floor deposits at Huaca-A. Similar rocker-
grinders are still in use today in the Andes, and their use in prehistoric times appears to have been
widespread in ancient Peru, on the coast as well as in the highlands (e.g., Burger 1982: 12, 1984: 196-
197, 1992: 169, Figure 168; Shimada 1994; Tellenbach 1986). Two-hand grinders could have used in
many different grinding activities, but they represent more specialised tools than manos.
Hammerstones
Excavations yielded two specimens of hammerstones. The frequency of hammerstones is
consistent with the lack of chipped tools at Huambacho. Hammerstones are recognised by evidence
of pecking at one or both ends of the stone. On that basis they are interpreted as percussion tools. It
is possible that they were used in construction operations. For example, they could have been used
to hammer wooden stakes prior to erecting wall structures. One hammerstone (N103.7) can be
considered coeval with the primary occupation of the site [Figure 6.1b]. It was found on the floor of
one of the patios of the North Extension (A-2/NE). The hammerstone is spherical and measures 8.8
cm diameter by 6.9 cm in thickness. It is made of a yellowish granitic stone and shows pecking marks
on two opposite ends. Similar hammerstones have been excavated at Huaca Negra (Temple of the
Llamas) in Virú (Strong and Evans 1952: 42, Figure 7c).
Round pebbles/polishers
This category comprises pebble objects, most of them interpreted as polishers on the basis of
their shape and their highly polished surface. Similar objects are common at early coastal sites,
notably at Guañape period sites in Virú where they have also been interpreted as polishers, possibly
for pottery (Strong and Evans 1952: 43). Thirty-five pebble stones were found during fieldwork,
mainly from sub-floor deposits and superficial strata. Meanwhile, only three individuals were found
in direct association with floors.
Nineteen pebble stones/polishers can be associated with the Early Horizon of the site. Ten
(52.6%) came from refuse deposits at Huaca-A, while four were encountered in the Central Sector in
structural debris and floor contexts. Stone polishers could be made of andesite, slate, and other
materials ranging in colour from red to black [Figure 6.1e]. Oval and irregular shapes could be
identified and the objects were not decorated. Complete examples provide mean measurements of
5.7 cm in length (s=2.7, n=5), 3.22 cm in width (s=1.6, n=5), and 1.9 cm in thickness (s=1.2, n=5).
Miscellaneous
This category contains the remaining stone artefacts from Huambacho. It includes a variety
of objects such as stone bowls, anthracite mirrors, spindle-whorls, stone rings (probably war-club
heads), beads, and a fishing net weight or sinker.
Bowls: Three fragments of stone bowl were collected during fieldwork, all from the Huaca-A
Complex [Figure 6.2a]. One was found at the surface while two were discovered from sub-floor
refuse strata. The stone bowls most certainly pertain to the Early Horizon occupation rather than to
intrusive reoccupations of the site. Stone bowls are made of basalt and are light grey in colour. Their
surface is polished. No complete examples were found, but it is possible to infer that stone bowls
have everted, slanting walls. One fragment exhibits an exterior thickened lip (N103.31).
The Huambacho stone bowls are highly reminiscent of specimens reported from Initial
Period sites in the Casma valley, notably at Pampa de las Llamas-Moxeke (Pozorski and Pozorski
1987a: 40, Figure 19, 1998: 92, Figure 14). A major difference, however, is the lack of wall decoration
on the Huambacho specimens. Stone bowls have also been reported from Virú, at Huaca Negra
(Temple of the Llamas) (Strong and Evans 1952: 43), as well as from Caballo Muerto in Moche (T.
Pozorski 1976), amongst others.
While stone bowls most probably served as containers, as noted by the Pozorskis (1987a: 40-
41), it is equally possible they were used as mortars. At Pampa de las Llamas-Moxeke, many stone
bowls have been found in association with pestles covered with red mineral pigments, possibly
cinnabar. Such pigments were known for their use in wall decoration at Initial Period sites
(Middendorf 1973 [1886]: 220; Tello 1956: 60-66; cited in Pozorski and Pozorski 1987a: 41). They
are also reported from Cupisnique burials (Larco 1941: 163) as well as from Chavín-related sites
(Burger and Matos 2002).
Cinnabar: At Huambacho, red mineral pigments were found in small, compact accretions directly on
the east outer wall-platform at Plaza-B (Unit-25). Although no chemical analyses were realised on the
pigments, by their bright red colour they could be cinnabar. Cinnabar is mercuric sulphide (HgS): a
heavy bright red ore of mercury occurring in soft earthy masses of 2.0-2.5 on Mohs scale that can be
used as a pigment. It was highly valued in ancient Peru because of the intensity of its colour
(Petersen 1970: 6-7).
At Huambacho, the fragments are of irregular shape, but some individuals display roughly
spherical forms [Figure 6.2e]. Pieces measure roughly from 1 to 4 cm in diameter. Traces of
crystallised sand at the surface of certain specimens suggest that cinnabar was left directly on the
floor of the plaza at the moment of its abandonment. It is highly probable that cinnabar was
involved in the rituals carried out at Plaza-B.
In ancient Peru, cinnabar is known to have been used in body painting and the decoration of
ceremonial objects (Burger and Matos 2002: 165). At Huambacho, the discovery of cinnabar in one
of the sunken plazas suggests it could have been used as such. At a broader level, the presence of
cinnabar at Huambacho attests to long-distance trade, possibly with the extreme north coast and the
central highlands of Peru where cinnabar mines have been documented (Burger and Matos 2002;
Shimada 2000).
Mirrors: Two objects identified as anthracite or jet mirrors were discovered at Huambacho. Jet
mirrors are made of a highly polished anthracite plaque often set on a stone. They are particularly
common in Initial Period and Early Horizon assemblages on the coast of Peru, especially from
Cupisnique-related archaeological contexts (Burger 1992: 90-92). Jet mirrors have also been
recovered at Chavín de Huántar (Burger 1984; Lumbreras 1989). In Virú, jet mirror fragments have
been excavated at the Guañape period site of Huaca Negra (Temple of the Llamas) (Strong and
Evans 1952: 42, Figure 7h-k) where they apparently had circular and/or rectangular shapes.
Complete examples found by Larco (1941) indicate that Cupisnique mirrors had a circular head with
a rounded handle.
Strong and Evans (1952) note that jet mirrors are common at Guañape period sites and
interpret them as possible ceremonial artefacts. According to Grieder (1978: 184), a decorated jet
mirror discovered at Pashash could have been worn or hung around the neck suggesting the object
may have been linked to shamanistic beliefs and practices.
At Huambacho, a complete specimen was found in Burial-15, an intrusive Early Intermediate
Period (Moche) human burial (N103.490). The mirror was rectangular in shape and the anthracite
reflector had been set on a flat stone. The other was found broken at the surface of Huaca-A
(N103.378) [Figure 6.2b].
Spindle-whorls: Ceramic piruros have already been discussed, but two stone piruros were encountered
during fieldwork. Whereas stone piruros are often found at Early Horizon sites, the Huambacho
pieces cannot be securely associated with the primary occupation. One stone piruro (N103.25) was
found at the surface of the Huaca-A Complex and looks, on stylistic grounds, to belong to the
Moche reoccupation of the site. It is of conical shape and decorated with geometric incisions.
Meanwhile, the other (N103.45) appears to have been associated with the Early Intermediate Period
Burial-6. It is of spherical shape and also decorated with geometric incisions.
Stone rings: Two fragments of stone rings were collected at Huambacho. The objects can be
recognised by their discoid shape and central perforation. Originally, a wooden shaft or staff would
have gone through the perforation, allowing the stone masse to fit at the distal end of the wooden
tool (Kutscher 1970: 302; Lumbreras 1980: 240). On a comparative basis these objects could be war-
club heads. For example, excavations at the Recuay site of Pashash, in the north-central highlands,
have yielded instances of stone club heads (Grieder 1978: 109, Figure 95).
At Huambacho, the two stone club heads were found at the surface of the site, but on
stylistic grounds it is likely that they belong to the primary occupation of the site. One club head is
made of polished red slate (N103.224) [Figure 6.2c]. It measures 12.6 cm in diameter with a
perforation of 3 cm. The other (N103.96), also of discoid shape, is black and measures 9.9 cm in
diameter with a 3.4 cm perforation and a mean thickness of 2 cm [Figure 6.2d]. Interestingly, a
stylised wooden war-club was discovered at the surface of the Huaca-A Complex (see below). It is
unlikely that the wooden object was involved in fighting activities and it could have served as a staff
to mark status. It is not known, however, if the wooden club pertains to the Early Horizon
occupation.
On the north-central coast, stone war-clubs are often found in association with projectile
points at Early Horizon sites (see Muelle 1957). Also, their occurrence at ridge-top fortifications
suggests to some scholars that the Early Horizon was a period of warfare and political unrest in that
region of Peru (Daggett 1987; Pozorski and Pozorski 1987a, 1987b; Wilson 1988). At Huambacho,
no projectile points were found, and war-clubs cannot be considered as a particularly prominent
element of the material assemblage. Moreover, whereas N103.224 is interpreted as a war-club head
on the basis of its finish, N103.96 – on the basis of comparative evidence from Initial Period sites in
the highlands – could have served as a clod-breaker or a digging stick weight (Burger 1992: 122,
Figure 117). In this case, the stone disc, placed on the shaft of the wooden digging stick, would have
allowed the tool to penetrate deeper in the ground soil.
Beads: With the exception of 59 stone beads found in association with a Chimú burial (Burial-2), only
two stone beads were discovered during excavations (N103.64, 371). One came from a refuse
deposit stratum in A-5/HA (N103.64) while the other was discovered at the surface of A-12/NS
(N103.371), in probable association with a disturbed Moche burial. N103.64 is a cylindrical bead
measuring 15 mm in length and 11 mm in diameter [Figure 6.3l]. It has a perforation diameter of 5
mm. The bead is polished and made of black andesite.
Excavations also yielded two bead pre-forms or “blanks”. One is cylindrical in shape and
measures 41 mm in length and 18 mm in diameter (N103.26) [Figure 6.3h]. It is made of black
andesite and shows cut marks. The other blank (N103.27) was probably made of red diatomite
[Figure 6.3i], a stone material used in the production of body adornments in early Peru and
documented at several sites, notably La Galgada (Grieder et al. 1988: 87-88, Figure 76). Significantly,
the red diatomite blank was found in Plaza-A.
Fishing net sinker: One specimen of fishing net weight or sinker was found. The object (N103.89) was
found in Late Phase refuse deposits at Huaca-A (Unit-26). The sinker has an oval shape and
measures 6.5 cm in length, 5.8 cm in width, and 3.6 cm in thickness. It exhibits a longitudinal groove
where a cord and/or net would have been attached. Similar examples of stone sinkers have
documented at early coastal sites, notably at the Preceramic site of Paloma in the south of Peru
(Quilter 1989: 37, Figure 29).
Miscellaneous: A miscellaneous triangular stone object was discovered in the Late Phase construction
fill at Huaca-A. The object (N103.75) measures 5.4 cm long and 3 cm in base [Figure 6.2f]. It is 0.6
cm thick. Its exact function is uncertain, but it could have served as a spatula, scraper and/or
perforator. A similar object was found during excavations at Huaca Negra (Temple of the Llamas) in
Virú where it was interpreted as a drill (Strong and Evans 1952: 42, 45, Figure 7e).
6.2.2 Bone artefacts

At Huambacho, bone artefacts were worked with the objective of using them as tools,
musical instruments and/or body adornments. Sixteen bone artefacts were collected during
fieldwork. These objects are made of different animal bones including camelids, sea mammals, birds,
and fish. The majority of bone artefacts originate from the Huaca-A Complex and a total of 14
objects could be associated with the Early Horizon occupation. Of these, however, seven came from
the surface of the site.
Early Horizon bone artefacts comprise spatulas, perforators/awls, and body adornments.
Four fragments of bird long bones – probably from elements of pelican humerus (Pelicanus thagus) –
were discovered that exhibit cut marks [Figure 6.4g]. The cut marks indicate that the mid-shaft of the
long hollow bone had been used, possibly to produce a flute. Flutes made out of pelican bones have
been documented elsewhere in early coastal Peru, notably at Caral (Shady et al. 2003: 293-300). In
contrast to panpipes, the bone flutes, locally known as quenas, are simple (Makowski 1999: 51).
Spatulas
Four bone spatulas were collected from Early Horizon contexts. They were made out of mid-
shaft sections of long bones from large mammals, probably camelids. Spatulas are elongated objects
with one or two rounded tip(s). The middle portion of the object is usually polished. In one case, the
rounded tip is opposed with a sharp-edged tip. Overall, the size and forms of the bone spatulas make
it likely that they served multiple purposes related to domestic, but also ceremonial activities such as
scraping, mixing, and/or sculpting.
Two complete bone spatulas were discovered [Figure 6.4d-e]. They measure 146.8 mm in
length (s=38.5, n=2), 12.2 mm in width (s=4, n=2), and 6.9 mm in thickness (s=3.7, n=2). It must be
noted that the use polish of these two spatulas suggests the tools might have also been used as
perforators/awls [Figure6.4d].
One fragmented example exhibits decoration in the form of incised zoomorphic designs
(N103.511) [Figure 6.4f]. In particular, the design appears to represent a double-headed, S-shaped
saurian animal, possibly a serpent. This fine piece could have been used during ceremonies at
Huambacho, perhaps to mix and/or consume specific substances. At Chavín sites, for instance,
decorated bone spatulas were possibly used to inhale hallucinogens (Burger 1992: 200). In some
ways, the designs represented on N103.511 are analogous to the zoomorphic frieze found in the
northeast entrance to Plaza-A (see Chapter 7, section 7.2.1). Overall, these designs contrast markedly
with highland Chavín-related iconography and they argue for a coastal marine connection.
Perforators/awls
Awls or perforators differ from spatulas by having a single, sharp distal section. Three
complete awls were discovered at Huambacho [Figure 6.4a-c]. They were made of long bones from
large mammals, most probably camelids. In particular, rather than using the mid-shaft of the bones
(i.e., spatulas), perforators/awls used the bone section next to the epiphysis extremity, thus giving the
tools a triangular aspect. The epiphysis acted as the handle, while the tip was worn and polished.
Perforators/awls have mean dimensions of 78.7 mm in length (s=13.3, n=3), 10.5 mm in
width (s=0.7, n=2), and 5.5 mm in thickness (s=0.7, n=2). They are not decorated. One
perforator/awl was found directly on Floor-1 (Early Horizon) in the storage room A-12A/CS, while
the two others came from the surface and refuse deposits, respectively.
Body adornments
Two bone body adornments were recovered at the surface of Huaca-A. One is a square-
shaped, polished pendant with rounded corners measuring 26.4 x 11.8 mm and 2.1 mm thick
(N103.226) [Figure 6.3m]. The other is an incomplete pendant from the tooth of a sea lion (Otaria
sp.) (N103.8) [Figure 6.3n]. Both objects were perforated in a fashion that suggests they were worn
and/or hung. They could pertain to the Early Horizon occupation of the site, but also to later
cultural episodes.
6.2.3 Shell artefacts

Several hundreds worked shell fragments were collected at Huambacho. Overall, they pertain
to a total of at least 60 artefacts. Of these, 22 can be associated with Early Horizon contexts. Most
shell artefacts correspond to body adornments meant to be worn and/or hung. They were made out
of a variety of marine shells including bivalves (Spondylus princeps, Semimytilus algosus, Mesodesma
donacium, Donax obesulus) and gastropods (Prunum curtum). A complete Spondylus shell or thorny
oyster, though not intentionally modified, can also be considered as an artefact. The complete
Spondylus shell was found isolated in one of the patio rooms of the Main Platform Complex (A-
8/CS).
Shell artefacts mainly came from sub-floor deposits and floor contexts of the Central Sector
and the Huaca-A. The corpus comprises beads, pendants, a complete shell, and a pendant blank.
Two small discs of unknown function were also encountered. Beads can be spherical, discoidal or
cylindrical, while pendants can be either cylindrical or of the natural shape of the shell. For instance,
many conical-shaped gastropod shell Prunum curtum were discovered with a single perforation that
suggests that they could have been worn and/or hung individually [Figure 6.3a, j]. In contrast, a
broken necklace or bracelet made of four Donax obesulus was discovered in the construction fill at
Huaca-A (Unit-1) (N103.3) [Figure 6.3e]. A fish bone pendant was also collected (N103.518) [Figure
6.3 k]. Shell beads are worked in a cylindrical or discoid shape, and examples of Spondylus [Figure
6.3c-d] and nacre [Figure 6.3g] were found.
On top of the east outer wall-platform of Plaza-A (Unit-5), excavations yielded a Spondylus
bead pre-form or blank (N103.26) [Figure 6.3b]. The pre-form resembles a red diatomite blank also
found during Unit-5 [Figure 6.3i]. Both nuclei would have been used to produce rectangular-shaped
beads with a central perforation.
The presence of shell artefacts at Huambacho should not come as a surprise, given its
proximity to the sea. Most shells are of local provenance, but the occurrence of the tropical
Spondylus shell is worth noting. Spondylus shells come from the coast of Ecuador (Paulsen 1974). In
ancient Peru, Spondylus represented a luxury item that was both used as a commodity and a marker
of social status. The occurrence of this shell at Huambacho indicates the existence of long-distance
trade.
6.2.4 Others
This category includes gourd containers and covers, basketry, metal, wood, and textiles.
These objects were discovered in different Early Horizon and post-Early Horizon contexts.
Gourd containers and covers

The relative good preservation at the site allowed the discovery of more than a hundred
fragments of dried gourd (Lagenaria siceraria). These fragments pertain to at least 70 gourd containers
which can take a variety of forms. Most complete examples were excavated in association with
intrusive human burials – in which they served as receptacles for edible offerings – or found without
significant stratigraphic context. As such, only 26 specimens of gourd containers can be dated to the
Early Horizon, 12 of which allowed the reconstruction of the form.
Early Horizon gourd containers include bowls (n=11) and one example of a restricted
spherical jar or porongo. The latter probably served to store liquids. Overall, gourd containers are
interpreted as storing and/or serving devices. Worked gourd fragments were found in association
with Early Horizon floors as well as from sub-floor deposits. The most significant context was the
discovery of eight complete gourd containers in a floor-pit located in A-2A/SS, a storeroom of the
South Sector (see Chapter 3, section 3.4.1).
Two examples of gourd discs were also collected from the refuse deposits strata at Huaca-A,
as well as on the floor of the outer wall-platform of Plaza-B. The discs have a mean diameter of 5.2
cm (s=3.2, n=2) and a mean thickness of 0.5 cm (s=0.1, n=2). These gourd implements are
interpreted as covers of containers and vessels, whether gourds or ceramics. They are reminiscent of
the ceramic sherd discs analysed in the previous chapter. Similar gourd discs have been documented
in coastal Peru as early as the Late Preceramic, notably at Caral (Noel 2003: 217, Figure 12). Finally, a
fragment of pyroengraved gourd container was recovered from sub-floor refuse deposits at Huaca-A
(Unit-1). Representations are zoomorphic and perhaps phytomorphic; most probably stylised
serpents with possible plant appendices.
Basketry
The only evidence for basketry at Huambacho came from the discovery of 24 fragments of
reed cordage. The specimens were made of junco (Scirpus sp.) or totora (Cyperus sp.) which are both
reed plants typically used in the elaboration of basketry in coastal Peru (Towle 1961: 26-27). At
Huambacho, several specimens were collected from refuse deposit strata (n=10) or Early Horizon
floors (n=4). In contrast, no mats or baskets, common at early coastal habitation and funerary sites
(e.g., see Quilter 1989: 39, Figure 31; Towle 1952: 232), were encountered.
Many lines of evidence suggest that reed cords were used in the construction of architecture.
For instance, cordage was found in the construction fill of A-3/CS where it was used to tie bundles
of maize stalks. Fragments were also found on the floors of the north outer wall-platform of Plaza-
A, as well as from A-17/CS, in association with structural debris. Here, excavations yielded mud
mortar fragments bearing imprints of cane (Gynerium sagittatum), stone blocks, and cordage. This
evidence suggests reed cordage was likely used in perishable material superstructures, especially the
tying up and binding of roof structures. Similar evidence has been encountered at La Galgada
(Grieder et al. 1988: 57, Figure 54). At Huambacho, the cordage was made at different levels of
quality, perhaps corresponding to the use of cordage in different tasks.
Metalwork
A total of 29 copper fragments were recovered during fieldwork. All the pieces were found in
association with intrusive human burials and/or at the surface of looted areas. Meanwhile, no
significant evidence for metalwork or the use of metal products coeval with Early Horizon contexts
was encountered (see Lechtman 1976, 1993; Shimada and Griffin 1994). This contrasts markedly, for
instance, with the rich tradition of metalwork in Chavín art (Burger 1996; Lothrop 1951).
Wooden implements
Fifty wooden objects were collected at Huambacho. Wooden artefacts comprise a variety of
objects, mainly tools, such as spindle-shafts and weaving shuttles, but also stakes, sceptres,
spearheads, and digging sticks. The majority of these, however, was encountered in superficial
contexts and intrusive burials. For example, fist-shaped, cleft, and stylised war-club wooden staffs
were discovered at the surface of looted zones [Figure 6.5a-c]. Securely dated Early Horizon wooden
materials only number 12 (i.e., that were collected and catalogued). Seven of these are unclassified
fragments.
A 17.3 cm long stick made of algarrobo (Prosopis pallida) was found on the floor of patio
room A-3/HA (N103.412) [Figure 6.5d]. The stick has a shaft diameter of 7 mm with a wider
square-shaped head measuring 16 mm wide. Whereas the object resembles wooden inhaling tubes
and trumpets reported at other sites (see Burger 1992: 97, Figure 85; Fernández 1993: 42, Figure 12),
it has no perforation. Consequently, it could be interpreted as a drumstick, probably used during
activities carried out inside the patio. The presence of this object reinforces the importance of music
in the use of space at Huambacho. Also in A-3/HA, as mentioned earlier, several guiding sticks were
found at the base of the architectural pillars [Figure 6.5f].
In the refuse deposits at Huaca-A, a conical wooden object was found during the excavation
of Unit-26 (N103.31) [Figure 6.5e]. The object measures 7 cm in length and 3.9 cm in base. It is
interpreted as a lid or cover for a restricted vessel, most likely a bottle. Also from Unit-26 was
recovered a small wooden pendant (N103.22) [Figure 6.3o]. The object features perforations
indicating it was likely worn and/or hung.
A wooden and textile comb was found in a disturbed refuse context at Huaca-A (N103.144)
[Figure 6.5g]. The comb measures 12.5 x 3.7 cm and it is composed of 12 wooden sticks/thorns. The
tip of each stick was sharpened. The sticks/thorns are held together by red and black cotton textile
threads. The threads are interlaced to create, on each side of the comb, two angular-shaped spirals
known as grecas. The comb was found in a very disturbed area of the Huaca-A Complex and its
dating is problematic. Whereas Early Horizon textiles are typically blue-and-white, the red-and-black
designs of the comb may be similar to those documented during the Middle Horizon (Benavides
1999; Pollard Rowe 1986).
Complete digging sticks have been found in association with intrusive Moche burials. In
contrast, only a fragment of a possible digging stick was encountered in the construction fill of A-
3/CS (N103.94). The object is highly fragmented and would represent the only artefact, with the
exception of reed cords, to be found in the fill strata of the Main Platform Complex.
Textiles
A total of 184 textile pieces were collected at Huambacho. However, more than 60% of the
textile corpus was found at the surface of the site without significant contextual affiliation. The
majority of these pieces came from looted areas and might have been associated with intrusive
human burials. In comparison, 54 textile fragments (29.3%) were recovered from the excavation of
refuse deposits at Huaca-A and Plaza-B. Only three specimens had been left on floors.
Early Horizon textiles mainly comprise fragments of personal items such as cloths, tunics,
belts, and bags. In contrast, very few fishing nets were encountered in spite of the proximity to the
sea. The Huambacho corpus includes twined, but mostly woven textiles, which are both popular in
coastal Peru during the Initial Period and the Early Horizon (Conklin 1970, 1975, 1978; Lanning
1967: 80; Pozorski and Pozorski 1987a: 49). Most textiles are made of cotton, but it is possible that
llama fibres were also incorporated.
Huambacho textiles employed a variety of weaving techniques. Most Early Horizon examples
are 1 x 1 or 1 x 2 plain weave fabrics. Several fragments (n=50) are decorated with blue-and-white
geometric designs. Checker motifs (N103.44) [Figure 6.6c], banded-lines (N-103.177) [Figure 6.6a, e,
g-h], and possible zigzag (N103.81) [Figure 6.6d] and step-like designs (N103.34) [Figure 6.6B] were
portrayed. Therefore, it appears that textile iconography possibly matched the content of
Huambacho friezes. Similar blue-and-white woven textiles are reported from other Early Horizon
sites on the north-central coast including San Diego and Pampa Rosario (Pozorski and Pozorski
1987a: 61-62, 69). Overall, Early Horizon textiles from the north-central coast are different from
Chavín examples. For example, textile iconography from Huambacho contrasts with Chavín-related
textiles documented on the south coast (Cordy-Collins 1976, 1999; Wallace 1991).
6.2.5 Non-ceramic artefacts, discussion

This research focuses on the ways Huambacho architectural spaces were used and how they
shaped society. The analysis of non-ceramic artefacts complements the ceramic evidence already
reviewed, and further attests to the importance of food and drink related activities at Huambacho.
However, non-ceramic artefacts suggest a wider range of activities than ceramics [Table 6.3]. These
activities range from subsistence and domestic activities to ceremonial conduct and, possibly, craft
production. However, the scale and intensity of these different sectors of activity vary. Here I review
each of these activity domains.
Food acquisition is inferred by the presence of two artefacts, a wooden digging stick and a
stone fishing net weight/sinker. Also, a few fragments of nets, possibly used for fishing, were
collected. The economy of Early Horizon coastal populations was mainly based on irrigation
agriculture and the exploitation of marine resources (S. Pozorski 1979; Pozorski and Pozorski
1988a). Yet, at Huambacho, the occurrence of subsistence-related equipment is limited. In Casma,
for instance, fishing net and other implements are common at Early Horizon sites where subsistence
activities are believed to be important (e.g., Las Haldas, San Diego) (Matsuzawa 1978; Pozorski and
Pozorski 1987a: 51-65). This situation is best explained considering that such activities were relatively
minor in the areas sampled at Huambacho. This is consistent with the overall interpretation of the
Main Compound as an elite centre of special ceremonial importance.
The preparation of food and drink is inferred by the presence of stone grinding tools (manos
and two-hand grinders), stone bowls, and possibly mortars, pestles, and bone spatulas. The presence
of stone grinding tools implies the processing of plants, perhaps maize for fermenting chicha (La
Barre 1938; Moore 1989; Morris 1979). It is suggested that such activities took place in very specific
areas, such as the complex of non-colonnaded rooms located north of the Plaza-A and in the vicinity
of the Huaca-A Complex.
Table 6.3 Possible functions of non-ceramic artefacts from Huambacho.
Subsistence Food/drink production, storage, and Artefact Architectural Personal
activities consumption production elaboration Ceremonial items
Category Processing Storage Serving Offering Music Substance processing
Mortar and pestle X
Mano X
Two-hand grinder X
Hammerstone X
Polisher X
Stone
Bowl X
Bead/pendant X
Net weight X
Mirror ?
Spindle-whorl? X
War-club head X
Spatula ? ? ?
Bone
Perforator/awl X
Worked pelican bone X
Complete Spondylus ?
Shell
Bead/pendant X
Drumstick X
Pendant X
Wood
Comb X
Digging
stick X
Bottle lid X
Container X X
Gourd
Cover X
Basket Cordage X
Clothing X
Textiles
Netting X
It is also possible that food processing activities took place outside the Main Compound. For
example, the open areas to the west of the Huaca-A Complex have yielded significant amounts of
utilitarian ceramics. It would be logical to conduct food processing activities, especially cooking, in
this area since the wind, blowing from the south-southwest, could have taken smoke away from the
Main Compound.
The discovery of in situ gourd containers, gourd covers, and a wooden bottle lid, indicates
that certain areas at Huambacho were used for storage and serving. Ceramic analyses have revealed
the importance of serving vessels. In addition, gourd containers suggest the existence of perishable
serving implements. The scale and position of storerooms indicate relatively limited, short-term
storing activities rather than large-scale and permanent storage.
The presence of stone polishers, bone perforators/awls and spatulas, worked pelican bones,
body adornment pre-forms/blanks, and possibly stone spindle-whorls, suggests that the people who
used the Main Compound were involved, at some point, in the manufacture of artefacts. In
particular, results of analyses show that ceramics, textiles, body adornments, as well as bone musical
instruments could have been produced by local artisans.
The intensity and scale of these activities, however, are difficult to evaluate. Overall, intensity
and scale vary in function of the time invested in an activity and the size of the working party
(Bernier 2005: 8-10; Costin 1991: 15; Feinman et al. 1984: 309). At Huambacho, most material
remains were found from refuse deposits and as emphasised by Moholy (1997), the presence of
production waste in construction fill deposits cannot be interpreted as evidence for the existence of
workshops and “caution must be exercised in trying to assess the relative importance of production
activities” (Moholy 1997: 300).
Yet, the limited evidence available suggests that the production of artefacts was not a major
activity at the site. Excavations have failed to yield direct evidence of craft production such as
permanent working structures, concentration of tools, residues of production, unfinished objects,
and concentration of raw materials (Bernier 2005: 18-21; Evans 1978: 115; Tosi 1984: 25). For
instance, the discovery of bone flute fragments reinforces the idea that music was an important
practice at the site – a hypothesis already sustained by the high incidence of ceramic panpipes – but it
cannot be used to infer intensive production. Similarly, the production of body adornments is
represented by the discovery of two blanks or pre-forms made of stone and Spondylus shell. It is
unlikely that stone and shell work was a major activity at Huambacho.
In respect to textile production, the evidence is scant. Spinning and weaving tool kits include
a variety of objects – such as spindles, shuttles, needles, bundles of fibres and threads, and spindle-
whorls – of which only spindle-whorls have been collected from securely dated Early Horizon
contexts. Moreover, spindle-whorls were often worn as pendants as expressed by their common
inclusion in funerary contexts. In sum, on the basis of the evidence so far excavated, artefact
production can only be conceived as relatively limited inside the Main Compound.
Non-ceramic artefacts also include different classes of objects interpreted as personal items.
These include body adornments, cloth fragments, stone war-clubs, and possibly a comb and a
broken jet mirror – which probably served to mark and display status (Montell 1929; Bazelmans
2002). Several decorated textiles, as well as prestige goods such as Spondylus beads and pendants
suggest some social differentiation at Huambacho. These objects were possibly lost or broken inside
the Main Compound during the conduct of public events and later collected and discarded in sub-
floor refuse deposits.
The presence of possibly two stone war-clubs suggests that warfare might have been part of
the activities carried by Huambacho’s occupants. However, slate blades and projectile points,
common at neighbouring Early Horizon sites (see Daggett 1984; Pozorski and Pozorski 1987a;
Proulx 1985), are absent from the Huambacho sample, and the site lacks defensive attributes. For
example, recent excavations at Chankillo have brought insights into Early Horizon defensive
architecture (Ghezzi 2006). Here, the ceremonial core of the site was located at the summit of a hill
surrounded by concentric stone walls. The Main Compound at Huambacho lacks such features.
The presence of weapons at Huambacho could be consistent with the idea that the Early
Horizon was a period of political and military instability on the north-central coast. But I would
argue that their limited occurrence, combined with the unfortified character of the Main Compound,
suggests a relatively low concern with physical military aggression or threat.
At Huambacho, special activities are represented by musical instruments, stone mortars and
pestles, elaborate bone tools, and possible offerings. The discovery of the drumstick in association
with a pair of assorted stone mortar and pestle in A-3/HA reflects the importance of music and the
processing of special substances in patio rooms. It is likely that finely decorated bone spatulas were
used in such ceremonies. Ceremonial activities might have also included offerings, as indicated by the
presence of a complete Spondylus shell in A-8/CS. However, the object was not discovered in a
typical offering context (e.g., cache, burial). Finally, decorated textiles and body adornments attest to
the importance, possibly ceremonial, of visual displays and the public use of social markers.
The review of non-ceramic analyses reinforces the conclusions drawn from the ceramic
evidence. Although these objects demonstrate a wide range of activities, contextual analyses suggest
that objects related to the preparation, storage and consumption of food and drink were of particular
importance. Considering that Huambacho represented an elite centre that most likely served as a
venue for public gatherings, patterns of food and drink consumption might be best understood in
terms of festive events. It has already been suggested that the sunken plazas and patios would have
been particularly well suited to host receptions, and the analyses of food remains provide additional
lines of evidence.
6.3 Food remains

In this section, I present the analysis of food remains from Plaza-B and Huaca-A’s deposits
to consider their implications for understanding the nature of food consumption at Huambacho.
Review of the food remains enables insights into Early Horizon economy and ritual life.
Food is often used by elites to promote their interests through sponsoring festive events, and
the analysis of food remains is critical in understanding elite agency and authority (Hayden 1996;
Dietler and Hayden 2001). In the Andes, archaeologists have recognised the importance of feasting
in ancient ceremonial life (Bray 2003; Hastorf 1993; Lau 2002). Here, I am particularly interested in
investigating the relationships between changes in public consumption of food and the built
environment. Could it be possible that Early Horizon architectural forms were related to new forms
of authority based on the introduction of new structures of food production and festive hospitality?
The Huambacho research details the introduction of new crops and animals on the north-central
coast of Peru at the beginning of the Early Horizon and informs on the social changes experienced
by human societies at the beginning of the first millennium B.C.
Faunal remains
The faunal remains can be divided into three categories: (1) vertebrates, (2) crustaceans and
echinoderms, and (3) molluscs. Vertebrates comprise several species of domesticated and non-
domesticated birds, rodents, and mammals, as well as fish. Crustaceans and echinoderms refer to
crabs and sea urchins, respectively. Molluscs include species of gastropods (terrestrial and marine)
and bivalves.
At Huambacho, animal bones (vertebrates) were collected from various stratigraphic
contexts. Overall, the formal analysis of vertebrates allows the identification of 1300 minimum
number of bones (NISP) [Table 6.4]. My analysis considers categories of vertebrates judged
significant including camelids (probably Lama glama), fish, birds and rodents. Fish and birds account
for many species of marine and riverine animals. Rodents include guinea pigs (Cavia porcellus), but
also, probably, pests such as rats and mice. Guinea pigs are small rodents that are used as food,
medical devices, divinatory agents and sacrifices in the Andes (Morales 1995; Sandweiss and Wing
1997). A fifth category was also used to lump bone fragments of uncertain association as well as
other categories. Included in the latter are undefined mammals (n=76), dogs (Canis familiaris) (n=10),
and sea lions (Otaria sp.) (n=1). Undefined mammals possibly include fragments of artiodactyls such
as deer (Odocoileus virginianus) and camelids.
Table 6.4 Animal bones from Huambacho: counts and

percentages.
Total
Category NISP %
Camelid 517 39.77
Rodent 464 35.69
Fish 144 11.08
Bird 55 4.23
Other/unknown 120 9.23
TOTAL 1300 100
Overall, animal bones are dominated by camelids which represent almost 40% of the total
number of bones. The corpus also includes a significant proportion of rodents while birds and fish
are represented by smaller figures. However, it must be noted that this situation might be explained
by the size and fragility of bird and fish bones. By contrast, camelid bones are dense and preserve
rather well.
Further analyses will be needed to assert the relative importance of each category of
vertebrate (i.e., meat weight, quantity of animal protein) and the identity of camelids. However, the
significant occurrence of camelids at Huambacho contrasts with local Initial Period coastal sites
where these animals are usually rare or absent. As demonstrated by the Pozorskis for the Casma
Valley (Pozorski and Pozorski 1988a), the Early Horizon marked the introduction of llama and
guinea pig husbandry.
While camelids were known on the north coast during the Initial Period as pack animals, it is
only around 1000 B.C. that their use for food, fibres and transportation becomes widespread. It is
generally agreed that this widespread occurrence of camelids is linked to the increase in long-distance
trade and the spread of the Chavín interaction network. For example, Miller and Burger (1995: 453)
note that during Chavín times:
…emerging elites sought products not locally available for distribution to their
communities and exotic goods as emblems of status. Increased social and religious
interaction further encouraged interregional travel and created an ambiance in which
such movement was feasible. Those groups within this field of socioeconomic activity
had both reason to adopt camelid herding for its practical advantages and had contacts
with groups that could supply them with both the domesticated animals to serve as the
source of herds and the technical knowledge necessary for these herds to survive and
prosper.
On the north-central coast of Peru, the introduction of camelids appears to have had an impact on
local economy and trade networks, but also on ceremonial activities. For example, camelids may have
been consumed during the public gatherings at Huambacho. Long-distance exchanges, meanwhile,
would have provided local elites with exotic goods important to status display and ceremonial
activities.
At Huambacho, long-distance exchange is supported by the presence of camelids, but also
Spondylus and, probably, cinnabar. These three elements circulated within Chavín networks along
with stamped circle-and-dot pottery. The presence of these features at Huambacho suggests some
form of interaction, but it is unlikely that local groups participated directly in the Chavín cult.
Huambacho religious ideology, as materialised through public art, ceremonial architecture and ritual
paraphernalia, is markedly different from Chavín. It is plausible that Huambacho’s occupants had
economic ties with Chavín-related populations. Through these ties they may have acquired exotic
goods, including Spondylus and cinnabar, but they developed very distinct canons for ceremonial
architecture.
The presence of camelids fits well into this model and it is not difficult to imagine the
importance of the introduction of camelids for groups in Nepeña. At Huambacho, it is still unclear
whether the animals were exchanged or raised in situ. At least two llama sub-adults have been
sacrificed at Huambacho, but they likely belong to a post-Early Horizon reoccupation of the site. No
corral or other direct evidence of in situ husbandry (e.g., excrement; see Shimada 1982) have been
discovered. However, considering the “ch’arki effect” – according to which the feet and heads, in
comparison to limbs and body parts, generally do not travel far from killing sites – the presence of
feet in sub-floor deposits would be consistent with a local origin for the camelids (Miller and Burger
1995: 440, 2000; see Valdez 2000 for a critique). The presence of camelid bone tools further lends
weight to this hypothesis.
Like the non-ceramic artefacts, a larger number of animal bones was recovered from Early
Horizon floor features than from refuse deposits [Tables 6.5, 6.6]. A total of 430 bones were
recovered from refuse deposits and 744 from floor features. The contexts that have yielded the most
bones are refuse deposits at Huaca-A and the floor of A-9/NS where more than 250 rodent bones
were collected.
Table 6.5 Animal bones from Early Horizon sub-floor deposits:

counts from Huaca-A and Plaza-B (per excavation unit).
Huaca-A Plaza-B
Category/Unit U-1 U-21 U-23 U-26 U-27 U-28 U-6 U-25 TOTAL
Camelid 17 29 14 119 7 - 1 3 190
Fish 5 10 46 2 - 1 - 4 68
Bird 1 1 - - 3 1 - 1 7
Rodent 1 - - 15 - - - 18 34
Other/unknown - 19 - 44 5 3 - 60 131
TOTAL 24 59 60 180 15 5 1 86 430
Table 6.6 Animal bones from Early Horizon floor features: counts from each room.
Area Camelid Fish Bird Rodent Other/unknown TOTAL
A-2A/SS 14 - - 8 - 22
SS
A-7/SS 1 - - - - 1
A-1/CS 6 34 - 3 67 110
A-6/CS 2 - - - - 2
CS
A-11/CS 4 - - - - 4
A-12A/CS 15 - - 9 - 24
A-17/CS 9 - 2 1 - 12
A-8/NS 13 - - 100 - 113
A-9/NS 2 - - 264 - 266
NS
A-13/NS 10 2 - - - 12
A-15/NS 6 - - 1 - 7
A-1/NE - 104 - 14 18 136
NE
A-4/NE 2 1 - 1 - 4
A-2/NE 1 2 5 1 - 9
A-7/HA - 1 1 - 2 4
HAC
A-8/HA 7 - 3 - 8 18
TOTAL 92 144 11 402 95 744
Though significant evidence exists to account for the consumption of vertebrates at

Huambacho, the bulk of faunal remains originates from the sea. This indicates the importance of
marine exploitation activities in Early Horizon society. It also highlights the close ties that
Huambacho had with immediate coastal settlements. Diachronically, shellfish remains provide
further evidence attesting to the connections between Initial Period and Early Horizon groups on the
north-central coast.
Apart from the fish remains, large amounts of sea animals, including crustaceans (i.e.,
arthropods), echinoderms (i.e., sea urchins), and molluscs, were recovered. Crustaceans are
represented by crabs (Platyanthus orbignii) (n=26) and echinoderms by seasonally comestible black sea
urchins (Tetrapygus niger) (n=4). Also, remains of algae were found. However, most of the corpus
consists of molluscs as almost 20,000 shellfish fragments were recovered.
The analysis of mollusc remains was facilitated by their good preservation and and species
were identified in more than 99% of the cases. Of the circa 20,000 shellfish specimens collected, our
analysis identified 11,275 minimal numbers of individuals (MNI) [Table 6.7]. Analyses reveal the
exploitation of land snails (Sculatus sp.; MNI=134, 1.19%), as well as various species of marine
shellfish.
Seafood found at Huambacho was most probably collected from the Bahía de Samanco or
the Bahía de Tortugas where several biotopes are accessible to shellfish collectors (Wilson 1988: 23-
24). Overall, the shellfish corpus reveals many similarities with the Early Horizon sites of San Diego
and Pampa Rosario (Pozorski and Pozorski 1987a: 62-63, 69-70). Contrary to the proposition that
Early Horizon shellfish collecting practices differ markedly from the previous Initial Period
(Pozorski and Pozorski 1987a: 124-125), the Huambacho data indicate that local populations
continued to focus their efforts on the exploitation of rocky shorelines and sandy littorals.
The Huambacho mollusc assemblage is for the most part represented by two species of small
rock-dwelling mussels: Semimytilus algosus (MNI=4000, 35.4%) and Perumytilus purpuratus (MNI=3404,
30.2%). From a comparative standpoint, these two mussel species are found at several coastal sites in
the Casma Valley, from the Preceramic Period to the Early Horizon (Pozorski and Pozorski 1988a).
Other common shellfish species at Huambacho include the small tide-zone clam Donax sp.
(MNI=1632, 14.5%), rock-perching limpets (Fissurela sp.; MNI=392, 3.5%) and chitons (Chiton sp.,
MNI=528, 4.68%), and the medium-sized sand-dwelling clam Mesodesma sp. (MNI=387, 3.4%).
Species of gastropods were documented including Prisogaster niger (MNI=329, 2.9%) and Thais sp.
(MNI=177, 1.6%), as well as Prunum curtum (MNI=15, 0.1%) in less frequency.
Early Horizon groups in Nepeña also exploited, with less intensity, muddy biotopes as
exemplified by the presence of the mud-flat clam Chione sp. (MNI=23, 0.2%), the razor clam Tagelus
peruvianus (MNI=6, 0.1%), and Trachycardium procerum (MNI=7, 0.4%).
Table 6.7 Molluscs from Huambacho: counts, percentages, and biotopic environment (main species boldfaced).
Scientific name English name Local name Biotopic environment MNI %
Argopecten sp. Scallop Concha de abanico Sand 43 0,38
Chione sp. Mud-flat clam Concha rayada Mud 23 0,20
Chiton sp. Chiton Barquillo Rock 528 4,68
Choromytilus chorus Purple mussel Choro zapato Rock 23 0,20
Concholepas concholepas Gastropod Pata de burro Rock 7 0,06
Crepidula sp. ? Señorita Rock 15 0,13
Donax sp. Small clam Palabrita Sand 1632 14,47
Fissurella sp. Limpet Lapa Rock 392 3,48
Mesodema sp. Medium clam Almeja amarilla Sand 387 3,43
Perumytilus purpuratus Small mussel Chorito negro Rock 3404 30,19
Prisogaster niger Gastropod Caracolito negro Rock 329 2,92
Prunum curtum Gastropod Caracol plomo/porcelanita Sand 15 0,13
Scutalus sp. Land snail Caracol de tierra Land 134 1,19
Semele sp. Large clam Almeja Sand 18 0,16
Semimytilus algosus Thin-shelled mussel Chorito lustroso Rock 4000 35,48
Tagelus peruvianus Razor clam Pico de pato/navaja Mud 6 0,05
Thais sp. Gastropod Caracol Rock 177 1,57
Trachycardium procerum Scallop Piconudo Mud 7 0,06
Other 80 0,71
Unknown 55 0,49
TOTAL 11275 100
Finally, evidence also exists for sub-littoral shellfish collecting. For instance, the scallop shell
Argopecten sp. (MNI=43, 0.4%) and the mussel Choromytilus chorus (MNI=23, 0.2%) were collected
from deeper, sub-littoral water. Large clams are not common at Huambacho, and the only species
collected is Semele sp. (MNI=18, 0.2%).
The shellfish evidence from Huambacho indicates the importance of seafood in food
consumption at the site. Taking into account the position of the site (ca. 8 km from the coastline)
and the virtual absence of fishing implements at the site, it is likely that the sea food provisioning of
Huambacho involved exchanges with coastal settlements and/or fishing parties. In this light, it is
significant that an Early Horizon community was established at Samanco (Daggett 1999), less than 3
km from the coast (Bahía de Samanco). The site of Samanco itself provides access to several rocky
cliffs and shorelines, while to the north and south extend long sandy beach strips. As noted by
Daggett (1999) on the basis of surface observations, it is likely that Samanco and Huambacho were
closely related. To the south, the Bahía de Tortugas, may also have provided marine resources.
The situation in Nepeña during the Early Horizon is not unique. In the Moche Valley,
research has demonstrated that during the Initial Period, the coastal, marine-oriented community of
Gramalote was tied to the inland, agriculture-oriented complex of Caballo Muerto (S. Pozorski 1979:
173; Pozorski and Pozorski 1979b). Like at Huambacho, Caballo Muerto animal protein was
supplied by marine and inland resources and increasing importance was given to agriculture including
maize. On the other hand, Gramalote’s subsistence economy was primarily marine-oriented and
supplemented by inland animal protein, in particular deer and llama. According to S. Pozorski (1979:
174), maize and llama are important elements of subsistence patterns at Caballo Muerto where they
were introduced during the Initial Period, prior to their appearance in Nepeña.
Very little is currently known about daily subsistence activities in the lower Nepeña Valley.
The evidence from Huambacho is consistent with comparative data from Casma where the local
subsistence economy was mainly based on maize agriculture, as well as the exploitation of marine
resources and, with less intensity, animal husbandry (Pozorski and Pozorski 1988a: 96-97). So far, the
analyses suggest that the sub-floor deposits at Huambacho do not contain the remains of daily
domestic activities. Rather, these deposits are associated with the use of a special architectural
compound.
Botanical remains
Organic preservation is excellent at Huambacho, and large amounts of plant remains were
collected from sub-floor deposits as well as floor features. Plant remains primarily came from the
excavation of Huaca-A and Plaza-B. Excavations yielded cultivated, wild, edible and non-edible
botanical remains. The high incidence of gourds, primarily used as containers, has already been
discussed, but several examples of the algarrobo tree Prosopis pallida were also collected. Algarrobo
wood was used for different tasks, including building construction and the manufacture of artefacts.
Non-edible plant remains also comprise a few specimens of cotton (Gossypium barbadense), as
well as marine algae, cane (Gynerium sagittatum) and other wild plants. For instance, the upper
construction fill strata of the Main Platform Complex (i.e., A-3/CS and A-4/CS) contained varieties
of grassland vegetation or grama, as well as Tillandsia sp. and Equisetum giganteum (locally known as cola
de caballo), wild plants that grow in the adjacent hills.
Table 6.8 Botanical remains from sub-floor deposits: counts and percentages.
Huaca-A Plaza-B
Species N % N %
Zea mays 37 52.9 34 72.3
Gynerium sagittatum 1 1.4 - -
Persea americana 1 1.4 3 6.4
Arachis hypogea 1 1.4 1 2.1
Phaseolus vulgaris - - 1 2.1
Manihot esculenta - - 1 2.1
Sapindus saponaria 1 1.4 - -
Gossypium barbadense 1 1.4 1 2.1
Lagenaria siceraria 28 40 3 6.4
Cucurbita sp. - - 1 2.1
Pouteria lucuma - - 2 4.3
TOTAL 70 100 47 100
With respect to cultivated food plant remains, significant amounts of plant remains were
recovered from sub-floor deposits [Table 6.8]. Meanwhile, plants associated with floor features were
for the most part not preserved. The Huambacho corpus is dominated by maize (Zea mays) and
exhibits clear parallels with assemblages reported from San Diego and Pampa Rosario in Casma
(Pozorski and Pozorski 1987a). It is estimated that maize at Huambacho – whether in the form of
stalks, leaves, cobs, and/or kernels – represents more than 60% of the total of the plant remains.
Maize cobs are relatively small (ca. 10 cm long), and the kernels are dark in colour. It is likely that
maize specimens from Huambacho are of a similar variety than the maize documented in Casma
during the Early Horizon (Pozorski and Pozorski 1987a: 64, Figure 41).
As mentioned, maize is usually found as early as the Initial Period on the north coast.
Excavations at Puémape have yielded maize cobs that compare favourably with the Huambacho
sample (Elera 1998: 154-155). At Huambacho, maize remains were found in various contexts
including floor pits, storage rooms, refuse deposits, construction fill, and burials. It was both used as
food and construction material (fill). Overall, the predominance of maize at Huambacho contrasts
with highland Chavín-related agricultural practices in which maize only occupied a minor place in
comparison to tubers (Burger and van der Merwe 1990: 91).
Peanut (Arachis hypogea) remains are the second most common crop in our sample, but
varieties of tubers, fruits, cucurbits, and legumes were also documented. These include manioc
(Manihot esculenta), pacae (Inga feuillei), lúcuma (Pouteria lucuma), avocado (Persea americana), squash
(Cucurbita sp.), and a selection of beans (Phaseolus sp.). Other species common at Early Horizon sites
in Casma such as chili pepper or ají (Capsicum sp.), sweet potato (Ipomoea batatas), and achira (Canna
sp.) were not identified. They might reflect the special character of practices at Huambacho, but it is
possible they were missed during sieving and sampling operations (i.e., no flotation method was
used).
Food remains, discussion

Food remains from Huambacho confirm the economic transformation of coastal societies
after the demise of Initial Period centres. The most significant changes are probably the introduction
of maize and camelids. Initial Period sites on the north coast, notably in the Moche Valley, have
yielded evidence that suggests similarities with Early Horizon subsistence assemblages from the
north-central coast. For example, according to S. Pozorski (1979: 174) maize and peanuts were
introduced together at the sites of Caballo Muerto and Gramalote, possibly along with camelids and
guinea pigs. The focus on marine resources at these sites continued.
The situation observed during the Early Horizon on the coast can be seen as the
continuation of a process started at the beginning of the Initial Period with the introduction of
irrigation agriculture. The introduction of maize, however, had dramatic effects on local economy as
well as on various aspects of ceremonial life and material culture. In the same way that the advent of
irrigation agriculture was closely related to significant changes in settlement patterns (i.e., move
inland) (Pozorski and Pozorski 1988a: 96), the large scale cultivation of maize had an impact on
socio-economic structures, such as the availability of crops, patterns of land use and the quantity of
surpluses. In particular, the capacity to transform maize into alcoholic beverages changed
significantly rules of hospitality and festive labour organisation.
Maize can be popped or toasted, made into porridge and bread, and/or cooked into soups
and stews. However, according to Burger and van der Merwe (1990: 92), in the Andes, “it was in the
form of chicha that maize was the most conspicuously, if not most commonly, consumed”. Chicha is a
fermented beverage usually made of maize with a low to moderate alcohol content. As a result, one
of the most significant innovations related to the introduction of maize would have been the
possibility of producing alcohol which, in turn, would have influenced significantly festive practices
(Jennings et al. 2005).
Chicha played an important role in ancient Andean societies. It was used both as an everyday
beverage and an important element of ceremonial events (Moore 1989; Morris 1979). In Inka times,
for instance, the consumption of large amounts of chicha was necessary to almost all ceremonies. For
Moseley (1992: 67), chicha “is an essential accompaniment of commemorative oration and ritual
participation [and] it is dispensed and consumed in stupefying quantities over the course of
ceremonies that can endure for several days”. In such contexts, drink becomes a prime social
lubricant that both facilitates inter-individual interactions and potentially reaffirms social differences.
Chicha also represented an important tool in the exercise of authority as the possibility existed
for leaders to turn food and drink into labour. For the Inkas, Murra (1980) notes, the provisioning of
food and chicha to group labourers was essential to maintain reciprocal relationships. According to
him it was “the obligation of the institution or household sponsoring the work to provide food and
beer to the work party” (Murra 1980: 97).
Based on ethnographic data (Cutler and Cárdenas 1985; Gillin 1945; Nicholson 1960), chicha-
making techniques may vary, but they all involve preparing the maize, cooking the maize, fermenting
the brew and drinking the beer. The conversion of the maize starch into sugars – an operation that
allows a more complete fermentation and results in higher levels of alcohol – can be made through
either mixing saliva with maize flour or germinating the maize kernels (malting) (Moore 1989: 686).
Several recipes exist for chicha, but they generally share the same steps and use the same equipment.
Maize must be soaked, germinated and ground to produce the malt which is then mixed with water,
cooked and left to ferment. Finally, the beverage must be separated from by-products, served and
drunk.
Chicha-brewing activities require certain artefacts, products and facilities visible

archaeologically (see Moore 1989: 687, Table 1). The most common archaeological artefacts are jars
for soaking, cooking and fermenting, and stone grinders for processing the malt. The typical chicha-
making jar is probably the neckless olla, while manos and/or batanes are used as grinders. With the
exception of batanes, these items have been discovered at Huambacho, sometimes abundantly. For
example, neckless ollas and ceramic graters could have played important roles in the production of
chicha.
Stirring and sieving implements are also used, but they are less likely to be preserved.
Ultimately, the brew must be served in an appropriate container. In early colonial coastal Peru, chicha
was served in gourd bowls and cups (Cobo 1956: 242). However, archaeological examples of
elaborate chicha service kits (e.g., keros) have been reported (Cook and Glowacki 2003; Goldstein
2003). Whereas no specialised chicha serving cups have been discovered at Huambacho, large
amounts of gourd and ceramic containers and serving vessels have been collected.
With respect to its consumption, maize beer can be served on various occasions in a variety
of settings, from open air spaces to reception halls and private audiences. As emphasised so far, the
Main Compound is organised as a series of patio rooms open to the sky, sunken plazas, and other
halls and antechambers, perfectly suited for consuming alcoholic beverages.
Depending on the social context of production (e.g., degree of specialisation, scale of
production, composition of brewing party), chicha-brewing requires different facilities. In general,
however, open areas are needed to dry and germinate maize, as well as hearths to cook. Once
prepared, chicha must be consumed within a few days (i.e., it does not preserve well) suggesting that
long-term storage facilities are unnecessary (Morris and Thompson 1985: 91). At Huambacho, large
patios, but also open areas located in the vicinity of the Main Compound could have been used to
brew. Further, it has been demonstrated that storage facilities were designed for limited, short-term
storing needs like chicha.
The introduction of alcoholic beverages represents a fundamental change in feasting
practices. According to Goldstein (2003: 145) “there can be no more fundamental change in cuisine
than the introduction, acceptance, and social embedding of alcoholic beverages.” In Mesoamerica,
for instance, maize cultivation was borrowed as part of a package of foreign technology by local
aggrandisers for personal advantage in competitive feasting (Clark and Blake 1994: 25; see also
Hayden and Gargett 1990). On the north-central coast of Peru, maize may have been introduced as
part of a package that included other technical innovations, such as ceramic graters and panpipes
documented at Huambacho. These objects could have been used in the preparation of chicha and
related with drinking practices and celebrations, respectively.
As noted by the Pozorskis (1987a), the introduction of maize in Casma coincided with a shift
in ceremonial practices as expressed through markedly different architectural forms. In Casma, maize
was introduced without local antecedent and it became popular very quickly, therefore forcing the
Pozorskis to conclude that “the popularity of maize at this early date may well be attributable to its
value for brewing chicha, or maize beer” (Pozorski and Pozorski 1987a: 119).
At Huambacho, sampling of the construction fill of raised structures indicates that large
amounts of maize were available at the time the Main Compound was initially built, thus suggesting
that maize cultivation already occupied an important place in Early Horizon society. In fact, it is
highly probable that work parties that participated in the construction of the site were provided with
chicha and other food and drink.
The introduction of maize had a significant impact on the cultural developments in the
region. In particular, the Huambacho research suggests that changing relationships between the
nature of authority, ceremonial feasting practices, and the constitution of society were made visible in
the appearance of new forms of public architecture. In contrast to Initial Period large, open plazas,
Huambacho ritual spaces are associated with restrictive access. Whereas Initial Period authority was
mostly expressed in the scale of building projects, Early Horizon leaders were more concerned with
enclosing space and controlling access. Evidence from Huambacho indicates a fragmentation of
ritual practices, perhaps regulated by powerful, more outwardly ostentatious local elites.
6.4 Conclusion: Space use, cultural remains and settings

In the last two chapters, I have presented the analysis of the remains excavated at
Huambacho. Here, I synthesise the evidence from the various classes of materials and review
potential models of activities and space use. Firstly, I review the Huambacho evidence in relation to
potential ritual practices. Secondly, I discuss the results in the light of the architectural analysis.
Specifically: Can specific activities be associated with distinct room types? What do these activities
imply in terms of ritual experience and interaction with the built environment? Is it possible to
distinguish, on the basis of cultural remains, amongst distinct activity areas?
6.4.1 Ritual objects and behaviours

Proceeding from the premise that space is contextual for it provides particular settings for
involvement and creation of meaning, one cannot consider architectural spaces apart from the
activities carried out within them. Excavations at Huambacho suggest that the site represented the
centre of public activity for the local community. In early Peru, public buildings were intricately
linked to ritual activities.
Early Horizon ceremonial practices are poorly documented on the north-central coast of
Peru. At Chankillo, for instance, excavations have revealed a sacred precinct composed of patio
rooms and other open areas enclosed on a platform which is protected by concentric stone walls
(Ghezzi 2006). The discovery of warrior figurines and the defensive layout of the site are interpreted
as signs of religious activities related to warfare. The Huambacho research suggests a different
scenario.
At Huambacho, most cultural remains were collected from sub-floor deposits associated with
the renovation of the Main Compound. It is posited that materials are the by-products of activities
carried out at the site, especially gatherings inside the sunken plazas and the multiple sub-compounds
of patio rooms. It has been stressed that a division existed between public and private spaces, but the
repetitious organisation of the gathering spaces points to highly ritualised functions. In this section, I
review Huambacho material culture in light of its potential ceremonial use.
Rituals are composed of utterances and acts that include behavioural aspects such as verbal
communication, gestures, movements in space and displays (Rappaport 1999: 139). These actions
contribute to the making of rituals into events of special social and cosmic significance.
Rituals can be divided into categories (Wallace 1966). Recently, Vega-Centeno (2005) has
proposed a classification of ritual behaviours for the Andes in which he recognises eight categories:
congregation, code reciting, musical display, simulation, physical exercises, consumption, offering
and competition (Vega-Centeno 2005: 51-54). It is important to consider the materiality of such
practices.
Ritual objects can be of various types including tools, performance objects, consumption
goods, and body adornments. According to Rappaport (1999), objects are important since they
substantiate rituals in a different way than acts. Ritual objects cannot be detached from the actions
and performances by which there are activated. As for ritual facilities, to be reviewed in the next
chapter, they are crucial since they contain ritual actions and provide guidelines for ritualised
behaviours.
In the Andes, Vega-Centeno (2005: 56-57), following the comprehensive anthropological

study of ritual and religion made by Rappaport (1999), identifies four categories of ritual objects.
First, ritual objects can participate directly, but only once in a ritual event, such as food, drink and
intoxicating substances. This type of ritual material culture directly impacts on the physical and
psychological state of the participants. At Huambacho, this class of materials is well represented by
faunal and botanical remains. Analyses indicate that large amounts of maize beer, shellfish and other
foodstuffs were consumed at the site. Intoxicating substances included alcohol and perhaps
hallucinogens.
Second, there are the ritual objects that give meaningful content to ritual performances and
participate in the expression of canonical messages. These objects can be used more than once if
they retain their symbolic value and functionality, and include ritual tools, books, etc. At
Huambacho, such objects are represented by various rituals tools that included bone spatulas,
mortars and pestles, as well as certain ceramic vessels, especially finely decorated stirrup-spout
bottles and carinated bowls. Textiles also likely carried canonical messages. However, as I shall
demonstrate, it is mostly through architectural design that elites transmitted canonical messages.
Third, we must also consider body adornments as a materialisation of the social position and
ritual function of participants. Dressing code and body adornments are not only indicators of social
status, but they also possess the potential to associate certain individuals with the ontology of the
liturgical order. At Huambacho, excavations have yielded fair amounts of finely decorated textiles, as
well as body adornments attesting to the importance of personal items during ritualised visual
displays and performances.
Fourth, performative objects are also used in rituals. These objects, such as idols and
figurines, are essential since they perform, on a complementary level to human agents, meaningful
parts of ritual activities. These objects often embody the values and powers attributed to human or
super-human beings. At Huambacho, this category is difficult to identify but it is possible that
panpipes and other musical instruments played a similar role in ritual performances. Such
performances have the potential of enhancing the liminality of rituals by placing participants in a
trance which repetitiveness provides a notion of immutability. As noted by Rappaport, rituals are
based on organic rhythms which are different to social and cosmic times. However, since rituals
often focus on the physical coordination of participants, they homogenise organic rhythms and
transfer to individual participants the qualities of the social and cosmic rhythms (Rappaport 1999:
223-230).
As other classes of artefacts, ritual objects are produced, used and discarded. In archaeology,
as noted by Walker (1995), ritual objects are rarely found in their original, primary context. Ritual
spaces are usually kept clean and their associated paraphernalia placed in secondary contexts after
use. In a similar way as ritual activities represent a break from the mundane, daily life, scholars have
proposed that the discarding of ritual objects is to be seen as an event of special significance (Walker
1995: 72-73).
Vega-Centeno (2005) underscores two main behavioural characteristics surrounding the
discarding of ritual objects. First, ritual objects are rarely found in the same midden deposits as
domestic refuse materials, and second, they are often discarded in “structured deposits”. These
structured deposits can be built or not, but they contrast with domestic middens by their seclusion
(Vega-Centeno 2005: 59-60). At Huambacho, it has been shown that most spaces were kept clean
and that rubbish was discarded exclusively in sub-floor deposits; in coordination with renovation
programmes and under the guidance of elites. In contrast, no improvised middens were excavated.
Discard patterns are also intimately related to the nature of the ritual objects and the ways in
which they become obsolete. For example, single-use consumption goods like foodstuffs can be
found in a midden deposit either complete or incomplete depending on whether they were placed as
offerings or remains of feasting activities. Similarly, symbolic and performative artefacts can be
founded broken in situ or in a refuse, whether they were intentionally destroyed as part of a ritual or
discarded because of their obsolescence. At Huambacho, most remains come refuse deposits.
In short, of the eight categories of ritual behaviours identified above, the analyses of material
remains only yield direct evidence of musical display, consumption and offering. Of these three,
musical display and consumption are certainly the most visible at Huambacho. These activities are
represented through a vast array of gourd containers, fine decorated serving and libation vessels,
bottle covers, ritual tools and musical instruments. Dedicatory offerings were discovered in
association with the construction of sunken plazas (clay cones, llama limb). The low visibility of
offering contexts, the high incidence of rubbish in sub-floor deposits and the overall composition of
the material assemblage stress that activities were centred on the consumption of food and drink,
probably large public feasts.
Meanwhile, congregation can be inferred from the architectural layout of most gathering
spaces (sunken plazas and patios). Simulation and physical exercises are also inferred from spatial
organisation. These behaviours are reviewed in the next section. As for code reciting and
competition, no direct evidence is available. Nevertheless, they are possible. For example, various
types of utterances and speeches are inferred on the basis of room size and layout.
6.4.2 Structural debris and floor features: Further insights into space use
In this section I consider remains from Early Horizon materials that correspond to what was
left on floors at the moment of abandonment of the site (ca. 200 cal. B.C.). These stratigraphic
contexts include structural debris and floor features. I review the distribution of the artefacts, in
particular the presence or absence of certain objects within the Main Compound. This helps inform
on room functions and space use at the site.
In Chapter 4, the analysis of architectural units suggested possible functions for the different
room types. On the basis of the cultural remains, it can be proposed that the sunken plazas were the
focus of public ceremonial gatherings and most probably used to hold receptions, musical displays
and dance. It is also posited that more exclusive, possibly private, gathering spaces also existed and
were used by different social segments to congregate, converse, eat and drink. These spaces are
organised as patio rooms, similar in many ways to the sunken plazas, but of smaller size, and lacking
interior decoration and spatial segregation. Some of these patio rooms were complemented by small
storerooms and elongated rectangular backrooms. Access between and to these different gathering
spaces was through a series of corridors, baffled doorways, staircases and ramps, but also non-
colonnaded rooms that could be interpreted as halls, antechambers or other forms of transitional
spaces. Finally, non-colonnaded rooms, to the north of the Plaza-A, were likely used for food
processing and other ritual preparation. To some extent these interpretations are substantiated by the
material remains discovered in association with the Early Horizon structural debris and floor features
[Tables 6.9, 6.10]. No surface materials are included in this analysis.
Sunken plazas
The two large enclosed public spaces at Huambacho yielded a fair amount of material
remains that support the idea the rooms were involved in food consumption, musical performances
and other public ceremonial activities. Ceramics predominantly comprise serving vessels including
bottles, neck jars, bowls, and bowls-with-pouring spout (Ware A Bottle 1, Ware A Jar 3, Ware A
Other (N103.3811), Ware B Bowl 1). But food processing implements, including ollas (Ware A Jar 1,
Ware A Jar 2, Ware B Jar 1, Ware E Jar 1) and graters, were also discovered. Ceremonial libations can
be inferred on the basis of the presence of highly decorated stirrup-spout bottles (Ware D Bottle 1).
The presence of sherd discs along with gourd containers and covers, further lends weight to
the relationships between sunken plazas and food and drink consumption. Camelid, rodent, and fish
bones (as well as shellfish, maize and peanut remains) were also discovered in association with Early
Horizon structural debris and floor features. In comparison, vessels for storage are rare or absent –
only Ware A Jar 4 is represented.
Table 6.9 Distribution of Early Horizon cultural remains: South and Central Sectors.
South Sector Central Sector
Non-
Colonnaded Colonnaded colonnaded
Object patio Storeroom Plaza-A patio Storeroom Backroom room
Bottle 1 X
Bowl 2
Bowl 3
Ware A
Jar 1 X X X
Jar 2 X X
Jar 3 X X X X
Jar 4
Other X
Bottle 1
Bowl 1 X X
Ware B
Jar 1 X X
Jar 2
Jar 3
Jar 1 X X
Ware E Ware D Ware C
Jar 2 X X
Jar 3 X X
Bottle 1 X
Bowl 1
Bowl 3
Bowl 2
Jar 1 X X
Jar 2
Sherd discs X
Others
Graters
Sherd tiles
Panpipes X
Mortar and pestle
Mano X
Stone
Hammerstone
Polisher X X
Cinnabar
Spatula
Shell Bone
Perforator/awl X
Complete Spondylus X
Bead/pendant X X
Wood Drum stick
Container X X X
Gourd
Cover
Basketry Cordage X X
Textiles Clothing X
Camelid X X X X X X
Animal bones
Fish X
Bird X
Rodent X X X X
Other(vertebrates) X
Shellfish All species X X X X
Maize X X X X
Plants
Peanut X
Lúcuma
Table 6.10 Distribution of Early Horizon cultural remains: North Sector, North Extension, and Huaca-A
Complex.
North Sector North Extension Huaca-A
Non- Colon- Colon- Non- Colon- Non-
colonnaded naded Plaza- naded colonnaded naded colonnaded
Object room patio B patio room patio Storeroom Backroom room
Bottle 1 X
Bowl 2 X X X
Bowl 3 X X X
Ware A
Jar 1 X X X X X
Jar 2 X X X
Jar 3 X X X X X X
Jar 4 X
Other
Bottle 1 X
Bowl 1 X X
Ware B
Jar 1 X X X X X
Jar 2 X
Jar 3 X
Jar 1
Ware E Ware D Ware C
Jar 2
Jar 3
Bottle 1 X X X X
Bowl 1 X
Bowl 3 X
Bowl 2 X
Jar 1 X X X
Jar 2 X X
Sherd discs X X X X
Others
Graters X X
Sherd tiles X X
Panpipes X X X X X
Mortar and pestle X
Mano X X X X
Stone
Hammerstone X
Polisher X
Cinnabar X
Spatula X
Shell Bone
Perforator/awl
Spondylus
Bead/pendant X X
Wood Drum stick X
Container X
Gourd
Cover X
Basketry Cordage X
Textiles Clothing X
Camelid X X X X X X
Animal bones
Fish X X X X X
Bird X X X
Rodent X X X X
Other(vertebrates) X
Shellfish All species X X X X X X X
Maize X X X X
Plants
Peanut X X
Lúcuma X
Insights into the use of sunken plazas are also provided by the presence of personal items,
mainly body adornments. Red pigment, possibly cinnabar, was encountered at Plaza-B which
suggests that red pigment was involved in public ceremonial activities, perhaps for body painting
and/or as decoration for ritual objects and architectural structures.
Colonnaded patios
The material remains associated with the use of patios are more diverse than those from the
sunken plazas. This suggests a wider range of activities, but assemblages from patios are dominated
by food and drink related remains.
A wide range of ceramic vessels is noted and, in general, storage jars are the least represented,
especially if we consider that Ware C Jar 2 and Jar 3 could be of post-Early Horizon provenance (see
Chapter 5, section 5.2). Serving vessels and gourd containers, by contrast, are common (Ware A
Bowl 1, Ware A Bowl 2, Ware A Bowl 3, Ware A Jar 3, Ware B Bowl 1, Ware B Jar 3, Ware B Bowl
3). Sherd discs attest to the need of covering bottles, neck jars and other drinking vessels. As in the
sunken plazas, the presence of finely decorated stirrup-spout bottles suggests specific kinds of ritual
libations (Ware D Bottle 1).
Food processing activities are supported by the presence of ollas (Ware A Jar 1, Ware A Jar 2,
Ware B Jar 1, Ware C Jar 1, Ware E Jar 1). Food remains from patios comprise camelids, fish, birds,
rodents, shellfish, maize, peanut and lúcuma.
A pair of stone mortar and pestle was found in a patio. These tools were probably used to
grind specific substances involved in ritual practices. Offering and the playing of music are supported
by the discovery of Spondylus, panpipes and a possible wooden drumstick. Other personal items
recovered from patio rooms include shell beads and pendants, as well as fragments of clothing.
Storerooms and backrooms

In comparison with sunken plazas and patios, storerooms and backrooms yielded little
material evidence. For example, only fragments of Ware B Jar 2 were recovered from backrooms.
More evidence is available for storerooms. The most significant discoveries at storerooms were
complete gourd containers. A few broken ceramic vessels were also collected. These include food
processing pots and implements, as well as serving vessels (Ware A Jar 1, Ware A Jar 3, Ware B Jar 1,
Ware D Bottle 1, graters). Sherd discs have been found but, curiously, no typical storage jars. This is
consistent with storage activities of a short-term and limited nature. Excavations inside storerooms
also yielded isolated cases of broken panpipes and bone tools. No stone tools were recovered and
food remains are similar to patterns elsewhere at the site. The latter include camelid, bird and rodent
bones, shellfish and maize.
Non-colonnaded rooms
The evidence from non-colonnaded rooms points to food preparation functions. The
ceramics were mainly of cooking, storage and serving pots (Ware A Bowl 2, Ware A Bowl 3, Ware A
Jar 1, Ware Jar 2, Ware A Jar 3, Ware B Bowl 1, Ware B Jar 1, Ware B Jar 2, Ware D Bottle 1, Ware
D Bowl 1, Ware E Bowl 2, Ware E Jar 1, Ware E Jar 2), but also discs, tiles, and graters. This attests
to the probable complementary relationship between non-colonnaded halls/antechambers and
colonnaded patio rooms. For instance, musical instruments (panpipes) were discovered along with
food remains that include camelids, fish, birds, rodents, shellfish, maize and peanuts.
Cultural remains, room types and spatial patterning, discussion

A number of conclusions can be extracted from the consideration of cultural remains in
relation to room types. Most of the gathering enclosures at Huambacho, whether sunken plazas,
patios or non-colonnaded rooms, witnessed activities that involved food and drink serving and
consumption. The presence of musical instruments, cinnabar, body adornments, and fine libation
vessels in the sunken plazas suggests that activities here were colourful and entertaining events that
included music, dance and drinking. These gatherings were public and most probably ceremonial.
Meanwhile, patios would have been more suited for more restricted, private reunions. Here, again,
food and drink were consumed and music could have been played, but room layout and size suggest
that smaller scale gatherings were realised.
Offering activities, for example, could have taken place in some patios as suggested by the
presence of a complete Spondylus shell. Also, the discovery of a mortar/pestle, objects that are
usually associated with the processing of specific substances (e.g., hallucinogens), reinforces the
exclusive and more private function of patios. Meanwhile, the exact functions of non-colonnaded
rooms are still uncertain. Some areas appear to have been closely linked to food preparation, while
others could have acted as gathering halls, passageways, and/or waiting rooms. Still, the evidence
from these spaces attests to the predominance of food and drink.
With respect to activity remains, little material evidence exists to differentiate significantly
between these three types of room as it appears that they were all closely involved in festive
receptions. Significant differences, however, exist between assemblages from gathering spaces (i.e.,
sunken plazas, colonnaded patios, and non-colonnaded rooms) and adjacent storerooms and/or
backrooms. Although sampling issues must be kept in mind, storerooms and backrooms both show
more limited and less varied assemblages that likely attest to their specialised functions. Whereas
backrooms were found virtually empty, storerooms exhibit artefact patterns that indicate the need
for short-term, limited storage facilities adjacent to gathering enclosures.
The analysis of cultural remains in relation to room type further informs on the function of
each room, but it must be kept in mind that the inferred activities did not necessarily take place in
each room, sector or compound. Hence, it is critical to consider the horizontal distribution of
cultural remains.
For example, differences can be noted between the assemblage from Plaza-A and Plaza-B.
Plaza-A is unique for the presence of fragments of single-spout bottles (Ware A Bottle 1), finely
decorated stirrup-spout bottles (Ware D Bottle 1) as well as pattern-burnished ollas (Ware E Jar 1).
The discovery of a bowl-with-pouring spout is also without parallel in Plaza-B. On the other hand,
Plaza-A assemblage lacks ceramic graters and cinnabar.
Overall, however, it is difficult to differentiate between the use of the two sunken plazas and
I would argue that material differences between Plaza-A and Plaza-B are more circumstantial than a
broad pattern.
In contrast, the Main Platform Complex was likely used by a limited number of privileged
individuals involved in more restricted and private reunions. Material remains here also argue for the
consumption of food and drink, but the presence of prestige goods, possibly offerings, attests to
different activities. At the Main Platform Complex, the absence of musical instruments indicates that
more private utterances, such as low voice conversations, could have characterised ritual
communication.
The low variability noted with respect to the quality and functions of festive equipment
across most of the sub-compounds supports the idea that distinct groups of commoners gathered in
the many sub-compounds at Huambacho. It is likely that elites had exclusive access to the complexes
of raised platforms, but it is possible that the rest of the community, on the basis of, say, their lineage
affiliations used the patios of the South Sector, the North Sector and the North Extension. It is
impossible to identify if space use could have been organised around issues of age and/or gender,
and most gathering spaces could have been used in the same way. Members of a specific social group
took place in a patio open to the sky. They probably sat in the shaded, colonnaded area and were
served food and drink.
In conclusion, analyses of cultural remains shed light on the use of space at Huambacho. It
has been demonstrated that the Main Compound served multiple functions. While strong evidence
exists pointing to the ceremonial consumption of food and drink, activities at the elite centre also
included the processing of food and drink and the preparation of ceremonies. In the next chapter I
examine the ways by which Huambacho was engineered to guide the experience of visitors and
explore the different strategies employed by leaders to legitimate their authority.
— CHAPTER 7 —
ENGINEERING EXPERIENCES: PERCEPTION, SETTINGS AND ACTIONS AT HUAMBACHO
In this chapter, I examine ritual experiences at Huambacho. The elite centre was the theatre
of public events that shaped social interactions. Social interactions were mediated through the
existence and use of the elite centre which became a social agent in its own right. It projected fields
of correct usage and guided public behaviours. In particular, it was through the symbolism of self-
referential and canonical messages that social agents gave meaning to their actions and rationalised
their place within society. Those meanings were enacted through ritual actions that were contained
and framed by constructed spaces.
To consider Huambacho in action requires that I look at the ritual life and sensory
experiences of social agents. In particular, I examine visual arts and ritual settings and explore their
implications for ritual communication and social interactions. I review the messages conveyed
through public art and discuss their meanings in the context of ritual practices at Huambacho. In
addition, I suggest that the Main Compound was designed to provide different types of sensory
experiences and allow different modes of perception, communication and interaction. I argue that
such “extraordinary experiences” (see Abrahams 1986) in public spaces contrasted with everyday life
activities.
7.1 Architecture and rituals

Architecture is critical to rituals because it substantiates canonical messages and materialises
the liturgical order (Rappaport 1999: 145). According to Rapoport (1982: 15), these messages are
included in architectural design through “the application of sets of rules that reflect differing
concepts of environmental quality. Design can hence be seen as an attempt to give form of
expression to some image of an ideal environment, to make actual and ideal environments
congruent”. These sets of rules somehow relate to a prototypic architectural design materialised in
the formal spatial organisation of a structure. Various variables can be observed to shed light on an
architectural genotype and the intention behind its organisation.
Ritual settings ensure respect for canonical rules, but they also act on the self-referential level
since they impose limitations on the possibilities for human actions. They provide cues for
behavioural evaluation and give socio-ritual identity to participants. For instance, it is through
patterns of entryways that ritual movements and congregation of participants are controlled.
Chapter 7, Engineering experiences 186
Spatial organisation is also useful to understand how architectural structures become vehicles
for specific messages. Public buildings are often decorated, an operation which requires the labour
input of specialised artists which complements the work of builders following guidelines informed by
architectural designers and patrons. Public art reflects an intention to display something somewhere.
As defined by Quilter, public art involves “groups of people, large or small, who view art outside
their own domestic contexts, often viewing such art as members of a group rather than as
individuals”, and its study allows us “to consider how people experienced the settings and perceived
the art as part of complex whole of images, architectural constraints and movement through space”
(Quilter 2001: 21). In the following sections, I stress the importance of visual arts and architecture in
the communication of ritual meaning at Huambacho.
7.2 Visual arts and architecture

At Huambacho, permanent elite buildings conveyed messages enacted through public
ceremonies. In this section, I examine the visual arts at the site. More precisely, I focus on clay
friezes and other public art media and discuss their relation to built settings and ritual actions.
At Huambacho, visual art is expressed in myriad media that include ceramic vessels, textiles,
bone tools, and architecture. Iconographies can be representational, but most visual art at the site is
abstract and geometric. The representational images can be anthropomorphic, zoomorphic and
phytomorphic. Anthropomorphic figures are rare and – with the exception of graffiti – only depicted
on ceramic vessels. Representations of plants are also rare, only a single example of stylised corn
cobs was observed on a pot. Meanwhile, animal representations and geometric designs are common
at Huambacho.
7.2.1 Zoomorphic designs

Zoomorphic representations are found on a few portable objects including pyroengraved
gourd containers, ceramic vessels, and a bone spatula. In addition a stylised animal was carved in the
northeast entrance to Plaza-A [Figure 7.1a]. The design is interpreted as an animal with a lozenge
head and an elongated body. The design was likely part of a larger drawing and it is possible that the
animal figure represents a double-headed serpent. For example, similar stylised designs have been
identified as double-headed serpents in Recuay iconography (Makowski and Rucabado 2000).
At Huambacho, stylised serpents are the most popular animals depicted in the iconography.
Serpents are recognisable by their elongated body and lack of body appendices. They are sometimes
represented as double-headed animals. A zoned textile impressed Ware D sherd displays a possible
double-headed serpent [Figure 7.1b]. A clear example comes from a bone spatula carved with a series
of double-headed serpents [Figure 7.1c]. The heads of the serpents are oblong. On one specimen,
the distal tip of the heads is open creating pairs of what are likely to be the serpent’s hooks or fangs.
Similar heads are found on animal figures depicted on a pyroengraved gourd container
fragment [Figure 7.1d]. The scene is complex and includes many animal heads with curvilinear
elongated bodies. The bodies themselves are attached to what look like stems. They are
complemented by eyes and have appendices that are interpreted as hooks/fangs. Plant-like forms
appear to “grow” out of the central stem. The depiction possibly links serpents and plants in a single
form. The scene itself is reminiscent of the association between serpents and plants in Cupisnique
iconography (see Salazar-Burger and Burger 2000: 38, Figure 33).
7.2.2 Geometric designs

The bulk of the artwork at Huambacho is geometric and best expressed in clay friezes and
wall sculptures. Architectural ornamentation with recognisable imagery was found in situ as well as
on sculpted cones and fragments of collapsed friezes. The imagery from the cones is probably the
most diverse. The images created by the cones can be seen from two perspectives: the
negative/sculpted areas and the positive/non-sculpted areas. Here, I consider the negative/sculpted
areas as designs.
Out of the 223 cones that were collected, specific designs were identified in 165 cases (74%).
When designs are recognisable, analyses indicate the rigid organisation of the iconography. Two
designs dominate the assemblage: (1) step design (n=83, 50.3%) and (2) dual zigzag design (n=74,
44.9%). Designs that do not fall in these two categories are rare (n=8, 4.9%), and represent
elaborations, combinations, and/or derivations from the original step and zigzag themes. Meanwhile,
wall friezes depict step, zigzag, but also circular designs.
Step designs
The most common design at Huambacho is the single step. The design is carved in low or
high relief. The design is not only found on sculpted cones, it is depicted in the friezes that directly
face the sunken area in Plaza-A. An examination of the negative designs reveals a visual arrangement
of inverted three-tiered step design separated by two pairs of superimposed rectangles [see Figure
3.9]. With respect to size and shape, the rectangle forms resemble the pairs of rectangular niches
found at the base of the pillars on top of the outer wall-platform. It is thus possible that, like at
Chankillo (see Ghezzi 2006: 78, Figure 3.9), step-like designs ornamented the pillars at Plaza-A.
However, the state of preservation of the friezes and the pillars makes it impossible to know if the
designs were repeated and/or part of a more complex theme.
At Huambacho, step designs are invariably composed of three steps [Figure 7.2b]. A square
or rectangle always faces the stepped side of the design. In one case, two rectangle forms were
sculpted [Figure 7.2c]. Step-like designs are common in ancient South America where they are found
from early settling contexts to Inka times in diverse media including rock art, textile, basketry,
ceramic and architecture. The exact significance of the step design varied from one group to the
other and from one period to the next. The design itself probably originated in textile iconography
(Mackay 1987; see also Boas 1951) and is found throughout the Americas (Appleton 1971).
In early Peru, step designs were popular and often incorporated into architectural designs. At
Cardal, for instance, a three-tiered step-like dual altar was excavated in ceremonial context on top of
the central mound. The dual altar was separated by a common wall and possibly connected through a
window. Burger and Salazar-Burger (1991: 281) emphasise the similarities with step designs depicted
on ceramics, most notably Initial Period ceramics from Ancón and other contemporary sites.
Zigzag designs
In comparison to step designs, zigzags display less uniformity in their execution. With one
exception, zigzags are arranged as two parallel stepped bands spaced by squares and/or rectangles
[Figure 7.3d-g]. As a result these designs can be referred to as “dual zigzags”. In terms of size and
shape, the rectangular forms that separate the dual zigzags resemble those in the step designs.
Variability is noted, however, in the way the zigzags are depicted. For instance, the stepped bands
can have from one to four angles/deviations whereas step designs are invariably three-tiered.
In contrast to step designs, Huambacho dual zigzag designs find less formal correspondences
in other iconographic systems. Zigzags do not appear to have the same widespread use as the step
designs. Examples have nevertheless been reported from textiles discovered at Pashash (Grieder
1978: Figure 131).
Circular designs
Circular designs ornamented clay friezes in the Plaza-B. In addition, an example was found
on a sculpted clay cone [Figure 7.2k]. Some circular designs at Huambacho are reminiscent of the
circle-and-dot style of decoration found on ceramics [Figure 7.3b-c]. Others show arrangements of
circles with triangles or lozenges [Figure 7.3a, d-e]. It is possible that the circular designs were part of
larger murals arranged as series of circular and triangular designs. Also, Figure 7.3a could have
represented the head of a zoomorphic figure. The high frequency of “sculpted dots” found and the
absence of other forms, however, suggest that it is likely that circular designs were repeated in larger
geometric arrangements.
Other designs
Other geometric designs were found on clay cones and fragments of wall plaster. An example
of the latter was found in the debris of the north façade of A-3/CS. The wall section displays two
parallel bands of zigzag designs spaced by squares. The lower section of the friezes exhibits step-like
zigzag designs, also spaced by squares.
As for the sculpted cones, they regroup dual inverted step [Figure 7.2a], dual zigzag with a U-
shaped design [Figure 7.2h], dual inverted Ls with rectangle [Figure 7.3i], and a more complex
stepped-U design [Figure 7.2j]. The dual inverted step design consists of two three-tiered step
designs arranged in a diagonally bilateral symmetrical way. The step sides face each other and are
separated by a pair of rectangles. This particular design is unique at Huambacho, but it finds parallel
in assemblages from other sites in Peru. For example, ceramics from the site of La Capilla in the
Cajamarca area exhibit dual inverted step designs (see Morales 1998: 121, Figure 9). The La Capilla
assemblage also contains circle-and-dot, as well as Chavín-related feline imagery (Fase Apogeo dated
to the Middle Formative ca. 1000-800 B.C.). The presence of the dual inverted step design in
architectural ornamentation, however, is unique to Huambacho.
The dual step design is reminiscent of dual inverted Ls with rectangles depicted on a cone
[Figure 7.2i]. Both designs highlight dualism as a key structuring principle. The dual inverted Ls are
also arranged in a diagonally bilateral symmetrical way. Structurally, the design is highly reminiscent
of an architectural model excavated at the highland site of Pashash (Grieder 1978: 110, 205, Figure
96).
A dual zigzag with a U-shaped design is also present [Figure 7.2h]. The design is related to
the zigzag design. The presence of a U, meanwhile, possibly connects the image to a more complex
stepped-U design. The stepped-U design is arranged as a three-tiered step with a lower extension
rising parallel to the step design in order to create a U-shaped figure [Figure 7.2j]. Inside the stepped-
U, an inverted step design and three rectangles are sculpted. This interpretation highlights the
inclusive nature of the stepped-U design. By rotating the cone (Figure 7.2j: 180o rotation so that the
stepped-U opens downward), the positive of the sculpture further emphasises the inclusiveness of
the step design. This time a three-tiered step design includes the smaller step design and the three
rectangles.
This unique design finds parallel with a type of step-and-fret design depicted on a Kuntur
Wasi Phase cup in the north highlands (Inokuchi 1998: 174, Figure 19). At Pashash, Grieder
discovered a stone block carved with a three-part fret pattern analogous to the Huambacho
geometric forms (Grieder 1978: 197, Figure 4).
7.3 Indexation, symbolism and rituals

In this section, I examine how specific images affected public audiences and gave meaning to
ritual performances. I argue that the powers of visual arts were manifested through ritual
performances. They helped to collect and distribute collective and individual agencies, as well as
communicate religious concepts. Thus, I discuss the visual arts at Huambacho from two
perspectives: (1) self-referential messages, and (2) canonical messages. Visual arts and ritual settings
served as vehicles to guide individual actions and give people a sense of their place within society and
the cosmos. They also played an important role in mediating the forces involved in ritual enactments.
Ritual can be defined, according to Tambiah (1985: 128) as:
a culturally constructed system of symbolic communication. It is constituted of

patterned and ordered sequences of words and acts, often expressed in multiple media,
whose content and arrangement are characterized by varying degrees of formality
(conventionality), stereotypy (rigidity), condensation (fusion), and redundancy
(repetition).
In this perspective, even though rituals can take myriad forms, their main characteristic is to
communicate meaning, a task best accomplished through redundancy, stylisation and conventionality
(Leach 1968). In the following sections I consider the nature of ritual actions at Huambacho and
explore the self-referential and canonical messages conveyed during rituals.
Feasting, propitiatory rituals and fertility

Huambacho is an elite centre that was used for rituals and, above all, ritual performances.
These staged performances involve specific utterances, gestures and motions that were decisive in
situating individuals inside the ritual arena, the community and the world. Ritual actions need specific
spaces. The actions and the use of space are critical in assuring the renewal and continuity of the
world.
At Huambacho, ritual actions were multiple and included eating, drinking, playing music,
drawing graffiti, offering, sitting, and probably dancing, chanting, talking and moving between and
within spaces. From the analysis of material remains, it can be said that the focus of ritual activities
was the consumption of food and drink. The consumption, exchange and offering of food and drink
were central to many Andean rituals. For example, Lau (2001, 2002) reports on the importance of
feasting practices in the ritual life of the Recuay community of Chinchawas in the north-central
highlands. Here, feasts were closely linked to ancestor veneration.
In the Andes, the gift and sharing of chicha is probably one of the most widespread exchange
rituals. It is so even nowadays in rural Peru. For the Inkas, the offering of chicha was not only a
gesture of hospitality, it served to integrate individuals through the sharing of beer. Chicha is served in
many contexts, between individuals during a social visit, but also in more formal contexts. It was
essential to seal alliances between rulers, as well as between human and sacred bodies. According to
Classen (1993: 59): “the Sun, the Earth, rivers, and all important huacas were ritually offered chicha
in this manner”. Chicha was poured on the ground as an offering with the objective of establishing
balance and equilibrium in the relationships between human and natural forces.
Such rituals of exchange were critical to the maintenance of Andean socio-cultural systems.
Human communities had to maintain balance between themselves and their environment. At the
same time, they had to participate in exchange networks with communities located at different
altitudes in order to acquire diverse goods (Murra 1985). Rituals, in particular, have the
transformative capacity of maintaining order and balance between the various natural and
supernatural forces (Classen 1993: 11).
In the Andes, one of the most pervasive forces is related to agriculture and fertility: water.
On the coast of Peru, for example, irrigation agriculture is completely dependent on the occurrence
of rain in the highlands. As a result, agrarian societies on the coast have developed elaborate
propitiatory rituals to assure the annual renewal of the flow of water. In the Andes, water has the
capacity to flow and move within the landscape (Bastien 1985; Sherbondy 1992). From the top of the
cordilleras to both the Atlantic and Pacific oceans, hydraulic systems are at the core of community
life. Water is special because it has the potential to travel – metaphorically – back and forth between
sources, rivers, and oceans. As Sikkink (1997: 172) reports, water circulates; it does not only flow. It
flows down springs and mountain peaks and ends up in rivers, lakes, and the oceans. For some
Andeans, water passes underground and/or through the sky (Milky Way) to return to its sources in
the mountain peaks. Urton (1981) documents an example of this situation amongst the rural
community of Misminay in the south highlands of Peru (Department of Cuzco). According to him:
“the local Misminay hydraulic system operates in conjunction with the Milky Way [...] to circulate
water continuously throughout the terrestrial and celestial spheres” (Urton 1981: 69).
In the Andes, the simulation and stimulation of water through ritual actions are particularly
important. Two Andean rituals, yaku cambio and tinku emphasise the relationships between fertility
and liquids (Sikkink 1997). Tinku rituals can be described as inter-communal battles. During tinku
events, blood is drawn and spilled to the ground, thus fertilising the Pachamama (Mother Earth). In
contrast, the yaku cambio consists of the collecting, mixing and exchange of water from different
sources. People thus move across the landscape collecting, but also imitating the movements of
water. Like the tinku, the yaku cambio relates to fertility, sex, and reproduction, but it emphasises
exchange and reciprocity.
During her fieldwork amongst the Condo of south Peru, Sikkink (1997) documented the yaku
cambio ritual. She notes that water flow serves as a metaphor for the ritual:
People circulate across the landscape; and, in collecting, mixing, and redispersing the
water, they both simulate the circulation of water and seek to stimulate it, to create
movement in the flow of this vital part of their shared commons. The link between
human bodies and the landscape further connects humans with the water they
manipulate during the ritual (Sikkink 1997: 172, original emphasis).
The yaku cambio is central to the daily politics of Andean communities as it brings people from
different communities together. It reaffirms and strengthens their ties to each other as well as to their
land.
Overall, such rituals inform on the importance of water in human life and its metaphoric
value in rituals (Sikkink 1997: 170). They are generally propitiatory and aim to bring fertility and
prosperity to local inhabitants. Hocquenghem (1983: 63) emphasises the connection between water
and the power of the ancestors, suggesting that ancestors deliver water in exchange for offerings.
Benson, with respect to Moche sacrificial ceremonies, remarks that: “These sacrifices undoubtedly
propitiated the mountain deity, who must have been the deity of fresh water, of the rivers that come
down from the mountains to make agriculture possible in the coastal desert” (Benson 1974: 24). But
propitiatory rituals can take many other forms than human sacrifice and involve diverse actions
including consumption of food and drink, offerings, dance, and music.
For example, amongst the Kaatans of Bolivia, propitiatory rituals involve the sacrifice of
llamas, processions, music, dances, the offering of chicha, and the consumption of food and drink.
Major propitiatory rituals are celebrated four times a year amongst the Kaatans: at harvesting
(autumn equinox), ch’uño making (winter solstice), first planting (spring equinox), and second planting
(summer solstice) (Bastien 1978: 61). Bastien notes that rituals are celebrated by contemporaneous
altiplano Aymaras.
This highlights the close relationship between agricultural activities and the ritual calendar.
During his 1944 fieldwork in the coastal community of Moche, Gillin (1945: 15) noted that:
“December is regarded as the time for putting in the wet-season crop (tiempo de abundancia), which is
harvested in May, and June is the time for putting in the dry-season crop (tiempo de escasez), with the
harvest beginning in October”. The ritual life of the Moche community corresponds to this calendar.
For instance, the fiesta of San Isidro the Labourer (saint patron of agriculturalists celebrated on 15
May) is used to mobilise communal labour and harvest the first crop.
Like the coastal community of Moche, in Nepeña, with the exception of manioc, two crops
can be harvested per year. Huambacho ritual life is likely to have been coordinated with agricultural
operations such as planting, harvesting, and the cleaning of irrigation canals. Communal celebrations
allow the mobilisation of group labour for large-scale public tasks. At Huambacho, for instance,
public feasts were coordinated with renovation programmes suggesting that food and drink were
offered in exchange for labour.
Communal solidarity is at the centre of such celebrations, but each event represents a time for
leaders to reaffirm their authority. Group leaders display their wealth, guide communal affairs, and
have the possibility of legitimating their social position through the redistribution of economic
surpluses.
The close relationships between ceremonial centres and water have been documented at many
early sites in Peru. At Chavín de Huántar, for instance, a series of galleries and subterranean canals
channelled water to create sound effects (Lumbreras et al. 1976). At Huambacho, relations to water
began with the establishment of the site at the edge of the fields, in direct association with an
irrigation canal. Early Horizon economy was primarily based on irrigation agriculture which, in turn,
was dependent on the flow of the Nepeña River. The dependence on irrigation is part of a process
which began during the Initial Period. For example, Cupisnique religious iconography displays many
references to animal predators, plants and fertility (Salazar-Burger and Burger 2000: 34). The reliance
on agriculture was to continue during the following Early Intermediate Period notably in the Moche
society. Many lines of evidence express the continuity between Cupisnique and Moche religious
ideology. It is most probable that Early Horizon populations in Nepeña descended from Cupisnique-
related ancestral backgrounds (Larco 1941). In this light, it is worth examining some elements of the
Moche religious ideological system.
The Moche occupied the north coast of Peru during most of the first millennium A.D. It is
accepted that Moche ritual practices were closely related to water, fertility, agricultural productivity
and ecological balance (Benson 1974; Castillo 2000; Donnan 1978). Moche rituals are best
exemplified by human sacrifices (Verano 1998). For example, excavations led by Bourget (1994,
1997, 2001) at the Huaca de la Luna have revealed the existence of specific rituals of human sacrifice
dedicated to mountains and water. These rituals were particularly salient in moments of
environmental instability such as ENSO events (Bourget 2001). Ultimately, rituals were not only
essential to agricultural fertility but also to the renewal of the power of religio-political elites (Uceda
1997, 2000).
Whereas the Cupisnique and Moche focus on human sacrifice has yet to be identified directly
at Huambacho, different lines of evidence point to the importance of fertility in ritual imagery and
practices. Ritual actions at the site included libations, the consumption of food and drink, and
offerings. In particular, it is significant that actions and motions within the Main Compound appear
to have been closely related to the flow and circulation of water. In fact, the site contains many
references to the importance of water and its role in Huambacho society.
In particular, the access system exhibits strong analogies with the irrigation system. Doorways
and corridors reproduce the shape of irrigation canals and people’s motion through and between the
different ritual spaces imitated the flow of water. As in the yaku cambio, through their movements
within the Main Compound, people recreated the flow and circulation of water. These movements
and ritual motions provided strong metaphorical cues, which were made explicit through visual art
forms and the spatial arrangement of ritual spaces.
Congregation and body motions: Self-referential messages

In the context of ritual actions, self-referential messages can take many forms, but they
usually give meaning to people’s actions rather than communicate information. Moreover, meaning is
gained at higher levels than everyday life actions. The ways by which meanings are gained include
discovering similarities between phenomena through metaphors. Those phenomena can be diverse
but they make sense of the place of individuals within the world at the same time that they define the
“persona” (Rappaport 1999: 70-72). The process through which people give meaning to their actions
is indexical rather than symbolic. In this perspective, the relation between the sign and the signified is
stronger than in symbols.
Ritual actions employ indexes that are mostly substantial (e.g., physical acts) to highlight non-
substantial messages (e.g., authority). Overall, they contrast with common means of communication
which refer to substantial messages using non-substantial means. This capacity of rituals to
substantiate non-substantial phenomena is unique and particularly effective to reproduce social and
cosmic order (Rappaport 1999: 85-89).
The importance of ritual actions comes from its capacity to make people reproducing
schemes, beliefs and ontologies through programmatic movements, formalised speech and
reactionary behaviours. Motions through space are conditioned by built environment and one of the
key aspects of ritual spaces is their emphasis on rigid, repetitive movements and the contrast between
confined, corridor-like spaces and vast enclosed areas. According to Bell (1997: 140):
Rituals are characterized by formality, employing relatively more restricted and defined
codes of verbal and nonverbal communications than “ordinary” behaviour […], but also
formalized spaces. [They] may employ the resonance and multivalence of symbols [and]
communicate complex religious, social, and political messages with beauty and economy.
At Huambacho, this facet of ritual behaviour was translated in a marked concern in replicating
ceremonial enclosures such as sunken plazas and colonnaded patios. People were channelled through
corridors and baffled entryways and forced to repeat certain movements.
As noted by H. Moore (1986: 89), actions are discursive and movements in space may be
analysed as a discourse. At Huambacho, I argue that self-referential messages were expressed
through the position occupied by participants during ritual performances, their body motions, and
congregations. For example, the position occupied inside the sunken plazas (i.e., sunken area vs. wall-
platform) helped to define social positions. In particular, the vertical division of the sunken plazas
played an important role in the self-monitoring of action.
In the Andes, the action of “sitting together” is critical in defining social positions and
reaffirming authority. The action of sitting together is fundamental in affirming social solidarity and
inclusion, but it also serves to enact social divisions and differences. For example, ethnographic work
by Urton (1992) in Pacariqtambo (south highlands of Peru) emphasises how status differentiation is
enacted in ayllu when people sit together to eat their noon meal. Ayllu members sit in a U-shaped
formation in which the closed end of the U is at a higher elevation. Elders and people of higher
status sit at the closed end of the U while younger members of lower status sit at the extremities of
the U. These social events bind people together through well-defined distinctions, which include age
and status, and Urton (1992: 250) concludes that they not only reflect social relations, they reproduce
them.
At Huambacho, such considerations were translated in the size of gathering spaces, the
number of colonnaded sides, and the vertical segregation, in the case of the sunken plazas, of lower
and higher spaces.
With respect to body motions, they were diverse. Movements included vertical and
horizontal motions through ritual spaces (e.g., sunken plazas), corridors and staircases/ramps, as well
as dancing. Dancing can be inferred by the presence of musical instruments and the layout of rooms
that provide large open spaces (e.g., sunken plazas). Dancing is an effective way to represent and
position one’s persona within the group (Rouget 1985: 117-118).
At Huambacho, body experiences started at the moment of entering the Main Compound.
This special moment marked a break in time and space from everyday life, which was critical in
giving ritual experiences extraordinary qualities. It is possible that processions approached the Main
Compound.
Processions are one out of many performances that frame rituals. They emphasise motions
through space and they differ from everyday life movements. Processions employ various strategies
including costumes, music, and choreography. J. Moore (2005: 131) argues that processions aim at
diverting attention from the surrounding distractions of daily life. Their symbolic content, however,
is generally made comprehensible to spectators in order to communicate meaning to wide audiences.
It is possible that processions were realised before entering the ceremonial compound at
Huambacho.
Once inside the Main Compound, the experience of participants was shaped by a series of
disruptions and congregations created by the built environment. First and foremost, this strategy
aimed at breaking the time-space continuum of everyday life. This operation was mainly achieved
through access patterns. Corridors and entrances elongated the distance and time separating the
outside and the inside of the Main Compound. Such considerations were also depicted in geometric
art forms. Step-like and zigzag designs extend the distance between two geographical points. In
addition, in the sunken plazas, the most public spaces, builders avoided the use of ramps to connect
the outer wall-platforms with the sunken areas and favoured staircases. In other words, they
favoured conceptually increasing the distance between the two areas.
In some respects, the access system at Huambacho can be compared to maze-like pattern –
not only because of the layout of the entrances themselves (i.e., zigzag patterns), but most
importantly because of the overall organisation of the access system and the inter-connection
between rooms. For example, no direct access was granted to the sunken plazas and one had to go a
long and indirect way to enter the patio room A-3/CS, the highest of the Main Platform Complex.
Maze and meander-like patterns can be defined on the basis that without presenting any
navigational problems they provide the longest route between geographical points. As noted by Gell
(1998: 88) in reference to the Cretan maze:
the problem is one of distance and the continuum. [...] [It is] to create a meander pattern
which threatens to indefinitely extend the number of twistings and turnings in the path
which must be traversed between the entry-door and the centre. [...] Such mazes
exemplify another way in which patterns can present cognitive obstacles. One knows
there is a way through the maze; one may even know that the maze is created by the
simple application of an iterative rule in connecting up lines and pints, [...] but one
cannot, all the same, see one’s way through the maze except very laboriously by tracing
out its winding course.
At Huambacho, access patterns served to mark a symbolic difference between the outside and the
inside of the complex, but also between the many rooms of the complex. They emphasised distance
and continuum and probably disoriented ritual participants. This enhanced the contrast between the
mobility of individual movements and the immobility of congregation. Zigzagging actions may have
been important at Huambacho. For example, maze dances and labyrinth rituals have been
documented ethnographically amongst many groups including the people of Malekula of Vanuatu
(Layard 1936), the Kung of South Africa (Uher 1994) and the Kaatans of Bolivia (Bastien 1978). In
such rituals people recreate zigzagging patterns that metaphorically extends their ritual journey.
Maze-like and zigzagging entryways possess the same potency.
In the Andes, it is common for ceremonial centres to be conceived as vessels for movements
that metaphorically link human actions with the realm of the sacred (Goldstein 1993: 42). In general,
built choreographies are often designed after the shapes of elements of the sacred landscape, and
motions recreated through ritual actions both simulated and stimulated natural forces (Thomas
1993). Irish megalithic tombs, for example, were conceptualised to provide built choreographies that
structured the visitors’ experiences (Thomas 1990). Here, the journey from the outside into the
funerary space was tightly bound to physical actions and by “being presented with symbols and by
being forced to bend down or squeeze through particular parts of the passage, […] the individual
[was] constantly being made aware that he or she was passing between radically different spaces”
(Thomas 1990: 175).
At Huambacho, similar emotions were provided by narrow passageways, baffled entryways and
the alternative passing through and between dark, covered spaces and bright, open spaces. Body
motions also linked human actions to the flow of water. Through their movements within the Main
Compound, people re-enacted metaphorically the circulation of water through irrigation canals. Such
movements not only involved individuals in the success of ritual endeavours, they connected people
to their ancestors, those responsible for delivering water from the Andes. That form of ancestor
worship gave people the power of creating contexts in the world of the living that would have
repercussions in the world of the ancestors.
Ultimately, concerns with movements were indexed in visual art forms which guided the self-
referential interpretation of people’s actions and behaviours. Public spaces displayed a series of
repeating geometric designs that had special ideological and religious meanings to local inhabitants.
In the next section, I explore the canonical messages conveyed in these visual art forms.
Sacred landscape, fertility and authority: Canonical messages

In contrast to self-referential messages, canonical messages represent conventions that have
their bases in a liturgical order. This order is primarily arranged along a time-space axis (Rappaport
1999: 209-210). Diachronically, it regulates periods of sacred and mundane activities while, spatially,
it divides space into sacred and profane (Eliade 1959). Unlike self-referential messages, canonical
messages are transmitted through symbolic means. Due to the polysemic nature of symbols,
canonical messages have the capacity to transmit several meanings. Here, I review the symbolic
meanings attached to visual art forms at Huambacho beginning with animal symbolism.
As noted earlier, most animal representations at Huambacho depict serpents. Serpent imagery
at Huambacho is especially significant considering that rituals were centred and dependent on
agricultural productivity. In fact, rituals at Huambacho were not only related to agriculture, they were
linked to notions of fertility and cyclic water flow. Both concepts have close ties to serpents.
Several suborders of land serpents are native to the coast of Peru including Boidae,
Colubridae, Elapidae, and Viperidae. Non-venomous serpents of the Colubridae suborder are the
most common on the north-central coast (Carrillo de Espinoza and Icochea 1995). At Huambacho,
it is impossible to identify what species are represented. Perhaps of greater concern, however, is the
correspondence between the cycles of activity of serpents and the season cycles. Urton (1981: 179)
mentions that:
The Andean dry/cold season (May-July) is a period not only of reduced activity among
reptilian fauna but also among the fauna upon which reptiles prey. Therefore, terrestrial
reptiles in the Andes are variably active and inactive in direct relation to pronounced
alternations between dry/cold and warm/rainy seasonal chances. […] Since
meteorological serpents (rainbows/amarus) only appear during the rainy part of the year,
they exhibit a seasonal activity cycle similar to that of terrestrial reptiles.
In Peru, serpents are not only linked to celestial events, they are associated with agricultural
practices. Many species share their biotopic niche with cultivated plants. At the same time, serpents
directly contribute to the success of agricultural harvests. They are particularly active during the rainy
season in the highlands. Whereas they can spend several weeks without eating during hibernation,
serpents become very active predators during the months of cultivation. They are opportunistic and
primarily eat rodents, and occasionally batracians. For these reasons, coastal populations have for a
long time considered serpents as guardians of the fields. For example, Gillin (1945: 26-27) recorded a
serpent story: “It is believed that every huerta [i.e., garden orchard] has a serpent guardian. This
serpent is called “culambra”. If a stranger enters a huerta, the culambra wraps itself around him until
the master of the huerta arrives”. It is possible that this story has its origins in prehistoric times. For
example, Bourget (1994: 88) has suggested that the prehistoric Moche people associated serpents to
fertility, agriculture and sacrifice.
The conception of serpents as guardians is not limited to agricultural fertility. Dobkin de Rios
(1972) reports that amongst contemporary people of Iquitos, serpents – in this case the boa
constrictor (Boa constrictor) – are the guardian spirits of the hallucinogenic drink ayahuasca. The boa is
seen as a positive omen in healing ceremonies. At Huambacho, the association between serpents and
the ritual consumption of hallucinogenic substances is suggested by the representation of a double-
headed serpent on a bone spatula possibly used in the mixing and preparation of psychotropic
substances.
Regarding geometric art, it is generally accepted that such designs stem from the need of
humans to decorate their environment (Gell 1998; Gombrich 1984). However, the decorative
function of geometric art should not obscure its meaning, symbolism and agency. At Huambacho,
public artwork was manufactured to enhance the visual experience of ritual participants. Designs also
represented specific concepts and brought together many elements of the sacred landscape.
The step design is widely represented at Huambacho. In the Andes, it is agreed that the step
design, called ahuaqui (Arsenault 1994: 436), captures the qualities and powers of sacred mountains
(Campana 2004). For example, the Kaatans of Bolivia conceive the landscape as a series of steps
linking each community with the original water source or mountain peak (Bastien 1978: 45-47).
In Moche times, the step design was intimately linked to the power of ruling elites (Chicoine
2002). It synthesised the mountain, water and human sacrifice in a single visual metaphor. A
fret/wave was added to the top of the step design to link the powers of the mountain and the sea
and their importance in the rituals of human sacrifice (Bourget 1991). Sacrificial victims, portrayed as
falling down the top of the mountain, would be carried by the fret/wave (see Kutscher 1954: Figure
79). Step-and-fret designs often comprised other elements of the Moche ritual universe including
foxes, serpents, catfish, and rays. Complex variants of the step design adorned dress, portable
artefacts and architecture in order to bring together the different social segments in a single religious
ideology and enhance social cohesion (Chicoine 2002: 122). At Huambacho, step designs are found
on textiles as well as on portable artefacts suggesting the symbolism was shared by community
members.
These particular visual forms and their symbolism were crystallised on the north coast by
A.D. 1, but it is likely that they developed prior to Moche times. For instance, Cupisnique
iconography from the Initial Period to the end of the Early Horizon makes widespread references to
the step designs and sacrifice themes, in particular decapitation (Cordy-Collins 1992). Also, as
mentioned before, the association between the symbolism of the mountain and fertility appears to be
present at Cardal (Burger and Salazar-Burger 1991).
Overall, the step design in the Andes fused many facets of the sacred landscape, especially
the mountain, with ceremonial architecture (deBock 2003; Makowski 2000). At Huambacho, the
importance of the mountain is substantiated by the proximity of the centre to the Cerro Popo hill,
but also by the spatial organisation of the Main Compound. The Cerro Popo is easily accessible from
the Main Compound which itself is aligned with the top of the hill.
Prehistoric architectural structures can be observed at the surface of the hill, mostly at its
summit. Nowadays the local groups of Huambacho El Arenal use the hill as a place of procession
and a Latin cross has been installed on top. While excavations have yet to be realised, it is likely that
Early Horizon groups incorporated the hill in their sacred landscape and ceremonial life (Chicoine
and Pimentel 2004).
The step design has the capacity to synthesise the visual as well as symbolic qualities of both
the mountain and the temple in a single geometric abstract design. For example, step designs can be
used to depict platform mounds and sunken plazas. They capture the basic notion of vertical
movements between different qualitative spaces. At the same time, they reproduce the basic spatial
segregation between different raised and sunken areas.
In the context of the sunken plazas, by moving up and down the raised wall-platforms and
sunken areas, ritual participants enacted the importance of spatial verticality. Moreover, the three-
tiered organisation of the Main Platform Complex as well as the stepped façade of A-3/CS attest to
the concern of architects in incorporating vertical movement into the built environment.
Finally, the presence of dual step designs indicates that dualism guided the conception of
space and sacredness. At Cardal, Burger and Salazar-Burger (1991: 281) have suggested that the “the
symmetrical arrangement of [the dual] altars points strongly to the dual organization of religious
worship in some of the ceremonies.” In the Andes, dualism is a common concept that refers to the
balance of opposite forces and the reciprocity of exchange systems (Dillehay 1998; Moore 1995;
Watchel 1973). Many aspects of Huambacho’s ritual life express dualism. For example, the
organisation of the sunken plazas suggests that some form of dualism could have guided ritual
conduct in these spaces.
Whereas step designs embody the power of the mountains and metaphorically allow water to
circulate within the sacred landscape, zigzag designs likely reference irrigation canals and hydraulic
systems. Zigzag designs are linked to ritual motions, but also fertility and elements of the sacred
landscape. In many ways, the design connects ritual performances with the nature of the universe. I
would argue that zigzag designs further provide evidence for the connection between ceremonial
space, agricultural fertility and ritual actions. Like the step designs, zigzag designs probably derive
from textile art. Even though zigzags may depict several different things, the Huambacho designs
likely reference fertility.
In ancient Peru, serpents are often represented with a zigzag-shaped body that highlights the
way the animals move. The association between zigzags and serpents enhances the symbolic ties
between serpents, water and fertility. At La Galgada, textile fragments have been excavated that
exhibit a visual association between double-headed serpents and zigzag designs (Grieder 1988 et al.:
Figure 131). Like at Huambacho the zigzags consist of two or more angles and are arranged in a
parallel way. Decorated gourd containers from La Caldera in Arequipa show double-headed serpents
with zigzagging bodies (Mackay 1987: Figure 99b).
On the coast, zigzag designs similar to those from Huambacho have been documented from
Cupisnique ceramic assemblages. For example, Larco (1948: 66, Plate 4) illustrates a zoned punctate
stirrup-spout bottle decorated with at least three zigzag designs. One of the zigzags follows the shape
of the stirrup-spout handle suggesting a link between the shape of the bottle and the flow of water.
The libation bottle further supports the association between zigzag designs, liquids and rituals.
A close relation therefore exists between the zigzagging of water, its division and distribution
through irrigation systems and geometric art forms. Zigzag designs and stirrup-spout handles capture
well this complex relation. I would argue that the square designs found in zigzagged and stepped
patterns work in a similar way.
As mentioned, step and zigzag designs are complemented by small squared or rectangular-
shaped forms. These forms are located so that they interrupt and divide the flow channelled, for
example, between two parallel zigzags or dual step designs. Similarly, the flow of rivers is interrupted
by irrigation canals and water is divided between communities. Subsequently it is reunited and
returned to its source. The visual effect created by the rectangles suggests a division and reunification
of forces. The pouring of liquid through stirrup-spout vessels reproduces the same action. It divides
and fuses liquid from a single source.
At Huambacho, motions through corridors, between pillars, and back and forth between
different spaces possibly referred to the transfer, flow, division and unification of forces. By
physically re-enacting the circulation of fertile forces, people participated in the renewal of life and
the recreation of seasonal cycle. Ultimately, these actions were shaped by the built settings. The
reproduction of the world, thus, was mediated through the design and use of public spaces. This
process was reiterated through clay friezes and other visual art forms.
Huambacho geometric art emphasises inclusiveness and enclosure. For example, in dual step
designs, the step sides always face each other and never the opposite. The same holds true for dual
L-shaped designs. In this light, the space comprised between the steps and/or Ls is likely to have a
special significance. I suggest that it could refer to the sunken area of the plazas. These spaces are
enclosed and surrounded by step-shaped outer wall-platforms. The inclusiveness of these enclosed
spaces contrasts with the openness of space outside the Main Compound. Circular designs also
capture the idea of inclusiveness expressed in some of the more complex geometric designs at
Huambacho.
Overall, the structural arrangements and repetition of visual art at Huambacho relate directly to
Early Horizon conception of the sacred landscape and its metaphoric translation into ritual
architecture. According to Bastien (1978: 197), Andean religion has a tradition of telluric symbolism.
Divinities inhabit rocks, rivers, mountains, and caves. These places become ritual spaces and their
telluric qualities charge them with metaphors of the ecological order.
At Huambacho, telluric symbolism is best materialised in geometric artwork that references the
power of mountains and rivers. The designs that decorated public spaces were part of a single
coherent system which informs on the religious ideology and ritual communication of Early Horizon
groups on the north-central coast. For example, designs like steps, zigzags, and the stepped-U are
variants and rearrangements of the same themes. Geometric art forms make a point of linking sacred
concepts with the spatial organisation of ceremonial architecture. For example, the U-stepped design,
viewed in profile, resembles the section of the outer wall-platforms of the sunken plazas. It
highlights the potency of sunken plazas to include actions and forces represented by the step designs
and various square designs.
The practice of abstracting architecture in geometric designs is common in ancient Peru. At
Pashash, for instance, sacred space and architecture are brought together in an architectural model,
probably used as a gaming board, which consists of 21 sunken compartments (Grieder 1978: 110,
205, Figure 96). The model is organised symmetrically along a diagonal axis. Raised L-shaped
compartments face each other in a similar fashion as the dual step design from Huambacho. On the
side of the raised platforms, step designs are carved.
At Huambacho, canonical messages included ideas about the relationships between the
power of the mountains, water, fertility and the religious authority of leaders. In particular, it could
be posited that the messages aimed at legitimating the position of religio-political elites. The
transmission of canonical messages could have been done through speech and utterances, but
materially it is expressed in the iconographic content of the clay friezes and sculpted clay cones that
decorated the sunken plazas. Also, it is possible that visual experiences included extrasensory
perceptions.
7.4 Beyond perception: Altered states of consciousness, entoptics and graffiti art
Visual perception was critical to the ritual experience of ritual participants at Huambacho and
many lines of evidence suggest that people experienced visions induced through altered states of
consciousness (Ludwig 1969; see also Bourguignon’s introduction 1973). In this section, I argue that
these experiences were translated into graffiti art, some of them depicting entoptic phenomena
related to altered states of consciousness and other ecstatic performances.
Altered states of consciousness and entoptics

A strong connection exists between altered states of consciousness and entoptic phenomena,
or entoptics. Entoptics refer to visual sensations, including phosphenes and form constants, which
derive from within the optic system, anywhere from the eyeball to the cerebral cortex. Such visions
are independent from external light source. Entoptic visions are different from hallucinations and
account for many forms of geometric visual precepts. The abstract geometric visions can be induced
by many means including pressure on the eyeball, rhythmic movement, psychoactive drugs, and
sensory deprivation (Lewis-Williams and Dowson 1988). They are sometimes attributed to
supernatural experiences (Duerden 2004).
In archaeology, the consideration of entoptics is especially important in the study of rock art.
Based on data from South African San and Upper Palaeolithic rock art, Lewis-Williams and Dowson
(1988, 1990, 1993) proposed a neuropsychological model which claims that entoptic phenomena,
derived from shamanistic practices including trance, the use of drugs, and other altered states of
consciousness, account for many forms of rock art. Lewis-Williams and Dowson’s argument has
been hotly debated amongst archaeologists and neurosciencists, amongst others (Dronflied 1996; see
discussants in Lewis-Williams and Dowson 1988). Despite criticisms, their model has been applied to
numerous archaeological cases of rock and graffiti art in different regions of the world (e.g., Bradley
1989; Haviland and Haviland 1995).
Entoptic forms are numerous, but certain types are recurrent. Lewis-Williams and Dowson
(1988: 203) identify six recurrent forms: (1) a grid and its development in a web of hexagonal
patterns, (2) parallel lines, (3) dots, (4) zigzags, (5) catenary curves, and (6) meandering lines
(filigrees). These visions are perceived in different ways that can alter their original form. Those
principles of perception include replication, fragmentation, integration, superposition, juxtaposition,
reduplication and rotation (Lewis-Williams and Dowson 1988: 203).
Many factors have to be considered when applying this neuropsychological model to the
study of graffiti art. The ways through which altered states of consciousness are attained certainly
have an impact on entoptic visions. Most laboratory experiments involved the use of mescaline and
lysergic acid diethylamide (LSD). Mescaline is the psychoactive substance in San Pedro cactus. In
addition, the psychological and emotional predispositions of subjects are directly connected to visual
precepts and their interpretation. Visions are mediated through the culture and agency of the artist.
Hence, according to Stahl (1986: 134) “the ecstatic sighting of otherworldly spirits is both a cross
cultural constant of hallucination as well as a response to culturally conditioned expectations.”
Finally, the forms of entoptic imagery will change whether the visions are materialised during the
altered states of consciousness or reminisced afterwards.
Taking into account all these factors, it is possible to acknowledge that a number of entoptic
phenomena are universally derived from the nervous system. In the case of the Huambacho
research, it is significant that public spaces and ritual actions were possibly designed to provide
extrasensory experiences. Probably through rhythmic movements induced by music, the
consumption of alcohol, and the use of psychoactive drugs, certain individuals experienced altered
states of consciousness which they recorded in the form of graffiti on some structures of the Main
Compound.
Graffiti at Huambacho
In some spaces at Huambacho, designs were deliberately etched into hard plaster. Such
actions were realised in the sunken plazas, but also in A-3/HA [Figure 7.4]. In the case of sunken
plazas, graffiti were carved on the walls of the outer wall-platforms rather than inside the sunken
areas. Because of their location, graffiti can be interpreted as the product of select elite individuals.
Smaller gathering spaces such as the colonnaded patios of the Main Platform Complex could have
involved isolation and sensory deprivation. Graffiti associated with those settings have yet to be
discovered.
Huambacho graffiti were produced by incisions and no examples of printed or painted
graffiti were discovered. Graffiti were mostly discovered in the fragments of collapsed walls, but
three examples were found in situ (see Chapter 3, sections 3.4.2, 3.4.4). The in situ examples are
geometric, cross-hatched designs, but it is possible to recognise zoomorphic and anthropomorphic

figures from fragments of wall plaster. Overall, the crude aspect of many representations may be
related to the altered states of consciousness during which they were produced (Siegel 1977: 134).
Animal images mainly include birds [Figure 7.4b-c, e] although a possible representation of
quadruped is present [Figure 7.4k]. A possible animal profile head exhibits fangs and raised ears
which could be identified as a fox or a feline [Figure 7.4g]. Bird figures are easily recognisable by
their beaks, but their overall depiction is poor.
Human figures, meanwhile, include a head [Figure 7.4f], a hand [Figure 7.4h], and a male
figure [Figure 7.4a]. The male figure is depicted in a “matchstick” fashion. The right arm is raised and
the legs are spread apart revealing genitalia. The left arm is not preserved. Many graffiti could not be
clearly recognised. Those include a possible human hand [Figure 7.4i], as well as geometric designs
[Figure 7.4d, j].
There are in situ examples of graffiti. Two were discovered in the northeast staircase of
Plaza-A [Figure 7.5m-n] and one was carved on a pillar in Plaza-B [Figure 7.4l]. The designs are,
overall, very similar. The graffito from Plaza-B consists of 11 vertical lines crossed by a single
horizontal line. Meanwhile, two graffiti were observed in Plaza-A. One consist of 20 vertical lines
cross-cutting two horizontal lines. The other consists of five vertical lines cross-cutting a single
horizontal line. The three graffiti are located a few centimetres from the floor and/or staircase.
Although they might have been etched by kids, the location of the graffiti reinforces the claim that
people may have been seated on the outer wall-platforms when experiencing visions.
The forms of the in situ graffiti at Huambacho resemble closely the grid patterns visualised
during entoptic phenomena (see Lewis-Williams and Dowson 1988: 206-207, Figures 1-2). The poor
execution of the pattern may be explained by the altered state of consciousness of the artist. What
appears to be poor depictions of animals, humans and other figures are, perhaps, representations of
visions.
Graffiti, discussion
The Huambacho graffiti find parallel in petroglyphs that have been encountered elsewhere in
Nepeña. Proulx reports rock art from two sites: PV31-155 and 173. A male figure with spread legs
from PV31-173, in particular, is reminiscent of the anthromorphic graffiti from Huambacho (Proulx
1973: 110, Figure 19). The exact dating of the rock art in Nepeña is uncertain, but Proulx suggests
that some of the petroglyphs date to the Early Horizon.
Graffiti art was common in ancient Peru where it was found in ceremonial contexts. On the
coast, graffiti have been discovered at the Initial Period sites of Cardal, Garagay, and Huaca Lucía
(Burger and Salazar-Burger 1991: 281, Figure 4; Shimada 1986: 177-179), as well as at Cahuachi
(Silverman 1993). At Cardal, graffiti were etched on a wall face next to a three-tiered step-like altar.
The images are interpreted as religious in nature and consist of a concentric cross, a complex winged
figure, a round face, and a profile head with nasal extrusions (Burger and Salazar-Burger 1991: 281).
Graffiti art is also found in Mesoamerica where it is often interpreted as the result of altered
states of consciousness. The best examples probably come from the Maya site of Tikal (Kampen
1978; Trik and Kampen 1983). Here, graffiti are of many forms including grids, zigzags, circles-and-
dots, parallel lines, catenary curves and filigrees. Haviland and Haviland (1995: 304) estimate that
90% of the graffiti may have been trance-related and result of entoptic phenomena induced by the
use of psychoactive substances. Like at Huambacho, the Tikal graffiti were encountered on the
interior walls of structures; often near the floor and clustered around benches where people may
have been seated.
The ritual use of psychotropic substances was widespread in early Peru, especially in the
Cupisnique and Chavín cults (Cordy-Collins 1977, 1980, 1996). San Pedro cactus (Trichocereus
pachanoia) was probably the most common psychoactive drug used at the time. The mescaline cactus
is still used nowadays in Andean healing practices (Dobkin de Rios 1968). Varieties of Trichocereus
grow in the highlands, as well as in the coastal quebradas and sandy beaches (Towle 1961: 71). At
Huambacho, remains of San Pedro were not encountered, but the presence of stone mortars and
pestles as well as bone spatulas is consistent with the preparation of psychoactive substances.
Altered states of consciousness may also have been achieved through music. Music, at many
levels, works in a similar way as psychotropic substances. It also complements drug use. According
to Dobkin de Rios and Katz (1975: 65), music provides its own structure which contributes to
psychedelic experiences such as vision quests. As suggested earlier, music was an integral part of
ceremonial activities at Huambacho. It is possible that music acted, perhaps in conjunction with
psychoactive substances, to condition altered states of consciousness and stimulate entoptic visions.
The presence of graffiti art at Huambacho attests to the possible importance of ecstatic
experiences during the Early Horizon and suggests that ceremonial spaces, in particular the interior
walls of the sunken plazas and certain patio rooms, were likely used as supports for entoptic visions.
At the same time, the etching of visions on the walls of the sunken plazas would have reminded
people of psychedelic experiences and linked them to elements of the sacred landscape and the
authority of politico-religious leaders.
7.5 Conclusion: Communitas, authority and rituals

In this chapter, I have argued that Huambacho elites designed public spaces and their related
activities to engineer unique sensory experiences that contrasted markedly with daily activities.
Experiences were conceived to create a feeling of community while, at the same time they
reproduced the basis of religio-political authority. This was realised through various strategies
including the enactment of self-referential messages, the transmission of canonical messages, and the
consumption of intoxicating substances.
Rituals have this capacity of transmitting messages during liminal stages when society is “de-
structured” and social identities are diluted through various mechanisms and strategies. According to
Turner (1969: 95-96), these moments of “communitas” imply a detachment from daily life and the
creation of bonds between ritual participants. However, communitas is a state of mind rather than an
effective obliteration of social identities and post-liminal stages allow the reassertation of social
structures. As a result, rituals represent powerful means to communicate canonical messages and
promote authority.
At Huambacho, communitas were experiences mainly enacted through constructed spaces,
musical displays and the consumption of food and drink. Alcohol consumption, in particular, has the
capacity to bring people together and reduce inhibitions. In this perspective, it is significant that the
Main Compound was fragmented in many spaces; some of them designed to host private
discussions.
According to DaMatta (1984: 210) “the domain of the plaza is an arena for encounters”. At
Huambacho, the assembly of community members in sunken plazas was decisive in providing
feelings of security and communal belonging. Ritual gatherings would have suggested that people
belonged to a community guided by leaders able to provide abundance, fertility and prosperity.
Religion is important to human beings because it brings community members together
through rituals. It implies that we realise the relative insignificance of human existence in front of
larger, god-like forces (De Botton 2005: 249-259). In this perspective, to assure the reiteration of
status through rituals, certain individuals need to claim special connections with god; a connection
that might imply bloodline and/or other factors. At Huambacho, the spatial organisation of the
sunken plazas suggests that elites segregated themselves from the rest of the community.
One of the key aspects of rituals is to create spectacles that contrast with everyday life
activities. At Huambacho, I have argued that this was achieved through creating stunning visual
effects (niches, friezes, painted murals, body adornments, colourful processions, dance), the physical
deprivation and disorientation of participants (corridors, baffled entryways, monumental plazas),
musical displays (panpipes, singing, drums, voice), and the consumption of intoxicating substances
(chicha, hallucinogens). I have focused on visual experiences achieved through the ornamentation of
architectural structures, the monumentality of space, the contrast between constrictive and open
spaces, and altered states of consciousness.
At the same time, visual experiences involved hiding some elements or actions to spectators
while emphasising the display of others. In all cases, nevertheless, public ceremonial spaces were
designed with a purpose, meaning and intention. They respected codes of actions and building
conventions and they aimed at repeating the organisation of religious practices.
To conclude, the Huambacho evidence indicates that ritual experiences at the site were
achieved as part of a coherent strategy that reaffirmed the authority of ruling elites at the same time
that it brought people together. The consumption of alcoholic beverages lubricated social
interactions, obscured social differences and converged people for communion with supernatural
forces. Meanwhile, feasts and the provision of large amounts of food acted as an index of the success
of local economies. Communal feasts at Huambacho were likely part of propitiatory rituals aimed at
celebrating fertility and redistributing economic surpluses. The offering and redistribution of goods
were likely critical in maintaining reciprocity and balance between elites and community members as
well as between the world of the living and supernatural forces.
— CHAPTER 8 —
REVIEW AND CONCLUSIONS
This dissertation has explored architecture and society in Early Horizon Peru through
archaeological excavations at the site of Huambacho (800-200 B.C.), Nepeña Valley. Large-scale
horizontal excavations at the site have generated new data on local forms of architecture, which are
significantly different from forms known previously for the Chavín period. Focusing on the design,
construction and use of the enclosure compound, I have suggested that constructed spaces were
critical in shaping people’s experiences and reproducing social structures. From a regional
perspective, the Proyecto Huambacho indicates strongly religious diversity during the Early Horizon,
the period of the Chavín cult. The project emphasises the crucial role of local agency in large-scale
cultural processes, and has documented developments unknown previously.
Taking into account that society is constituted through the interplay of agency and structure,
the Huambacho research reveals the central place occupied by the built environment in guiding
human action. In particular, I have identified the communication of meaning, the exercise of power
and the evaluation of conduct as key elements of the structuration process (Giddens 1979). The
Proyecto Huambacho has stressed the communicative power of architecture, particularly the medium
of public art on buildings. It has also shed light on the capacity of actors to make certain “accounts
count” on the basis of privileges present into social systems (Giddens 1979: 83). In particular, this
was expressed through the manipulation of architectural designs, public display, and the control over
the access to special places. Finally, the project reveals how public spaces become “structuring
structures” that guide people’s actions. In this final chapter, I review these contributions of the
Huambacho research, and highlight local, regional and theoretical implications.
8.1 Huambacho: An Early Horizon elite centre

Excavations at Huambacho indicate the site was built and occupied between 800 and 200
B.C. – spanning most of the Early Horizon. On the north-central coast of Peru, the Early Horizon
was marked by the emergence of enclosure compounds. Prior to the Huambacho research,
architecture at these sites had remained poorly documented. My architectural analysis of Huambacho
suggests a rigid planning of buildings, and the existence of distinct room types with clear functions.
Building techniques and materials indicate the intention to build a permanent centre using a number
of architectural canons which are inspired by pre-existing local practices. The attention given to wall
ornamentation indicates that Huambacho was a centre of special importance designed to impress
Chapter 8, Conclusion 211
visitors. Further, access patterns attest to the tight control which was exercised over movement
within the Main Compound, and between its various sub-compounds.
Two very distinct types of spaces characterise the Main Compound: sunken plazas and
complexes of raised platforms which I interpret as public and private spaces, respectively.
Meanwhile, the main activities at the site included the preparation, serving, and consumption of food
and drink, musical performance, and the making of offering. Taken as a whole, these are interpreted
as ceremonial activities.
Planning, designing and building Huambacho: Tradition and innovation

Huambacho’s design and construction involved various actors (i.e., architects, labourers,
masons, artists) who drew upon traditional bodies of knowledge and “ways of doing things” while
introducing many innovations. Actors and groups of actors distributed their agency through
constructed spaces. Their own “situated practices” expressed their respective link to the past, their
interests, and their intentions.
On the north-central coast of Peru, the appearance of new forms of architecture at the
beginning of the first millennium B.C. coincided with a social crisis. The Huambacho research
provides data on these new architectural forms, and confirms a rapid reorganisation of coastal
societies. However, the analysis of building principles, techniques, and materials indicates that
Huambacho builders were also inspired by coastal traditions from the Initial Period. The
Huambacho evidence provides information on the simultaneous conservatism and dynamism of
technological practices (Dobres 2000: 5), and their link, as “situated practices”, to past structures and
stocks of knowledge. In specific terms, this is visible in the use of the orthostatic technique, the
transformation of conical adobes into decorative devices, and the development of the “interior
colonnade” layout.
The orthostatic technique has been widely reported from Initial Period sites on the coast of
Peru (Pozorski and Pozorski 2002). The practice actually survived into the Early Intermediate Period
at Salinar sites (Brennan 1978; Cotrina et al. 2003; Mujica 1984). The use of the orthostatic technique
at Huambacho has two implications: (1) the continuity of building practices and technical knowledge
from the Initial Period to the Early Horizon, and (2) a high degree of elaboration in the construction
of the Main Compound.
On the north-central coast, changes can be observed in the use of the orthostatic technique
from Initial Period to Early Horizon groups. The most significant difference appears in the scale of
the work. At Sechín Alto, for instance, the stone blocks used for the base of the masonry walls are so
large that they were originally thought to be displaced lintels (Pozorski and Pozorski 2002: 37-38).
The Huambacho evidence shows a decrease in the scale of monumental architecture over time and
the adaptation of building techniques accordingly.
The abandonment of conical adobes also marked a change from Initial Period practices. They
were typically used in the construction of platform mounds, but also walls and cylindrical pillars. At
Sechín Alto, for instance, during the Moxeke phase, the core of the central mound was filled with
conical adobes (Pozorski and Pozorski 2002: 40-41). This disuse of conical adobes may relate to
other changes in Early Horizon architecture, such as the abandonment of large mounds.
The Huambacho evidence indicates that builders adapted the technique for specific
decorative purposes. I argue that sculpted clay cones represent a reinterpretation of the conical
adobes technique. It was an innovative strategy for decorating elite buildings strongly inspired by
Initial Period practices. For example, conical adobes were used in the elaboration of friezes at
Moxeke (Tello 1956: 60-66), and Cárdenas (1998: 69-70) reports the presence of fingerprints,
possibly decorative, on the base of conical adobes at the Initial Period site of Cerro
Obrero/Tanguche in Santa.
In terms of spatial forms, the architectural units documented at Huambacho find correlates at
Initial Period sites. These forms, however, clearly represent the recombination of previous concepts.
For example, Thompson’s “corridor subtype” architecture (Thompson 1962: 295) characterises the
complex of rooms excavated on top of the Huaca A mound at Pampa de las Llamas-Moxeke
(Pozorski and Pozorski 1986: 385), and is very similar in principle to Huambacho’s layout. I also
identify continuities in the recurrent use of colonnaded layouts, the orientation of the structures, and
the importance given to the interdependence between public plazas and more private platform
mounds.
The development of the interior colonnaded layout also appears to have been inspired by
pre-existing local practices. Colonnaded architecture was reported from the earliest structures at
Cerro Blanco and Punkurí (Tello 2005), where pillars could be rectangular or cylindrical, and were
typically set away from walls on platforms, creating porticos. At Punkurí, for instance, square-shaped
pillars measure 42 cm on either side. Their shape and size are very reminiscent of the Huambacho
pillars. The pillars at Punkurí were also decorated with painted reliefs (Antúnez de Mayolo 1933;
Tello 2005). At Huambacho, I have suggested that some pillars were decorated with niches and other
sculpted designs.
Recent fieldwork at Huaca Partida has revealed examples of cylindrical pillars composed of
canes and clay, alongside polychrome mural paintings (Koichiro Shibata, personal communication
2005). A date of 800 B.C. has been proposed for Huaca Partida (Huancas 2005), and those pillars are
reminiscent of structures excavated at Taukachi-Konkán (Mound of the Columns) and Sechín Alto
(Pozorski and Pozorski 2002: 25-31, 40-41). The dating of Huaca Partida suggests that some Early
Horizon groups may have remained more “faithful” to Initial Period canons of architecture than
others.
Circular as well as rectangular sunken plazas are common on the north-central coast prior to
the Early Horizon. Sunken plazas, however, usually face a central mound with aligned staircases. The
alignment of plazas and staircases, such as those at Sechín Alto, suggests long, linear processions
(Pozorski and Pozorski 2002). In contrast, the sunken plazas at Huambacho are enclosed, and it
seems unlikely that they were used for similar processions. Large open plazas are replaced by a clear
concern to enclose space. Rather than focusing on high central mounds, the space is fragmented and
plazas are sunken.
Notwithstanding many differences from previous Initial Period centres, Huambacho
architects therefore drew upon a number of earlier, local architectural concepts. This analysis
challenges previous interpretations about the origins of Early Horizon groups on the north-central
coast, and more significantly, suggests that Early Horizon patterns of architecture in Nepeña have
clear local antecedents. It also sheds light on the dynamism of building practices and the nature of
technological innovations.
Insights into Early Horizon enclosure compounds

Huambacho is best described as an enclosure compound, a form of planning that is found
throughout the world (Oliver 1987). In ancient Peru, enclosure compounds are often associated with
elite activities, serving various functions as royal compounds, administrative centres and defensive
citadels. On the coast, walled-enclosures are best known during the Middle Horizon and Late
Intermediate Period. Chimú enclosures (ca. A.D. 900-1450), known as ciudadelas, are probably the
best studied. They are interpreted as urban elite compounds, most probably royal palaces (Kolata
1983, 1990; Pillsbury 1996; Ravines 1980; Ulana 1982; see Moseley and Day 1982).
At Chan Chan (Moche Valley), for instance, a succession of enclosure compounds was built
and used by Chimú lords. Compounds were organised into various sub-compounds, typically
arranged in a tripartite division. Access within, and especially between these divisions, was tightly
controlled. The most private areas, usually associated with the entourage of the lord, were the least
accessible. In contrast, large plazas, located closer to the entrance of the ciudadela, were used as spaces
for public gatherings and ceremonies. Also, a series of smaller rooms and courtyards served as
audiencias where administrative activities (Topic 2003), amongst others, were carried out.
The Main Compound at Huambacho shares many similarities with Chimú’s ciudadelas. The
compound is enclosed and comprised of a series of public and private spaces, organised into sub-
compounds with a graded access. Beyond their general appearance (e.g., Soriano 1941), however, the
most striking similarities are the plazas.
Chimú plazas are enclosed spaces within palace compounds. As at Huambacho, the foci of
public life were spaces enclosed with high walls and with access controlled by baffled entryways. This
spatial arrangement made activities invisible to outsiders and reinforced the division between the
inside and the outside of the plaza (Moore 1998: 794).
In Chimú plazas, the focus of attention was a ramp located directly opposite to the main
entrance. At Huambacho, attention was directed to the top of the outer wall-platforms, where select
individuals may have been seated. In both instances, public spaces likely brought together different
social groups “in arenas where social distances were rearticulated and maintained” (Moore 1998:
795).
In Chimú times, plazas served to host receptions and other events sponsored by and/or
offered to rulers. Moore provides a translation of an account made by Cieza de León (1985 [1555]:
chapter 61) on the use of Chimú plazas:
The native lords of these plains were greatly feared in the past and obeyed by their
subjects and were served with great pomp – which is their custom – presenting him with
jesters and dancers, and the lords continuously feasted while others played and sang…
Each lord in his valley had his own great palace with many adobe pillars and great
terraces and porticos roofed with reed mats. In the center of his house there was a large
plaza where they had their dances and communal songs, and when the lord ate he
gathered together large numbers of people who drank his brew, made from maize and
other roots. On these palaces were porters in charge of guarding the doors and of seeing
who entered and left (Moore 1998: 794).
At Huambacho, the analysis of material remains suggests that the main activities at the site
were the preparation, serving and consumption of food and drink, in particular shellfish and maize
beer, as well as musical display, dance and offering. The size and spatial configuration of the sunken
plazas, as well as in situ discoveries of material remains, point to their use as venues for large public
feasts. These events were likely to have been sponsored by local elites. For example, food remains
and culinary equipment show that food was prepared in situ, inside and/or in the vicinity of the
Main Compound. Preparation of the feasts did not require large-scale storage facilities. Even though
evidence exists pointing to offerings and gifts being brought to the site, Huambacho contrasts with
Chimú elite compounds where it is believed that tributes were paid and large amounts of livestock
and crops were stored (Day 1982).
The plazas at Huambacho contrast with restricted spaces used for more private reunions,
possibly to welcome and entertain guests, exchange information, and seal political alliances. The
Main Platform Complex is the best example of such a restricted space at Huambacho. The control of
access to exclusive areas reinforced the authority of Huambacho elites, as it secured their monopoly
of decision-making processes. As the control of information is an essential asset of political strategies
(e.g., Weber 1946: 232-239), the Main Compound probably played a decisive role in reproducing
patterns of local authority and social inequalities.
At Huambacho, it is unclear whether private spaces also served as permanent elite residences.
For example, it is possible that a number of people lived in the Main Platform Complex and the
Huaca-A Complex. Meanwhile, I suggest that most community members lived in peripheral areas, a
situation documented at other early coastal sites (e.g., Montegrande, Pampa de las Llamas-Moxeke,
Taukachi-Konkán) (Pozorski and Pozorski 1986, 2002; Tellenbach 1986). At Huambacho,
unfortunately, the surroundings of the Main Compound have been destroyed by modern agricultural
activities. However, as suggested in Chapter 3, it is likely that Early Horizon populations settled in
the adjacent fields, and possibly on the slopes and canyons of the nearby Cerro Popo.
It is worth noting that the Huambacho situation appears to contrast with larger Early
Horizon settlements on the north-central coast, such as San Diego and Pampa Rosario, where
dwelling units have been reported inside large enclosure compounds (Pozorski and Pozorski 1987a:
54).
This should act as a reminder that Early Horizon enclosure compounds may have served a
different range of functions depending on the size, scale and complexity of their respective groups.
At Huambacho, the Main Compound’s limited size, architectural features, and cultural remains
suggest the complex represented an elite centre of local importance with a fairly limited population.
In Nepeña, this situation resembles what can be observed at Samanco on the coastline, but contrasts
with the large settlement of Caylán in the middle valley, which are seen as coeval with the Early
Horizon occupation at Huambacho. While more research will be needed to define with accuracy the
catchment of Huambacho, it can be suggested that the importance of the elite centre was limited to
the area between Samanco and Caylán.
Huambacho in action: Space use, renovation and rituals

An agency-based approach to social phenomena demands that we consider human actions as
anchor points where agency and structure interplay. At Huambacho, social structures were
instantiated through public and private activities, which I have interpreted as highly ritualised on the
basis of architectural and material evidence.
Most visible in the archaeological record are feasts that included the consumption of food
and alcohol, musical displays, and dance. I believe these gatherings to have taken place in both the
sunken plazas and the patio rooms. Spatial configurations indicate the repetition of ritual actions, in
particular motions within and between rooms.
I have inferred ritualised movements at Huambacho from the correspondence between
religious iconography and bodily actions enforced by the built landscape, in particular the passage
through entryways, along corridors, and between sunken and raised areas inside the plazas.
Gatherings at Huambacho were likely to have been coordinated with renovation programmes, as
suggested by the location of refuse deposits.
The use of Huambacho involved special experiences that contrasted with daily activities.
These experiences were affected by the design and decoration of public spaces, but also through the
distribution of food, alcoholic beverages and quite possibly other psychoactive substances. Music
accompanied receptions and other gatherings. Motions through and between spaces provided a
metaphorical basis on which actors could interpret their actions. I have shown that propitiatory
rituals were symbolically linked to water, agriculture and fertility, and that rituals at Huambacho were
constructed from actions that indexed individual motions to the flow of water. Furthermore, ritual
actions and elements of the sacred landscape were depicted in a series of abstract geometric designs,
and the location of these designs highlighted elite associations in the sacred landscape. It was
suggested that their authority was based on the capacity to bring prosperity through manipulating
festive rituals and sacred geography.
The presence of multiple sunken plazas, raised mounds with distinct sub-compounds, and
graded access, denotes the fragmentation of ritual practices in certain Early Horizon groups.
Extensive sampling identified only three successive building programmes at any one locality, and the
Proyecto Huambacho recovered little evidence attesting to the ritual entombment of earlier
structures. Rather, the remodelling of architectural features and the expansion of the ceremonial
complex used rubbish as construction fill. Public building projects were relatively modest in size and
probably served only local needs. For example, the two sunken plazas at Huambacho covered an
area of less than 10,000 m2. In comparison, one of the plazas at Pampa de las Llamas-Moxeke
covered almost 200,000 m2 (Moore 1996: 152, based on Pozorski and Pozorski 1986: 384, Figure 2).
Considering the settlement pattern distribution for the lower and middle Nepeña (see Daggett 1984;
Proulx 1985), it could be suggested that Huambacho served as the centre for a limited portion of the
lower valley.
Celebrations at Huambacho were probably coordinated with renovation programmes and,
possibly, other public works. The evidence suggests that renovations were aimed at expanding the
site horizontally rather than vertically. The construction of new spaces did not coincide with the
abandonment of previous ones. Thus, renovations aimed at providing additional public spaces,
rather than simply replacing old ones. The shift in the location of the public spaces, for instance, is
best explained by the changing needs of a growing community, which is consistent with an increase
in productivity, possibly related to the introduction of maize and animal husbandry around this time.
It is most likely that Huambacho was used to conduct feasts, during which elite residents and
visitors sat together in patio rooms and were served food and drink. These commensal gatherings
probably preceded and/or succeeded larger public celebrations realised inside the sunken plazas,
where it seems likely that musicians and dancers performed. These events presented an ideal
opportunity for the display of wealth, status and authority. Many finely decorated textiles and
prestige goods indicate the importance of status display. Most importantly, the hierarchical spatial
organisation of the Main Compound demonstrates the elite control over the instantiation of social
inequalities. These processes were mediated through the use of space. The most important public
spaces were the sunken plazas where different social groups came together in a single integrated
space organised to reinforce physical segregation between the elites and commoners. Simply put,
Huambacho can be considered as an agent of social control.
At a supra-local level, the site was likely designed to impress and mystify visitors, and to
promote the economic success of the local community. As an elite centre, Huambacho was used in
different contexts, which involved both community members and also, most probably, visiting
groups from other neighbouring communities (e.g., Samanco, Caylán, Huaca Partida). As a result, the
site itself can be considered as a nexus of interactions from several different perspectives. It is from
such a point of view that I contend that Huambacho likely served as a focus of communal identity,
and a mark of distinction from other communities.
At Huambacho, I have demonstrated that the site was conceived not only to impress visitors,
but also to provide local community members with unique ritual experiences. The intra-site
examination of constructed spaces and their contents has provided valuable insights on the internal
social dynamics at Huambacho.
Public buildings possess this special capacity to embody the actions, intentions and desires of
many agents. Yet, their design and control remain in the hands of a minority of empowered
individuals. At Huambacho, architectural analysis has indicated that some form of centralised
authority was responsible for the construction of the Main Compound. This authority was
knowledgeable of community needs, and possessed elaborate architectural and engineering
capabilities. Overall, at Huambacho ritual spaces simultaneously promoted communal solidarity and
legitimated religio-political authority.
8.2 The Early Horizon in Nepeña

The Proyecto Huambacho has brought to light significant data, which call for a reassessment
of the Early Horizon in Nepeña. Previous excavations had not yet revealed Early Horizon cultural
contexts in the valley. The new evidence suggests that groups based in Nepeña participated in wide
interaction networks, and inherited a building tradition with analogues in many other regions of the
coast. Although this region has been viewed as a Chavín stronghold, the results of the Proyecto
Huambacho show that some groups at least were resistant to the religious influence of Chavín.
Local agency and religious diversity during the Early Horizon: Beyond Chavín
Early Horizon studies have been mostly guided by issues of cultural homogeneity and
heterogeneity associated with the “Chavín phenomenon”. For instance, data from the south coast of
Peru indicate that the Chavín religious influence was strongly felt. In the central highlands, in
contrast, it has been demonstrated that economic considerations guided interaction between the local
elites and Chavín de Huántar. In Nepeña, where pre-Chavín developments are particularly salient,
recent research suggests a complex socio-religious landscape, in which some groups came under
heavy Chavín influence and/or inherited Chavín cultural traits, whereas others, such as Huambacho,
remained relatively isolated from the Chavín sphere, and promoted markedly different religious and
ideological concepts.
At Huambacho, evidence of the Chavín influence is scarce. Possible Chavín-related elements

include stamped circle-and-dot pottery, cinnabar, camelids, and Spondylus. Overall, these lines of
evidence do not suggest close contacts with Chavín populations. Moreover, they attest to the
fundamental differences that existed between the religious ideologies of Huambacho and Chavín,
which was expressed in both public art and ceremonial architecture.
Cinnabar, Spondylus and camelids travelled widely through Chavín networks. Yet, at
Huambacho they could have been acquired directly or indirectly from other exchange networks. For
example, cinnabar mines are known from the north of Peru (Shimada 2000). On the north coast,
coastal groups probably had access to domesticated camelids by the Initial Period. A similar situation
is noted with stamped circle-and-dot pottery which is present on the north coast at Initial Period
sites.
Many differences can also be recognised between the art and architecture of Huambacho and
Chavín. Neither U-shaped structures nor circular sunken plazas, the two principal Chavín
architectural traits, were documented during the excavations. Chavín iconography and public art
(mainly sculpture) were visually complex and difficult to understand. Chavín imagery also
emphasised the individual religious experience of select individuals (i.e., priests, shamans, temple
attendants) who had, perhaps, exclusive access to the galleries of the Chavín temples. In contrast,
public art at Huambacho was made visible in the most inclusive spaces and aimed at the general
public. The friezes at Huambacho depict geometric designs, such as steps and zigzags, and marine-
related themes. Meanwhile, no Chavín related iconographic elements could be recognised in mural
sculptures and paintings. I suggest that Huambacho, even though it is located not far from the
Chavín heartland, exhibits an independent hierarchical system rather than an under-developed
satellite system on the periphery of Chavín de Huántar (e.g., Atalla, Pojoc, Waman Wain) (see Burger
1982; Burger and Matos 2002). While some settlements had prominent Chavín ties, such as Pallka in
the upper Casma Valley (Tello 1956), it is equally clear that coeval neighbouring centres, such as
Huambacho, show negligible evidence of Chavín influence.
Local agency and diversity are key variables to understanding the Early Horizon on the
north-central coast of Peru. For example, the decision of the Huambacho elites not to participate in
the Chavín cult contrasts markedly with neighbouring groups, who also, it seems likely, descend from
the same cultural tradition. For example, research at Huaca Partida suggests that certain Early
Horizon groups in Nepeña indeed did endorse Chavín concepts (see Huancas 2005).
I assert here that Huambacho’s independence from Chavín was sustained through the close
ties between its occupants and other groups on the north-central coast of Peru. For example, I have
demonstrated that Huambacho’s occupants relied on economic ties to acquire seafood. Allied groups
probably occupied sites where people shared the interior colonnaded architectural forms, including
San Diego and Pampa Rosario in Casma and, probably, Samanco and Caylán in Nepeña. Also, many
similarities in architecture and material culture between upper Casma Valley Initial Period sites and
Early Horizon sites including stamped circle-and-dot, camelid and guinea pigs husbandry, and court-
and-corridors type of site. Excavations at upper valleys will be needed, however, before it is possible
to assess the role of the communities in the communication between the highlands and the coast.
Overall, it can be concluded that the prestige of Huambacho elites did not rely on their
participation in the Chavín religious network. In contrast to regions such as Ica and Ayacucho, their
importance, in certain communities of the north-central coast, was based in rather different religious
and ideological concepts. I suggest that the authority of Early Horizon elites emerged from the
promotion of different rules of hospitality and festive reciprocity. These practices were likely
influenced by the introduction of new means of production and resources (e.g., maize, camelids).
Local elite centres such as Huambacho served to muster political currency in a system independent
from Chavín de Huántar. Ultimately, the independence from the Chavín system can be explained by
the success of local groups, as expressed in the expansion of the Huambacho centre to meet the
needs of a growing community.
Early Horizon economy and society

The Nepeña Valley is unique in that many of the Chavín architectural and iconographic
features appear in the valley prior to the Early Horizon. As a result, the absence of Chavín features at
Huambacho is particularly significant, and reveals both the “factionalisation” of Nepeña societies
and the rejection or modification of Initial Period concepts by some communities. This change was
most certainly related to the demise of Initial Period societies.
Though the causes of this demise are still uncertain, people in many regions of the coast of
Peru responded to a widespread crisis phenomenon in several different ways. Some groups migrated
to the highlands, whereas others adopted the Chavín cult, perhaps to gain prestige. In Nepeña, the
Early Horizon is marked by the appearance of ostentatious elites, who promoted major innovations
in agriculture, animal husbandry and community planning. The decisions and actions of these
aggrandising individuals may have led to the fragmentation of the geo-political landscape, and the
emergence of a multitude of local elite centres.
At the beginning of the Early Horizon, the introduction of maize and camelids would have
allowed the accumulation and ownership of more resources. Whereas evidence of large-scale storage
at Huambacho is lacking, I have demonstrated that surpluses were redistributed in the form of feasts,
which secured labour force and political capital. This is particularly significant considering that
Burger (1988: 142) has suggested that the demise of Initial Period societies was related to internal
social tensions, which emerged from the contradiction between the nature of religious authority and
the accumulation of wealth (Burger 1988: 142). The Huambacho research provides one case study
where the authority of leaders was closely related to their capacity to hold feasts, provide alcohol, and
entertain community members and visitors.
While the sponsoring of festive events can be seen as an index rather than a source of
authority, it can be suggested that the introduction of maize and camelids, the expansion of irrigation
systems, and the promotion of a different religious ideology provided local leaders with new, more
widely accepted bases of authority. The innovations allowed the intensification of long-distance
trade, a differentiation of elite strategies and discourses from previous Initial Period groups, and the
increase in the production of consumption goods, primarily used for sponsoring large public
gatherings.
The construction of Huambacho and other Early Horizon centres probably coincided with
the expansion of irrigation systems. In the case of Huambacho, irrigation canals were expanded on
the southern margin of the lower Nepeña. Prior to 800 B.C., the area was only sparsely populated, as
can be inferred from the lack of large settlements, and the absence of those irrigation canals. Elites
may have been seen as directly responsible for delivering water to lands and bringing prosperity to
local inhabitants. This concern was translated into libation ceremonies that involved finely decorated
stirrup-spout bottles, ritual motions that indexed water flow, the redistribution of agricultural
surpluses and the use of fertility symbols.
Political alliances likely had to be maintained in order to guarantee access to water. At
Huambacho, this would have been particularly important since the site is located in the lower valley
and the occupants would have depended on groups located upper in the valley for water
provisioning. The elite centre of Huambacho would have served to welcome elites from other
polities in order to seal alliances and discuss economic issues. More research will be necessary to
tackle these issues, but this dissertation has demonstrated the presence of elite and luxury goods in
areas of the site. For example, the increasing importance of camelids certainly contributed to the
intensification of long-distance trade and the procurement of exotic goods. At Huambacho such
goods are mainly represented by Spondylus and cinnabar, but high status goods also include by
skilfully crafted objects such as body adornments, textiles and ceramics.
Huambacho and Early Horizon society

Early Horizon societies in Nepeña were complex and they are best characterised by socially
stratified systems, marked political hierarchies, centralised religious structures, labour specialisation
and large-scale public projects. The Huambacho society was hierarchically organised into several
different social groups. In this dissertation, I have focussed on the division between community
patrons, project managers, and ritual actors, identified as religio-political elites, and agriculturalists,
herders, and fishermen which labour provided most of the resources consumed during festive events
at the site. The presence of well-crafted goods argues for the existence of specialised artists and
traders. So far, however, excavations have failed to identify clear in situ evidence of craft production
activities.
It has been suggested that the authority of religio-political elites rested on solid ideological
bases, the control of irrigation systems, and their role played in the introduction of technological
innovations. I have focused on the relationships that these elites entertained with other social groups,
in particular the ways by which religio-political authority was manifested in the design, construction
and use of public spaces. It has been proposed that structures of authority were centralised as visible
in the rigidity of the architectural layout and the tight control of access.
The Huambacho data also suggest that coercion was not primary to the instantiation of social
divisions. For example, evidence in favour of the existence of a military apparatus is scarce. Rather,
the authority of leaders rested on their strategic advantages over competitors and their capacity to
muster political support through their political alliances, long-distance economic contacts, the
sponsoring of festive events and their ritual performances. In many ways, ritual modes of production
(see Spielmann 2002) and social interactions at Huambacho, though they emphasised social
differences, appear to have been based on notions of complementarity, communal solidarity and the
fundamental need for religious specialists able to bring fertility, stability and prosperity to the local
population.
8.3 Concluding remarks

This dissertation described and analysed the results of archaeological investigations carried
out at the elite centre of Huambacho (800-200 B.C.) located in the lower Nepeña Valley, Peru. The
Proyecto Huambacho documented Early Horizon architecture and explored the role of built settings
in shaping public social interactions. The methodology focused on large-scale horizontal excavations
and the recording of spatial features and associated cultural remains. Analyses of architecture,
artefacts and food remains shed light on the design, construction and use of the site.
The research demonstrates the utility of focusing on local developments outside the Chavín
network and emphasises the cultural and religious diversity that characterised the Early Horizon. It
also stresses the need for detailed studies of architecture and the use of space, and highlights the
fundamental role of constructed spaces in human social interactions. I have suggested that the ritual
centre of Huambacho acted as an agent of social control, which promoted the interests of elites.
The Proyecto Huambacho brought insights into Early Horizon enclosure compounds. From
a general standpoint, the development of walled enclosures during the Early Horizon laid the cultural
foundations of later, more urban building forms during the Middle and the Late Intermediate Period.
The research stresses the importance of local historical trajectories in the emergence of new forms of
architecture, and the transmission of cultural traditions on the north-central coast of Peru during the
first millennium B.C. This dissertation enriches our knowledge of world civilisation by illuminating
the central place of constructed spaces in the development of early complex societies in the Central
Andes.
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1953 Prehistoric Settlement Patterns in the Virú Valley. Bureau of American Ethnology Bulletin
155. Washington, D.C.: Smithsonian Institution Press.
1971 An Introduction to American Archaeology (Vol. 2: South America). Englewood Cliffs, NJ:
Prentice-Hall.
Williams, C.
1971 “Centros ceremoniales tempranos en el valle de Chillón, Rímac y Lurín,” Apuntes
Arqueológicos 1: 1-4.
1972 “La difusión de los pozos ceremoniales en la costa peruana,” Apuntes Arqueológicos 2:
1-9.
1980 “Complejos de pirámides con planta de U: patrón arquitectónico de la costa central,”
Revista del Museo Nacional 44: 95-110.
1985 “A Scheme for the Early Monumental Architecture of the Central Coast of Peru,” in
Early Ceremonial Architecture in the Andes. Edited by C. Donnan, pp. 227-240.
Wilson, D. J.
1981 “Of Maize and Men: A Critique of the Maritime Hypothesis of State Origins on the
Coast of Peru,” American Anthropologist 83: 93-120.
1983 “The Origins and Development of Complex Prehispanic Society in the Lower Santa
Valley, Peru: Implications for Theories of State Origins,” Journal of Anthropological
1987 “Reconstructing Patterns of Early State Warfare in the Lower Santa Valley: New
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Origins and Development of the Andean State. Edited by J. Haas, S. Pozorski, and T.
Pozorski, pp. 56-69. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
1988 Prehispanic Settlement Patterns in the Lower Santa Valley, Peru: A Regional Perspective on the
Bibliography 271
Origins and Development of Complex North Coast Society. Washington, D.C.: Smithsonian
Institution Press.
1995 “Prehispanic Settlement Patterns in the Casma Valley, North Coast of Peru:
Preliminary Results to Date,” Journal of the Steward Anthropological Society 23: 189-227.
Wobst, H. M.
1977 “Stylistic Behavior and Information Exchange,” in For the Director: Research Essays in
Honor of James B. Griffin. Edited by C. E. Cleland, pp. 317-342. Anthropological Paper
61. Ann Arbor, MI: Museum of Anthropology, University of Michigan.
Wyrtki, K.
1975 “El Niño: The Dynamic Response of the Equatorial Pacific Ocean to Atmosphere
Forcing,” Journal of Physical Oceanography 5: 572-584.
Ziólkowski, M. S., M. F. Pazdur, A. Krzanowski and A. Michczynski

1994 Andes: Radiocarbon Database for Bolivia, Ecuador and Peru. Warsaw: Andean
Archaeological Mission of the Institute of Archaeology, Warsaw University and
Gliwice Radiocarbon Laboratory of the Institute of Physics, Silesian Technical
University.
Zoubek, T.
2000 “Archaeological Investigations at the Initial Period Center of Huaca El Gallo/Huaca
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FIGURES
Piura
16
27
La Leche
Lambayeque 21
Zaña 34 26 38 17
Mar
Jequetepeque 25
33
año
18 6
n
Chicama 15
937
Hu
all
Moche
39
ag
22 32
a
Virú
Chao
36
Santa 24 37 19
8
30 29
35
NEPEÑA
Casma
10 28 11
20
23
Huarmey
Fortaleza
1
Pativilca
12 4
Supe Huara
M
an
ta
Chancay ro
1 Aspero 15 Huaca de los 29 Pampa de las
2 Atalla Chinos Llamas-Moxeke Chillón 14
3 Caballo Muerto 16 Huaca Lucía 30 Pampa Rosario Rimac 13 5
4 Caral 17 Huacaloma 31 Paracas Lurín
5 Cardal 18 Huaca Prieta 32 Pashash
33 Puémape
2
6 Casa Grande 19 Huaricoto Mala
7 Cerro Arena 20 Kotosh 34 Purulén N
8 Cerro Sechín 21 Kuntur Wasi 35 San Diego
9 Chan Chan 22 La Galgada 36 Sechín Alto Cañete
10 Chankillo 23 Las Haldas 37 Taukachi-
11 Chavín de 24 Las Huacas Konkán Pisco
Huántar 25 Limoncarro 38 Tembladera
12 Chimú Capac 26 Montegrande 39 Templo de 0 150 31
13 El Paraíso 27 Pacopampa las Llamas
14 Garagay 28 Pallka km
Ica
Figure 1.1 Partial map of Peru showing the location of the major river valleys and the principal
archaeological sites mentioned in the text.
1800
Jimbe
16
00
1400
Chilhuay Alto
Huancarpón
Laria
San Juan Kushipampa 120
0
Motocachy Cerro San Isidro
Moro
10
San Jacinto 00
Paredones
Punkurí
0 25 50 Pampa Carbonera Huaca Culebra
km Nepeña Quisque
80
0
Cerro Blanco
Huacatambo
Caylán Sute Bajo
600
Pañamarca Huaca Partida
Bahía de
Samanco
400
Nepeña Valley, Department of Ancash, Peru

Samanco Archaeological site
Samanco
HUAMBACHO
N
Modern settlement
200
Cerro Popo hill
(< 200 m asl)
200 m contour lines
Los Chimús 0 10
km
Figure 2.1 Map of the Nepeña Valley showing the location of Huambacho (PV31-103) and the other major archaeological sites. The
inset indicates the place of the Nepeña Valley on the north-central coast of Peru.
Rio Viejo (acequia)
Canal North Compound
Main Compound
Modern cemetery
(Huambacho El Arenal)
Cerro Popo
Panamerican highway
0 200 m
Figure 3.1 Aerial photograph of 1982 showing the southern margin of the lower Nepeña Valley
and the architectural structures visible at the surface of the Huambacho site. The North Compound
has since then been destroyed by industrial cultivations (Photograph provided by the Servicio
Nacional Aerofotográfico 399-82).
Figure 3.2 Photograph of the Cerro Popo (view from the North Extension of the Main
Compound at Huambacho).
Figure 3.3 Photograph of the Main Compound at Huambacho (view from the summit of
the Cerro Popo).
Under cultivation Huaca-A
Complex
Under cultivation
Plaza-B
North
Compound
(destroyed)
Plaza-A
n
sio
x ten
rt hE
No
tor
S ec
rth
No
r
cto
l Se Main Platform
n tra
Ce Complex
Main Compound
HUAMBACHO (PV31-103)
Nepeña Valley, Department of Ancash, Peru
r
cto
ut hS
e
Excavations units
N
So
0 50
Figure 3.4 General map of the Main Compound at Huambacho showing the location of architectural contexts, sectors
and excavation units.
PLAZA-A (A-1/CS)
A-15/CS A-16/CS
A-19/CS
A-2A/SS A-3/SS
A-1/SS A-2/SS A-3/SS A-4/SS A-5/SS
A-6/SS U16
U9
A-2A/SS gourd containers
(see figure 3.7)
South Sector
A-9/SS A-7/SS
A-8/SS
A-10/SS
A-9A/SS
wall extension
A-11/SS
A-9/SS
A-8/SS
Excavations units
N
Colonnades
0 50
HUAMBACHO, Unit-9
N
Wall matrix Post-hole
Figure 3.5 Plan reconstruction of the South Sector showing the area
0 1
numbers and excavation units. Floor Excavation limits
m
Figure 3.6 Plan view of excavation Unit-9.

Figure 3.7 Photograph of eight gourd containers discovered during the excavation of
Unit-9 (A-2A/SS).
Figure 3.8 Photograph of A-7/SS (Unit-16) (view from the northwest).

A-10/NS
A-8/NS
A-3/NS A-5A/NS
A-13/NS A-15/NS
A-1/NS A-11/NS A-12/NS U3
U8
A-7/NS
A-4/NS A-9/NS
A-5/NS
U17
A-4A/CS
U2 U12
U18
U4E
U4
A-2/CS A-4/CS
U29
A-3/CS
U3
U3W
A-7A/CS
U11
A-7/CS
A-8/CS
A-6/CS
A-6A/CS
A-5/CS
A-9/CS
Central Sector
Plaza-A (A-1/CS) U5
A-11/CS
A-10/CS U10
A-14/CS
A-9A/CS
A-13/CS
A-12/CS
A-12A/CS
U14
A-17/CS A-18/CS
A-15/CS
U10S
A-16/CS
A-19/CS
Excavations units
Raised areas
N
A-1/SS A-2/SS A-3/SS A-4/SS Colonnades A-5/SS
0 25
m
Figure 3.9 Plan reconstruction of the Central Sector showing the organisation of the Plaza-A and the Main Platform
Complex, area numbers and excavation units.
? ?
HUAMBACHO
Units 8 and 17
Wall matrix
not excavated not excavated
Floor
A-8/NS A-10/NS Post-hole
Excavation limits
N
0 2
ash m
A-7/NS A-9/NS
?
not excavated
A-11/NS
A-5/NS
zoomorphic frieze not excavated
ramp
staircase
A-2/CS
to Main Platform
PLAZA-A (A-1/CS) Complex
Figure 3.10 Plan view of Units 8 and 17 showing the northeast entrance to Plaza-A and the adjacent
complex of non-colonnaded rooms.
NW (67.00 m asl) HUAMBACHO NE

Unit-5, south profile 1
2
Plaza-A 3
pillar 4
5
A-9/CS
5
Plaza-A
sunken area wall
wall
2
1
3 LEVEL DESCRIPTION:
4 1 - Windblown sand (surface)
2 - Debris of collapsed structures
3 - Sand on Floor-1 0 2
4 - Floor-1
5 - Floor-1 fill / sand m
Figure 3.11 North profile of Unit-5 showing the organisation of the east outer wall-platform of
Plaza-A, especially the fill-chamber technique and the pillars.
SE (A') SW (A'')
outer wall-platform
sta 66.50 m asl

irca
se
sunken area
B''
A' pillars A''
graffiti
east wall
HUAMBACHO, Unit-29
clay friezes N
hypothetical north wall
0 1
Excavation limits m
B'
possible decoration
NE (B') SE (B'')
north wall east wall
Figure 3.12 Architectural details of the northeast staircase of Plaza-A (Unit-29): Cross-section of
staircase (above), plan view (centre) and west view of the wall façade (below).
Figure 3.13 Photograph of Unit-29 showing the northeast staircase at Plaza-A and the organisation
of the east outer wall-platform (view from the west).
Figure 3.14 Photograph of the northeast staircase at Plaza-A

excavated during Unit-29 (view from the west).
Figure 3.15 Photograph of sculpted clay cones discovered during the excavation of
structural debris contexts at Plaza-A (Unit-5, top of east outer wall-platform) (scale=20
cm).
Figure 3.16 Photograph of sculpted clay cones, possibly offerings, discovered during the
excavation of Floor-1 level contexts at Plaza-A (Unit-5, top of east outer wall platform)
(scale=20 cm).
Figure 3.17 Photograph of a section of the Main Platform Complex showing the
complexity of the architectural layout (view from the south).
Figure 3.18 Photograph of the north façade of the Main Platform Complex and the
adjacent patio room A-13/NS (view from the northeast).
SE (67.95 m asl) HUAMBACHO SW
A-3/CS Unit-3, south profile
1
2
3 3 4
5A 5A A-2/CS
5B 5B
5A
5A 5B
5B
pillar 5A 1
5B
double wall
LEVEL DESCRIPTION: 5A 2
1 - Windblown sand (surface) 5B
5C
2 - Debris of collapsed structures 5D 3 pillar
4
3 - Sand on Floor 1 5A
4 - Floor 1 6
5A - Floor 1 fill / sand-gravel 0 1
5B - Floor 1 fill / plant materials
5C - Floor 1 fill / sediments m
5D - Floor 1 fill / sand
6 - Sand (sterile)
Figure 3.19 South profile of Unit-3 showing the layered fill-chamber technique at the Main Platform
Complex (A-3/CS).
Excavations units
North Compound
N
Colonnades
0 25
m U15
A-1A/NE
Huaca-A A-2/NE A-3/NE

Complex
North Extension
U6
Plaza-A (A-1/NE)
U7
A-4/NE A-4B/NE A-5/NE
U25
A-4A/NE A-4C/NE A-6/NE
A-14A/NS
A-14/NS A-16/NS
A-2/NS
A-11/NS
A-6/NS
North Sector
A-5A/NS A-12/NS
A-1/NS ?
A-3/NS
A-8/NS
A-10/NS A-13/NS A-15/NS

A-9/NS U13
A-4/NS A-5/NS U17 A-7/NS
U2 U8
Figure 3.20 Plan reconstruction of the North Sector and the North Extension showing the area
numbers and excavation units.
X
test pit A
camelid foot
Plaza-B (A-1/NE)
sunken area
A' A'' (see figure 3.15)
staircase
FLOOR-1 (top of outer wall-platform)
graffito A-4A/NE
HUAMBACHO
Unit-25
Floor-2 sample
Pillar with decoration (niche)

test pit B
Excavation limits
N
0 2
m
corridor
A-6/NS
destroyed (doorway)
Figure 3.21 Plan view of Unit-25 showing the organisation of the southeast corner of Plaza-B and
the location of the test pits realised below Floor-1.
SE (A'') SW (A')
pillar
top of outer wall-platform staircase 67.00 m asl

1
wall
fill chamber 2
sunken area
3
LEVEL DESCRIPTION: wall 1
4
1 - Floor-1
HUAMBACHO
2 - Staircase fill / sand and gravel 0 1
3 - Floor 2 Unit-25, south profile
4 - Sand (sterile) m Plaza-B
Figure 3.22 South profile of Unit-25 showing the organisation of the east outer wall-platform of
Plaza-B and the superimposition of structures.
HUAMBACHO
Unit-7
Wall matrix Post-hole
Floor Excavation limits

A-2/NE
N
0 2
m
Plaza-B (east outer wall-platform)
corridor
adobe wall
A-4/NE A-4B/NE
Figure 3.23 Plan view of Unit-7 showing the organisation of the baffled entryway leading to
A-2/NE.
adobe wall ash
HUAMBACHO
Unit-15
Wall matrix
maize cobs (pit)
(Beta-185374) A-2/NE Floor
A-1A/NE Excavation limits
N
0 2
m
Figure 3.24 Plan of view of Unit-15 showing the organisation of the northwest corner of A-2/NE.
Figure 3.25 Photograph of the southwest entryway to A-2/NE excavated during Unit-7
(view from the northwest).
Figure 3.26 Photograph of Unit-15 showing the organisation of the northwest corner of
A-2/NE and the perimeter adobe wall (view from the northwest).
possible entrance
U26N to the Main Compound
U26W U26
U21
HUAMBACHO
Huaca-A Complex
excavated U28 U23

N
U19W
0 5
m
U1 + U19
U22W
U22
U27
U24
U27W
U27W U20
U20S
Figure 3.27 Plan reconstruction of the Huaca-A Complex showing excavation units and the organi-
sation of the structures documented during fieldwork.
EARLY PHASE MIDDLE PHASE LATE PHASE
A-7/HA A-7/HA Access ramp A-7/HA
A-1A/HA A-1A/HA
A-5/HA(?)
A-5/HA
A-10/HA A-5/HA A-2/HA

A-1/HA A-1/HA
A-1/HA
A-6/HA A-4/HA A-6/HA A-4/HA
A-8/HA A-8/HA A-8/HA(?)

A-3/HA A-3/HA A-3/HA
HUAMBACHO
Huaca-A Complex
N
Raised areas
0 10
Carbon sample
m
Figure 3.28 Plan reconstruction of the Huaca-A Complex showing the three construction phases,
the area numbers and the carbon samples find spots.
SE (67.50 m asl) HUAMBACHO SW
Units 22 and 23, south profile
A-5/HA, Huaca-A Complex A-1/HA
A-5/HA
1 4 pillar
5A
2 pillar
corridor
5B 5D
A-12/HA wall
5D
1 5C
5B 5E 5B
double wall 5C 5F
2 5B 5A 5E
5B wall
5B 5A
wall 6A
5D
3 4 7
5E
6 8
9
9 Beta-197088
LEVEL DESCRIPTION:
1 - Windblown sand (surface) 5A - Floor-1 fill / sand-gravel 5E - Floor-1 fill / sand 7 - Floor-2 fill (sand)
2 - Debris of collapsed structures 5B - Floor-1 fill / plant materials 5F - Floor-1 fill / sediments 8 - Floor-3 0 1
3 - Sand on Floor-1 5C - Floor-1 fill / refuse materials 6 - Floor-2 9 - Floor-3 fill (sand-gravel) 14C measurement
4 - Floor-1 5D - Floor-1 fill / ash 6A - Floor-2 (ramp) 10 - Sand (sterile) m
Figure 3.29 South profile of Units 22 and 23 (projected) showing the superimposition of structures and the composition of the sub-floor deposits at the
Huaca-A Complex.
SW A-5/HA NW
67.50 m asl
2 1
wall 2
4 3
HUAMBACHO
Unit-28, west profile
Huaca-A Complex 5A
LEVEL DESCRIPTION: 5B
1 - Debris of collapsed structures wall

5B
2 - Plant materials
3 - Sand 5B
4 - Floor-1 5C
5A - Floor-1 fill / refuse materials (mixed) 6

5B- Floor-1 fill / ash 7
5C - Floor-1 fill / shellfish
6 - Sand on floor
8
7 - Floor-2 0 1
8 - Sand (sterile)
m
Figure 3.30 West profile of Unit-28 showing the superimposition of Early and Middle phases struc-
tures in A-1A/HA.
Figure 3.31 Photograph of the access ramp located east of

A-1/HA and excavated during Unit-23 (view from the south).
Figure 3.32 Photograph of Unit-20 showing the organisation of the south façade
of the Huaca-A Complex and the patio room A-3/HA (view from the southeast).
SW corridor A-7/HA NW
1
2
3
4
5B
5A
5D
65.57 m asl 5C
5C
5D
5D
wall 5A 5A
6
7 7
adobe 10
8 wall 11
9 12
10
13
14 14
HUAMBACHO
Unit-21, west profile
Huaca-A Complex
LEVEL DESCRIPTION:
1 - Windblown sand (surface) 5A - Floor-1 fill / plant materials 6 - Sediment 10 - Floor-2 14 - Sand (sterile)
2 - Ash 5B - Floor-1 fill / sand-gravel 7 - Sand-gravel 11 - Sediment 0 50
3 - Plant materials 5C - Floor-1 fill / refuse (shellfish) 8 - Sediment 12 - Sand on floor
4 - Floor-1 ? 5D - Floor-1 fill / ash 9 - Sand on floor 13 - Floor-3 m
Figure 3.33 West profile of Unit-21 showing the composition of sub-floor deposits in A-7/HA and
the adjacent corridor, and the superimposition of floors at the Huaca-A Complex.
Figure 3.34 Section photograph of west profile of Unit-21
showing the composition of the construction fill at Huaca-A.
Figure 3.35 Photograph of Unit-21 showing the organisation of the corridor

located south of A-7/HA, Floor-2 and the adobe wall (view from the east).
278 374 260 130 375 259 256 126
48 45 39 50 143 121 376

111
0 5
cm
Figure 4.1 Drawings of some specimens of sculpted clay cones excavated from the outer wall-platforms at Plaza-A (drawings by Jeisen Navarro).
Figure 4.2 Scatterplot diagram of the size of the different room types at Huambacho.
5m
5m 5m
N
Figure 4.3 Isometric reconstruction of the Plaza-A at Huambacho. The inset shows the organisation of the friezes and decorated
pillars, as well as the hypothetical location of the sculpted cones (original drawing by Jeisen Navarro).
A-11/CS
A-3/CS
A-4A/CS A-7/SS
A-4/CS
A-8/CS
HUAMBACHO
Colonnaded patios
Walls
Colonnades A-12/CS
A-17/CS
A-12A/CS
N
0 5
Figure 4.4 Plan reconstructions of excavated colonnaded patios at Huambacho showing the organi-
sational variability characteristic of this architectural form.
/NS
A15
/CS
A4A
/NS CS
A13 A4/
/CS CS
A7A A8/
CS
A3/ A7/
CS
con
stru /CS
ste
rile ctio / CS A14
san n fi
ll A6A
d-p
am /CS
pa
floo C S A11
r A6/ /CS
/CS A13 /CS
A12 A18
CS
A5/
/CS /CS
5m
5m 5m A10 /CS A17 /CS

A12
A A19
/CS
A16
N
HUAMBACHO
Colonnaded patio
Backroom/Storeroom
A-3/CS A-4A/CS
Non-colonnaded room
? Unknown
A-4/CS
A-17/CS
A-19/CS ? A-12A/CS A-8/CS ? A-7A/CS
A-18/CS ? A-12/CS ? A-7/CS
A-13/CS A-14/CS ? ? A-6A/CS
A-11/CS A-6/CS
A-10/CS
Figure 4.5 Isometric reconstruction of the Main Platform Complex (original drawing by Jeisen
Navarro) and access diagram (gamma analysis). The carrier space A-10/CS appears to have been
connected to A-2/CS, a room adjacent and leading to Plaza-A.
Ø 2 cm Ø 15 cm Ø 18 cm
Ø 21 cm
p (2)
a (3005, 3013)
k (362) Ø 18 cm
g (3678)
Ø 3 cm
Ø 16 cm
Bowl 1 (g)
q (1)
b (2118)
Ø 3 cm l (977) Ø 18 cm
Ø 16 cm
c (2531) Ø 20 cm
m (71)
Ø 4 cm r (1169)
h (2711) Ø 16 cm
Ø 18 cm
d (3946) Ø 21 cm
Ø 4 cm s (973)
n (12)
Ø 19 cm
i (3054) Ø 16 cm
e (2255)
Ø 4 cm Ø 22 cm
t (1123)
o (1523) Ø 24 cm
j (3064)
f (1859-60) 0 5
Bowl 2 (h-j) Bowl 3 (k-u)
Bottle 1 (a-f) cm u (1344)
Figure 5.1 Drawings of Huambacho Ware A bottles and bowls (scale 1/4).
Ø 12 cm Ø 34 cm
Ø 5 cm Ø 10 cm
a (643) t (3266)
Ø 14 cm h (988) Ø 37 cm
Ø 6 cm n (1476)
b (530)
u (3162)
Ø 11 cm
Ø 14 cm
Ø 38 cm
i (2677)
Ø 7 cm v (3035)
o (2344)
c (954)
Ø 12 cm Ø 46 cm
Ø 15 cm
j (965)
Jar 4 (t-w) w (3597)
d (1484) Ø 8.4 cm p (602)
Jar 1 (a-d)
Ø 13 cm Ø 24 cm
k (598)
Ø 13 Ø 9 cm
q (2763)
x (2611)
Ø 14 cm
e (2965) Ø 25 cm
l (1164)
Ø 16 cm
r (2012)
Ø 9 cm
Ø 16 cm y (1288)
f (64)
Ø 34 cm
Ø 18 cm m (2248)
s (180)
Jar 2 (e-g) 0 5
Jar 3 (h-s) Jar 5 (x-z)
g (1596)
cm z (986)
Figure 5.2 Drawings of Huambacho Ware A jars (scale 1/4).

Ø 9 cm
Ø 17 cm
Ø 28 cm
j (1058)
Ø 10 cm
a (3811)
k (2544)
Ware A bowl-with-pouring spout (a) m (2130)
Ø 12 cm
Ø 3 cm
Ø 31 cm
Ø 15 cm
l (2525)
c (68) n (2751)
b (3641)
Jar 3 (j-l)
Bowl 2 (c)
Bottle 1 (b)
Ø 6 cm
Ø 12 cm
Ø 33 cm
d (230)
g (990)
Ø 10 cm
Ø 12 cm
e (693)
o (2046)
Ø 10 cm h (591)
Ø 12 cm
Bowl 1 (m-o)
0 5
f (571) i (679)
cm
Jar 1 (d-i)
Figure 5.3 Drawings of Ware A bowl-with-pouring spout and Ware B vessels (scale 1/4). Ware B Jar 2 is not illustrated but its shape is similar to Ware A Jar 2 (see
Figure 5.2 e-g).
Ø 36 cm
Ø 13 cm
c (2079)
h (956)
Ø 42 cm
Ø 16 cm
Ø 12 cm
i (3053)
d (1868)
a (2223)
Ø 18 cm
Ø 46 cm
Ø 23 cm j (3058)
e (175)
Ø 46 cm
Ø 26 cm
k (3958)
b (1318)
f (2047)
Ø 32 cm
Jar 1 (a-b) Ø 47 cm
l (1870)
0 10 g (1877)
Jar 3 (h-l)
cm
Jar 2 (c-g)
Figure 5.4 Drawings of Huambacho Ware C jars (scale 1/8).

Ø 11 cm
Ø 3 cm Ø 14 cm
punctations Ø 11 cm
g (3865)
Ø 11 cm
n (997)
stamped t (3376)
Ø 14 cm
circle-and-dot perforation
h (3978)
Ø 11 cm
Ø 11 cm o (959)
incisions Ø 15 cm u (3260)
i (3899) Bowl 2 (t-u)

p (4022)
Ø 12 cm
a (1469)
Ø 15 cm
Ø 12 cm
j (3071)
Ø 2.5 cm Ø 3 cm
Ø 13 cm v (960)
q (3366)
Ø 16 cm
b (1345) e (2647) Ø 19 cm
k (1619)
Ø 2.5 cm w (2955)
Ø 3 cm Ø 14 cm
Ø 18 cm
c (2778) r (2731)
Bowl 1 (g-s)
l (2783)
Ø 3 cm Ø 21 cm
Ø 14 cm x (2844)
f (2530)
0 5
d (3003) Bowl 3 (v-x)
Bottle 1 (a-f) cm
m (2908) s (1057)
Figure 5.5 Drawings of Huambacho Ware D bottles and bowls (scale 1/4; Figure 5.5a by Jeisen Navarro).
Ø 9 cm
f (855)
l (2762)
a (3045) p (688)
g (967)
Ø 9 cm
m (3217)
q (3863)
b (4006)
h (3323)
Ø 11 cm
c (3022) n (2926) r (2853)

i (3070)
Ø 19 cm zoned puncate (l-n)

t (3785)
d (1613)
j (3041) incised (p-t)

Ø 19 cm
zoned textile impressed

o (3957)
e (1613)
0 5 zoned punctate (shell)
k (2508) punctated (unpolished) (o)
Jar 1 (a-e) cm incisions
zoned textile-impressed (f-k)
Figure 5.6 Drawings of Huambacho Ware D jars and examples of some of Ware D decorative designs (scale 1/4).
Ø 21 cm
Ø 10 cm
Ø 11 cm
a (2774) f (3060)
Jar 2 (f) j (3572)

Ø 12 cm
Ø 25 cm
b (3375) Ø 24 cm
Ø 12.6 cm k (3908)
c (971) Bowl 1 (j-k)

g (3286)
Ø 14 cm Ø 27 cm
Ø 15 cm
d (2538)
h (3285) l (68)
Ø 16 cm
Ø 32 cm Bowl 2 (l)
e (2539)
i (3377)
0 5
Jar 1 (a-e) burnished
Jar 3 (g-i) cm
Figure 5.7 Drawings of Huambacho Ware E vessels (scale 1/4).

Ø 9 cm
post-fire
a (2988) scratch
punctations d (812)
Ø 11 cm j (1634)
Ø 7.6 cm
b (1470)
appliqué m (1662)
Ø 18 cm
e (1582b)
k (1206)
burnished c (2867)
lines
Ø 16 cm n (173)
Early Horizon miscellaneous (a-f)
f (1135)
l (14)
o (325)
burnished white paint
lines post-Early Horizon
h (2522)
ceramics (i-o)
red background 5
g (2523) (natural) 0
panpipes (g-h)
i (2374) cm
Figure 5.8 Drawings of miscellaneous ceramic vessel fragments and panpipes from Huambacho (scale 1/4). Miscellaneous sherds pertain to Early Horizon and later
later contexts.
neckless
olla rim
a (2518) b (3818) c (2629) aa (2634) ab (3226)
s (3351)
n (3466)
d (2513) e (2510) sherd discs (a-r) spindle-whorls (s-z)
ac (3708) ad (3824)
f (2630) o (2631)
g (3706)
t (2625) u (2628)
ae (2511)
af (2633)
p (3577)
h (3536) i (3468)
w (3222) x (1143)
v (21)
ag (2804) ah (3533)
q (1573)
j (2795) k (3349)
sherd tiles (aa-ai)
y (2509) z (2907)
incisions
0 5
l (3705) m (3534) r (2892) red pigments
inside incisions cm
ai (3224)
Figure 5.9 Drawings of specimens of ceramic sherd discs, spindle-whorls and sherd tiles from Huambacho (scale 1/4). Specimens of sherd discs include unperforated
(a-m) and perforated objects (n-r). Spindle-whorls include a tortero (s) and piruros (t-z).
2614
535 3765
3471
2517 2637
2632
3259
0 5
groove
3325 3348 3328 cm
Figure 5.10 Drawings of fragments of ceramic graters from Huambacho (scale 1/3).
a b
e
0 10 cm
Figure 6.1 Early Horizon stone tools from Huambacho: mortar and pestle (a), hammerstone (b), ma-
nos (c), oblong mano (d), polishers/pebbles (e).
a b
d
0 10 cm
Figure 6.2 Early Horizon stone tools and miscellaneous from Huambacho: stone bowls (a), jet mir-
ror (b), war-club heads (c-d), cinnabar (e), miscellaneous triangular stone object (e).
a
c
d
f
g
e
j k
h i
l
m o
n
0 10 cm
Figure 6.3 Early Horizon body adornments and blanks from Huambacho: Prunum curtum pendants
(a, j), Spondylus blank (b), Spondylus beads (c-d), Donax necklace (e), nacre disc and bead (f-g), sto-
ne blanks (h-i), fish bone pendant (k), stone bead (l), bone pendants (m-n), wooden pendant (o).
c
c
g
0 10 cm
Figure 6.4 Early Horizon bone artefacts from Huambacho: perforators/awls (a-c), spatulas
(d-f), worked pelican bone (g).
c d
0 10 cm 0 10 cm
Figure 6.5 Wooden artefacts from Huambacho: stylised war-club (a), cleft sceptre (b), fist-shaped
sceptre (c), drumstick (d), bottle cover/lid (e), peg/stake (f), comb (g).
a
b
e f
g h
0 10 cm
Figure 6.6 Photographs of blue-and-white decorated Early Horizon textiles from Huambacho.
b
0 10
0 5
cm c
cm
Figure 7.1 Early Horizon artwork from Huambacho depicting zoomorphic figures interpreted as serpents: wall sculpture (a), pottery sherd (b), bo-
ne spatula (c), and a fragment of pryoengraved gourd container (d) (scale 3/4 for artefacts).
b (37)
a (170) c (375)
d (67) e (5)
f (267)
g (48) h (171) i (293)
eroded
sculpted
0 5
j (126)
k (419) cm
Figure 7.2 Variants of designs from sculpted clay cones at Huambacho: Plaza-A (a-j) and A-4/NE
(k) (scale 1/2).
b
e
d
eroded
sculpted
high relief
0 5
g
f cm
Figure 7.3 Variants of designs from fragments of clay friezes at Huambacho: Plaza-B (a-f) and
A-13/NS (g) (scale 1/2).
a b c
f
d e
g
h i j
0 5
m n cm
Figure 7.4 Graffiti discovered at Huambacho: in debris of collapsed walls of Plaza-A (a-i) and
Huaca-A (j-k), and in situ on a pillar of Plaza-B (l), and inside the northeast staircase of Plaza-A
(m-n) (scale 1/2).
— APPENDIX 1 —
DESCRIPTION OF POTTERY WARES
Appendix 1 provides descriptions of Early Horizon pottery wares from Huambacho. Observations
are grouped in three categories: (1) fabric, firing process and surface treatment, (2) vessel shapes and
(3) decoration (when present).
Huambacho Ware A
Fabric, firing process, and surface treatment
Overall, Ware A’s fabric generally comprises moderate (5 to 20%) (n=755, 71.1%) to
abundant (more than 20%) (n=255, 24%) amounts of inclusions. The inclusions themselves are
usually of medium size (0.26-0.5 mm) (n=627, 59%), and less frequently fine (0.11-0.25 mm) (n=206,
19.4%) or coarse (0.51-1 mm) (n=172, 16.2%). Sherds mostly exhibit irregular (n=607, 57.1%) or
fine (n=255, 24%), and, more rarely, hackly (n=162, 15.2%) or laminated (n=29, 2.7%) fractures.
Different calibres of sand and gravel serve as temper in a percentage of 68.5%. It is worth noting
that a significant proportion (18.6%) of Ware A sherds used crushed shell to temper the clay paste.
The use of shell as a temper in ceramic production is exclusive to Early Horizon wares at
Huambacho.
Ware A vessel range in colour from red to black in relation to the type of firing atmosphere.
Red (18.3%), dark brown (18.1%), light brown (11.6%), and brownish red (10.3%) are the most
common colours of the interior wall. Black interior surfaces are represented by a percentage of 5.5%.
The colour of the exterior wall follows the same distribution except that black is more common
(14.6%). The most popular firing environment was in open air, oxidising atmosphere (more than
40%). In comparison, only 7.8% of the sample exemplifies the reduced-fired technique. More than
35% of Ware A sherds was fired in an incomplete oxidising atmosphere. Fire-clouds on wall surfaces
are present in 23.4% of the cases, and Ware A often featured “sandwich”-like profiles (16%). This
firing technique is recognisable by the contrast in colour between the wall section and the exterior
and interior surface of the vessel.
The surface treatment of Ware A vessels vary depending on the vessel shape. Exterior
surfaces could be smoothed (45.5%), polished (38.8%) or less frequently wiped (9.4%). Meanwhile
interior surfaces are wiped (51.2%), irregular (21.9%), smoothed (15.3%), polished (4.6%), fingered
(3.7%), or paddled (3.2%). Overall, surfaces were well finished.
Appendix 1, Pottery wares xvi
Vessel shapes
Ware A is comprised of several restricted and open vessel shapes grouped under bottle, bowl,
and jar categories. This morphometric variation allows the division of these general categories into
more specific vessel shapes.
Bottle 1: Bottle 1 is a single-spout restricted vessel of relatively small size [Figure 5.1a-f]. The exact
shape of the body could not be determined, but it is likely to have been sub-globular. The rim, the
section between the neck and the mouth, is usually vertical-flared (53.6%) or vertical-straight
(35.7%), but also everted-straight or straight-inward in lesser frequency. Overall, the rim height could
vary. Bottle 1 lips are mostly exterior thickened (32.1%) or exterior bevelled (28.6%), even though
they can be rounded, straight-squared or everted. The spout opening ranges between 2 and 6 cm
with a mean diameter of 4.1 cm (s=0.9, n=28). The neck diameter is 2 to 5 cm with a mean of 3.3 cm
(s=0.9, n=27). Meanwhile, the walls of Bottle 1 are 2.6-8 mm thick with a mean of 5.1 mm (s=0.8,
n=28). Specimens of Ware A Bottle 1 are evenly split between red and black ware, and they were
mostly collected during the excavation of the construction fill at Huaca-A. Bottle 1 may have been
used as a serving vessel, and only 10.7% of the sherds exhibit traces of carbonisation on the exterior
wall. It was probably involved in the consumption of drink.
Bowl 1: This vessel is a small carinated bowl (also known as bevelled bowl; see Burger and Matos
2002: 162) [Figure 5.1g]. Examples (n=3) were all collected from the construction fill at Huaca-A.
Bowl 1 can be recognised by the obtuse angle below the vessel’s lip. The lip itself is rounded. The
opening of Bowl 1 is 21 cm in diameter, and the walls have a mean thickness of 5.3 mm (s=0.6,
n=3). The body is sub-spherical and the base is rounded. Ware A Bowl 1 may have been used as a
serving vessel.
Bowl 2: This vessel is a deep bowl with a vertical-incurved rim [Figure 5.1h-j]. Bowl 2 mouth diameter
ranges from 12 to 37 cm with a mean of 24.7 cm (s=5.9, n=25). The lip’s shape is most often
straight-squared (44%) or rounded (20%), but also interior thickened or exterior bevelled. It is rarely
tapered. The walls of the vessel have a mean thickness of 6.1 mm (s=1.5, n=25), and the base of
Bowl 2 is rounded. The body is ovoid-shaped. Carbonisation is present in less than 30% of the cases
and most examples were collected from Early Horizon floor fill levels.
Appendix 1, Pottery wares xvii
Bowl 3: Bowl 3 contrasts with the other Ware A bowls by its everted slanting walls [Figure 5.1k-u].
The bowl is shallow and usually has a slightly rounded or flat base, although examples of a pedestal,
or ring-base were also noted. The mean diameter of Bowl 3’s rim opening is 17.5 cm (s=4.4, n=30)
and it ranges between 8 and 28 cm. The lip of Bowl 3 is in general rounded (36.7%) or tapered
(30%). However, examples of straight-squared, exterior thickened, and interior or exterior bevelled
were also observed. The body of Bowl 3 is trapezoid or semi-spherical in form, and the walls are 2.6-
10.5 mm thick with a mean of 6.1 mm (s=1.8, n=31). Along with Bowl 1, Bowl 3 is the only vessel
on which both interior and exterior surfaces are polished. Sherds belonging to this vessel form were
mainly collected from refuse deposits or from the surface. They usually do not exhibit evidence of
carbonisation. One complete specimen of Ware A Bowl 3 (N103.362) was discovered during the
excavation of A-2/NE.
Jar 1: Jar 1 is an open neckless jar locally known as olla [Figure 5.2a-d]. It is the most common vessel
shape at Huambacho (n=381). The vessel has a spherical body and rounded base. The wall thickness
ranges between 2.7 and 11.5 mm with a mean of 5.8 (s=1.3, n=380). The mouth diameter ranges
between 9 and 43 cm with a mean of 16.8 (s=5.5, n=371). The lip shape varies substantially. Exterior
bevelled (25.2%), interior thickened (23.3%), rounded (22%) and straight-squared (21%) are the most
common shapes.
In comparison with Ware A bowls, Jar 1 probably represents a more utilitarian type of open
vessel. It may have been used in food processing activities and 28% of the sample bears marks of
carbonisation of the exterior walls. However, no in situ examples were discovered. Most Ware A
Bowl 1 sherds (79.2%) were recovered from excavations of superficial and refuse deposit levels at
Huaca-A.
Jar 2: This vessel is also an open vessel, but with a neck rim [Figure 5.2e-g]. The mouth opening of
the vessel ranges between 8 and 50 cm with a mean of 17.8 (s= 7.4, n=70) and the neck diameter
between 6 and 38 cm with a mean of 14.7 (s=5.3, n=63). Overall, Bowl 2 can be sub-divided into
two categories on the basis of the height of the rim. The first category is represented by various types
of rim shape including vertical-flared and everted-straight rims. Also, vertical-cambered (1.4%) and
bulging (1.4%) rims are represented infrequently. The second category comprises the same shapes,
but the rims are significantly shorter. As such, it is possible to identify short-vertical-flared, and
short-everted-straight rims.
Appendix 1, Pottery wares xviii
With respect to the vessel lips, they also display much diversity. Most examples are rounded
(42.3%), straight-squared (21.1%) and exterior bevelled (19.7%), but cases of double-bevelled,
tapered, exterior thickened, everted and pinched lips are also present. The body shape of Jar 2 is
usually spherical, but it can also be of elliptical and ovoid forms. Flat false strap-handles are present
on the shoulder of Jar 2 vessels in two cases. Overall, bases are rounded and the mean wall thickness
is 7.1 mm (s=1.8, n=74).
Ware A Jar 2 vessels could have represented an alternative shape to the most common Jar 1.
Both wares are found in similar contexts. However, the second category of Jar 2 exhibits a short rim
and resembles a bowl shape. It may have been used as such rather than for cooking activities. Jar 2
vessels exhibit traces of carbonisation on the exterior wall in less than 20% of the cases.
Jar 3: Jar 3 is a restricted vessel that can be described as a small necked jar or jug [Figure 5.2h-s]. It is
somewhat analogous to Ware A Bottle 1, but the mouth opening is wider. It ranges between 4 and
30 cm with a mean of 10.8 cm (s=4.8, n=145). The neck diameter varies from 3 to 26 with a mean of
8.6 cm (s=4, n=141). The rims of Jar 3 specimens indicate some variation. Most examples are
vertical-flared (32.4%), everted-straight (31%) and vertical-straight (10.3%), but cases of vertical-
incurved, vertical-cambered, everted-flared and bulging rims are also noted. At the same time, lips
also display variation. It is in general rounded (26.8%), exterior bevelled (21.8%), straight-squared
(19.7%), or exterior thickened (12%). Examples of everted, interior bevelled or tapered lips are also
present, along with isolated specimens of grooved, double-bevelled, and pinched lips. The body of
Jar 3 is sub-spherical and one case of lateral strap-handle was reported. The base of the vessel is
rounded. Wall thickness ranges between 2 and 12.7 mm with a mean of 6.4 mm (s=1.5, n=163).
Examples of Jar 3 came from all the sectors at the site in association with Early Horizon
occupation floors (16.5%) and sub-floor deposits (20.1%). However, most examples come from the
surface level (61%). Jar 3 is a small necked jar that may have been used to store and pour some drink,
in a similar fashion as Bottle 1. Consequently, less than 10% of the corpus indicates the presence of
carbonisation on the exterior wall.
Jar 4: The next two jar forms are large vessels interpreted as storage pottery. Jar 4 is an open vessel
[Figure 5.2t-w]. In many respects, it is reminiscent of Jar 1, but larger. The mouth diameter ranges
between 31 and 46 cm with a mean of 34.9 (s=3.6, n=19). The lips vary in shape. It is mostly
straight-squared (42.1%) or exterior bevelled (26.3%), but also rounded, double bevelled, or interior
Appendix 1, Pottery wares xix
thickened. The walls are 5-12 mm thick with an average of 8.6 mm (s=1.28, n=19). Only two sherds
(10.5%) have evidence of carbonisation on their exterior wall. Most examples were collected at
Huaca-A (84.2%), from sub-floor deposits strata (42.1%).
Jar 5: Jar 5 is a large restricted vessel [Figure 5.2x-z]. It can be defined as a necked jar that probably
served storage functions. The mouth diameter ranges between 12 and 26, and averages 20 cm (s=3.8,
n=13). Meanwhile, the mean width of the neck is 15.6 cm (s=4, n=16) with diameters ranging
between 11 and 24 cm. The rim of Jar 5 can be vertical-straight, vertical-incurved, vertical-flared, and
everted-straight. Isolated examples of vertical-cambered, everted-flared and funnel-shaped rims are
also present. As for the lip, rounded (61.5%), but straight-squared, interior bevelled, tapered, or
exterior thickened lips are recorded. Wall sections have a mean thickness of 8.8 mm (s=2.3, n=21).
Jar 5 exhibits carbonisation of the exterior wall in a percentage of 14.3%. In contrast to other Ware
A vessel forms, no example was found at Huaca-A. Only three sherds were found in clear association
with Early Horizon occupation floors while the rest came from superficial contexts.
Other: Another, unique vessel shape was found on the sunken floor of Plaza-A. It is overall
reminiscent of Ware A Jar 1, but is has a lateral pouring spout [Figure 5.3a]. A total of 10 fragments
that belonged to this unique vessel (N103.3811) were recuperated during Unit-29. The vessel can be
described as a bowl-with-pouring spout and it has a sub-spherical body. The lip of the bowl is
rounded. The opening of the bowl is 17 cm wide whereas the lateral spout diameter is 4.5 cm. The
lateral spout has a 4 cm wide neck which is of vertical-straight shape. The walls are 3.5-5.5 mm thick.
The function of the vessel could be inferred by the presence of the lateral pouring spout and
suggests a relation to the serving and consumption of drink.
Huambacho Ware B
Overall, Ware B’s fabric displays little differences with Ware A. Wall sections are statistically
thinner than Ware A, but the main difference concerns the surface treatment. Ware B is a highly
polished pottery ware. The fabric uses primarily sand (50.2%), as well as shell (23.8%) as temper.
Inclusions are usually fine (0.11-0.25 mm) (n=84, 30.4%) or medium (0.26-0.5 mm) (n=145, 52.5%)
in size, but very fine (less than 0.1 mm) (n=17, 6.2%) and coarse (0.51-1 mm) (n=30, 10.9%)
examples are also noted. Inclusions are mostly present in moderate (5 to 20%) (n=185, 67%) and
Appendix 1, Pottery wares xx
abundant (more than 20%) (n=79, 28.6%) amounts. The texture of the wall fracture is usually fine
(n=112, 40.6%) or irregular (n=134, 48.6%).
Huambacho Ware B ranges in colour from red to black depending on the firing process. The
interior wall is mostly dark brown (23%), red (13.1%), light brown (12.4%), or dark grey (10.6%).
The exterior wall, in a similar way, is mostly represented by greyish brown (23.1%), dark brown
(14.1%), light brown (11.6%) and dark grey (10.8%) colours. Fire-clouds are present in 30.3% of the
sherds. As is the case for Ware A, firing techniques include, in decreasing order, incomplete
oxidisation (41.9%), complete oxidisation (28.5%), sandwich-like firing (17%), and reduction
(11.9%). As mentioned, the surface treatment involved the high polishing of the exterior surface of
Ware B vessels. Occasionally (n=15, 5.4%), a cream or red slip was applied prior to polishing.
Vessel shapes
Ware B includes five vessel categories. These pottery forms are highly consistent with Ware
A vessel shapes, but, overall, they are of finer appearance.
Bottle 1: Ware B Bottle 1 is a fine restricted, single spout vessel similar in form to Ware A Bottle 1
[Figure 5.3b]. The mouth has a mean diameter of 4 cm (s=0.8, n=4), with minimum and maximum
values of 3 and 5 cm respectively. Meanwhile, the neck varies in diameter from 3 to 4 cm with a
mean of 3.5 cm (s=0.6, n=4). The rim of the vessel is always vertical, but it can be straight or flared.
The lip is either exterior bevelled or exterior thickened. The wall section’s mean thickness is 5 mm
(s=1, n=4). Ware B Bottle 1 sherds were collected from construction fill strata, either from Huaca-A
or Plaza-B. None of the sherds shows evidence of carbonisation.
Bowl 1: This vessel is a deep bowl with incurving walls [Figure 5.3m-o]. Bowl 1 opening ranges
between 18 and 34 cm with a mean of 26.3 cm (s=5.7, n=12). The base of Bowl 1 is rounded. The
body has an ovoid shape. The walls are 3.3-8.5 mm thick with a mean of 6.1 mm (s=1.1, n=12). The
lip of Bowl 1 is in half the cases straight-squared (50%), but it can also be rounded, interior
thickened, and interior or exterior bevelled. Sherds of this vessel shape were found in all the sectors
at Huambacho with a special concentration at Huaca-A (66.7%). It is worth noting that all Ware B
Bowl 1 fragments were collected from secure Early Horizon contexts (e.g., occupation floor, sub-
floor deposits), and never from the surface.
Appendix 1, Pottery wares xxi
Bowl 2: This vessel is a shallow bowl with everted, slanting walls [Figure 5.3c]. Morphologically, it
corresponds to Ware A Bowl 3. Bowl 2’s opening diameter varies from 13 to 21 cm and averages
17.5 cm (s=2.8, n=6). Its rim is usually everted-straight, but one example of a bulging rim was
observed. The lip can be equally tapered, rounded or exterior bevelled, but, in contrast to Bowl 1, it
is usually not thickened. The shape of the vessel can be trapezoid or semi-spherical, and examples of
pedestal base are noted. Both the interior and exterior surfaces of Bowl 2 are polished, and the walls
are 2.9-7.4 mm thick with a mean of 5.1 mm (s=1.5, n=7). Sherds of this vessel type are found
throughout the site, mainly from surface sand levels (85.7%) without significant traces of
carbonisation.
Jar 1: Ware B Jar 1 is a fine spherical neckless olla [Figure 5.3 d-i]. In form, it parallels Ware A Jar 1,
but in fabric and surface treatment it is a finer vessel. The mouth diameter ranges between 6 and 42
cm with a mean of 16.3 cm (s=5.5, n=112). Most lip examples are exterior bevelled (22.6%), rounded
(21.7%), interior thickened (20%) or straight-squared (20%). Less common are interior bevelled,
double bevelled, exterior thickened, double thickened and pinched lips. The walls of Jar 1 have a
mean thickness of 5.4 mm (s=1.3, n=117). Sherds of this type were mostly recovered from Early
Horizon construction fill (48.8%) and floor (10.3%) strata. Their exterior surface was carbonised in a
percentage of 45.3%.
Jar 2: Jar 2 is an open vessel that features a neck rim. It is similar in shape to Ware A Jar 2, but as the
other Ware B vessels, it is finer in appearance. Jar 2 has a mouth diameter averaging 9.8 cm (s=2.1,
n=4) with minimum and maximum values of 7 and 12 cm, respectively. The neck diameter varies
between 5.5 and 9 cm with a mean of 7.5 cm (s=1.8, n=3). The rim of Jar 2 is always short, and it
can be flared or everted straight. The lip can either be straight-squared or rounded, and the body of
the vessel is spherical. The walls of the jar range in thickness from 2 to 5.5 mm with a mean of 3.7
mm (s=1.2, n=4). None of the sherds features carbonised surface, and most sherds were collected at
the surface of the site (75%).
Jar 3: Ware B Jar 3 is a restricted vessel with a vertical or everted rim [Figure 5.3j-l]. This small
necked jar has a mean mouth diameter of 8.5 cm (s=3.6, n=19) with minimum and maximum
measurements of 3 and 16 cm, respectively. The neck varies between 2.5 and 13 cm with a mean of
6.9 cm (s=3.3, n=16). The most common vertical rim shapes are straight and flared, but examples of
Appendix 1, Pottery wares xxii
incurved and cambered rims are also present. As for the everted rims, they can be straight, flared,
bulging or cambered. Jar 3 bodies are ovoid or sub-spherical. Walls are 2.7-12.4 mm thick with an
average of 5.6 mm (s=1.4, n=21). Most specimens of this vessel were found at the surface (81%) of
the site, distributed across the site’s five sectors and without any trace of carbonisation.
Huambacho Ware C
Huambacho Ware C pots have a coarse fabric. The texture of the fracture is laminated in a
proportion of 50%. Otherwise it is usually irregular (25.8%) or hackly (22.7%). The thickness of the
wall section varies in relation to the vessel shape and size, but as rule of thumb it is over 10 mm.
Overall, the fabric contains moderate amounts of inclusions (n=90, 70.3%) and the inclusions are
coarse (n=27, 21.1%) or very coarse (more than 1 mm) (n=74, 57.8%). Gravel normally serves as
temper (57%) along with sand and quartz in lesser proportions. In contrast to the other plain wares
at Huambacho, shell is not a common temper material in Ware C (1.6%).
In contrast to finer plain wares, Ware C vessels are not fired in a reducing atmosphere. Most
examples are fired in oxidising atmosphere (51.6%), although a lack of control over the firing process
is exemplified by a total of 57 incompletely oxidised objects (44.5%). Fire-clouds are present in 7%
of the corpus. The colour of the interior surface of Ware C pots typically ranges between dark grey
and red, with many examples of brownish red (18%), light brown (18.8%) and greyish brown
(12.5%). The colour of the exterior wall surface varies more or less in the same way although it tends
to be lighter with most cases being red (25%), brownish red (18%) and light brown (17.2%). This
suggests that this class of large pottery was fired with the mouth down. The wall section exhibits
more colour variation. It is generally greyer due to the incomplete nature of the oxidising firing
technique.
Ware C vessels are not polished. Most surfaces, whether interior or exterior, are wiped (ca.
60%) and sometimes smoothed. In almost 15% of the cases, surfaces are irregular and appear to
have been left untreated. The application of a slip is not a common feature of Ware C, but cream and
red slips are noted in nine cases (4.7%).
As mentioned, Ware C is a coarse plain ware. However, examples of perforation, punctation,
application, and fingering have been noted on isolated specimens. The punctate decoration and the
slipped surface treatment support the idea that some Ware C vessels could be associated with Early
Intermediate Period, rather than Early Horizon, populations.
Appendix 1, Pottery wares xxiii
Vessel shapes
Ware C is comprised of jar vessels exclusively. These jars appear to have been related to
domestic functions such as food processing and storage. This is consistent with their probable
association with an Early Intermediate Period re-occupation of the site, but could also suggest
storage of food and liquid during the Early Horizon.
Jar 1: This is an open vessel reminiscent of Ware A Jar 2 [Figure 5.4a-b]. It consists of a spherical
necked olla. Jar 2 has a mouth diameter that ranges between 12 and 58 cm with a mean of 29.6 cm
(s=13.2, n=20). The neck is not restricted and ranges in diameter from 11 to 50 cm (s=12, n=18).
The neck-to-rim section can either be short or long. Short rims can be flared, straight or everted-
straight in shape. Long rims exhibit the same forms, but also include one example of everted-
incurved (i.e., bulging) rim. The lip of Ware C Jar 1 vessels are normally straight-squared (59.1%), but
also rounded, grooved, and interior or exterior bevelled. The body is spherical and one example of
twisted handle was noted. Walls have a mean thickness of 12.3 mm (s=3, n=22) and the bases are
rounded. Traces of carbonisation are present in less than 20%. More than half of the corpus of Jar 1
(63.2%) was found in places where post-Early Horizon squatter occupations have been documented.
Jar 2: Jar 2 is a large open vessel reminiscent of Ware A Jar 4 [Figure 5.4c-g]. This vessel is
interpreted as a storage jar. At Huambacho it is represented by 25 sherds. Jar 2 has mouth diameter
that can range from 28 to 68 cm with a mean of 43.7 cm (s=13.1, n=22). The jar does not have a
neck proper, although the lip was often worked in way to produce short straight rims. The lips are
most commonly straight-squared (45.8%), but also grooved, rounded, exterior bevelled, and interior
or exterior thickened. The walls are 7.4-34.1 mm thick with an average of 14.3 mm (s=4.9, n=24). Jar
2 is typically not decorated, but three sherds (12%) display punctate, fingered, and application
geometric designs. A proportion of 4% of the sherds indicate traces of carbonisation on the exterior
wall.
Jar 3: This is a large restricted vessel also interpreted as a storage jar reminiscent of Ware A Jar 5
[Figure 5.4h-l]. This vessel has a mouth diameter ranging between 15 and 37 cm with a mean of 22.4
cm (s=6.6, n=13). Meanwhile, the diameter of the neck varies from 9 to 37 cm with a mean of 18 cm
(s=8.4, n=17). The rim of Jar 3 is usually tall and can have different shapes including vertical-straight,
Appendix 1, Pottery wares xxiv
vertical-flared, vertical-incurved, everted-straight, everted-flared and funnel-shaped. As for the lip, it

is in general rounded (46.2%) or straight-squared (30.8%), although examples of interior bevelled,
exterior thickened and incurved lips are also present. The jar walls are 6.5-16.6 mm thick with a mean
of 11.6 mm (s=2.3, n=20). Jar 5 is typically not decorated and does not exhibit carbonisation
evidence. Like Ware C Jar 2, it is interpreted as large storage vessel.
Huambacho Ware D
Overall, the fabric of Ware D resembles those of Ware A and Ware B. It is a fine fabric with
well sorted inclusions. The vessel fracture is fine in 58.9% of the cases, though some times smooth
(5.1%) or irregular (29.7%). In more than 90% of the cases, inclusions are, in decreasing order, fine
(54.9%), medium (33.1%), or very fine (less than 0.1 mm) (3.4%). Inclusions themselves are in
general present in moderate (50.3%) or abundant (47.4%) amounts. The most popular temper
materials are sand (44.6%) and shell (35.4%). In isolated examples, quartz, mica and gravel are also
included in the pottery fabric.
Ware D vessels vary in colour from red to black, but black is the most common colour. For
instance, for the interior wall dark brown, dark grey, black and greyish brown colours account for
almost 70% of the total assemblage. In comparison, reddish interior walls, including red, brownish
red, reddish grey, and reddish orange, characterise about 15% of the sample. This tendency is even
more noticeable for the exterior wall where 77 sherds are black, accounting for 44% of the total
corpus. The most common firing technique is reduction (33.7%), but oxidisation is also well
represented, whether complete (26.3%) or incomplete (32.6%). Sandwich-like fired vessels are less
popular (7.4%). Overall fire-clouds are less frequent than in other ware categories (11.4%) which
might indicate a greater control over the firing process than the other Huambacho wares.
Ware D vessels’ exterior surfaces are generally highly polished (72%). Depending of the
vessel shape, the interior surfaces can be wiped (31.4%), fingered (22.3%), polished (15.4%), or
smoothed (6.9%). In more than 99% of the cases, Ware D surfaces are not slipped.
Vessel shapes
Ware D present less variation in vessel shapes than the plain wares. Only one bottle, three
types of bowls and one jar were identified. This limited range of pottery forms in comparison to
other ware categories could be related to the differential functional context of Ware D vessels. Ware
Appendix 1, Pottery wares xxv
D Bottle 1 is a unique form. The other vessel shapes in Ware D have morphological analogous in
Ware A and Ware B.
Bottle 1: This is a fine restricted vessel identified as a stirrup-spout bottle [Figure 5.5a-f]. This type of
bottle is typical of ritual pottery in early coastal Peru. Stirrup-spout bottles are easily recognisable by
their hollow stirrup-shaped handle that connects the spout and the body sections. At Huambacho, a
total of 49 fragments of Ware D Bottle 1 were encountered, including an almost complete piece
(N103.1469) found on the floor of the north outer wall-platform of Plaza-A. Most of the sherds
were collected from Huaca-A’s construction fill.
Bottle 1 has mouth opening that ranges between 2 and 3 cm with a mean of 2.8 cm (s=0.3,
n=14). The lip is typical of Early Horizon styles and always exterior thickened. This “bump” created
on the exterior profile of the upper lip can be more or less angular, but it is always visually
prominent. The bottle spout itself is always vertical and it can be straight, slightly flared or cambered.
Body shapes are more difficult to reconstruct, but they appear to be sub-spherical and ovoid-
truncated. The walls are relatively thin with a mean thickness of 4.3 mm (s=0.6, n=49). The bases are
either flat or slightly convex, but typically not rounded. The stirrup-shaped handle itself is thick and
rounded, rather than angular. Decoration on stirrup-spout bottles is systematically located on the
body rather on the handles.
The exact function of Early Horizon stirrup-spout bottles is uncertain, but most examples
have been found in funerary or other offering contexts. It is likely that they were involved in libation
and other ritualised consumption activities. The fragmented example of Ware D Bottle 1, found
directly on the north outer wall-platform of the plaza, indicates that stirrup spout bottles may have
been important during public gatherings.
Bowl 1: Bowl 1 is a carinated bowl very similar in shape to Ware A Bowl 1 [Figure 5.5g-s]. The main
characteristic of carinated bowls is the angular aspect of the sub-lip section. On these vessels, the
upper rim is decorated. The mouth diameter of Bowl 1 ranges between 11 and 21 cm with a mean of
15.5 cm (s=2.9, n=22). The lip of Ware D Bowl 1 is in general rounded or straight-squared, but
exterior bevelled, double bevelled and tapered cases were also observed. The body and base of the
bowl are rounded or sub-spherical. The walls have a mean thickness of 4.8 cm (s=0.8, n=24) and do
not exhibit traces of carbonisation.
Appendix 1, Pottery wares xxvi
Bowl 2: This vessel is a deep bowl with incurving walls [Figure 5.5t-u]. The mouth diameter ranges
between 13 and 22 cm with a mean of 16.5 (s=4.4, n=4). The lip of Bowl 2 can be straight-squared,
rounded or interior thickened. The body is of ovoid shape with walls averaging 4.9 mm in thickness
(s=1.2, n=4). Ware D Bowl 2 sherds were found in Early Horizon contexts such as occupation floor
and sub-floor deposits without traces of carbonisation. As for Ware D Bowl 1, decoration is located
on the exterior surface, in the upper rim section of the vessel.
Bowl 3: Ware D Bowl 3 is an open vessel with everted, slanting walls [Figure 5.5v-x]. The opening of
Bowl 3 varies between 16 and 18 cm with a mean of 17.3 cm (s=1, n=4). The walls of the vessel are
straight or slightly concave, and average 4.7 mm (s=0.6, n=5) in thickness. Lips are interior bevelled,
exterior bevelled or tapered, and the base can be flat or slightly rounded. Like other Ware D bowls,
the decoration is placed below the lip of the vessel, on the exterior surface. All examples of Bowl 3
were collected on Huaca-A, mostly from Early Horizon construction fill.
Jar 1: This vessel is an open, spherical jar already identified as a neckless olla during the analysis of
other pottery wares [Figure 5.6a-e]. Ware D Jar 1 vessels are decorated below the lip section, in a
similar fashion to the bowls. The vessel has a mean mouth diameter of 15.2 cm (s=4.3, n=13) with
minimum and maximum values of 9 and 22 cm, respectively. The lip of Jar 1 can be rounded,
straight-squared, tapered, or interior or exterior bevelled. The walls average 5 mm (s=0.7, n=13) in
thickness. Less than 25 % of the assemblage indicates traces of carbonisation, and most examples
were recovered at Huaca-A.
Decoration
Ware D is the most finely made of Early Horizon decorated pottery recovered at
Huambacho. It includes the most diversity in decoration techniques and designs. Decoration
techniques focus on surface treatment, sculpture, and texture rather than painting and colour,
although some examples of post-fire, incised painted sherds are present in the corpus. As mentioned
above, surface decoration of Early Horizon vessels is exclusively present on the exterior surface; on
the upper rim for bowls and jars, and on the body in the case of bottles.
Ware D decoration emphasises several techniques and decorative arrangements. These have
been grouped under various names by scholars working in the area. The Huambacho assemblage
features designs such as stamped circle-and-dot, banded-and-zoned lozenge, textile impressed,
Appendix 1, Pottery wares xxvii
cylinder stamped, incised, and appliqué nubbin (see Daggett 1984; Proulx 1985). The decorative
types involve several techniques including incision, excision, stamping, punctation, application, and
impression. All these techniques involve pre-firing operations. Meanwhile, post-fire decorative
modifications are not common. Tools used in the decoration of Ware D probably included cane
tubes, stone polishers, as well as bone spatulas and textile clothes.
My analysis of the pottery decoration aims to serve as a comparative basis to assess the
cultural affiliation of Huambacho’s occupants. Overall, Ware D vessels are dominated by zoned
(n=102, 58.2%) and stamped circle-and-dot (n=50, 28.6%) types of decoration. Both decorative
types have parallels in other regions of Peru during the Initial Period and the Early Horizon.
Zoning is the most common decorative technique at Huambacho. It consists in the creation
of alternating zones of differing lustre and texture on the body of the vessel. In Ware D, this zoned
type of decoration is usually found ornamenting the globular body of restricted vessels, but examples
of zoned open vessels are also documented.
Huambacho zoned decoration often features the alternation of plain zones with decorated
ones: either textile impressed, hachured or punctated zones. These non-decorated and decorated
zones can be polished or not, and they are separated by incisions of varying width. The zones
themselves could have different shapes from triangular to sinuous or circular.
Textile impressed zoning is the most common of the Huambacho zoned decorative types
[Figure 5.6f-k]. The textiles used for the impressions vary in weaving techniques and thread calibres.
It is significant that unzoned textile impressed sherds were also found at Huambacho. They contrast
with zoned textile impressed by the larger, coarser textile threads. Zoned textile impressed vessels are
mainly black wares and exclusively represented by stirrup-spout bottles (Bottle 1). Designs created by
the zoned textile impressed style are typically geometric, but one example of zoomorphic
representation was observed (N103.3323) [Figure 5.6h]. The animal has a triangular head with a
sinuous elongated body that remind of a saurian. The design may represent the head of a serpent. It
is worth noting that this design parallels the iconographic content of one of the friezes from Plaza-A,
as well as the incised motifs discovered on a bone spatula (N103.511).
Punctation is also used to contrast with plain zones [Figure 5.6a-c, l-n]. The punctations
appear to have been made with a solid punch tool, likely made of bone, metal or wood. Punctations
were also realised with shells [Figure 5.6m-n]. This zoned punctate type of decoration is typically
found on the Ware D Jar 1 neckless olla vessel, near the lip section. One example has also been noted
on the on the body of Bottle 1 sherds, and a comparison with findings from Early Horizon sites in
Appendix 1, Pottery wares xxviii
Santa suggests it could have decorated single-spout bottle and necked jar as well (Wilson 1988: 379,
Figure 194a). The punctated zones are often of triangular shape, but examples of sinuous zones are
also noted. The punctated zones are delineated by incisions, but in contrast to textile impressed
zoning, vessels can be either red or black wares. Overall, this zoned punctate type of decoration can
be contrasted with the zoned textile impressed type. Incisions are broader in zoned textile impressed,
while zoned punctate wares tend to be less polished.
Stamped circle-and-dot decoration is the second most common type of decoration at
Huambacho [Figure 5.6d-e]. It consists in the stamping of circular designs, using cane tubes of
different sizes and pointed objects. In general, a single stamped dot is produced inside each of the
circles. However, up to three dots can be realised inside a single circle. Also, stamped circles can be
empty or filled with another circle to create concentric circles. The circles themselves can be
arranged in different ways. They can form linear arrangements, but they are also often grouped three
by three in a triangular fashion. On certain occasions, a line of circle-and-dot is boarded by incisions.
This form of decoration is found exclusively on open ceramic containers, whether they are bowls or
open jars. Meanwhile, no example of stamped circle-and-dot has been recorded on stirrup-spout
bottles or other forms of restricted vessels.
Ware D pottery also includes less frequent decorative types including cylinder stamped (n=1,
0.6%), broad-line incised (n=6, 3.4%), fine-line incised (n=10, 5.7%), textile impressed (unzoned)
(n=5, 2.9%), appliqué nubbin (n=1, 0.6%) styles. Fine-line incised sherds are illustrated in Figure
5.6p-t. Overall these styles are rare, but they exhibit close relationships with zoned and stamped
circle-and-dot wares. Ware D decorative styles reveal similarities with neighbouring Initial Period and
Early Horizon materials.
Huambacho Ware E
Ware E is not a fine ware. Its fabric is analogous to Ware A. The majority of Ware E sherds
have medium (n=75, 50.7%) or coarse (n=41, 27%) inclusions present in moderate amounts (n=120,
81.1%). Inclusions include sand (60.1%), ground shell (14.9%), gravel (14.2%), and, in lesser
frequency, quartz. The texture of the facture of Ware E vessels is usually fine (24.3%) or irregular
(55.4%), and rarely hackly.
Overall, Ware E’s fabrics range in colour from red to black. However, the colour of the
interior wall is usually red (23.6%), dark brown (17.6%), brownish red (15.5%) or dark grey (14.2%).
Appendix 1, Pottery wares xxix
As for the exterior wall, the most common colours are black (18.9%), greyish brown (16.2%), dark
brown (13.5%) and red (12.8%). Even though a distinction can be made between completely
oxidised, red and reduce-fired black examples, Ware E pottery generally exhibits a poor control over
the firing environment. Fire-clouds are observed 38.5% of the time and most specimens are fired in
an incomplete oxidising atmosphere (52.7%). Sandwich-like firing is also present (12.2%). Care was
given to surface treatment and, often, the exterior wall of Ware E pots is polished (64.2%).
Vessel shapes
The most characteristic shape of Ware E is the spherical neckless jar or olla, but examples of
small necked jars, bowls and open storage jars are also present in the corpus.
Bowl 1: Bowl 1 is a spherical-shaped open vessel with an incurving-shaped, bulging rim [Figure 5.7j-
k]. Two examples of Ware E Bowl 1 were collected from Early Horizon contexts. Bowl 1 has a
mouth opening ranging between 21 and 25 cm and its lip is straight-squared. Carbonisation was
observed on both sides of one of the sherds. Morphometric and contextual evidence makes it likely
that Bowl 1 was used for serving rather food processing.
Bowl 2: This vessel can be defined as an open bowl with an everted slanting rim [Figure 5.7l]. Only
one example of Ware E Bowl 2 was collected (N103. 68) at Huambacho. It came from the South
Sector of the site. The mouth diameter of Bowl 2 measures 15 cm. Its walls are 4.2-4.8 mm thick,
and the lip of the vessel is tapered.
Jar 1: This is the most common vessel shape of Ware E and it is exemplified by 116 specimens. It
consists of an open spherical neckless olla [Figure 5.7a-e]. The mouth diameter of Jar 1 can vary
between 10 and 44 cm and has a mean of 16 cm (s=5.3, n=114). The mean thickness of Jar 1 walls is
5.6 mm (s=1.2, n=116). The body itself is spherical and the lip of the vessel can be straight-squared,
rounded, exterior bevelled, double-bevelled or interior thickened. Most examples of Ware E Jar 1
were collected in the construction fill at Huaca-A. Half of the corpus exhibit traces of carbonised
organic materials, primarily on the exterior wall. This suggests that the Jar 1 form might have been
used in the cooking of food.
Appendix 1, Pottery wares xxx
Jar 2: Jar 2 is a restricted vessel that can be described as a small necked jar, or jug, with vertical-flared
rim and a sub-spherical body [Figure 5.7f]. Two neck fragments and two lip sherds provide
information on this vessel shape. Lips are either straight-squared or rounded. The mouth diameter of
Jar 2 ranges between 10 and 18 cm while the neck diameter ranges between 6 and 9 cm. The walls
average 6.5 mm (s=1, n=4) thick. Ware E Jar 2 sherds were collected from Early Horizon structure
debris and sub-floor deposits. Two sherds indicate the presence of carbonised organic materials on
the exterior wall.
Jar 3: This vessel is an open storage jar. Jar 3’s shape is analogous to Jar 1, but is much larger [Figure
5.7g-i]. It consists of a large, open jar with a mouth diameter that ranges between 32 and 35 cm with
a mean of 33 cm (s=1.7, n=3). The lip of the vessel is either interior thickened, straight-squared or
rounded, and the mean thickness of the wall is 7.5 mm (s=2, n=3) which is relatively thin in relation
to the wide opening diameter of the vessel. The interior surface of Jar 3 is typically wiped while the
exterior surface exhibits striated patterns. The three examples of Ware E Jar 3 were discovered in the
construction fill deposits, beneath Early Horizon floors of the east outer wall-platform of Plaza-B
(Unit-25) and the Huaca-A (Unit-24 and 27). Jar 3 does not exhibit evidence of carbonisation. It
does not appear to have been used in food processing activities and it is interpreted as a storage
vessel.
Decoration
My analysis considers Ware E as a decorated ware. Decoration mainly involves the creation
of patterns using burnishing techniques. In all cases, burnishing lines are visible on the exterior
surface. These designs are only visible when one moves the object and changes the angle of
reflection of the light. It is likely that the burnishing was realised with small sub-spherical and/or
elongated stones. The designs created by burnishing actions are repetitive and do not seem to be
representational. They can be grouped under three main categories.
First, some sherds exhibit cross-hatched patterns [Figure 5.7b-c, e, g]. These patterns can be
of various dimensions, but they consistently create a “net” effect or lattice design. Second,
burnishing motions created “rocking” effects [Figure 5.7a, f, h-i]. The rocking motion was made
following the vertical axis of the vessel leaving some forms of inversed “V” designs. Third, several
examples of burnished decoration exhibit random patterns [Figure 5.7d, j-k]. In contrast to the
rocking motions of the second category, this form of burnishing appears to have been made in the
Appendix 1, Pottery wares xxxi
horizontal axis of the vessel. Finally, it is worth noting that isolated cases indicate the use of pre-
firing incisions and post-fire scratching in combination with burnished-patterns [see Figure 5.8d for
an example of post-fire scratching]. These forms of modification – especially burnishing and post-
fire scratching – were grouped under the same heading following Daggett’s ceramic typology (i.e.,
Kushipampa phase) (Daggett 1984: 313-336).
— APPENDIX 2 —
GLOSSARY
Adobe: Brick primarily made of unfired mud – but as well as other inclusions (e.g., sand, gravel,
plant) – used in the ancient Andes, especially on the Pacific coast, in the construction of buildings
and other architectural structures.
Acequia: Seasonal water source and/or irrigation canal that carry water on an occasional, sometimes
regular, basis.
Antara: Antaras or panpipes are air musical instrument composed of a series of tube of different
lengths attached together. When blown into, the tubes produce sounds. In the Andes, panpipes can
be made of cane or ceramics, although most archaeological examples are ceramics.
Audiencia: Andean architectural form common in elite buildings where it is used to welcome,
interview and/or entertain guests and visitors. Archaeologically, the term is often used to refer to
enclosed gatherings spaces associated with elite architecture.
Ayllu: Basic autonomous unit of production in the Andes consisting of an alliance of households
and kindred which exchange labour and resources.
Batán: Large stone block, usually a river boulder, on which organic and/or mineral substances are
grinded. Batanes are still in use today and they constitute an essential implement in cooking tasks.
Ch’arki: Dried meat (i.e., camelids in prehistoric times) prepared in high altitude by alternating
periods of sun with periods of frost. Ch’arki was exchange in long-distance trade networks and could
travel from the highlands to the coast.
Chicha: Fermented beverage made with maize. Maize beer contains a low to moderate alcohol
content and it was popular in ancient Peru in most ceremonies, but also as a daily beverage.
Appendix 2, Glossary xxxiii
Cinnabar: Mercuric sulphide (HgS): a heavy bright red ore of mercury occurring in soft earthy
masses of 2.0-2.5 on Mohs scale that can be used as a pigment. Sometimes referred to as vermilion, it
was highly valued in ancient Peru because of the intensity of its colour.
Faena: Compulsory communal labour requested by Spanish authorities during colonial times for the
completion of specific public tasks and building projects.
Garúa: Fine drizzle that occurs on the Peruvian littoral, generally in the morning. This source of
water allows epiphytic plants to grow and form lomas on the otherwise barren slopes of the littoral.
Grama: Generic term that refers to a variety of grassland vegetation.
Huaca: Quechua term that originally referred to sacred and ritual grounds. It has suffered many
distortions since the colonial period and nowadays it is mostly used to refer to archaeological
mounds and platforms.
Huso: Refers to a spindle-whorl shaft. Husos are generally made of wood.
Kero: Ceremonial drinking cup that could be made of wood, metal or ceramics. Keros were
particularly popular in the late prehistoric times in Peru.
Lomas: Ecological niche mainly composed of epiphytic plants. It is mostly sustained by the fogs and
mists of the Pacific Ocean. Lomas usually borders the shorelines but they can be found in quebradas.
Mano: Stone tool made of a hand-size cobble using in multiple tasks. Manos can also refer to tools
that fit in one hand but that are made of other material than stone. For example, I refer to ceramic
graters as manos.
Mita: Annual labour service during Inca times that was owed by taxpayers and requested for the
completion of public works.
Appendix 2, Glossary xxxiv
Piruro: Spindle-whorl typically used for spinning cotton fibres. Piruros are typically rounded, conical
or trapezoidal, but they vary in shape. They contrast with the larger, discoid torteros used to spin
camelid fibres.
Porongo: Spherical gourd container typically used to store and/or carry water.
Pututo: Conch shell used as musical instrument. In ancient Peru, ceramic pututos were used in
ceremonies.
Quebrada: Gorge or depression incising the mountain slopes. Quebradas are usually dry, but they
channel rain during ENSO episodes. They also accumulate sand and allow some forms of epiphytic
vegetation to grow.
Quena: Flute that contrasts with panpipes by having only one tube.
Quincha: Reed or canes that grow in the marshes and in the vicinity of the coastal area. Quincha was
and is still used in the construction of walls in some dwellings, as well as in roof structures.
Tortero: Discoid spindle-whorl typically used to spin camelid fibres. Torteros are larger than piruros
used for cotton fibres.
Shicra bags: Forms of net bags made of plant fibres used in the construction of public architecture
in some early Andean societies. Shicra bags were used to carry stones and other fill materials. The
bags and their content were typically placed inside fill chambers.
Yunga: Ecological niche on the western slopes of the Andes (ca. 500-2300 m asl). Yungas or
chaupiyungas are important environmental zones since they permit the cultivation of certain plant
species including coca.

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Architecture and Society at Huambacho (800-200 B.C.

), Nepeña Valley, Peru

ABSTRACT ........................................................................................................................................... ................ii

CHAPTER 3 PROYECTO HUAMBACHO: AN INVESTIGATION INTO EARLY HORIZON ARCHITECTURE

TABLE OF CONTENTS (continued)

CHAPTER 4 ARCHITECTURE: TECHNIQUES, DESIGN AND SPATIAL ORGANISATION

CHAPTER 5 SPACE USE AND CULTURAL REMAINS, PART 1: CERAMICS

CHAPTER 7 ENGINEERING EXPERIENCES: PERCEPTION, SETTINGS AND ACTIONS

TABLE OF CONTENTS (continued)

7.3 Indexation, symbolism and rituals ...................................................................................... ............190

CHAPTER 8 REVIEW AND CONCLUSIONS

BIBLIOGRAPHY .................................................................................................................................. ............224

FIGURES .............................................................................................................................................. ............272

APPENDIX 1 DESCRIPTION OF POTTERY WARES ....................................................................... ..............xv

APPENDIX 2 GLOSSARY .................................................................................................................. ..........xxxii

Figure 3.6 Plan view of Unit-9 .....................................................................................................................278

Figure 3.8 Photograph of A-7/SS (Unit-16) (view from the northwest)...............................................279

LIST OF FIGURES (continued)

LIST OF FIGURES (continued)

LIST OF FIGURES (continued)

Figure 4.3 Isometric reconstruction of the Plaza-A at Huambacho ......................................................297

Figure 5.1 Drawings of Huambacho Ware A bottles and bowls ............................................................300

Figure 5.2 Drawings of Huambacho Ware A jars.....................................................................................301

Figure 5.3 Drawings of Ware A bowl-with-pouring spout and Ware B vessels...................................302

Figure 5.4 Drawings of Huambacho Ware C jars .....................................................................................303

Figure 5.5 Drawings of Huambacho Ware D bottles and bowls............................................................304

Figure 5.7 Drawings of Huambacho Ware E vessels ...............................................................................306

Figure 5.10 Drawings of fragments of ceramic graters from Huambacho ...........................................309

LIST OF FIGURES (continued)

Figure 6.4 Photographs of Early Horizon bone artefacts from Huambacho.......................................313

Figure 6.5 Photographs of wooden artefacts from Huambacho ............................................................314

Figure 7.3 Variants of designs from fragments of clay friezes at Huambacho.....................................318

Figure 7.4 Graffiti discovered at Huambacho ...........................................................................................319

Table 4.2 Data from excavated rooms at Huambacho ..............................................................................99

Table 4.3 Data from excavated colonnaded patios at Huambacho........................................................101

Table 5.1 Possible functions of ceramic vessels from Huambacho .......................................................131

Table 5.2 Archaeological contexts of ceramic vessels: counts and percentages...................................133

Table 6.3 Possible functions of non-ceramic artefacts from Huambacho............................................160

LIST OF TABLES (continued)

In this dissertation, I examine local patterns of architecture at Huambacho, an Early Horizon

1.1 The archaeology of public architecture

1.2 Agency, structure and action

Giddens and the structuration theory

systems (Robb 1999; Turner 1994). To do “agency” in archaeology is to focus on people’s

1.3 Architecture and social practices

Architecture, style and techniques

Structuration, systems and social change

Public monuments, rituals and the materialisation of ideology

1.4 Towards an agency of monuments

1.5 Outline of chapters

Scholars have traditionally conceived Andean prehistory as somewhat featuring alternating

2.1 Early research on the Early Horizon

AD 1500 Late Horizon Inca Late Tambo Real Inca

2000 BC Preceramic Huaca Prieta Las Salinas Los Chinos

provided oracular predictions, favorable intervention with the elements, protection

2.3 Architecture and society before the Early Horizon

2.3.1 The Late Preceramic Period

Preceramic architecture, discussion

2.3.2 The Initial Period

Initial Period architecture, discussion

2.4 Current issues in Early Horizon studies: The north-central coast

the Cayhuamarca [local equivalent of the Early Horizon] settlement system is

3.1 Nepeña, a valley of the north-central coast of Peru

Geography and environment of the Nepeña Valley