Table of Contents

Introduction to the Committee..............................................................................................................................

Overview of the Topic..........................................................................................................................................
History of the Topic..............................................................................................................................................
Past Actions...........................................................................................................................................................
Bloc Positions.......................................................................................................................................................
Questions A Resolution Must Answer (QARMAs)..............................................................................................
Position Paper Requirements................................................................................................................................
Bibliography..........................................................................................................................................................

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Introduction to the Committee

Also known as the United Nations General Assembly First Committee, the Disarmament and
International Security Committee (DISEC) is one of the 6 main councils which divide the
General Assembly of the UN. Established under Chapter IV of the UN charter, this body
“deals with disarmament, global challenges and threats to peace that affect the international
community and seeks out solutions to the challenges in the international security regime”
(UN General Assembly - First Committee - Disarmament and International Security).

UN General Assembly First Committee (Disarmament and International Security), Seventy-

Fourth Session (Geneva Disarmament Platform)

Within the scope of the Charter and/or relating to the power and function of any organ of the
UN, the committee revolves around the principle of cooperation towards the maintenance of
international peace and security. This is established through the concepts of armament
regulation, governing disarmament, and the promotion of cooperative measures which aim to
strengthen stability by lowering weaponry levels. Its work has 7 mandates for its function,
those being; nuclear weapons, other weapons of mass destruction, outer space, conventional
weapons, regional disarmament and security, other disarmament measures and international
security and disarmament machinery.

The aforementioned operates in close cooperation with the UN Disarmament Commission

and the Geneva-based Conference on Disarmament, being the only Main Committee of the
GA entitled to verbatim records coverage, meaning any statement, speech and action taken
during the meeting is recorded word-by-word.

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These sessions of DISEC take a tripartite structure; general debate, thematic discussions &
action on drafts. As enshrined in the UN Charter, all 193 member states -recognized fully by
the international community- are eligible as representatives inside the committee, accounting
for an equal vote (1). Observer states can attend, yet as its name suggests they can only
spectate. As a General Assembly committee, resolutions are passed by a simple majority yet
they do not have the power to be binding, nor to sanction. This is only applicable after they
are passed by the United Nations Security Council (UNSC). Under the scope of the 1945 UN
Charter, non-binding solutions only suggest countries and entities change their policies
accordingly.

Overview of the Topic

Key terms:

● Private military contractors (PMCs):

○ Corporate entities are dedicated to the training and deployment of private
personnel as security forces, combat backup, or replacement manpower for
tasks where the government can’t directly intervene. (Faite, ICRC, 2004)
○ Usually divided into “Active PMCs” who are willing to carry weapons and
directly participate in combat; and “Passive PMCs” who are oriented towards
logistics and training. (Faite, ICRC, 2004) A wide array of roles exist, ranging
from soldiers and armed security to transportation, training, construction, and
other non-violent areas of warfare.

PMC soldiers taking a tactical weapon handling course at the “Tactical risk group” training
school in Poland

The global private military industry exceeded a value of $100bn in 2004 and has been
growing ever since. Private military companies have also been positioned internationally,
with notable industry leaders like UK-based G4S employing over 533,000 people in 85
countries. Presently, the majority of PMCs are based in the UK and the US.

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There is a trend of shrinking state militaries, so increased demand and a relatively low cost of
market entry have given way to a period of PMC expansion (Bou Serhal, 2020).

The use and acceptance of PMCs are also increasing as they take on missions in regions of
instability or political conflict, as well as roles concerned with maintaining levels of security
for international operations. Because the use of hired contractors involves fewer protocols for
most nations, PMCs have also gained a reputation for their value in capability procurement,
merging corporate expertise with the needs of the military to fill “capability gaps” in any
given sector, such as communications, intelligence, cyber-security, among others
(Casendino, 2017).

Presence of PMCs in zones of political instability/conflict (The Sun, 2020)

In some cases, they are also perceived to be cost-saving measures: PMCs in a competitive
market provide incentives to improve service quality and lower costs. Additionally,
contractors require less training and can deploy on shorter notice, and the state does not have
to worry about long-term benefits for PMC employees such as retirement plans or pensions.
In response, many PMCs have started opting for negotiation in no-competition bids to
eliminate the need to lower costs competitively (Casendino, 2017). Unethical practices, such
as the hiring of immigrants or third-world country citizens for a fraction of minimum wages
have also been recorded in several companies (Horton and Gregg, 2020).

American fighting forces in the Middle East saw 53,000 privately contracted troops in
contrast to 35,000; another study approximated 8,000 contractor casualties on duty in the
Middle East since 2001, surpassing those counted in U.S. troops by 1,000 people. Around
$370 billion (more than half of the U.S.’s defence budget in 2019) was also put towards
Private Contracting, including weapons and services (Horton and Gregg, 2020).

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 Number of Private military contractor troops vs US Soldiers deployed in Afghanistan from
2007 to 2017 (S. Gould at Business Insider)

History of the Topic

The concept of private military services has existed throughout history. In the U.S., the
earliest use of private contractors during wartime efforts was recorded in the American
Revolutionary War, the American-Mexican War, and the American Civil War. (Bou Sehral,
2021). They have also been present during World War II when roughly 10% of the American
Armed Forces were privately contracted (CRS, n.d).

However, it wasn’t until the 1990s that the Private Military Contracting industry would
encounter its most significant times of development and evolve into the structure we know
today. The sudden development of the industry can be attributed to three main factors:

The End of the Cold War:

Superpowers involved in the Cold War progressively started downsizing their armies,
producing a surplus of soldiers with expertise in military and security matters, and leaving
those who survived the cuts looking at bleak opportunities for professional development in
the military itself.

To put this into perspective, discussions of the downsizing of forces were already in place
before the official end of the Cold War; a 1988 announcement by Mikhail Gorbachev
directed at the UN general assembly declared the Soviet Union would downsize its forces by
500,000 personnel. Between 1990 and 1993, this cypher was cut from 3.4 to 2.3 million,
reaching a total of 1.2 million total personnel by December 1998 (Rohall et al., 2001).
Similarly, the United States had reduced its forces by an approximate 30% by 1994
(Goddard, 2001).

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USA (Blue) vs USSR (Red) military expenditures. An evident decline in spending can be seen
in the post-Cold War period for both countries.

Transformations in the nature of warfare

The wars of Rwanda and Kosovo evidenced an upsurge in violent regional conflicts, which
can be attributed to the growing availability of deadly, low-cost weapons; this way, lines
between civilians and soldiers started becoming blurred.

A failed UN peacekeeping mission in Rwanda, in 1994, is an often-cited catalyst to which the

UN’s escalating recognition of PMC forces’ utility was first attributed (In contrast to its
historical opposition to the employment of mercenary forces). This contributed towards the
UN’s use of PMCs to fill logistical gaps in manpower, equipment, training, and other areas
depending on the operation. [See Case Study #3]

The past three decades have increasingly witnessed the participation of PMCs in international
security, humanitarian relief, and conflict resolution despite being non-state actors. Their
involvement has been highly influential on the outcomes of events such as the negotiations
for peace in Angola in 1993 and the cessation of conflict in Sierra Leone during the 1995
civil war. (Wood, 2013)

Privatisation of government responsibilities

As an effort to reduce costs through competition in the private sector, the 1980s witnessed
Margaret Thatcher breaking up state enterprises making up the British government. Likewise,
Ronald Reagan was an advocate for smaller government groups, favouring the private sector
to carry out other functions traditionally attributed to the state. (Muhler, 2014)

6
 Thatcher and Reagan at the Oval Office, 1988

Post 9/11: The War on Terror

However, a globalized rise in international terrorism and interstate conflict would be

encountered a few years later. With major world powers having significantly downsized their
national military, it soon became apparent these forces would be insufficient when faced with
increased demands for global security, so there was a growing trend to hire Private Military
Companies to fill that void. (Muhler, 2014)

As the U.S. got involved in Iraq and Iran, it became evident the military did not have enough
volunteers to cover the demands of two large-scale conflicts. In response, the government
started privatising and outsourcing tasks to PMCs to upscale operations and provide other
support functions. PMCs then experienced drastic growth in business opportunities,
especially in Iraq, Afghanistan, Kuwait, and other sprawling bases where additional support
was required. (Bou Serhal, 2021) For example, George W. Bush’s administration heavily
relied on PMC support to increase the presence of the U.S. military in Iraq amidst the
worsening situation (Horton and Gregg, 2020).

Number of U.S troops vs Private contractors in Afghanistan from 2001 to 2013

7
Past Actions

According to an E-International Relations article published in 2013, the total net worth of
publicly-traded Private Military Services exceeds $100 billion globally, maintaining an
“upward pattern of growth” even after the economic crisis of 2008. These contractors posed
as a direct solution for states with resource scarcity. For instance, post-Cold War NATO
member states favoured the cost-effective alternative of giving non-combat roles to PMC
actors at the expense of “conventional forces that reflect public attitudes in favour of reduced
military spending” (Wood, 2013).

The United Nations held an unfavourable view towards PMCs, releasing a press statement for
the General Assembly’s Seventy-Third session. Its meeting coverage was labelled as
“Mercenaries, Private Military Contractors Can Destabilise Rule of Law, Expert Tells Third
Committee, amid Calls to End Racism, Respect Migrant Rights”. Saeed Mokbil,
Chairperson-Rapporteur for the Working Group stated “mercenary-related activities can
jeopardize the achievement of Sustainable Development Goal 16 (peace, justice and strong
institutions) — in particular — its target 16.2 to end abuse, exploitation, trafficking and all
forms of violence against and torture of children.” Amidst the debate, the European Union
stood against this view, labelling PMC contractors as “essential service providers for both the
private and public sectors.”.

As a response, the UN’s Chairperson recalled resolution 2005/2; ‘The Use of Mercenaries As
a Means of Violating Human Rights and Impeding the Exercise of the Right of Peoples to
Self-determination’ highlighting the fact some of the Contractor’s personnel may be involved
in violations of international humanitarian and human laws. Under this resolution, on 7 April
2005, The UN Working Group on the use of mercenaries was established, being one of the
39 special procedures of the UN Human Rights Council. They were entrusted with the
monitorization of the impact of both private military & security companies on the enjoyment
of human rights, from which they drafted international basic principles that mandate respect
from operating companies.

Press conference by Elzbieta Karska (left), head of the UN Working Group on the use of
mercenaries and group member Gabor Rona. (Mark Garten)

8
Especially during the post-Cold War era, Non-state actors are becoming increasingly
important in humanitarian relief and conflict settlement, both of which have a direct impact
on international security. Increased PMC activity can be attributed to this behaviour, as a
need to protect employees and assets in regions of chronic instability or military conflict.

As a result, governance experts have come to regard the PMC as a beneficial enabler of
National Security Agency (NSA) action. Perhaps the most profound and frequently
mentioned example of this is the UN's lobbying for the use of PMC soldiers in peacekeeping
and peacebuilding missions. For instance, in light of the events in Rwanda, the UN has
changed toward a rising acknowledgement of the potential value of PMC forces in
peacekeeping operations, and the organisation has shown an increased willingness to engage
PMC players to provide security for its multinational operations in recent years. Scholars
suggest that a normative and qualitative appreciation of the PMC as a security contributor
during peacekeeping missions is at the root of this change of heart. Critics argue that, when
used properly, PMC actors can operate as a neutral face free of the conflict's inflammatory
ethnic, religious, or political prejudices, and can also be expected to act in a restrained and
impersonal manner. The logistical uniformity and professionalism supplied by PMC soldiers
may be superior to a heterogeneous multinational force reliant on conscripts and antiquated
equipment.

UN Peacemakers Operations (Morocco World News)

In recognition of the aforementioned benefits, several diplomatic initiatives were launched to

clarify its roles and limitations. In early 2006, the Swiss Confederation launched the
Montreux Document alongside the IRC, which drew attention to the international legal
obligation of states regarding PMC’s activities held inside their jurisdiction. Consequently, it
conveyed a series of good practices designed for adaptation under what relevant parties
considered appropriate for their operations. Exemplar enactments include criteria for the
procedure & selection contracting of companies, terms of contracts, monitoring compliance
and ensuring accountability, and terms of authorisation, among others specifically directed to
the responsibilities of three types of States: Contracting States (countries that hire PMSCs),
Territorial States (countries on whose territory PMSCs operate) and Home States (countries
in which PMSCs are based).

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 The Montreux Document Forum is Launched by Representatives of the Red Cross & the
Switzerland Confederation (Montreux Document Forum)

Nevertheless, this document is not legally binding and does not refute existing obligations
under the Charter of the UN, such as the 2001 International Convention and Treaty against
the Recruitment, Use, Financing and Training of Mercenaries, which the General Assembly
concluded as its resolution 44/34. It consisted of 7 Articles, including the definition of
Mercenary and the condemnation of any accomplice or direct participant in any offence
committed against the convention. As of August 2021, the document has been signed by 17
nations and overall ratified by 46 states. Of the above-noted, several are also signatories of
the Montreux Document, which does not make this practice illegal but rather welcomes
limitations and pertinent behaviours.

New international regulations (most likely under the form of updated UN Conventions) are
needed to provide PMCs and Contracting, Territorial & Home states the required legally
binding International limitations, to finally leave the legal ‘grey zone’ they are currently in.

Bloc Positions

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The topic of private military security and its effect on global security is something that has
been discussed and reviewed for several years. Due to the topic’s controversies and large
grey area, countries generally tend to take one out of 3 main stances on the topic:

● Countries in support of private military security

These are countries that support the use of PMCs. These nations tend to be More
Economically Developed Countries (MEDCs) that have used PMCs in the past. Some
of these countries also serve as headquarters for different Private Military Contractors.
These include countries such as the United States, Russia, PRC and the United
Kingdom.

● Neutral Countries

These are countries that have remained neutral or semi-neutral on the issue. These
countries have either not spoken openly against PMCs, have had reservations on the
topic or have only approved the use of PMCs to certain extents. These may include
countries such as Syria and Saudi Arabia, which have signed the International
Convention against the Recruitment, Use, Financing and Training of Mercenaries
with reservations. Or countries such as Chile, Afghanistan and Iraq that have signed
the Montreux Document.

● Countries Against Private Military Security

These are countries against private military security. Either because of their own
country's view or because of their history with private militaries. These are mainly
countries that have signed, ratified or acceded to the International Convention against
the Recruitment, Use, Financing and Training of Mercenaries (also known as the
United Nations Mercenary Convention), which include Italy, Uruguay, Germany and
Ukraine.

Questions A Resolution Must Answer (QARMAs)

1. Can private military contractors be considered mercenaries? If not, how should we

11
 differentiate private military contractors from mercenaries?
2. How can we ensure the supervision of private military contractors to avoid Human
Rights infringements in their operations?
3. Should we regulate in which contexts private military security can be used? And if so,
how can we ensure that countries and contractors follow these regulations?
4. What methods should international governments use to address and handle human
rights abuses caused by private military contractors? Should new criteria be
established for the punishing of human rights abuses?
5. Does the responsibility of human rights infringement by private military contractors
lie in the hands of the contracting country or in the hands of the contractors?
6. Should passive PMCs be addressed differently from private soldiers? And if so, what
criteria should be used to create the distinction?

Position Paper Requirements

A position paper is a document that outlines the position of a nation in the committee. We
encourage delegates to adhere to the following format:

➢ Font: Times New Roman 11 pts.

➢ Line Spacing: 1.15.
➢ Margins: 1 inch from all extremities.
➢ Pages: 1 page max. (excluding bibliography)
➢ Bibliography format: MLA9
➢ If a citation machine is used, please cite it.

We expect delegates to include the name of the delegate, educational institute, country,
committee and topic in the respective order. Additionally, quotes, flags, and borders within
position papers will be accepted. We highly discourage watermarks in the background to
avoid readability issues. Any position paper that does not include a bibliography will be
instantly considered plagiarised work and will be ruled out, meaning that the delegate will not
be eligible for an award.

We highly recommend delivering position papers as PDF files to avoid any compatibility
issues when opening documents. It is required that delegates submit their position papers to
be eligible for an award.

Position papers are to be delivered before 11:59 pm on the 26th of October, 2023, to the
following email: 2009288@newton.pe.

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16