The Mangkunegaran Sugar Industry and Road Infrastructure in the

Surakarta Residency (1861-1931)

 Abstract

Since the early eighteenth-century sugarcane cultivation was launched in Surakarta. In Java during the
reign of the Dutch government it was industrialised by Dutch private enterprise on rented fields owned by
the Kasunanan and Mangkunegaran nobility between 1830 and 1870. In the final stages of the Forced
Cultivation System, the proprietorship of the sugar industry changed to prince Mangkunegaran IV. The
first Mangkunegaran established sugar mill was the Colomadu in 1861 and the second was the Tasik
Madu in 1871, located in the western part of the Surakarta principality. The sugar industry expanded
rapidly during the early and mid-twentieth century. Together with its expansion, it encouraged the
development of road infrastructure, to fulfil the required mobility and demand by the sugar mills. Hence,
this paper will also explore the economic impact that was caused by expansion of the transport networks
in the Mangkunegaran principality.

Keywords: cultivation system, dutch colonial, plantations, sugarcane ecology, sugar industry,
transport network, road infrastructure, sugar industry, mangkunagaran, mobility,

INTRODUCTION
The sugar commodity has lost its economic importance in Indonesia, nevertheless it once
experienced a boom time in Dutch colonial times in Java. During that time, the sugar industry
was supported by expanding plantations, which eventually lead to the emergence of a sugarcane
ecology in Indonesia.
In Java small sugar enterprises were noted in the early seventeenth century. Originally
developed by ethnic Chinese entrepreneurs, it was rivalled by Dutch entrepreneurs supported by
the Dutch East India Company or VOC (Vereenigde Oost Indische Compagnie). The VOC
originally plied the spice trade but turned to sugar, as the profit prospects were far more
promising in Europe. The VOC established sugarcane plantations around Batavia, the current
Jakarta, followed by an infrastructure of sugar mills (van der Mandere, 1928: 4-5). Subsequently
in Java the industry spread rapidly and counted around 100 sugar mills by the middle of the
seventeenth century. In Batavia 80 mills were established while many were establised around
Banten, Cirebon and other towns on the northern coast of Central Java (Wasino, 2008: 1).
While in 1999 the VOC was dissolved due to mismanagement, the sugar industry steadily
expanded after the VOC’s demise. In the early period of the twentieth century, several foreign
private entrepreneurs invested in the domains owned by the local sultanates known as the the
“Vorstenlanden”. They belonged to the Surakarta and Yogyakarta sultanates while the prince’s
Mangkunegara domain was known as the Mangkunegaran. The foreign entrepreneurs obtained
suitable fields for sugarcane plantations on long term leases by renting appendages owned by the
indigenous nobility. After the Agrarian Law was announced it allowed land leases (erfpacht) to
be issued of up to 75 years. The Mangkunegaran region was also targeted by colonial
entrepreneurs for land leases to plant sugarcane. In the 1850s land leases were slowly withdrawn
by Mangkunegara IV as it was desired to establish an Indonesian owned sugar industry.
In Java the large-scale planting of various types of horticulture commenced during the
implementation of the Forced Cultivation System (Cultuurstelsel) in 1830. At that time, the
Dutch East Indies government functioned in the role of business actor, investor, employee,
labour contractor, salesforce, and the ultimate benefactor of the production process.
 When the economic colonial policy changed in 1870 an opportunity was given to the
private sector to enhance economic development. Due to high fertility of volcanic soils some
areas in Java became largely dedicated to sugarcane cultivation. Therefore, it can be said that the
agricultural ecology of Java combined with the sugarcane propagation had strong outcomes on
the structure and dynamics of present-day society in Java and other parts of the archipelago.
In the early twentieth century, there were four notable sugarcane agricultural ecologies in
Java that served in the operational support of sugar mills. Firstly, the fields of the principalities
and fields that were originally called the Mancanegara. Secondly, the northern coastal areas or
coastal residencies. Thirdly, the residencies around Brantas, and fourthly the agricultural fields
located in the eastern corner of Java. The first region included the areas located in Surakarta,
Yogyakarta, Madiun, Banyumas, and Kedu. The second region included the landholdings located
in Jepara, Semarang, Pekalongan, Tegal and Cirebon. The third region included holdings in
Kediri, Surabaya, Pasuruan, Probolinggo. Meanwhile, the fourth region included holdings in
Besuki and Banyuwangi region (Husken, 1981). This suggested division is a near perfection of
an earlier division of the agricultural ecology proposed by Clifford Geertz. He divided it into
three regions, namely, Pasisir, Kejawen, and the Eastern Corner (Geertz, 1963).
According to the classification of the colonial government administration those four
regions were divided into two separate administrations. They were the region which was
governed by direct colonial rule and secondly the regions subject to indirect rule from the Dutch
East Indies government. The first region was acknowledged as the government area
(gubernemen) and the second region as the self-governing lands (zelfbesturende landschappen)
of the sultanates of Surakarta and Yogyakarta (J.Houben, 1995; Wasino, 2008). The colonial
government had only a secondary influence in those sultanates as the local affairs were largely
managed by the sultan.
Based on the ownership or entrepreneurship, the sugarcane plantations in Java were
divided into two, namely those that were managed by non-indigenous (European foreign)
entrepreneurs and those that were cultivated by indigenous entrepreneurs. After the Liberal
Colonial Period ended, almost all sugarcane plantations in Java were cultivated by foreign non-
indigenous entrepreneurs. The only sugarcane fields managed by indigenous entrepreneurs were
in the Mangkunagaran region located in the Karang Anyar countryside. Those three typologies
can be simplified in table I.
Table 1: Area, Governance Style, and Ownership of Sugarcane in Java
Area Governance Sub-Area Entrepreneurship/Ownership
Style
1. Sultan principalities and indirect Kasunanan and indigenous
Mancanegara Kasultanan

indirect Mangkunagaran foreign /indigenous

direct Madiun, Banyumas, and foreign
Kedu
2. Coastal Area (Coastal direct Jepara, Semarang, foreign
Residencies) Pekalongan, Tegal, and
Cirebon
3. Residencies around Brantas direct Kediri, Surabaya, foreign
Pasuruan and
Probolinggo
4. The eastern corner of Java direct Besuki and Banyuwangi foreign
Source: H.G Husken, 1983.
 Those foreign sugarcane plantations were principally controlled by Dutch entrepreneurs.
Only the Mangkunegaran sugarcane plantations were in the hands of the indigenous governing
Mangkunegaran royalty (Rouffaer, 1905). The Mangkunegaran area was culturally included in
the Kejawen area or the royal domains “Vorstenlanden” (Wasino, 2006). The Mangkunegaran
government still had the semi-autonomous right to govern its own territory, together with three
other principalities. They were the Surakarta and Yogyakarta sultanates and the Paku Alaman
Yogyakarta, all geographically located in central Java. This was in contrast to other regions in
central Java that were subject to direct rule of the Dutch East Indies government known as the
“Gubernemen” areas.
As the Mangkunegaran controlled domain was merely subject to indirect rule of the Dutch
East Indies government, the land management of those communities in the Vorstenlanden were
never subject to the colonial forced cultivation system policy (Dutch: Cultuurstelsel; Indonesian;
Tanam Paksa). This was the opposite for the communities in Gubernemen area that were subject
to direct colonial rule and the oppressive forced cultivation system, according to Kuntowijoyo
(1994).
Originally, the Mangkunegaran sugarcane fields were privately run by the European
enterprises, as were other areas in Yogyakarta and Surakarta. However, in 1861, the sugarcane
fields’ management was reverted to the Mangkunegaran royal family. It was instigated as
Mangkunegara IV had the intention to establish his own sugar mills and needed the sugarcane
fields to enable to feed the cane harvests to the mills. Under the administration of Sri
Mangkunagoro IV the Colomadu sugar mill was founded in 1861 in the Malang Jiwan village in
the Colomadu subdistrict of Mangkunegaran City. The name was derived from the Javanese,
meaning mountain of honey. In 1874 the Tasik Madu mill was established in Sondokoro village,
in the Tasik Madu under district of the Karang Anyar district east of Solo City. It was located
along the road at Tawang Mangu on the western slope of Mount Lawu. The Tasik Madu name is
also derived from the Javanese which means the sea of honey. This mill is equipped with various
supporting facilities, including road networks (Wasino, 2008).
The Mangkunegaran sugar industry is worthy to analyse as it has unique characteristics
compared with the sugar processing facilities in other regions. The foremost differences are;
firstly the plantations were established by the royal families of the indigenous Javanese for the
purpose of supporting the principality’s (praja) economy. Prior to the Indonesian sugar
cultivation era it was the norm that Javanese aristocrats were not engaged in any business
activities. Secondly, the plantations were established on land owned by the royal family. Thirdly,
the feudal relationship of king and commoners had not seen any deterioration yet and was still
functioning as usual. This was perhaps caused that at that stage the colonial influence had hardly
altered life, or as a result of the remoteness of Karang Anyar village from the rest of the region.
Fourthly, it has to be understood that the infrastructure improvement was largely a vested
financial interest of the Mangkunegaran principality and the Dutch colonial government. This
was concurrent with the political aim of raising community prosperity as ordered by the national
government in The Netherlands, at the beginning of the twentieth century.
Although the direct and indirect ruled domains created different settings in the economic
and social setting, no research concerning the community or the surrounding environment of the
sugarcane plantations in this geographical part had been conducted. The writings of Mansveld
(undated) and Pringgodigdo (1950) focused more on the economic aspects of the
Mangkunegaran enterprise as a whole. Meanwhile, the thesis research conducted by Yuli
Hartanti, from the history department of the faculty of humanities at Diponegoro University, was
exclusively focused on the development of Tasik Madu mill during the New Order Era from
1966 to 1998 (Haryanti, 1996). This article seeks to analyse the impact of the Mangkunegaran
sugar industry on the transport network that supported the emergence of sugar mills and the
interests of Mangkunegaran royal government to prosper the community in this part of
Indonesia.

Materials and Method

This research used historical method with a geographic approach. The historical method
includes four stages, namely source tracking (heuristic), source criticism, interpretation and
explanation as well as historiography (Wasino & Hartatik, 2018). The object of this research was
the economic history with a focus on the rural economy during the Dutch colonial period on Java
Island. The data used were in the form of archive research which functioned as the primary
source. They were made available at the Rekso Pustoko Mangkunegaran Archive, the National
Archives in Jakarta and the KITLV collection of the Leiden University Library. In addition,
library sources were obtained at Rekso Pustoko Library, the National Library of Jakarta, and the
Sono Budoyo Library in Yogyakarta. These sources were then assessed for its authenticity and
credibility. In addition, cross check examination of the fact between historical sources was also
carried out. The results of the assessment of these sources were historical facts. Then, according
to those historical facts, the relationship between facts by dialogue with a theoretical frame that
is constructed, was sought. In order to produce an understanding of historical events that were
related to the sugar mills and the development of the transport network in the Surakarta and
surrounding regions. The results of this understanding was used as a basis for the historical
expansion of the Mangkunegaran sugar mills and the growth of the transport network around its
mills and the Surakarta region in general.

RESULT
The Sugar Industry in Surakarta Prior to the Establishment of the Mangkunegaran Sugar
Industry
In the Surakarta region, the sugar industry was owned by the Dutch private sector that had
developed before the establishment of the Mangkunegaran sugar industry. The sugar business
began to become more coordinated after 1835 in this region. The business was actually an
expansion of the successful coffee plantations in its earlier periods. The Dutch colonial
government supported the business by granting a license to build a mill. As a result, a large
number of sugar mills were built with equipment sourced from Europe. Therefore, sugar
production increased significantly compared to the previous period. In 1838, 11,000 loads of
processed sugar was produced by roughly six or more steam-powered sugar mills. A year later,
sugarcane crops were expanded further, although it was not as productive as in the Gubernemen
or other areas that were directly controlled by the colonial government.
Several sugar processors in Java including Surakarta, were highly successful. In 1850, the
total sugar production in the region reached 18,600 loads. It was still below the quantity of the
coffee production which reached 44,782 loads. However, in 1859, the amount of sugar
production had exceeded coffee production in loads. The coffee production was 43,009 loads,
while sugar production reached 44,054 loads.
 Table 2: The Names of Sugar Mills in Surakarta per District in 1863
Area Sugar Factories
Kartasura Kartasura, Jetis Kunden, Temulus dan Kali Pusur (4 in total)
Klaten Jungkare, Gondang Winangun, Gondang Wedi, Ceper, Kapitu, Kemuda,
Delanggu, Junggrangan dan Sepuluh (9 in total)
Bayalali Drana, Katitang, Pandanan, Manjung, Tulung, Wanasari, Brajan, Duwet, Bangak,
Tambak dan Krecek (11 in total)
Sragen Masaran, Karang Anyar, Malangten, Surug, Ambak Kabeluan, Canden, Kakum,
Temanggung, Tundungan, Kaban, Bracak, Wilatung, Trayon, Kewiri, Jetis,
Wonolopo, Kebon Rama, Larangan, Pangajak, Kaponan, Bangkal Benda dan
Donggeng (22 in total)
Source: (Houben, 1995: 299)

The establishment in the Surakarta region of private sugar mills had taken off rapidly
after 1859. The liberalisation of the licensing procedure for Europeans to invest, combined with
the favourable prospects of making profits had encouraged the expansion of this industry. In
1860, in Surakarta, there were eight mills driven by hydropower while another nine mills were
relying on the power generated by buffalos. In 1862, 44 of 138 European established enterprises
or 31 percent were focused on sugarcane plantations and processing in Surakarta. In 1863, there
was detailed information concerning the name and location of the sugar mills in Surakarta as
shown in Table 3.

Table 3: The Distribution of Sugar Mills in Surakarta in 1863

Area Plantations Areal Number of Production
Workers (loads)
Kartasura 3 2.591 1.575 11.860
Klaten 9 11.722 6.523 40.239
Bayalali 11 8.290 4.527 21.734
Sragen 18 13.710 3.661 13.039
Total 41 36.313 16.286 86.872
Source: (Houben, 1995: 299)

Mangkunegaran Sugar Mills

The success of the sugarcane harvests and processing had inspired Prince Sri
Mangkunegara IV with the brilliant idea to develop an indigenous sugar industry himself. Before
establishing a viable sugar industry, he had to cancel the land leases and provide compensation to
his European tenants. After those issues were resolved, the establishment of an indigenous based
industry could commence. He visited the mill of his son-in-law the Duke of Demak (Bupati
Demak), who was established in Demak to the east of Semarang City. Based on his observations,
he concluded that sugarcane would grow well in coconut groves. The Mangkunegaran region had
a compatible geographical area where coconuts were thriving, in the Malang Jiwan zone and
could be replanted with sugar cane (Mansveld, nd: 94). To carry out his ideas, Raden Ronoastro
was appointed for the task and resident of Demak would be able to transfer and become the
government assistant (wedono) in Malang Jiwan. The idea of Mangkunagoro IV had also been
supported by Manuel, a close Dutch friend of the prince and owner of the Indigo Baron
Plantation. Manuel advised Mangkunagoro IV to expand the sugarcane plantations and to
process the raw sugar with the use of specialised mechanical equipment. By having consistent
quality, the price would get better (N.G.F. Raad on April 21, 1894 on Archive of MN P 1761.).
The Mangkuangoro IV had chosen the Malang Jiwan area in the north of Kartosura as the
soil was fertile and with adequate running water on hand. The prince ordered a soil test and, in
the investigation, results it turned out that the soil was quite suitable for sugarcane. After
obtaining the approval from Nieuwenhuizen the Surakarta Resident, Mangkunagoro IV ordered a
German expert, R. Kampf, to build the Colomadu sugar mill (Pringodigdo, 1950:48). The fisrst
stone was laid on Sunday the 8th of December 1861 while the total construction cost amounted to
400.000 guilders. The capital was largely borrowed for the mill from funds that were the derived
from the Mangkunegaran coffee plantation profit and with the assistance from Be Biauw Tjwan,
an ethnic Chinese major in Semarang and close friend of Mangkunagoro IV (N.G.F. Raad on
April 21, 1894 on Archive of MN P 1761). The mill was located in the Krambilan village which
later became better known as Malang Jiwan (Mangkunegara Archive bundle P 1761.).
In 1862, the sugar mill was declared ready for operations. At the opening ceremony of
the mill, Sri Mangkunagoro IV pronounced the name of the first mill to be Colomadu. There is
no official explanation why he used the term, but according to the tradition of Javanese rulers,
that name contained a hope that the existence of the sugar industry will become a treasure trove
of the Mangkunegaran principality in the form of a large mountain of sugar.
According to sources, the incorporated installations in the mill were more than
satisfactory and became a blueprint for all other mills. In the first harvest, 135 bouw (surface
measurement in Javanese similar with ¾ hectares) of rice fields planted with sugarcane produced
6000 loads of sugar or 45 loads per bouw (No TitMN Archive bundle P 1761). During those years
such a large quantity indicated a good yield, as nationally, the average sugar production per loads
was a lot less per bouw in the year of 1870 (Gonggrijp, 1938, p. 149). All harvest yields were
sold through a respected sugar trader Cores de Fries, at a price of 42 guilders per quintal. Some
sugar loads were sold to Singapore for a similar amount and to Bandaneira for 57 guilders per
quintal. The mill produced sufficient profits due to the high world sugar price (Pringodigdo,
1950:48). Smooth production and adequate prices provided an exciting period for an expansion
of the Mangkunegaran sugar industry, during those years. The debts that were originally
borrowed for the construction was immediately paid off (Archives of MN P 1761; Wasino et al.,
2019: 5)
From the beginning of the establishment of the Colomadu sugar mill, the management
was directly to the officer of Mangkunegaran. However, the operational activities of the mill was
run by the sugar mill’s administrator. The Dutch mill’s administrator was responsible for the
profits and losses. Generally, the position was an appointed professional who had a close
relationship with Sri Mangkunagoro. In1863 for the first sugarcane crushing season R Kampf
was appointed as the administrator. After his appointment had been sealed, he was given the task
to expand and reorganise the Mangkunegaran coffee plantations. After his retirement the mill
administrator’s position of was in the hands of W. Kampf, the former mill administrator’s
brother (Wasino, 2008)
In the following years, the existence of the indigenous held sugar mill greatly assisted the
revenue position of the Mangkunegaran principality. The profits obtained from the sugar
industry were partly used by the prince to pay the salaries of the nobility and some was used to
compensate for landholdings that had not been requested to be released back to the principality
(Mansveld, 37).
 The success of the Colomadu mill encouraged Mangkunagoro IV to establish a second
sugar mill. The Tasik Madu mill, was in Pandan Street at the Sondokoro village in Karang Anyar
district, east of Solo. The ground-breaking ceremony for the construction of the mill was carried
out on June 11, 1871 and it was completed in 1874. According to Mansveld (undated: 43;
Wasino, 2008: 59), the size of the buildings was very generous compared to other sugar mills at
the swapraja in those years. The name of the mill took its inspiration from a natural greatness,
namely Tasik which means sea and Madu which means sugar. The prince aspired that the sugar
yield of the mill would be abundant like the oceans.
Like the first mill, the ultimate management of the mill was resting on Sri Mangkunagoro
himself. For daily supervision of the enterprise H. Kamp was appointed as the administrator of
sugar mill in 1874. The mill required an adequate and continues supply of sugarcane to operate
efficiently. In the standard sugarcane planting and production model, the labour was supplied by
the commoners the residents of the nearby village. They would cultivate and harvest the
sugarcane without receiving payment for their supplied labour. The sugarcane fields were
initially planted in 200 bouw, which was near all the freely available spare agricultural fields of
the two villages. To meet the increased demand for sugar, the mill needed to increase the sugar
production and the amount of planting had gradually to be expand. Sugarcane plantations not
only covered the Karang Anyar district but extended also to other nearby areas. According to a
source, it was noted that the fields in Kutuan, that initially included also the Indigo Matesih
(Moyoretno) area, were to be converted for sugarcane cultivation in 1886. This expansion was in
tandem by a decline in the production of the Indigo Company, which was operating at a loss in
the last few years (Archive of MN VII P 1760: 4–7)
At first, the construction of the mill could only be made possible if the Mangkunagaran
coffee estates produced sufficient profits for the needs of the Mangkunagaran principality. After
a supply consignment contract had been arranged with a large trading in Semarang, the
Nederlandsche Handel-Maatschappij (NHM), the construction could commence in full earnest.
The trade company provided the desperately needed working capital for the sugar mill. In
addition to the required ample flow of running water, it needed to be able to generate steam
power. Indeed, the main energy source was hydro generated, while steam was required as a
backup power. The steam power was only temporary due to the emergence of new machines in
the operations of the sugar mill including the sophisticated machines introduced that “double
effect” (1873) and even “triple effect” (1875) it efficiency. In an addition a more efficient
carbonation installation was introduced in 1876 (Wasino, 2008:5 ; E.. H. Wasino, 2019: 59).
The Mangkunegaran sugar industry experienced its ups and downs in its deployment. At
the end of the nineteenth century, the sugar industry in central Java experienced a sharp decline,
resulting from a low production output of the mill, employee salaries, and financial contributions
to the principality. The negative impact was caused by several factors. Primarily, it was driven
by a general decline of the international sugar price, the devastating sugarcane diseases that
appeared in the large plantations and plain mismanagement at the mills. However, since the
beginning of the twentieth century, the sugar industry experienced significant positive
development along with the improvement of price set by the international sugar market, the
advancement in crop pest control and better professionalism of management.
The mill management had successfully carried out improvements in the production
process, in land provision, the planting process, in harvesting methods, and final stage mill
processing. The advancement of the production process had made the Mangkunegaran sugar mill
more productive. The productivity can be seen in chart 1.
 Chart 1: Mangkunegaran Sugar Production from the late Nineteenth
Century to the Beginning of the Twentieth Century
120000

100000

80000 Colomadu

60000 Tasik Madu

40000
Series3

20000

0
1895
1897
1899
1901
1903
1905
1907
1909
1911
1913
1915
1917
Based on the chart, it can be observed that the development of the Mangkunegaran sugar
industry had experienced rapid development. Meanwhile in marketing, the mill management
delegated that particular task to their agent Core de Vries, who had exclusive sales contacts in
the international sugar trade. (Wasino, 2008)

Transportation Network
The development of the Mangkunegaran sugar industry has successfully managed to
increase the growth of land allocation for sugarcane. This had a flow on effect on increased road
and rail infrastructure to move production and mobilise the labour force to become active in the
mill.
When the Mangkunegaran sugar industry emerged in 1861, the transportation used by
local community was land and river transport. Land transport largely consisted of horse drawn
carriages, two-wheeled bullock carts (cikar), hansom cab (bendi) and basic wagons. The road
access system was divided into two types: wide roads (lurung gedhe) and narrow road (lurung
cilik). A third type were the roads branching off to the villages. Crossing rivers required the
construction of bridges as it was impossible to wade through those during the raining season or
rely on shallow river crafts. Large bridges were called kareteg and the smaller bridges were
called ipeng. The construction of roads and bridges was carried out by a village compulsorily
supplied labour system without financial rewards. This applied to the residents living in the bumi
pamajegan, daleman, and pamijen areas (Wasino, 2008).
The road connecting Solo and Semarang existed before the Mangkunegaran sugar
industry developed. This road has been used to transport the products of the plantations such as
coffee, sugar, and indigo produced and owned by the tenants of the fields in Surakarta. This road
was very important as it served as a means to connect to the deep-water port of Semarang.
Another route was the Surakarta-Ngawi-Surabaya road. Although it was a long route, this second
land link was very important as it connected to the strategic port of Surabaya, a hub to the other
islands in the archipelago and foreign destinations. The data from 1860 provides a detailed
description of goods transported by those two land routes (table 4).
 Table 4: The volume of road transport from Surakarta to Semarang and Surabaya
in 1860
Land Route Goods Transported Volume
Surakarta-Semarang Coffee 46.608 loads
Sugar 10.547 loads
Indigo 102.422 A.p
Surakarta-Surabaya Coffee 21.911 loads
Sugar 7.008 loads
Indigo 13.821 A.p
Source: (Houben, 1995: 288)
The military road from Semarang to Surakarta and from Surakarta to Madiun was
described as being in good condition. The sultan of Surakarta had the responsibility for the
maintenance of those roads (Algemeene Verslaag van Soerakarta ,AVS 1876). It was stipulated
that the width of the road did not require to exceed 15 meters, and improvements and widening
commenced from 1874. For the upgrade on those roads for bridges, teak was obtained from the
forests of Sri Susuhunan. To assist in the technical aspects of the road infrastructure the Dutch
Colonial Government Public Works Office was utilised (Algemeene Verslaag van Soerakarta,
AVS 1875). The road network was useful for communities and the transport to the mills. The
Karang Pandan-Karanganyar road connected the fields of the Tasik Madu plantation and
Surakarta-Sragen highway. The Colomadu-Kartosura road linked the Colomadu plantation and
Solo-Semarang highway. The sugar mill and the Mangkunegaran government were ordered to
keep up the maintenance of those roads (Algemeene Verslaag van Soerakarta , AVS 1878).
In Surakarta also a network of roads was established. In 1876, a road was established
between Karang Anyar and Wonogiri as well as between Sukoharjo and Dlanggu. In the
administrative area of Sragen a road was constructed from Mungkung to Lawang towards
Jengkilong train station (Algemeene Verslaag van Soerakarta, AVS 1876). These adjoining
roads were both in the Sunan and the Mangkunegoro areas, it meant that the supervision and
maintenance were the responsibility of these two principalities. Part of this network also included
the roads in the Karang Duren district of the Afdeeling Sragen in the Sunan area and the Karang
Anyar of the Mangkunegoro region (Algemeene Verslaag van Soerakarta , AVS 1878).
With the establishment of the military roads and the connecting road network, transport
of agricultural products by carts and wagons increased sharply. The staple food of rice that
historically was carried by people suddenly used the road network for transportation. This
condition was a source of complaint by Surakarta residents as the transportation of rice
accelerated road damage (Algemeene Verslaag van Soerakarta , AVS 1878).
Since the 1860s, the Bengawan Solo to Surabaya River had silting up and bulk transport
was only possible in the rainy season. Although the river journey took several weeks, it was still
used for bulk transport (Houben, 1995: 566)
As a result of the inadequacies of road and water transport through the Bengawan Solo
River in the Surakarta region, the business community demanded from the government to build a
railway line. In 1860, a survey was carried out by Ir. T.J. Stieltjes for the purpose of constructing
a rail track between Semarang, Surakarta, and Yogyakarta (Koloniaal Verslag, 1861, 117;
Houben, 1995:288–289).
Initially, the construction of the rail track was taken up by the private sector, but it failed
to make sufficient progress. In 1861, the technical construction of the tracks was handed over to
W. Poolman, a former NHM director, under the supervision of the Dutch colonial government.
The Semarang - Surakarta railway track was successfully opened in February 1870. During its
first year of the operation 70.000 ton was moved on this railway track (Houben, 1995:289). A
report submitted by the Resident of Surakarta in 1880, clarified that the exploitation of the rail
line had been conducted without any significant irregularities and the transport volumes
increased (Algemeene Verslaag van Soerakarta, AVS 1880).
The Solo-Semarang rail tracks was expanded with a Surakarta-Surabaya line through
Madiun. The project commenced in 1876 and was completed in 1880 (Algemeene Verslaag van
Soerakarta, AVS 1880). However, the official opening of this line had to wait till the 24 th of May
1884.
The trains were divided into four distinct categories: the fast train, the passengers train,
the mixed train, and the freight train. Each train category was plying on the main tracks and the
secondary rail tracks. For the main line the speed of the fast train was maximum 75 km/hour, for
the passengers’ train 60 km/hour, for the mixed train 45 km/hour and for the freight train 40
km/hour. For the secondary rail tracks all train categories were subject to a maximum speed of
40 km/hour. ( P1760 Archives of Pustoko MN Rekso Archive ).
With the improvement of the operations of the Surakarta-Semarang-Surabaya rail line the
Bengawan Solo River became less important for transportation. However, in the rainy season the
river traffic picked up from Solo to Wonogiri, Solo to Ngawi and other areas (Algemeene
Verslaag van Soerakarta , AVS 1877; AVS 1888).
When the function of river transport was threatened by the introduction of the railway
system, it did not go the same way for road transport. Although the long-distance freight for
agricultural products had been shifted to rail, for shorter distances it was still needed to connect
the agricultural producers and good providers and with the railway stations. Road transport
remained important infrastructure for local trade and to move agricultural products locally.
Entering the twentieth century, the main modes of transport was by road or rail for both
short and long-distance convenience. The routes that stretched into the remote places had
removed the previous isolation of village communities situated around sugarcane plantations and
in other areas. Those two transport modes of rail and road seemed to compete and complement
each other.
Previously, roads were partly constructed with a labour force conscripted in compulsory
work projects. Entering the twentieth century, the construction was handed over to waged
labourers. In the early twentieth century, roads were still surfaced with river stones (macadam),
but after the second decade of the twentieth century, road construction became more
sophisticated and used decent paving. The financial sources of road construction and
maintenance was allocated in the royal budgets of the sultanates, while the connecting roads to
the sugar mill was funded by the budget of the sugar mill (Rijksblad Mangkunagaran since
1917).
Whether or not roads were maintained, depended on the allocations in the budgets. In
observing the 1896-1916 administration era of Mangkunegara VI, the budget of the principality
was under stress. It was still reeling from the world economic crisis at the end of the nineteenth
century. Consequently, the attention to road maintenance was reduced to a select number of
crucial roads in the Mangkunegaran region that had been severely damaged. Those road
conditions were a source of complaints of the Surakarta Resident Sollewijn Gelpke at the end of
his term of administration. He felt that he was governing a very troublesome district where its
rulers had ignored the conditions of the roads in their district. (Surakarta Resident Solewijn
Gelpke’s Letter to Mangkunagoro VI No 1443/7 on February 22, 1915). The same complaint
also came from the head of the Kemuning mill, which was located along the same road in the
Tasik Madu sugar mill area. He reported to the Resident of Surakarta and the Governor General
about those conditions. As a result, the Resident of Surakarta mandated the Mangkunegaran
sugar mills to provide maintenance funds for the roads annually by depositing a sum of money to
the Mangkunegaran municipal treasury at the start of the milling season (Surakarta Resident
Solewijn Gelpke’s Letter to Mangkunagoro VI No 1443/7 on February 22, 1915)
The construction and maintenance of the roads had been conducted rapidly when
Mangkunagoro VII ascended the throne in 1916. In that year, there were a total of 433 horse
tracks widened, 60 km of roads remained unsurfaced and 7 km of roads were surfaced with river
stones (macadam) in the Mangkunegaran area. During the economic crisis of 1931, there were
530 passable roads for motorised vehicles (Rede van K.G.P.A.A. Mangoenagoro VII Gegouden
ter Gelegenheid van de Viering and den Verjaring (2e Toemboek) van den Verheffingsdag, 11
September 1931, (Surakarta, 1931))
Entering the twentieth century, old means of road transport, such as carts or wagon for
delivering goods and horse-drawn carriage for moving passengers, were still dominant. Carts or
wagons in sugarcane plantations were used to move sugarcane from sugarcane plantation to
lorries or from the sugarcane plantation to the mill. The volume of carts or wagons became
overwhelming during the springtime and especially the sugar milling season (Surakarta Resident
Solewijn Gelpke’s Letter to Mangkunagoro VI No 1443/7 on February 22, 1915).

Table 5: The Number and Means of Transportation using Hansom Cab, Two-
Wheeled Bullock Cart, and Wagon in the Mangkunagaran Sugar Cane Area
District Passenger Train Freight Transportation
19 19 1 19 1 1
11 12 917 11 912 917
Karang Anyar 3 79 8 6
33 4 39 2 31 44
Karang Pandan 7
9 7 10 3 85 75
Kampung Lor 1 17 36 9
56 4 5 16
Total 19 21 12 1
8 5 30 832
Source: Archives Bundle MN VI 278/262

Hansom cab or two-wheeled bullock cart were primarily used for transporting a few
people. These types of transport modes were used to move people on short distances and
generally used to transport people who went back and forth to markets or sub-districts, districts,
cities or the regency’s capital. In the early twentieth century, the volume of this type of transport
was still quite huge (see table 5). In the city of Surakarta, this transport mode was subject to high
competition from the minibus system in the 1930s (Memory van Overgave , MVO van
Helsdingen: 299.).
In the 1930s, a new phenomenon of road transport emerged in the Mangkunegaran region
and in particular Surakarta, with the introduction of the inter-city bus. This kind of bus served
short-distance routes around town and the long-distance routes to outside locations of Surakarta
City. The bus route covered the southern directions to Wonogiri Regency, the north and east
directions to Sragen and Tawang Mangu (Richting Autobussen Surakarta, Rekso Pustoko MN
Library Collection). In the direction to the west to Solo-Boyolali-Salatiga and the southwest to
the Solo-Klaten-Yogyakarta route (Memory van Overgave, MVO Helsdingen, 299).
Each track was divided into several routes. The south track is divided into eleven routes
(A-K) according to the cities covered, namely: (A) Solo-Wonogiri-Baturetno-Glonggong lane,
(B) Baturetno-Giritontro track, (C) Wonogiri-Wuryantoro-Pracimantoro track, (D) Wonogiri-
Manyaran-Sukoharjo Ngawen track, (E) Wonogiri-Jatisrono-Biting track, (F) Wonogiri-Jatipuro-
Jumapolo-Karanganyar track, (G) Wonogiri-Latung-Girimarto-Jatipurno track, (H) Wonogiri-
Solo track, (I) Sukoharjo-Jatipurno track, (J) Jumapolo-Karanganyar track, and (K)
Songgorunggi-Jatipuro-Wonogiri track. North and east tracks include the routes (A-C): (A) Solo-
Karanganyar-Karang Pandan-Tawang Mangu track, (B) Solo-Palur-Kebak Kramat-Sragen track,
and (C) Solo-Kalioso-Sumber Lawang track. Each traversed to related district cities.

Table 6: Departure Time for Solo-Tawang Mangu Bus

Place Bus/ Departure Time
F A B C E A B D C
Solo 5.40 6.50 7.30 9.15 11.15 12.30 13.30 13.30 16.30
Karang Anyar 6.20 7.00 8.00 10.00 11.40 13.00 14.00 14.00 17.00
Bangsri - - 8.20 - 12.10 - 14.20 16.20 -
Matesih - 7.50 - 10.40 - 13.50 - - 18.00
Pablengan - 8.00 - 11.00 - 14.00 - - -
Karang Pandan - 8.20 8.40 11.10 - 14.20 14.40 16.40 -
Tawang Mangu - - 9.10 11.40 - - 15.10 17.20 -
Source: Archive of MN 501

Table 7: Departure Time for Tawang Mangu-Solo Lane Bus

Place Bus/ Departure Time
F D C A B C E A B
Tawang - 6.30 - - 9.40s 12.00 - - 15.30
mangu
Karang - 7.10 - 9.00 10.30 12.30 - 14.50 16.00
pandan
Pablengan - - - 9.20 - 12.40 - 15.10 -
Matesih - - 7.30 9.40 - 12.50 - 15.30 -
Bangsri - 7.30 - - 10.50 - 14.10 - 16.10
Karang Anyar 6.30 7.40 8.20 10.00 11.00 13.30 14.20 16.00 16.30
Solo 7.00 8.10 9.00 10.30 11.10 14.10 15.00 16.30 15.00
Source: Archive of MN 501

Inter-city bus has helped people to travel from one village to the district city, capital city,
or to another village faster and more accurate. The certainty arose because bus transportation was
subject to departure times. In this way, horizontally, population mobility was quicker and easier.
As an illustration, below are bus routes listed from Solo to Tawang Mangu and vice versa and
the departure time of each bus.
Tables 7 show that since morning, before 6.30, people in Karanganyar were able to use
bus transport to the east (Tawang Mangu) and to the west (Solo). They were able to go home in
the afternoon and arrive at Karanganyar after 16:30. This made it easier for workers and traders
who worked early and returned in the afternoon without having to stay overnight (MN VII 16A,
Pustoko Mangkunegaran Library).
 Inter-city buses have helped people to travel from one village to the district town, capital
city, or to another village quicker. This certainty arose because bus transport was limited by
departure hours. In this way, horizontally, population mobility was quicker and easier. As an
illustration, below are bus routes listed from Solo to Tawang Mangu and vice versa and the
departure hours of each bus.
Tables 7 show that since morning time, before 6:30, people in Karanganyar were able to
use buses to the east (Tawang Mangu) and to the west (Solo). They could return home in the
afternoon and arrive in Karanganyar after 16:30. This made it easier for workers and traders who
leave early and return without having to stay overnight. (MN VII 16A, Pustoko Mangkunegaran
Library).
.

Figure 1: Bus in Surakarta in 1930s

Source: KITLV Collection

The buses were mostly managed by ethnic Chinese entrepreneurs from Surakarta. One of
them was the Otobus Service Company San Goei. Class-1 bus fare for Solo-Tawang Mangu for a
single trip was 50 cents. Meanwhile, a round trip fare was 90 cents (MN VII 16A, Pustoko
Mangkunegaran Library)
With the existence of those buses, the transportation from the plantation to Surakarta City
and other areas had become easier. The sugarcane fields were a strategic position to leave for the
district and the Surakarta regional capital easily. The distance between sugarcane plantation and
Surakarta City can be simplified in the following figure 2:
 Figure 2: Transportation Distance Between Areas in Mangkunegaran
Source: Obtained and processed from various sources

In addition to transport by highway or road, also tram tracks were part of the
infrastructure system that connected the villagers who lived around the Mangkunegaran
sugarcane plantation to nearby destinations. Tram lines became operational in 1899. The route
started at the Boyolali market, Sunggingan market, the Bangak sugarcane plantation, Kartosura
and Surakarta City. This particular tram line was operated by Solosche Tramweg Maatschappij
(Letter from the Department of Burgelijke Openbarewerken no. 7451 / S.S dated May 10, 1999
to the Governor of the Dutch East Indies. Decree (Besluit) Governor General van Ned. Indie 17-
7 1999 no.1570.).
In 1901 government permission was granted for rail tracks to be laid in Solo City. The
tram would depart from the Solo-Jebres government train station to Purwosari, a stop similarly
owned by the colonial government, the Nederlandsch Indische Spoorweg Maatschappij (NISM).
As well as the route from Kartosura market to Boyolali market, that continued to Bangkak sugar
mill and Kartosura, and on another route from the Boyolali market to the Sunggingan market
(Archives of Rekso Pustoko MN. Besluit Governor General van Nederlands Indie on August 23,
1901).
The exploitation of tram lines by the private sector only operated for a few years. In
1906, the exploitation of horse-drawn carriages was transferred to the NIS Company. The
company constructed a new line for public transportation in 1908. In 1914, the railroad line was
managed with a new concession provided to the NIS Company. At that time the horse-drawn
carriage track was expanded southwards to Wonogiri (19 Km), Kakap and Pantai Selatan (94
km) (P 1760, Pustoko Mangkunegaran Archive).

Discussion
The emergence of the industry in the region has become a driver of economic growth and
regional development. Similarly, the presence of the plantation and related industry has
encouraged economic development and the development of surrounding communities (Wie,
1993: 52-53; Wie, 2013; Berry et al., 2002). In his analysis of plantations in East Sumatra it
resulted that in the presence of the industry which was not only creating employment
opportunities in the timber sector but also having an economic network linkage with other
sectors that arose due to the existence of the plantation and industry. This connection was known
as economic "linkage" both "forward linkage" and “backward linkage”. Forward linkage is
created if investment in the plantation industry drives the next stage of production. Meanwhile,
backward linkage occurs if project investment encourages investment in facilities that will result
in the success of the investment. In the case of East Sumatra, the investment in the Deli tobacco
plantations and tobacco processing had driven the development of the agricultural production to
become the largest tobacco industry in Indonesia. Backward linkage only occurred in East
Sumatra through the expansion of facilities such as roads, railways and seaports. John Mellor,
who analysed the case of the agricultural capitalism in India, argued that agricultural growth,
through "linkage" with non-agriculture, could encourage the expansion of production and
intensive labour and small-scale rural industrialisation. Bambang Purwanto (1997:84), who
analysed the case of the oil industry in Jambi and Palembang residencies, also confirmed the
existence of the link between the development of the oil sector and the economic growth in the
region. However, people who enjoy more of the results of this connection are not the
surrounding population but migrating outsiders. Meanwhile, Tadjuddin Noer Effendi said that
the growth of the agricultural sector through agricultural diversification had stimulated an
increase in agricultural income. The increase in agricultural output has increased farmers'
incomes. This increase has driven the demand for consumer goods. The increase in these items
was the industrial growth in Jatinom (Effendi, 1995)
In addition to social elements, the impact of the presence of capitalism in the industrial
form has also changed the physical environment. Kuntowijoyo stated that the establishing of
plantations (coffee, tobacco, sugar) in the nineteenth century in Kejawen region had resulted in
ecological change. With the inclusion of sugar plantations, the village setting, and organisation
can change. Villages that were originally fragmented can become clustered because of
plantations. The creation of sugarcane plantations is usually also followed by the establishment
of communication lines such as railways and highways. The opening of these communication
lines also changed the socio-economic structure of the fund (Kuntowijoyo, 1994).
By referring to several theories and data obtained, it can be appraised that the
Mangkunegaran sugar industry also had several impacts on the Karang Anyar rural community.
The presence of sugarcane plantations changed the ecology of the village. For the purposes of
supporting plantation labour, land reorganisation has been prepared. As a result, villages turned
into clustered communities. Likewise, the creation of plantations supporting facilities in the form
of railways and highways. Those developments had encouraged residents to live not far from this
traffic lane. As a result, the population density increased in the Karang Anyar region compared
to previous times.
The presence of sugarcane plantations was followed by the creation of supporting
facilities in the form of transportation services, irrigation, housing, health, and education. On the
one hand, it was encouraging the reduction of the rural isolation for the Karang Anyar
population. Moreover, it also encouraged the emergence of additional employment for the rural
residents. Not only in agriculture, but also in other sectors which development had been
stimulated by trade and local production. In other words, there has been a linkage between the
modern and the traditional sector. All of this will cause socio-economic and socio-political
differentiation of the rural communities.
Conclusion
Based on the narrative above, it can be derived that the presence of the Mangkunegaran
sugar mill, had stimulated the economic growth in central Java. Not only of the community near
the mill, but also those within reach of the mill who had an economic link to the mill. The
economic link is parallel with the growth of transportation facilities that developed along with
the Mangkunegaran sugar mill and other industries related to the plantations in the region of the
Surakarta Residency. Therefore, it can be said that the development of Mangkunegaran sugar
industry is also connected to the ecological changes and road transport that was expanding at a
phenomenal rate.
Transport changes occur in two stages. The first when road transport, which initially was
the main means of for moving sugar, was replaced by rail transport. In the years when the
Mangkunegaran sugar industry was being constructed, the Semarang-(Vorstenlanden) -
Surakarta rail tracks were laid. It facilitated the medium-range transportation of sugar from
Surakarta to the port of Semarang. Meanwhile, in the early twentieth century, roads were
constructed for short-distance land transportation with cars and trucks from the areas around the
mill. It replaced the traditional means of transportation such as the hansom cab and two-wheeled
bullock cart. The development of transportation facilities had facilitated the connectivity of the
horizontal mobility and the flow of goods and people to and from the Mangkunegaran sugar
industry.

References
A.K, P. (1950). Geschiedenis der Ondernemingen van het Mangkoenagorosche Rijk.
Archive of MN 501. (n.d.).
Archive of MN VII 16A. (n.d.).
Archive of MN VII P 1760. (n.d.).
Archives Bundle MN VI 278/262. (n.d.).
Archives of MN P 1761. This mill was in the Krambilan Village which later became better
known as Malang Jiwan (Mangkunegaran, 1761). (1971.).
Archives of Rekso Pustoko MN. Besluit Governor General van Nederlands Indie on August 23,
1901. (1901.).
AVS. (1875). Algemeene Verslaag van Soerakarta.
AVS. (1876). No TitleAlgemeene Verslaag van Soerakarta.
AVS. (1878). Algemeene Verslaag van Soerakarta.
AVS. (1888). Algemeene Verslaag van Soerakarta.
Berry, A., Rodriguez, E., & Sandee, H. (2002). Firm and group dynamics in the small and
medium enterprise sector in Indonesia. Small Business Economics, 18(1–3), 141–161.
https://doi.org/10.1023/A:1015186023309
Effendi, T. (1995). Sumber Daya Manusia, Peluang dan Kemiskinan.
Geertz, C. (1963). Agricultural Involution:The Processes of Ecological Change Indonesia.
Gonggrijp. (1938). Soil management and density of population in the Netherlands Indies,
Comptes Rendus du Congres International de Géographie Amsterdam. 2.
H.G Husken, K. H. (1983). Use of the Coilbox in the Wide Hot Strip Mill of Krupp Stahl AG.
Stahl Eisen 103.
Houben, V. J. (1995). Kraton and kumpeni. Brill.
K. Sugama, C. . H. (1996). Bochemical Genetics of Tiger Shrimp Paneus monodon, Description
of Electrophoretic Detectable Loci. IFR Journal, 11, 19–27.
Kuntowijoyo. (1994). Dinamika Sejarah umat Islam Indonesia.
Letter from the Department of Burgelijke Openbarewerken no. 7451 / S.S dated May 10, 1999 to
the Governor of the Dutch East Indies. Decree (Besluit) Governor General van Ned. Indie
17-7 1999 no.1570. (1570).
N.G.F. Raad on April 21, 1894 on Archive of MN P 1761. (1761.).
Nederlandsche vereeniging voor hooger handelsonderwijs (Nederlandsche handelshoogeschool)
Rotterdam. (1928). Jaarboe. (1928.)
No TitleHelsdingen, van, Memory van Overgave ,MVO Goebernoer Soerakarta. (n.d.).
No TitMN Archive bundle P 1761. (1761.).
Purwanto, B. (1997). Nusa Jawa:Tantangan Bagi Historiografi Indonesiasentris. Jurnal
Lembaran Sejarah, 1.
Rede van K.G.P.A.A. Mangoenagoro VII Gegouden ter Gelegenheid van de Viering and den
Verjaring (2e Toemboek) van den Verheffingsdag, 11 September 1931, (Surakarta, 1931).
Rijksblad Mangkunagaran since 1917. (1917.).
Rouffaer, G. (1905). Encyclopaedie van Nenderlands Indische.
Surakarta Resident Solewijn Gelpke’s letter to Mangkunagoro VI no 1443/7 on February 22.
(1915).
Wasino. (2006). Museum sebagai Pusat Pengkajian Budaya. LPPM Universitas Negeri
Semarang.
Wasino. (2008). Kapitalisme bumi putra: perubahan masyarakat Mangkunegaran. LKiS.
Wasino, E. al. (2019). from royal family-based ownership to state business management:
Mangkunegara’s sugar industry in Java from the middle of the 19th to early 20th century.
Management & Organizational History, 14, 167–183.
Wasino, E. . H. (2019). Rice Policy in Java from Traditional Kingdoms to Dutch Colonial Time.
KnE Social Sciences, 1, 730–735.
Wasino, & Hartatik, E. S. (2018). Metode penelitian sejarah (P. Sudarmo (Ed.)). Magnum
Pustaka Utama.
Wasino, Hartatik, E. S., & Nawiyanto. (2019). From Royal Family-Based Ownership to State
Business Management: Mangkunegara’s sugar industry in Java from the middle of the 19th
to early 20th century. Management & Organizational History, 14(2), 167–183.
Wie, T. . (1993). Industrial structure and small and medium enterprise development in
Indonesia.
Wie, T. K. (2013). Colonial Extraction in the Indonesian Archipelago: a long history View. In
Colonial Exploitation and Economic Development (pp. 61–79). Routledge.