European Journal of Marketing

Marketing the Political Product

David M. Reid
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To cite this document:
David M. Reid, (1988),"Marketing the Political Product", European Journal of Marketing, Vol. 22 Iss 9
pp. 34 - 47
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 European
Journal of Marketing the Political Product
Marketing by
22,9 David M. Reid
Department of Business Studies, University of Edinburgh
34
Political Campaigning a Wasted Opportunity?
Political campaigning within Western democracies involves great
expenditures of money and intellectual energy. Despite the amount of
time given over to political debate and the importance which the
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selection of a government may have for the individual, understanding

of the process which the voter goes through in deciding how to cast
his/her vote is apparently at a naive level.

In Western terms, although seldom recognised by politicians, the problem of getting

elected is essentially a marketing one. Political parties must determine the scope
and nature of their product and then find the most effective way of communicating
its benefits to a target audience. Yet examination of political campaigning practices
suggests that political product policy and promotional strategies are determined
without reference to the body of knowledge on consumer behaviour which exists.
Although attempts have been made by academics and other researchers to
address aspects of this marketing problem, there appears to be a dearth of published
research which treats it in a holistic way. Computerised literature searches yielded
less on the topic than expected, although there has been an apparent increase
in activity since 1980. Some of these works concentrate on aspects of the marketing
mix, such as the role of market research, whereas others concentrate on "politics
pure" to the neglect of reality.
Unfortunately, promising sounding titles such as "The Politics of Marketing
. . . " [1] do not deal with the same topic as this article. It considers politics in
an organisational context and explores the "parallel political market-place" among
business networks. Another article on political economy with "marketing" in the
title [2] deals with the consequence of the marketer as a "political actor" in the
process of influencing government decisions.
However, further exploration yields some interesting constructs. For instance,
it has been suggested that market systems can be defined in terms of parties;
relationships plus actions which enhance and facilitate both the performance and
the prevention or prohibition of marketing exchanges [3]. Alderson's exchange
principle [4] can be argued to apply in the voting decision process just as it does
in that of the consumer decision.
Much earlier, Lindblom [5] argued that decision making in many political systems
is a process in which the only feasible changes are those that alter socio-political
or economic states by relatively small steps. The implication for political marketers
would be that they ought to pitch their communications to operate within a fairly
narrow latitude of acceptance [6].
 More recent attempts have been made to focus public policy research by focusing Marketing
on the impact of past measures [7]. In fact, this research could be concentrated the Political
on tracing the development of important issues within a political framework. Product
However, past efforts to analyse the forces which influence all kinds of marketing
activities have generally looked at the behaviour of isolated political actors such
as consumer groups [1], not the activities of the political marketers.
Others have developed theories and frameworks which explore the interface 35
between marketing and political action. Some have probed the government's role
as a marketer [8], and some on the government's role as a regulator [9]. Yet,
research on the marketing of politicians and their parties is more difficult to locate.
A readable popular approach was taken by McGinnis [10] in Selling of the
President. He argued that since advertising and politics have always bordered on
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sharp practice, it was inevitable that they would fuse one day. He suggests that
voters do not actually vote for politicians; they make a psychological purchase of
them. Arguing that the electorate is basically lazy and uninterested in making the
effort to understand what politicians are talking about, the task of the communicator
is that of shaping the image of the candidate or his/her party.
Other information identified concerned political advertising. The "Business
Periodicals Index" has a heading for "Political Advertising", but none for political
marketing. However, some do touch on the central issue of political marketing
[11]. Whereas others converge on the ethics of the use of advertising in the political
arena [12] and the advertising industry's response to the threat [13,14,15], others
deal with the minutiae of advertising in the context of particular campaigns [16].
In one work, the author [17] interviewed the media co-ordinators of the US 1580
campaign and discusses the techniques they employed. Another author [18]
underlines the neglect paid to the issue of political advertising by the news media
in the 1972 presidential campaign.
In an attempt to examine the utilisation of, and reactions to, TV political
advertising by "undecided" voters, it was found that the media were used as
an information source and that voters did not necessarily yield to the persuasive
intent [19]. Another study showed that voters with low political involvement also
relied heavily on the electronic media for their information; however, they found
political advertising to be more useful than news reporting as an information source
[20]. As advertising is but one element of the political marketing mix, many of
the references had only peripheral relevance to the issue of political marketing
as it is considered here.
One survey on news reporting during the 1980 presidential election [21] showed
foreign affairs reporting to be more political than substantive. Four issues received
more coverage than any others — one of these was the Iran hostages affair —
and editors did not favour issues which were complicated, thus illustrating the
principle that concentrations of key issues emerge during political campaigns.
Yet, by looking at the problem from a consumer perspective, it appears that
a broader marketing approach could make a useful contribution towards aiding
a better theoretical knowledge of the "voting decision process", together with
the formulation of practical political product policy and promotional strategy.
A scholarly attempt was made to apply the Rokeach free quality model of political
 European ideologies within the context of the 1968 presidential campaign so that the basic
Journal of value dimensions to be addressed by the communications could be highlighted
Marketing [22], while, in another study of political information processing, it was concluded
22,9 that exposure learning was more efficient than drive reduction as a means of learning
[23].
36 Voting: A Buying Process
Politicians often confuse marketing with advertising; in doing so, they neglect the
fact that advertising is only one of the elements of the marketing process. It is
also an element which comes into play after much preparatory work has been
performed. In this confusion, they ignore several important phenomena which
are germane to the business of winning votes.
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When engaging in a process of political persuasion, politicians appear to be over

reliant on linear thinking and appear to make similar assumptions regarding the
way the voter processes information. This linearity is derived from a cultural bias
towards print which exists in Western societies. Tacit assumptions are made that
voters evaluate many complex issues and that this evaluation takes place step by
step in a sequential flow. However, print was at one time a new technology which
absorbed the culture of the Middle Ages and placed the perception of it in a new
context. McCluhan [24] highlighted the importance of this phenomenon by indicating
that the content of any medium is another medium, just as the content of writing
is speech and the content of speech is an abstract thought process. In this way,
he argued that the "medium is the message", meaning that the new techologies
absorb and encompass the old methods and tend to elevate them into art forms.
The new technologies are rarely perceived for what they are; they are usually
regarded as being corrupt and degrading. Consequently, there tends to be huge
time lags before mastery is made of the true potential of media.
These observations provide powerful opportunities for political persuaders.
It means that if they attempt to harness the electronic media rather than allowing
their activities to be encompassed by them, more effective persuasion should result.
The fact that there is no "grammar of media" was adequately highlighted by
Schwartz [25] who argued that persuaders ought to concentrate on the effect they
hope to create, then utilise the media in such a way that they produce a stimulus
that will trigger a "responsive chord" — a programme of sensation that is already
there, old sensations currently encompassed within the subconscious, not just
as memories, but recollections charged with rich feelings. By failing to recognise
these facts, politicians fail to make the most of media opportunities.
In the UK, for example, the process of political persuasion has been rather
amateurish, in contrast to the US. Britain has been heavily reliant on information,
but low on stimulus value, whereas American political campaigns have demonstrated
a much higher awareness of the key issues. Yet attempts in the UK to make the
process more professional have met with much criticism. This was demonstrated
by the 1979 Conservative Party general election campaign, "Labour Isn't Working",
which aroused much hostility. Yet some important lessons can be learned from
that experience; they will be highlighted in the section dealing with evaluative
criteria.
 Despite the backlash, the effectiveness of that 1979 campaign highlighted the Marketing
power of communicating simply with pictures and imagery, not just words. Elebash the Political
[26] described how, with the help of professional advertising and research, the Product
major political issues were distilled down into a few points and woven into all of
the Conservative Party's communications. She attributed the party's landslide
victory to the careful management of the overall communications mix.
Electronic media exist. If they are to be used at all, then the very least that 37
political parties ought to do is to use them professionally, because it is what the
voter takes from the message by way of a residual stimulus that will constitute
the real influence on ultimate behaviour. To ensure that the voter does take from
the message what the sender intended involves steering a communication path
around many intervening variables. This understanding that effective persuasion
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is achieved by a variety of means, especially by non-verbal interpersonal

communications is extremely important [27].
One of the key intervening variables is the immediacy of the language chosen
by the communicator [28]. Thus, by careful use of words high in immediacy, the
politician can create a positive residual stimulus. Since voters do not usually have
access to a candidate's unexpurgated statements, they are forced to rely on
advertisements and media interpretations. Meadow and Jackson-Beeck [29]
harnessed these information sources to relate performance in office to the
subsequent support demonstrated for political leaders.
Some writers have found that the live and televised medium resulted in more
favourable evaluation of the political communicator [30]. Others pointed to the fact
that interpersonal symbolism can and does have more stimulus value than the
actual words used in the persuasion process. Patterning, gestures, media and other
factors interact with the information offered in a way which is difficult but not
impossible to analyse [27]. Yet the difficulties involved in performing such an analysis
would not deter a dedicated persuader, nor have they deterred the successful
propagandists of recent times. Successful persuaders have faith in their art because
they believe that the techniques work [31].
It may seem heretical to conventional politicians to hear the argument propounded
that emphasis should be transferred from "straight" political campaigning to that
of a more oblique approach. However, the "real world" is linear only in small
inconsequential matters. Big problems and opportunities require departures from
conventional solutions. Politicians, and those who market them, must hesitate
to think in terms of the stimulus value of their communication, rather than the
information they are supposedly attempting to impart [25].
It is comforting that some evidence exists on the application of marketing research
principles to the topic of political marketing. In order to identify attitudinal gaps
for political persuasion, Morgan and Purnell [32] used multi-dimensional scaling
to stratify the voting population against the key dimensions of populism and
egalitarianism.
Attempts have been made to model voting behaviour [33]. The model reproduced
in Figure 1 is an example. It illustrates the voters' self-placement of issues, party
and potential voting orientation. The stands which a candidate takes, as perceived
by voters, is called a "t" issue. Orientations vary with voters and, in many cases,
 European voters project incorrect stances on the candidate. For example, 30 per cent of
Journal of those who voted for Roy Jenkins in the infamous Warrington by-election did so
Marketing in the false belief that he was against the EEC [34].
22,9
38
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Figure 1.
A Model of the
Voting Decision

The model suggests that the candidate plays a crucial role within the dynamics
of electoral choice, as the flow of campaign promotion is mediated by him/her.
The candidate represents the primary vehicle of policy debate. To utilise this model,
the political persuaders would be wise to build a candidate-orientated campaign
supported by a clear and succinct communication of the concept and image of
the party.
The point at issue is that the political message must pass through the voters'
perceptual screens. As students of communication are well aware, the recipient
of a message must first be exposed to it. If a communicator succeeds thus far
to contrive that his/her target is exposed to his/her message there remains the
risk that the message will be incorrectly understood or rapidly forgotten as the
would-be respondent invokes selective perception, distortion and retention.
Earlier usage of the term "conventional" in this article was intended to imply
criticism of the state of advancement of political marketing thought, particularly
in Britain and the rest of Europe. The converse unconventional approach, which
is proposed in this article, is based on the recognition that any consumer, whether
choosing to buy a bicycle or a political message is making a high-involvement
decision and thus undergoes a process of problem solving before the choice is
made. Such a process was outlined by Dewey [35]. This process has been
harnessed by writers on consumer behaviour such as Engel and Blackwell [36].
They developed the Dewey process into a comprehensive model of consumer
buying behaviour. Comprehensive and deterministic it may be, but it was never
 intended to be used as a predictive tool. Its value lies in the way that it aids Marketing
conceptualisation of the process of pre- and post-purchase behaviour. the Political
In this article, the EKB model has been adapted (see Figure 2) to show the Product
flow of information and interaction in the voting process. This model splits into
five vertical zones. They are:
• information input and processing; 39
• decision process stages;
• political image evaluations;
• general motivating influences, and
• internalised environmental influences.
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The value of this exercise lies in the gaining of a deeper insight into the central
vertical process, together with the lateral linkages. Repetition of the term
"process" is deliberate, as it should be stressed that the choice or behaviour
is not merely an instantaneous act. By recognising that voting behaviour results
as a consequence of the voter passing through a series of stages, each of which
is susceptible to different influences and constraints, attempts can then be made
to gauge the basis on which alternative options will be judged. In this way, those
qualities that the political product should possess can be determined and a method
of presentation to the consumer developed.

Decision Process Stages

It can be seen from Figure 2 that the core of the central vertical buying process
involves five stages:
• problem recognition;
• search;
• alternative evaluation;
• choice, and
• outcomes.

Problem Recognition
In the political process, something triggers the recognition that there is a problem
on which the voter must dwell. By-elections, announcement of or speculation
regarding a general election could act as such triggers. Similarly, media-generated
concern over major issues could stimulate this process of problem solving.
The voter will address the problem by asking "Who will I vote for?"

Search
Although there is an element of overlap between the first two stages of the process,
the voter will search among certain information sources which are available. These
sources comprise the newspapers and magazines he/she reads, as well as the
TV and ratio programmes to which he/she is exposed, as well as personal sources.
These information sources also serve to highlight the recognition of a problem.
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Figure 2.
Model of Voting
Decision Process

40
22,9
European

Journal of

Marketing
 Certain sources of information will be greater influences on his/her opinion than Marketing
others. Therefore these authoritiative channels of information are attractive vehicles the Political
for political publicity. The media and the would-be users or usurpers exist in a Product
state of symbiosis. That is to say that the media attempt to present issues their
way, but some of the data they need to do this must come from the political sources
concerned. Politicians have a vested interest in distorting the process of reporting
in a way that favours their particular cause. 41

Alternative Evaluation
As the decision on voting approaches, the voter must harness the information
he/she has succeeded in accumulating and then weigh it against a set of evaluative
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criteria.
In the consumer situation, these evaluative criteria are thought to be linked
with the basic motivations of the individual, which, in turn, are under the influence
of central forces such as cultural norms, together with the personality and life-
style of the consumer. Because of the linkages with these central values, they
are highly resistant to change, and marketers must therefore harness the knowledge
of them by building products and promotional communications to persuade the
consumer that their product possesses the benefits to which the criteria relate.
Similarly, in the political world, the key evaluative criteria of voters must be
identified and a political platform established which the voter can be persuaded
aligns with them. In this respect, a political party in government can be at a
disadvantage when extremes of policy are involved because more opportunities
of offending voters exists. Carter won his way to the White House on the wave
of an anti-Nixon, anti-slickness mood representing almost anti-professional feelings.
What the American voter ultimately reacted to was the image of impotence which
was presented by the US hostages in the Iran episode. When this culminated with
an abortive rescue attempt, faith dropped to an all-time low. Points and political
capital were forfeited and a collateral gap was presented. The Reagan campaign
was constructed to fill this apparent void. His rhetoric and symbolism met with
responsive listening and reaction. He and his campaign planners succeeded in
evoking a responsive chord.

Choice
Even after a decision process has been followed, last-minute influences may still
affect the choice which has been made. An article read, a news broadcast, a debate
with a friend or even the look of political supporters outside the polling station
may be sufficient to cause a last-minute change of voting decision.

Outcomes
The consumer must then live with the choice which has been made, whether
his/her preferred party is elected or not. If the choice has lived up to, or exceeded,
expectations, positive word-of-mouth communications result. As a source of
information, word of mouth can be extremely influential. The wise politicians will
attempt to stimulate this type of communication. This can be achieved by ongoing
 European public relations programmes, as well as political patronage of influential groups.
Journal of That is to say, the aim of effective communication is not to direct information into
Marketing the audience, but to evoke stored information and feelings out of them in a patterned
22,9 way to facilitate persuasion.
So far, we have highlighted that when people make voting decisions, they do
as a result of having gone through a process of problem solving that entails the
42 collection of information and its evaluation. Yet the information that is processed
by the individual is not to be confused with the printed word; it encompasses
a variety of stimuli. Body language, facial gestures and words are combined in
a pattern of verbal and non-verbal communication to generate a persuasive effect
[27]. This topic of persuasion, and the mechanisms by which the perception of
the individual are shaped, involves a great deal of subject matter and research.
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Formulating a Political Marketing Strategy

Political parties, either wittingly or unwittingly, produce a political product for the
consumption of voters. Yet, political views have high centrality and many voters
remain staunch supporters of some political faction or other and will vote for it
no matter what. Therefore, promotional noise must be aimed at the floating voter
— those individuals who are swayed by contemporary issues rather than rigid
dogma. The battle for "share of mind" amongfloatingvoters is as ferocious as
any which is fought by consumer goods manufacturers for space on supermarket
shelves. The outcome of these battles determines the political complexion of
governments.
Having previously argued that political parties are not adept at marketing
themselves, and that a complicated process is involved before the floating voter
makes his/her decision, an attempt will now be made to amplify the need for a
co-ordinated marketing strategy — an approach which is geared to influence the
voting process. This strategy must be to achieve overlap of the aims of the party
with a knowledge of the complicated process the voter goes through and the forces
which will win influence. This is demonstrated in Figure 3.
The strategic process applied to political marketing would involve political party
planners in following the process illustrated in Figure 4. The stages involved here
are as follows:
• defining the political complexion;
• using analytical building blocks, and
• formulating strategic objectives and alternative strategies.
Defining the Political Complexion
Clearly, a party cannot successfully appeal to all shades of political opinion, but,
to gain power, it must first win favour with wide cross-sections of the electorate.
It can do this best by establishing in the minds of potential voters the impression
that it will be best able to satisfy the needs of the section of the electorate to
which it sets out to appeal. In this way, it must formulate philosophies, policies
and programmes which can be addressed to certain receptive sections of the
electorate.
 Marketing
the Political
Product

43
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Figure 3.
Stimuli Influencing
Voter's Perceptions

Figure 4.
Formulating the
Political Marketing
Strategy

The task is twofold; first, a political complexion must be established and the
electorate must be segmented. By identifying key segments of the electorate,
a series of political policies and appeals can be constructed to match the capabilities
and conventional dogma of the party with the needs of voters. The political
complexion sets the limits of electoral appeal, and links capability and philosophy
with potentially fertile responsive segments of the electorate.
 European Using Analytical Building Blocks
Journal of The shape and scope of the political complexion must be based on some sort
Marketing of informed analysis. This analysis should encompass the environment in which
22,9 the political machine operates and the needs of the groups of individuals within
it. These, in turn, shape the aspirations and motivations of the electorate to which
44 other parties will be attempting to appeal. The party should assess its strengths
and weaknesses relative to these other parties, since it can only achieve what
others will allow. It must consider:
• environmental trends;
• voters' needs and aspirations;
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• the competing political parties, and

• the party's strengths and weaknesses.
Environmental Trends
All sorts of social, technological and economic changes occur which impact on
the individual in a variety of ways. These changes must be interpreted in political
terms. For instance, an experience with unemployment can affect the views of
groups hitherto loyal to the government they now blame for their new-found
misfortune. Such an environmental analysis can provide the key to identifying the
most fertile areas and issues on which to fight the campaign. These issues will
crystallise the voters' evaluative criteria.

Individual Needs and Aspirations

The needs and aspirations of individuals are shaped by the environment within
which they exist. New technologies threaten the jobs of some people, but open
up opportunuties for others. Wider access to higher education, coupled with greater
social and geographical mobility, can distort traditional political loyalties. The Social
Democratic Party won major support in Britain in certain new towns which were
heavily populated with affluent, upwardly mobile working-class people who would
traditionally have been expected to have voted for the Labour Party.

Competing Political Parties

Politics is about being reactive and proactive at the same time. Care must be taken
not to create political opportunities for others. It may, in some instances, be likened
to a game of "possession football". The initiative must be maintained at all costs
and the energies of the opposition must be stifled. Where extreme views are held
to be necessary, the perception of these may be softened by the way they are
presented to the electorate.
The Party's Strengths and Weaknesses
By carefully monitoring the activities of others, views may be formed regarding
the issues and stances by which a party may be considered strong or weak by
the electorate. In a competitive world, all actions are achieved with the reluctant
or tacit connivance of others.
By developing a profile based on a sound analysis which encompasses the
 aforementioned steps, shape can be given to the political complexion and the Marketing
segments of the electorate to which parties are intended to appeal. Not only will the Political
this give some direction to thinking, it will also provide a focus for assessment Product
of future development. Attempts can then be made to establish a prognosis for
a set of policies and programmes within the respective electorate segments.
Advertising can be planned which will use repeated phrases of proven power with
carefully determined frequency. Candidates can be selected with good persuasive 45
skills and schooled to project sincerity through public meetings and, more
importantly, the TV camera. The next step is to formulate strategic objectives.

Formulating Strategic Objectives, Prognosis, Alternative Generation

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These objectives could embrace aims such as gaining power, or holding on to it

for another term, etc. It is necessary to formulate these objectives carefully and
compare them with the prognosis. In this way, the extent of the credibility gap
may be assessed. This gap will set the scale for creative planning activity. Many
alternative approaches regarding political product policy and strategy should be
raised. This may involve broadening the scope of the political complexion.
It also involves the political marketing strategy, which is the route and method
by which the electorate is to be reached, influenced and persuaded.

Selecting the Best Strategy

Not all routes and avenues have equal long-term implications or affordable costs.
Somehow the different options must be weighed and a selection made.

Building Marketing/Electioneering Plans

These are the documents of understandings regarding how the strategy will be
pursued. In the volatile political arena, consistency is crucial. Opportunities will
be offered to the opposition if inconsistencies are in evidence.

Constructing a Product and Promotional Mix

A collection of policies, communications and images must be offered to the
electorate in a planned, controlled manner. This is the output of the strategic
planning process; it is what is presented for the consumption and digestion of
the electorate.

Executing and Controlling the Plans

Execution of a plan is the most difficult part of the process. Care must be taken
to monitor the output and to take effective action to iron out any deviances. The
output of the political marketing plan represents a set of stimuli to be targeted
at the electorate. As was indicated earlier, many stimuli of different types from
a variety of sources must "vie" with each other for the consumers' attention.

Information Input
Information in a variety of forms is offered to the voter. Overt messages and rhetoric
are combined to influence his/her choice in the way which is illustrated in Figure 3.
These influences should be the result of planned outputs of the marketing
 European strategy. In this way, the voter is being subjected to a process of political persuasion.
Journal of A collective impact is made on voters by combining these different media and
Marketing approaches. Additional weight and momentum is accumulated from each of the
22,9 different sources to add potency to the impact made.

46 Implications
It is against this aforementioned background that the process of political persuasion
takes place, so account must be taken of the rules and techniques which apply.
In some senses, the repetitive references which are made to manifesto documents
during a campaign can be considered a sham. This is because the content of policy
may be much less important than is popularly believed. What is crucial is the way
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the issues are presented.

It is the residual stimulus values which the communication process produces
which will influence the voter. In fact, many of the issues discussed during the
run-up to an election are perceived by the voters as irrelevant, incomprehensible,
or merely impossible to evaluate. The beliefs which the electorate forms are based
on their perceptions of individual politicians taken in tandem with their political
parties. As has already been established, these beliefs are shaped by a variety
of stimuli which are transmitted via a variety of channels.
By recognising the realities of this process, a political marketing strategy can
be formulated which takes account of the pitfalls and opportunities afforded by
the voters' actual behaviour. Without the direction and control which will flow from
this strategy, parties will risk their credibility at every step in the campaign.

References
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of Marketing, Vol. 43, Fall 1979, pp. 79-82.
4. Alderson, W., Marketing Behaviour and Executive Action, Irwin, Homewood, 111., 1957.
5. Lindblom, C.E., Politics and Markets, Basic Books, New York, 1977.
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