DAWN Editorials July 2023

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Dawn Editorials July 2023
Contents
Football foibles ......................................................................................................................................... 5
Terminal decline ....................................................................................................................................... 5
Relief, for now ........................................................................................................................................... 6
Heritage economy .................................................................................................................................... 8
Power crisis ............................................................................................................................................... 8
Restoring faith .......................................................................................................................................... 9
Fake encounters ..................................................................................................................................... 11
Debt management .................................................................................................................................. 11
Stop Islamophobia ................................................................................................................................. 13
Unwelcome babies................................................................................................................................. 14
Grim figures ............................................................................................................................................. 15
Flash in the pan?.................................................................................................................................... 16
Crimes of sardars................................................................................................................................... 17
Shifting goalposts.................................................................................................................................. 18
SCO anticlimax ....................................................................................................................................... 18
Fixed matches ......................................................................................................................................... 20
Urban flooding ........................................................................................................................................ 20
Jenin incursion ....................................................................................................................................... 22
Dirty water ................................................................................................................................................ 23
Ruling by proxy ...................................................................................................................................... 24
Ten years of CPEC ................................................................................................................................. 25
Israeli sojourn ......................................................................................................................................... 26
Troubled waters...................................................................................................................................... 27
Keeping promises .................................................................................................................................. 28
Drugged drone ........................................................................................................................................ 29
Ukraine’s Nato bid ................................................................................................................................. 30
Food concerns ........................................................................................................................................ 31
Citizens’ despair ..................................................................................................................................... 32
Population Day ....................................................................................................................................... 33
Aiding investment .................................................................................................................................. 34
Maternal mortality .................................................................................................................................. 35
No takers? ................................................................................................................................................ 36
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Kurram clashes....................................................................................................................................... 36
Historical failings ................................................................................................................................... 38
Countering hate ...................................................................................................................................... 39
Election time............................................................................................................................................ 40
Unliveable city......................................................................................................................................... 41
Only a ‘breather’ ..................................................................................................................................... 42
Menaced by terrorism ........................................................................................................................... 43
Killer loan sharks ................................................................................................................................... 44
SME growth hurdles .............................................................................................................................. 45
An opportunity? ..................................................................................................................................... 46
Threat from AI? ....................................................................................................................................... 47
Battle for Punjab..................................................................................................................................... 48
Out of patience ....................................................................................................................................... 49
Hockey hopes ......................................................................................................................................... 50
Rampant abuse ....................................................................................................................................... 51
Power price hike ..................................................................................................................................... 51
Shrinking spaces ................................................................................................................................... 53
Pakistan-Iran security ........................................................................................................................... 53
Rains again .............................................................................................................................................. 55
Trilateral rail link..................................................................................................................................... 56
Football foibles
THE deficiencies have been exposed. Our national football team losing all six matches
they played in June underscores the need for a drastic turnaround. Pakistan have never
won a FIFA World Cup qualifier. The next opportunity to break that unenviable record
comes in October when Pakistan enter the first round of Asian qualifiers for the 2026
tournament. Performances in the Four Nations Series and SAFF Championship, though,
haven’t raised hopes. Pakistan lost to hosts Mauritius, Kenya and Djibouti in the Four
Nations Series to finish last in the round-robin tournament before becoming the worst
team at the SAFF Championship in India. A 4-0 loss to arch-rivals India in their Group ‘A’
opener was attributed to the team’s delayed arrival in Bangalore — Pakistan reached the
host city just six hours before the game. Insipid performances in a 4-0 hammering against
Kuwait and 1-0 loss to Nepal followed. For all the hype created, with the Pakistan Football
Federation Normalisation Committee parading the fact that it had secured the paperwork
to make some foreign-based players eligible to feature for Pakistan, the team flattered to
deceive. There was little leadership on the pitch; the players ran around clueless. The
FIFA-appointed PFF NC, having seen its mandate extended until March next year, faces
a race against time to sort things out ahead of the World Cup qualifier.
Advancing into the second round of World Cup qualifiers guarantees Pakistan more
competitive action — something that the team hasn’t seen frequently in the past several
years due to turmoil at the PFF. That has hindered development; the lack of a proper
domestic structure hasn’t helped either. There are also questions regarding coach
Shehzad Anwar, who lost all eight matches since the FIFA suspension on Pakistan was
lifted last year. An inquiry is the need of the hour to address the team’s failings. Otherwise,
all signs point to history repeating itself when the World Cup qualifiers come around.
Published in Dawn, July 2nd, 2023
Terminal decline
PLANS to restructure the national flag carrier have seen umpteenth aborted takeoffs.
That, of course, is not to say this is not an objective worth pursuing — but such plans, if
they are to see any prospect of success, must take an unforgiving view of the present
situation and include measures to act accordingly. The government is looking to
undertake what was a Herculean task even a decade ago, but which has become yet
more onerous in recent years. Not only is PIA facing cumulative losses of Rs635bn by
the end of September, its other troubles, too, have intensified. Pakistan’s aviation industry
as a whole has not yet recovered from repercussions of then aviation minister Ghulam
Sarwar Khan’s shockingly cavalier remark in the National Assembly in June 2020 that
almost 40pc of pilots in Pakistan have fake licences. Even though some irregularities were
uncovered, his words later proved to be a gross distortion of facts — but PIA in particular
was dealt a near-mortal blow. Is the high-level committee that Prime Minister Shehbaz
Sharif has formed to come up with a plan to revive PIA prepared to take the bull by the
horns?
If so, the first, foundational step should be to set up a regulatory system in a professional
manner, one that is manned by a competent, aviation-specific bureaucracy rather than
individuals parachuted in from the air force or various government ministries. An
independent, strong regulator — which is only concerned with safety regulations and the
management of the airline — is critical to ensure that the operator is positioned to perform
well. In the three years since Mr Sarwar took a wrecking ball to the industry, those at the
helm of the CAA have not been able to raise standards to a point where international
regulators would allow PIA to fly to Europe or the US. Questions about competence and
airworthiness continue to dog the national airline and cloud its prospects of revival. It is
high time systemic flaws were addressed, instead of applying band-aid solutions that
have amounted to nothing over the years. Instead, the government could look towards
the European Union Aviation Safety Agency: not only does it have very high standards,
but it also has a fund to help developing countries set up their regulatory systems from
top to bottom. It would be money well spent.
Relief, for now

THE IMF’s announcement that it has agreed to extend a lifeline of $3bn to rescue our
crisis-hit economy has come as a relief to all stakeholders: government, business and the
public.
Yet the fact that it baulked at the idea of approving Islamabad’s request to complete the
ninth review of the just-expired EFF facility and release the $1.2bn tranche stuck for
months shows that the lender still has trust issues with Pakistan.
The new agreement comes under the IMF’s short-term Stand-By Arrangement and is
structured for a nine-month period to help save the teetering economy.
Even multiple interventions by Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif, who must be credited for
clinching the deal, despite Finance Minister Ishaq Dar’s outbursts against the Fund,
couldn’t bridge this gap.
The IMF, which blames policy ‘missteps’ and shocks like floods and the Ukraine war for
our declining economy, did not think it a good idea to free politicians and their
collaborators in the finance bureaucracy from its oversight in the lead-up to the elections.
It wants Islamabad to strictly execute Budget 2023-24 and not cede to pressure for
unbudgeted spending and tax exemptions.
After all, an economy plagued with high inflation, drying dollar inflows and macroeconomic
instability takes a long time and sustained fiscal discipline to turn around.
The SBA is a better deal as it ends the uncertainty around fiscal discipline before and
after the elections, with fears of an immediate sovereign default receding as reflected by
the rapidly surging prices of Pakistan’s short-duration eurobond debt becoming due in
2024 and 2025.
If Pakistan follows the programme, it can unblock financing from multilateral and bilateral
lenders and easily secure bilateral and commercial debt rollovers to shore up its foreign
currency stocks.
Moreover, the fear of losing IMF support again will keep fiscal authorities on their toes.
But macroeconomic stability will not come free; the Fund demands that energy and
foreign exchange market reforms be implemented, and the State Bank must pursue a
proactive monetary policy.
That means interest rates will remain high and base electricity prices rise by a third to
over Rs33 a unit.
The home currency may stabilise, even strengthen, in the short run, but further
depreciation of the exchange rate cannot be ruled out once the administrative curbs on
imports and dollar outflows are lifted.
Politicians and policymakers need to recognise that the deal gives them another chance
to implement fundamental, structural reforms for long-term debt sustainability and
macroeconomic stability.
If we implement the SBA diligently, it will help us secure a new long-term and less-
encumbered bailout after the elections once the arrangement ends.
That is crucial to raise multilateral and bilateral funds to boost reserves, and buy some
room to execute basic reforms for overall economic stability.
Heritage economy
THE tide may be turning on Sindh’s syncretic heritage. But its fortunes will be difficult to
change if decades of prejudice and decay have not left a loud message – symbols of
history are not subservient to faith. Last week, Sindh’s chief secretary said that attempts
to preserve and protect Hindu and Buddhist sites were underway to draw tourists, and
the fact that Sindh was home to some 369 multicultural sites was shared by the culture
secretary. The province has historically held Hindu, Sikh and Buddhist emblems close,
as seen in Bhambore where ruins reveal a confluence of Hinduism, Buddhism and Islam.
At present, Sindh’s age-old, unfairly overlooked bond with Jainism, visible across Thar’s
plains, Karoonjhar hills and Nagarparkar, has crystallised into beautiful carcasses of
Hindu shahi and Jain temples. From the grand stupa at Mohenjodaro, Thul Hairo Khan in
Johi, Kahu jo Daro in Mirpurkhas, Sudheran jo Thul near Hyderabad, Thul Rukan in Moro
to the remains of a Buddhist township at Siraj ji Takri along the Rohri hills and Kirthar
range, Sindh’s Buddhist inheritance began with the Rai dynasty and throve under the
Soomra dynasty.
Although it took an economic meltdown for Sindh’s officials to recognise the value of
heritage, it is a much-awaited step forward. However, authorities must be clear that while
religious and cultural tourism may be a path to diversify the economy and accruing
generous gains, the abandonment of inclusiveness remains an impediment. Heritage
places should be showcased along with festivals and customs to endorse a tolerant
Pakistan for pilgrims and tourists. The ambitious project will require relaxed visa policies,
safe transport, tour guides and a network of rest houses or small hotels, supported by
local and international promotion. Competing histories hamper a nation’s cultural and
societal growth and damage its economy. After all, heritage is not confined to monuments.
It has multiple purposes, most significantly social subtext and the sanctity of humanity.
Published in Dawn, July 3rd, 2023
Power crisis
EVEN with IMF funds almost in hand, Pakistan’s worsening blackouts continue to signal
economic distress. Signs are that last year’s energy crisis will appear milder in
comparison to what the people are going to experience in 2023 — both in summer and
winter. There are multiple factors behind Pakistan’s energy shortage. The immediate
problem is simple: there isn’t enough fuel. The other major reason is the aging power grid,
which is incapable of meeting the massive growth in the summer load. Therefore,
consumers have not only to cope with hours-long scheduled and forced outages daily,
but also frequent tripping and fluctuation in power supply. The energy outlook for winter
is also bleak, as the bid to secure six ‘spot’ LNG cargoes has been rebuffed by global gas
suppliers because of Pakistan’s dollar crunch and problems in opening letters of credit
for imports. Will the next attempt to purchase three cargoes for January and February
succeed? It is anyone’s guess.
Long power outages are not new to Pakistanis; one can recall the late 2000s and early
2010s — or even earlier. The massive Chinese investments in electricity generation under
the CPEC initiative had, however, engendered hopes that the blackouts would soon be
history. That didn’t happen. Rather, the price of new generation capacity increased the
cost of production, forcing the government to accumulate a huge power-sector debt
because it could not recover the full electricity production bill from consumers, despite
raising retail prices multiple times. The post-Covid surge in global oil and LNG prices
made matters worse, as the government was compelled to resort to frequent power and
gas outages, both in summer and winter, to reduce its energy import bill, which was
proving to be a drain on our meagre foreign exchange reserves and causing the current
account deficit to expand. That said, we must acknowledge that the present energy crisis
is not an outcome of historical and structural factors pulling down the fragile power sector
alone. In recent months, energy shortages have become a symptom of Pakistan’s failing
economy. With the authorities struggling to procure fuel and consumers scrambling to
pay bloated bills, Pakistan’s power troubles are unlikely to go away anytime soon without
significant improvement in the country’s financial position and the implementation of the
painful reforms needed to fix structural issues in the energy sector.
Restoring faith
WITH Pakistani democracy in the throes of yet another existential crisis, June 30, the
International Day of Parliamentarianism, ought to have held special significance for us.
On that day, parliamentary democracies are supposed to take stock of where they stand,
how far they’ve come, and how far they still have to go as they evolve into forums that
are truly representative of their people.
It is unfortunate that our lawmakers felt no need for such self-reflection. Our parliament
today seems more like a glorified fighting pit for the vile and uncouth, rather than an agora
for the wise to engage in reasoned debate.
It is a place where the already privileged pass slurs and mock each other, instead of
proposing solutions and counter-solutions to the problems of their constituents.
Of course, it is the very essence of democracy for there to be disagreement — sometimes

with vehemence, sometimes with calm grace.
However, such disagreements are supposed to be resolved with ethos, logos and pathos,
not brawling, spurious allegations and abuse of power. Unfortunately, our lawmakers
have historically tended towards the latter, only to rue it when the tables turn.
The security establishment’s repeated interference in the political process has also been
key in never letting the parliamentary system stabilise enough so that it could perpetuate
a resilient socioeconomic order.
Repeated military takeovers hollowed out the institution from within, preventing an
organic, representative polity from taking root. Even when civilian-led governments have
ostensibly been in the saddle, the state continued to pull the reins from behind the scenes,
never really letting any popular leader have the final say in some of the most important
aspects of statecraft, especially foreign policy.
Pakistan today stands at a crossroads. One path leads to an uncertain future; the other
may set us back by a few decades. With a host of social, economic and political crises
threatening to rip the country apart, a stable, representative parliament could have helped
the nation muster the courage needed to make difficult choices.
Unfortunately, at a time when all shades of opinion needed to be brought together to find
a consensus for the path forward, our parliamentarians once again seem to be working
with non-parliamentary forces to repeat already failed experiments.
This is not to absolve those who have simply never given parliament or their fellow
parliamentarians the respect and deference they deserved.
However, the answer lies not in once again engineering the electoral process to instal a
more ‘desirable’ government, but in faithfully restoring parliament so that it truly
represents the people of Pakistan.
How to do so, is a problem that our lawmakers — present and aspiring — must solve
themselves. Their failure will only diminish the legislature’s standing and cede more
power to external forces.
Fake encounters
IT is time our institutions acknowledged so-called police encounters as murders
committed by men in uniform. A report released in January presents startling statistics —
612 accused were killed by Punjab police in the last five years with the highest score of
186 in 2021 and 124 until September 2022. Meanwhile, Sindh’s grim state is easy to
assess by the record of two SSPs. As reported in this paper yesterday, extrajudicial
killings saw an upswing from July 2022 — the 10-month tenure of Hyderabad SSP, Amjad
Shaikh, began with the killing of four suspects and ended with 100 ‘encounters’. These
numbers shot past SSP Baloch’s earlier tally of some 241 in under two years. In Pakistan,
the police illicitly execute thousands annually, citing resistance or assault attempts on
officers as reasons in police records. But figures of police injury are scarce, and narrate
tales that belie claims of armed exchanges. The rise in this menace makes for a dispiriting
state of law and order; innocents are killed to either protect feudal or political
powerbrokers, curry material favours or fill record books as officers race to surpass
‘encounter’ tallies, or settle personal enmities. While rogue officers stage murders, our
failed legal system cannot be absolved, as such gruesome tactics are perpetrated to
bypass it. A woeful aspect is the wild applause from the public; weary of legal processes,
it is forced to prefer instant justice.
Glorified by some media as super cops and others as alleged ‘encounter specialists’ —
Chaudhry Aslam, Abid Boxer, Rao Anwar — police officers embark on killing sprees with
impunity. It is essential that the police hierarchy, administration, and the courts beat the
clock with expeditious accountability. These crimes should have definite consequences
as obsolete colonial laws, which gave the police a free hand, must be abandoned. Along
with a toughened criminal justice system, law enforcers should have resources,
equipment, training, confidence and encouragement to nurture a climate of safety and
justice.
Published in Dawn, July 4th, 2023
Debt management
THE finance ministry’s new three-year, medium-term debt management strategy aimed
at raising long tenor foreign official and commercial loans and securing debt relief from
commercial creditors is a tad optimistic, despite the agreement with the IMF on a $3bn
short-term facility.
The plan seeks to meet Pakistan’s external financing needs through long tenor bonds
and concessional multilateral flows as it attempts to reduce the increasing share of short-
term loans in the foreign debt stock.
It emphasises efforts for fresh commercial loans in three-year or longer rollover tenures,
instead of the existing one-year tenures to increase the average time to maturity of debt.
The scheme proposes debt relief from commercial creditors to slash the annual external
repayment burden of $22bn-23bn. The strategy assumes that the agreement will
immediately unlock held-up foreign inflows.
Indeed, the programme’s approval by the IMF board later this month will help Pakistan
secure assistance from its global partners to boost liquidity and support its repayment
capacity.
But expectations of international debt markets opening widely to Pakistan and giving it
access to fresh long tenor debt and re-profiling its existing obligations, or multilateral and
bilateral partners releasing big amounts soon, are exaggerated.
Our ability to secure the kind of liquidity we require or obtain debt relief largely hinges on
a new longer-term funding programme from the IMF next year.
The success of negotiations with the IMF for its fresh, bigger loan will, however, depend
on the execution of the new Stand-by Arrangement with the IMF — both in the lead-up to
and in the aftermath of elections, as well as political stability.
Over the next several months, every creditor, not just the IMF, will closely monitor
Pakistan to see if is diligently executing the reforms agenda and maintaining fiscal
discipline to avoid another liquidity crunch in the near to medium term.
Once a new government is formed after the elections, the focus will shift to whether
political stability can be restored and if the new set-up is stable enough to implement
tough and unpopular economic and financial reforms.
Pakistan requires significantly large external financing to meet its monetary needs in the
next few years. But unless it gets a bigger IMF programme, its ability to raise funds from
its partners and commercial creditors will remain constrained no matter how meticulous
the debt strategy is.
Stop Islamophobia
IT is not impossible to distinguish between freedom of speech and malicious actions
calculated to insult and offend. And it should be clear, especially to the Western world,
that the desecration of the Holy Quran comes under the second category.
The appalling incident, where an Iraqi refugee burned a copy of the Holy Book outside a
mosque in the Swedish capital, is not the first of its kind. Nor is it likely to be the last —
unless Western nations go beyond the usual condemnation and pass and enforce strict
laws to deter those whose hate-filled narrative against the world’s 1.8bn Muslims
continues to be fanned by the lethargy of governments.
A similar incident took place in Stockholm in January, when a politician from the far-right
desecrated the Quran in front of the Turkish embassy — an act for which he received a
mere rap on the knuckles when the Swedish prime minister described it as “deeply
disrespectful”. Preceding this description was his assertion: “But what is legal is not
necessarily appropriate.”
Perhaps it is the ‘legality’ of such atrocious actions — and not only in Sweden — that
needs to be questioned. Following the recent incident, condemnation has poured in from
all sides. The EU has termed it “an act provocation”, saying, “manifestations of racism,
xenophobia and related intolerance have no place in Europe” — which, unfortunately, has
hardly proved factual, as so many anti-Islam incidents in various European countries have
demonstrated.
Sweden has voiced similar criticism of the latest episode, but added that the country had
a “constitutionally protected right to freedom of assembly, expression and demonstration”.
The Pope was more to the point when he said, “Freedom of speech should never be used
as a means to despise others and allowing that is rejected and condemned”. The 57-
member OIC, meanwhile, has called for the application of international law “which clearly
prohibits any advocacy of religious hatred”.
Europe will never forget the dark days of Hitler and World War II when six million Jews
were sent to their death. Images and stories from that era are etched not only on the
memory of the individuals who lived through those times but also on the soul of the
generations that followed. In 2005, the UN designated Jan 27 as International Holocaust
Remembrance Day.
Several European countries have laws that criminalise Holocaust denial. The world today
is going down a similar path of hate — against ethnic and religious communities, against
minorities, against the ‘other’.
It was this venom spewed on the Muslim world that led the UN to designate March 15 as
the International Day to Combat Islamophobia. Just as Europe, and countries outside it,
seek to curb anti-Semitism, they should deploy all, including legal, means to stop the
march of Islamophobia before it’s too late.
Unwelcome babies
TO be born unwanted and abandoned to a risky future is the worst fate for a new life.
According to yesterday’s report in this newspaper, since 2021, the Edhi Foundation has
buried 576 newborns in Karachi — 200 in 2021, 289 in 2022 and a minimum of 87 in the
first half of 2023. It also revealed that official records of infanticide were wildly at odds
with the number of infants buried by the foundation, prompting Sindh Police to “issue
formal instructions to register a criminal case if a dead newborn is found abandoned”.
A depressing shift came to light with Faisal Edhi’s disclosure that the Edhi cradles at their
centres now mostly hold dead babies. And ironically, as numbers of living children in
cradles dwindle in the midst of surging infant abandonment figures, adoption requests
have to be turned down. Clearly, the hazards of deserting newborns should compel our
society to adopt an empathetic approach, not condemnation or judgement. Many factors
prevent women from keeping babies, such as conception from rape where, instead of the
crime, the mother and child are stigmas. Psychiatrists say that undiagnosed postpartum
depression is another common cause. In present times, the tyranny of poverty and
joblessness leads parents to give up girl children. State-sponsored campaigns advocating
family planning, an infant’s right to life and the assurance of concealed identity and
immunity from legal action if a parent chooses a welfare crib can persuade mothers to
avoid garbage heaps and opt for Edhi’s cradles. Moreover, hospitals and neighbourhood
clinics should also instal cradles in labour rooms and at their doorsteps so babies stay
safe. The state must help citizens to negotiate taboos with easier adoption procedures
for childless couples and even single women. It should consider that neither rape, poverty
nor illness are reasons to disgrace and a baby’s well-being and security are pivotal. A
home is any baby’s last stop.
Grim figures
THE terrorist threat, if left unaddressed, threatens to again grow into an uncontrollable
hydra, resulting in an unacceptably high number of both civilian and military casualties.
As a report by a local think tank points out, militant violence is showing an upward trend,
with a higher frequency of attacks, as well as increased fatalities. According to figures
compiled by the Pakistan Institute for Conflict and Security Studies, there were 271
militant attacks across the country during the first six months of this year, resulting in 389
fatalities and over 650 injuries. The number of attacks, as well as fatalities, is higher
compared to the corresponding period last year. KP — both its tribal and settled districts
— has been hardest hit, with 266 lives lost across the province to militancy. Balochistan
comes in second where terrorist violence is concerned. The latest attacks targeting
military personnel also occurred in Balochistan on Sunday, resulting in the martyrdom of
six military personnel, including a major. One incident occurred in Kech during an
intelligence-based operation, while several attacks on check-posts in Sherani district took
the lives of four men. The banned TTP claimed credit for the Sherani attacks.
The security planners need to consider two key challenges when drawing up
counterterrorism plans: the continuously changing nature of the terrorist threat, and the
high number of fatalities of military, paramilitary and police personnel. Concerning the first
challenge, Sunday’s attacks occurred in Balochistan’s Baloch- as well as Pakhtun-
dominated areas. In the Baloch areas, this could mean that separatist elements are
involved, or, as some have noted, religiously inspired Baloch militants have joined forces
with the TTP. The state, therefore, must deal with the threat accordingly. Secondly, the
large number of fatalities amongst security personnel is alarming. According to media
reports quoting the ISPR chief, 95 officers and men have been martyred in antiterrorism
operations. These reports were not specific about the period during which these fatalities
occurred. The fact is that security personnel, including police officers, need to have the
training and equipment which can help bring down the fatality rate significantly. The state
cannot afford to keep on losing such a high number of security men. Moreover, the
counterterrorism strategy must also include action against the supporters of those who
ruthlessly target our security personnel, yet continue to operate without fear even in the
federal capital.
Flash in the pan?

THE sceptics may have their doubts about a ‘miracle turnaround’ in Pakistan’s fortunes
after the government grabbed a last-minute stand-by loan from the IMF, but the markets
have been quick this week to cash in on the euphoria.
The dollar fell sharply once trading resumed after the holidays, collapsing like a punctured
balloon; stock market activity heated up like it had not in years, with speculative investors
eager to get their hands on whatever they could; gold prices registered a sharp decline;
and fresh inflation readings — although unrelated to the IMF deal announcement —
indicated that the pressures that had built up within the economy might finally be showing
signs of easing.
Had Pakistan really stumbled back onto the path to prosperity over the course of a long
weekend thanks to just one loan deal? That’s what the government, at least, would have
us believe.
Experts and analysts, on the other hand, are still warning of the underlying risks imperilling
Pakistan’s economic prosperity. Global credit ratings agencies Moody’s and Fitch on
Monday reminded the world that Islamabad still needs to pay back $25bn to creditors this
fiscal year — a sum which is more than seven times what it officially has in its pocket at
the moment and much more than the $3bn the IMF has grudgingly agreed to lend it over
the course of the next nine months (which remains subject to approval by its board as
well as Islamabad meeting the stringent conditions that will likely be laid out before it as
a prerequisite for loan disbursements).
The same day, data released by the Bureau of Statistics showed that exports had dropped
19pc in the month of June compared to the previous year, marking the 10th straight month
of a drop in export proceeds. The trend, if it persists, will only worsen difficulties in
financing the current account.
Therefore, the question: are we celebrating too early? The smart money seems to think
so. While the ‘positive trigger’ from the IMF deal has been welcomed by the stock and
foreign exchange markets, the high spirits will not last.
Both forex and stock analysts have warned that what we are seeing is a temporary
bonanza, not a turnaround in their respective markets’ fortunes. There is now a broad
consensus that till the fundamentals are fixed — ie, till Pakistan embarks on a structured
plan to reform the economy and fix its underlying imbalances — nobody can breathe
easy.
And how long must we remain in this purgatory? With an election coming up, the most
painful measures will likely be put off for another few months for the new government to
inherit. It is a shame that, with so much at stake, we are still not sure of what comes next.
Crimes of sardars
EVEN though most of Pakistan is a stranger to human rights, Balochistan is particularly
dispossessed. With scores of missing persons, bomb attacks, targeted murders,
destroyed public property and gas installations, the province has been entombed in
poverty for decades, paying the added social, human and fiscal price of military
operations. While the Baloch people have endured brutal exploitation at the hands of
successive civilian and military regimes, the deeply embedded sardari system in the
province, a residue of colonial times, that was formally abolished by the System of Sardari
(Abolition) Act, 1976, is still a powerful element that survives on repression and stifled
economic growth. Illiteracy and indigence prevent the people from challenging fierce
chieftains. Yesterday’s investigative story in this paper cracked the system wide open,
exposing the sardars’ private jails. “The phenomenon of private jails,” it says, “is
especially entrenched in eastern and central Balochistan where the sardars wield the
power of life and death over their tribesmen.”
The rulers and sardars operate on an agenda of continuous domination over a province
rich in copper, gold and precious minerals. The report reveals “a few months ago, an ISI
officer who wanted to crack down against the sardar’s excesses in Barkhan district was
transferred by his superiors. Such institutional support continues to enable the Baloch
sardars’ impunity: “…law enforcers are well aware that the sardars maintain private jails
in their tribal territories, not to mention other criminal actions committed by these powerful
feudals.” Therefore, it is time nationalist parties heaped scorn on sardars, when the latter
raise Baloch rights issues, and, instead of keeping silent, these parties should demand
greater control of Balochistan’s economy with the annihilation of the cruel sardari system.
This controversial tribal structure has had its day; political interests must now make way
for reforms. Or the people of the province should know that their rights, resources and
development funds will not come to them.
Shifting goalposts
ALL over the world, where it concerns matters of the law, the rule usually goes that what’s
good for the goose should be good for the gander. Not so in Pakistan, where the powerful
have the option of simply rewriting their own laws whenever it becomes inconvenient for
them to be applied without prejudice. Almost a year after the PDM government made
sweeping changes to the NAB Ordinance to protect its own from the accountability
watchdog’s often overreaching arms, it has had a change of heart. By dint of an
ordinance, passed by the acting president, several key changes, made through a set of
amendments last summer that had almost completely gutted the NAB law, now stand
reversed. It appears that someone belatedly realised that the powers taken away from
the accountability watchdog were, in fact, rather useful towards keeping ‘undesirables’ in
check. After the new ordinance, the NAB chairman can once again have someone
arrested even if the case against them is still in the ‘inquiry’ stage. Not only that, such a
person can then be remanded to NAB custody for 30 days instead of the 14 under the
amendments made last year.
This ordinance, passed in the dead of the night after the National Assembly was
conveniently prorogued earlier in the day, smacks of both rank hypocrisy and malicious
intent. One doesn’t need to do a lot of math to figure out who the intended target of this
fresh amendment is. It may be recalled that this government, when criticised last year
about the manner in which it had set about ‘fixing’ the NAB laws, had justified itself by
arguing that the accountability body had traditionally been used as a tool of coercion and
victimisation against politicians. Why, then, is it now weaponising NAB for precisely the
same ends? It must also be asked why the government dispensed with parliamentary
procedure to have the fresh amendment enforced through a presidential ordinance,
especially when this same parliament had approved the amendments made last year.
What reasoning could possibly justify the haste? It appears that no lesson has been learnt
from the controversies that marred the 2018 elections. With all manner of pre-election
engineering tricks being brought back into play, the country seems doomed to repeat a
political cycle that will ultimately culminate in a fresh social crisis.
SCO anticlimax
THE SCO has the potential to become one of the world’s most prosperous and powerful
economic and geopolitical blocs, considering its vast geographic scope and the large
population of its member states. However, to achieve these goals, irritants between
member states must be resolved in a satisfactory manner.
Clearly, as the virtual SCO Council of Heads of State summit, hosted by India on Tuesday
showed, there are many miles to go before the bloc can achieve its full potential. Bilateral
disputes overshadowed the promise of multilateral cooperation, with the host nation using
the platform to take a swipe at geopolitical adversaries within the SCO.
Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s thinly veiled critique of both Pakistan and China
during his address was a reminder of the internal challenges that confront the bloc.
There was, of course, little hope that the SCO summit could have provided a platform for
Pakistan-India dialogue on the sidelines. Bilawal Bhutto-Zardari’s frosty reception in Goa
earlier in the year under the aegis of the SCO foreign ministers’ moot was a sign that the
welcome for Shehbaz Sharif was unlikely to be any warmer.
Perhaps that is one reason why India chose to go virtual and avoid any personal
interaction between Mr Sharif and Mr Modi, though there is also widespread conjecture
that India opted to hold the summit online to avoid hosting Vladimir Putin.
Mr Modi sang a familiar tune, calling for an end to ‘cross-border terrorism’, while also
targeting CPEC by saying that connectivity schemes should “respect sovereignty”, in an
oblique reference to the megaproject’s passage through Gilgit-Baltistan.
PM Sharif paid Mr Modi back in the same coin, cautioning against the dangers of “violent
ultra-nationalism” and criticising the use of terrorism for diplomatic point-scoring.
It is a rule of thumb that multilateral fora should not be used to settle bilateral scores. If
anything, these bodies should provide a conducive atmosphere that can help resolve
stubborn regional disputes.
Unfortunately, India’s current leadership has shown that both bilaterally and at multilateral
platforms, it is not serious about engaging Pakistan in a dialogue for peace. Instead, the
BJP regime is more interested in isolating this country by using familiar, tired tropes.
If this attitude persists, little will change where hostility in the subcontinent is concerned,
and perhaps another generation will be condemned to live in perpetual confrontation.
Terrorism, climate change, poverty and disease are all common problems that can be
confronted bilaterally and through the SCO, if India chooses to shun its rigidity.
Where the SCO itself is concerned, it can be turned into a Eurasian behemoth driving
growth in the entire region and the wider world. However, unless the irritants between its
member states are resolved, it will remain but a talk shop, much like Saarc has become.
Fixed matches
MUCH like the rug was pulled from under the PTI-led government in Azad Kashmir, the
Gilgit-Baltistan Assembly now seems to be in the crosshairs of those who want to drive
out the last vestiges of the beleaguered party from all corridors of power. The PTI’s chief
minister in the region was recently dismissed on a fake degree charge. A subsequent
vote to elect his replacement has been blocked by force in circumstances that can only
be described as a farce. After the manner in which a ‘regime change’ was effected in
neighbouring AJK, as well as the manner in which the mayoral elections were conducted
further down south in Karachi, there seems to be little point in discussing which party has
how many seats and what the calculus of power looks like in GB. It already seems a given
that whatever the powerful wish to happen is what is eventually going to happen. The
‘short-circuiting’ of the GB government is a fair indication of the direction the entire country
can soon expect to be frog-marched in come general elections; those who stand to benefit
have a vested interest in looking the other way.
Is this how the country is to be run, then? Could there be a greater insult to the people of
Pakistan, who would still very much like to be in charge of their own destiny? The
custodians of the federal government should remember that it does not take long for times
to change. In ripping up the rulebook in their blind zeal to completely neutralise an
opposing political force, they are digging a very deep hole for themselves. The precedents
they are setting will greatly enfeeble Pakistan’s already weak democracy, and may one
day be used to destroy these same parties. When that happens, no charter of democracy
will save them from retribution. They must demonstrate that while power is temporary, the
rules will always stay permanent.
Urban flooding
PAKISTAN is no stranger to urban flooding. All Pakistani cities — from Karachi to Lahore
to Peshawar — have faced urban flooding during the monsoons for several decades.
However, in recent years, climate change has brought with it more intense and uncertain
weather patterns, exposing urban populations to increased risk of loss of life, livelihood,
and property, with instances of urban flooding on the rise.
If the massive deluge that drowned most parts of Karachi for several days in August 2020
wasn’t proof enough, the unfortunate loss of at least 26 lives in Lahore, and elsewhere in
Punjab, in the last two days of downpour clearly shows that the scale of the threat posed
to city dwellers by pluvial flooding — which occurs when the surface water accumulating
from intense rainfall saturates urban drainage systems, and excess water can’t be
absorbed — is increasing with time
The problem is compounded by unplanned urbanisation and unregulated development,
growing city sprawls, inadequate storm water drainage systems, sewerage lines clogged
by solid waste and encroachments, alteration of natural drainage routes owing to
haphazard construction, and poor urban governance. While the natural factors are to
blame for intense and uncertain rainfall, the disaster is purely manmade.
With the number of people living in the urban areas increasing rapidly — owing to a high
population growth rate and migration from the rural areas — and cities projected to house
half the Pakistani population by 2050, the rising incidence of urban flooding presents a
major challenge to planners.
The solution demands a paradigm shift in existing urban development policies that must
look much beyond building roads, bridges and signal-free corridors for car owners and
encouraging city sprawls for the wealthy.
Each city requires a master plan to augment the water-carrying capacity of its sewerage
and storm water drainage systems in view of the increasing intensity of rainfall, to protect
green spaces, drain excess rainwater, discourage urban sprawl, improve solid waste
disposal and management, enhance the capacity of civic agencies, and so on.
Most importantly, the country’s collapsing cities need vibrant and financially and
administratively autonomous elected local governments for better urban management
and planning.
Without tackling the myriad problems our cities are facing in a holistic manner and
improving urban governance, the piecemeal measures are unlikely to eliminate menace
of pluvial flooding anytime soon.
Jenin incursion
ANOTHER day, another massacre. This is the violent reality that perpetually confronts
the Palestinian people. While the Israeli war machine usually reserves its barbaric wrath
for the impoverished coastal enclave of Gaza, this time it was the West Bank city of Jenin
that was subjected to state-sponsored violence. Trouble had been brewing since last
month, when Tel Aviv had dispatched helicopter gunships to the West Bank in a brazen
escalation of tensions. But on Monday, the Israelis launched a brutal two-day assault
targeting the Jenin refugee camp, ostensibly to hunt down Palestinian fighters. What
ensued is typical of the one-sided violence that has marked this decades-old conflict, with
Arab civilians facing the unrestrained cruelty of Israel’s military.
Perhaps it should be a relief that ‘only’ 12 Palestinians were killed — including several
children — as over 1,000 Israeli troops descended upon Jenin. Hundreds of homes have
been damaged or destroyed, while Jenin’s infrastructure, including water, electricity and
sewerage networks, lies in ruins. According to the UN, intentional attacks directed at
civilians not taking part in hostilities come under the ambit of war crimes. Unfortunately,
the UN’s human rights chief issued a tepid statement, meekly urging Israel to “minimise”
the use of lethal force. Washington’s reaction to the blitz was expected, with a
spokesperson defending Tel Aviv’s “right to defend its people”. Clearly, for those who
trumpet the sanctity of the international ‘rules-based order’, there are different rules for
different situations. When geopolitical enemies indulge in atrocities, there are howls of
protest and sanctimonious calls to sanction and punish the perpetrators. But when
friends, such as Israel, butcher civilians and flatten residential areas, the ‘right’ of these
comrades to defend themselves is underscored.
Israel is mistaken if it thinks such brutal actions will dim the Palestinian spirit of resistance.
In fact, each time Tel Aviv strikes, Arab fighters vow to strike back, and often deliver on
their promises, thus perpetuating the circle of violence. The two-state solution, or
whatever remains of it, has little chance of success when the Israeli establishment
considers Palestinians as subhuman, worthy of extermination and collective punishment.
Shockingly, Israel’s extremist national security minister was quoted as saying recently
that ‘terrorists’ (his ugly euphemism for Palestinians) must be ‘eliminated’ “if necessary
even [in the] thousands”. This ominous threat sounds like a plan for a mass anti-Arab
pogrom. The international community apparently lost interest in a viable Palestinian state
a long time ago. Yet, can those with a conscience globally at least speak up for the
Palestinians’ right to life and dignity? To be recognised as human beings and not be
subjected to wanton Israeli violence? Or will Palestinian civilians continue to be endlessly

killed and maimed in Israel’s elusive quest for ‘security’, as they remain silent?
Dirty water
A GASTROENTERITIS outbreak in a village located in Karachi’s Malir area underscores
the major hazards dirty water poses to public health. As reported, over 300 diarrhoea
cases have emerged in Sheedi Goth since late June, with one fatality. Local health
officials say contaminated water is to blame for the outbreak, and that cases usually spike
during summer. Water samples collected from the area had shown traces of E. coli and
Vibrio cholera. Though international observers say Pakistan has made progress in
improving sanitation conditions, there remain significant gaps in the provision of clean
water and proper sanitation services. For example, Unicef estimates that around 70pc of
households in this country may be drinking contaminated water, while some 53,000
children under five die every year from diarrhoea caused by dirty water and unsatisfactory
sanitation. In big cities like Karachi, the problem is twofold: there is not enough water to
go around — the megacity only gets around half of its requirement — while the water that
is supplied may not be fit for drinking unless it is filtered or boiled. In worse scenarios,
such as the recent outbreak in Malir, potable water may be mixed with sewage, creating
a health disaster.
Universally, water, sanitation and hygiene are linked by experts in one cluster, and
planners need to focus on delivering all three of these in order to protect public health
and reduce the dangers posed by waterborne diseases. While such diseases took a high
toll in the aftermath of last year’s monsoon floods, even in more ‘normal’ times the
population is susceptible to illnesses linked to dirty water and inadequate sanitation. The
solution lies in supplying clean potable water to all communities, and ensuring that
sewage and waste is properly disposed of. Moreover, communities need to be sensitised
about the link between sanitation and good health, particularly handwashing. Such a
combination of interventions could help bring down the disease burden considerably.
Ruling by proxy
DESPITE the enactment of a slew of tailor-made laws that have paved the way for his
‘safe’ return, and despite his party enjoying ostensible support from the state machinery,
Nawaz Sharif’s promised homecoming still seems elusive.
The three-time former prime minister was recently in the neighbourhood, and there was
feverish speculation that he may soon hop onto a plane for Lahore after his furtive
rendezvous with the PPP co-chairman in Dubai.
Reportedly, the two had chosen to meet away from prying ears and eyes to discuss the
modalities of the next general election and their political future.
However, soon after those talks, Mr Sharif seems to have jetted off west instead of
heading east, and it now appears that his arrival in the country is once again uncertain.
What exactly is his plan, and why does Mr Sharif, who only recently expressed a wish to
rule Pakistan for a fourth time, have such little interest in returning to the country?
There are many within the PML-N’s ranks who believe Mr Sharif’s extended sojourn in
London has greatly hurt the party’s prospects.
Without its ‘supreme leader’ around, the PML-N has experienced considerable internal
tension between those loyal to him, and those whose interests align more with his younger
brother’s.
These internal tensions have repeatedly come to the fore, especially over the man
appointed by Mr Sharif to manage Pakistan’s economic affairs since September last year.
Still, these disturbances have not been enough to convince the former prime minister to
return.
There have been rumours and speculation that the elder Sharif insists on being laundered
afresh by the state — ie, he wants all pending legal challenges against him dismissed or
neutralised before he returns. His government has certainly been working towards that
end, tinkering with accountability laws and skirmishing with the Supreme Court over past
verdicts.
However, while all of this may well clear his name on paper, the acid test of Mr Sharif’s
politics will be his acceptability to the Pakistani electorate, with which he has made no
effort to reconnect nor seems interested in doing so.
He must realise that he cannot expect to be handed the PM’s office on a platter. If he
legitimately wants to be PM again, he must return to Pakistan and seek his political
fortunes here instead of controlling its affairs through proxies.
Ten years of CPEC

ISLAMABAD and Beijing are celebrating a decade of CPEC this month. Indeed, this
decade has seen China become the biggest source of investment, loans and grants for,
and the largest trading partner of, Pakistan. Islamabad has so far received $25.4bn in
direct Chinese investment in various transport, energy, and infrastructure schemes under
the flagship connectivity and investment corridor project, part of Beijing’s Belt and Road
Initiative. The CPEC-related investments are in addition to the huge loans and currency
swap arrangement of CN¥30bn that Beijing has provided to Islamabad over the last 10
years to support its flagging economy, ease pressure on its weakening debt repayment
capacity and reduce its dependence on dollars for trade to protect its forex reserves. The
role played by China to help Islamabad avert a sovereign default was publicly
acknowledged by Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif the day after the IMF gave its initial nod
to the new short-term $3bn funding programme.
However, the CPEC initiative has not been without challenges and controversies. While
the opacity around the award of contracts to Chinese firms without any competition, tax
incentives given to them and high returns guaranteed for power generation projects under
CPEC raised many an eyebrow in the media and business circles in the country, doubts
raised by certain foreign elements led some to see the project as a debt trap. Most
controversies around the transport and infrastructure initiative have receded with time,
but concerns at the lack of transparency in the way the investment schemes are approved
still linger. It was because of such concerns that we have not seen much development —
greater bilateral cooperation in the industrial and agricultural sectors — in CPEC’s second
phase in the last five years.
The 10-year celebrations afford both countries an opportunity to take stock of what has
been achieved so far and chalk out the way forward for greater economic connectivity.
Pakistan must tweak its outdated industrial and agricultural policies to attract Chinese
investment and technology. This is of enormous importance for Pakistan, as it urgently
needs to boost its productivity to increase its exports and bridge the widening trade gap,
which is the main cause of its balance-of-payments crisis. We also need to close the trade
deficit of around $20bn with Beijing. That is not possible without quickly completing the
special economic zones to convince Chinese firms to relocate their manufacturing
facilities here for export back home and elsewhere in the world. Likewise, we need
Chinese experience and technology for boosting our agricultural output in order to curtail
rural poverty and create exportable surplus. At the same time, we should enhance our
efforts to link Afghanistan and the Central Asian states and, if and when possible, India
and other South Asian economies with this trade route to fully exploit CPEC’s true
potential.
Israeli sojourn
SEVERAL quarters have been testing the waters over the years to gauge the public
reaction to possible ties between Pakistan and Israel. These attempts include the famous
handshake between late military ruler Pervez Musharraf and Israeli leader Ariel Sharon
at the UN in 2005, to much more recent visits to Israel by foreign NGO-led delegations
that have included Pakistanis from different walks of life. But in the latest development,
five Pakistanis hailing from Sindh’s Mirpurkhas town have been nabbed by the authorities
for working ‘illegally’ in the Jewish state, with which this country does not have diplomatic
relations. The state got wind of their visits after wire transfers by the men, that originated
in Israel and were destined for Mirpurkhas, were detected. As per reports, the men had
menial jobs in Israel, while some accounts say the individuals had family members settled
in the Jewish state. Cases have been filed against the men for travel and ‘illegal
immigration’ to a country not recognised by Pakistan.
The Pakistani passport says that the document is valid for all countries of the world except
Israel, and travelling to a country for which the document is not valid is a violation of the
Passport Act of 1974. However, more clarity is needed to determine if the individuals
concerned actually had their Pakistani passports stamped by the Israeli authorities, or if
they had used alternative documents to enter that country. The debate on recognition
should also continue, particularly in parliament, so that decisions are taken in the national
interest. Right now, the Foreign Office says there is no change in Pakistan’s policy
towards Israel, and that this country “steadfastly supports the Palestinian people’s right
to self-determination”. Morally, this is the correct position, for while some of our Muslim
friends may already have embraced Tel Aviv, Pakistan should only consider the
establishment of relations with Israel if a negotiated settlement is achieved to settle the
Palestine question.
Troubled waters
SECURING Pakistan’s water rights, as spelled out by the Indus Waters Treaty signed
with India over six decades ago, is an existential issue for this country. Of late, there have
been some noises emanating from across the eastern border calling for changes to the
treaty. While the document can be altered, it cannot be done unilaterally. Unfortunately,
many of India’s actions regarding transboundary rivers have been questionable, and
jeopardise the free flow of the western rivers to Pakistan, as guaranteed by the IWT.
Amongst these actions is the construction of the Kishanganga project on the Jhelum in
held Kashmir, as well as the Ratle project on the Chenab, also in IHK. Pakistan had
initiated legal proceedings in 2016 against both schemes at the Permanent Court of
Arbitration in The Hague, and as the court recently confirmed, it was the competent
authority to adjudicate on the matter, rejecting India’s position that the court had no
jurisdiction in the said dispute. This has been seen as a vindication of Pakistan’s stance,
while the court noted that the decision was binding on all parties, and could not be
appealed.
The IWT allows for bilateral resolution of disputes — which India favours. Yet when
irritants cannot be addressed by both states, the treaty calls for the involvement of a
neutral expert, or a court of arbitration. Ideally disputes between Pakistan and India
should be resolved bilaterally. But as the past few years have shown, bilateralism has not
yielded any major dividends where dispute resolution is concerned, which leaves room
for third parties to step in and try their hand at mediation. Therefore, India needs to respect
the decision of The Hague court and not stonewall efforts to find a just and practicable
solution to the disputes concerning transboundary waters. Where India’s demands to alter
the IWT go, as mentioned above, it cannot be a unilateral decision. The treaty has proved
remarkably successful in tackling the sensitive technical and legal issues arising out of
the sharing of transboundary waters. The Indian government must not politicise the water
issue just to please its rabid voter base as elections in that country approach. Technical
and environmental issues must not be sacrificed at the altar of ultranationalist ideology.
For Pakistan, protecting its water rights is non-negotiable, and all efforts must be made
to let the Indus waters flow freely.
Keeping promises
THE commentariat has been abuzz ever since it emerged that the IMF had held separate
meetings with two political parties over the $3bn sought by Pakistan under a Stand-by
Arrangement. While the IMF also held a similar one-on-one meeting with the PPP, it was
the agency’s meeting with the PTI leadership that piqued the most curiosity.
However, the ensuing gossip, which gave the meeting a political tint, ignored a simple
fact: the only reason the IMF had sought the meetings was to secure assurances that
whatever agreement was eventually signed with the current government would not be
jeopardised by the next. To this end, all parties seem to have endorsed the deal that will
be presented to the IMF board on July 12. However, they must also reflect on why an
international lender felt the need to approach them individually.
As a nation, we have had a big problem keeping our promises. From the Reko Diq fiasco
to the IPP contracts signed in the PPP era, to the repeated violation of IMF deals —
Pakistan has a habit of failing to honour contracts and agreements, which has left it in a
very weak position in negotiations that must be backed by some form of sovereign
guarantee.
The usual reason behind our inability to keep our promises has either been a change of
policy following a change of government, or interference and ‘intervention’ by the other
branches of the state. The country has paid billions of dollars in direct fines and suffered
incalculable secondary losses due to this.
Even if the original agreements in the aforementioned cases may have been deleterious
to our national interests, refusing to honour them after they were signed was indefensible
under the timeless, universal laws that guide formal contracts.
When the wise talk about the need for a ‘charter of economy’, this is one of the main
issues they seek to address. The IMF, or any foreign entity interested in taking a stake in
the country, should not feel the need to have our officials jump through hoops in order to
satisfy it that they are, indeed, serious about the commitments they are making.
It is essential for this to happen that creditors and investors see some continuity in policy.
This can be ensured if government leaders involve the opposition in the decision-making
process so that any major reservations within political circles are cleared up well before
the country enters into any sovereign agreement.
All contracts should also be vetted thoroughly beforehand by the relevant parliamentary
committees to ensure that they are lawful. Once an agreement is finalised and inked, it
must then be honoured consistently. Protecting the national interest is important, but what
it means cannot keep changing, especially where sovereign contracts are concerned.
Drugged drone
IT seems we keep pace with avant-garde methods to circulate evil. Having used every
other way on land and sea — from drug mules to ships — we have now turned to the
latest technology. On Friday, a drone laden with six kilograms of drugs worth millions
crash-landed in Lahore’s Halloki area in Kahna town. Footage shows a large cluster of
yellow packs attached to the narco-flying machine. Even though international law and law
enforcers are not entirely prepared for drug drones, an inquiry to chart out its course such
as the point of take-off, operation and planned station was announced by the police.
Certainly, it is difficult for smugglers to compete with law-enforcement methods, but they
do manage to stay a few steps ahead of their chasers, by sea, land, air and now mid-air.
The fresh component of drug operations will make it challenging for the police and the
Anti-Narcotics Force to hunt down drug networks and more crucially, to prove possession
if the illicit substance carrier is being operated remotely. The ANF will have little choice
but to prosecute an accused for aiding and abetting the offence, which is a potentially
weak argument. The force has to match trafficking inventions with a new drone policy that
cuts in on narco-submersibles, already detected in Spain, so that illegal, unmanned flyers
are proscribed and their operators punished. Lyari’s ephedrine scorcher proves that the
forbidden substance business flourishes with political and police patronage. Therefore,
its source and support will neutralise any strategy. The drug trade is a fatal war on
humanity and mass awareness is the way to fast-track the undoing of the powerful.
However, the sudden appearance of a drug drone should not be startling. In fact, the ANF
should raise pertinent questions: how long have these been in use? It should know that
when these fail — in this case, crash — the smuggler will always have a new ploy up his
sleeve.
Ukraine’s Nato bid

WHEN Nato leaders meet in Vilnius, Lithuania, on Tuesday, they will be confronted with
an uncomfortable question: how far should the transatlantic alliance go in extending
membership to Ukraine? Certainly, the Ukrainians, led by their President Volodymyr
Zelensky, are lobbying Nato members intensely in order to secure the coveted
membership to the club. Yet many powerful members of the Western camp, while issuing
statements about ‘unity’ and ‘solidarity’ with Ukraine, know that accepting Kyiv into the
alliance would mean a direct war with Russia — a conflagration that would be far more
devastating than the current conflict, and would likely lead to war in much of Europe.
Officially, the Western states say that Ukrainian membership can only be considered once
the war with Russia is over. But deep down they know that letting Kyiv into the club now
or later would mean crossing swords with a nuclear-armed Moscow one day, as Article 5
of the North Atlantic Treaty speaks of collective defence: were Ukraine to become a Nato
member and hostilities with Russia continued, other Nato states would be obliged to come
to Kyiv’s defence directly. That is not an attractive thought for most Western capitals.
For sure, the Western bloc is playing a cunning game in Ukraine. The Nato states are
taking advantage of Russia’s ill-advised invasion of its western neighbour to wear down
Moscow. For example, the US has just allowed the delivery of cluster munitions to Kyiv,
even though many within the American administration acknowledge that these weapons
“create a risk of civilian harm”. Germany has opposed the decision, as has the UN
secretary general. The cluster bombs are the latest in a series of sophisticated Western
weapons that have reached the Ukrainian battlefield to supposedly teach Russia a
‘lesson’. While these weapons deliveries do raise the chances of a direct clash between
the West and Russia, a formal invitation to Ukraine to join Nato would be a considerable
escalation. Therefore, it would be highly inadvisable for the military bloc to issue the
invitation to Kyiv in Vilnius. The fact is that the growing threat of Nato and its arsenal near
Russia’s borders was a major trigger for Vladimir Putin’s invasion. Extending an invitation
to Ukraine would only deepen the crisis, and threaten the security of Europe and the wider
region.
Food concerns
THE government has put into gear a new strategy, backed by the army and financed by
the food-deficit Gulf countries and China, to tackle critical issues of low agricultural
productivity, food insecurity and food imports.
The Land Information and Management System–Centre of Excellence, launched on
Friday, will focus on transforming how farming is done in Pakistan with a view to
optimising agricultural output for improving domestic food security and creating
exportable surplus for the Gulf states and China.
It is being financed by Saudi assistance of $500m. The GIS-based initiative aims at
enhancing modern agro-farming, and utilising 22m acres of uncultivated state land. The
government is expecting huge investments in agriculture from the Gulf and China under
LIMS.
It is perhaps the first multipronged strategy designed to simultaneously target urgent
challenges related to agriculture: growing food insecurity, a surging food and agricultural
import bill and diminishing export surplus. The success of the new scheme is projected
to address these issues to a large extent.
While the LIMS initiative is a step in the right direction, its scope is likely to remain
confined to the foreign-funded agriculture projects under it — mostly for producing
exportable surplus for investing nations. With food insecurity rising in the country — the
World Food Programme has said that 37pc of Pakistanis are food-insecure and one-fifth
of them are facing a severe food crisis — it is imperative for policymakers to quickly design
strategies to deal with long-standing, deeper structural issues such as climate impact, soil
erosion, land fragmentation, lower crop yields, etc, All these are pulling down Pakistan’s
important agriculture sector.
This becomes even more critical as the population is projected to grow to 367.8m by
2050. The surging population has already put unbearable pressure on the food system,
and food insecurity in the country is billed to worsen in the coming years unless remedial
steps are taken now.
With the country’s agriculture sector characterised mostly by smallholder farmers, the rise
in the demand for food has to be met either through an increase in yield or expansion in
cultivable cropland. Pakistan needs to work on both as climate change, resulting in
droughts, floods, uncertain weather patterns, etc, is likely to increase the already
considerable stress on the food supply system.
There is no doubt that the government needs to encourage the utilisation of uncultivated
state land to boost crop output. Besides investing in swathes of wasteland to make them
cultivable, it must also put a stop to the encroachment of agricultural lands by sprawling
housing schemes.
A lot is required to be done to ensure food security and create exportable agricultural
surplus. The LIMS initiative is only the first step. The next one should focus on
strengthening the capacity of agricultural research institutions to increase yields.
Citizens’ despair
MUST our state be driven to action only after it has forced desperate citizens to grovel for
something they should be morally entitled to? A large number of affectees of Karachi’s
slipshod ‘development’ projects gathered on Sunday under the banner of the Ghar Bahali
Rally to shake the authorities out of their stupor and address their plight. It may be recalled
that the state has, in recent years, proceeded with the wholesale destruction of various
irregular settlements along previously neglected nullahs and rail lines in Karachi. The
affectees either lost their homes completely or were deprived of large parts of them as
pathways were literally cut right through residences to make way for storm water drainage
upgradation and intra-city transportation projects, etc. In response to widespread criticism
by rights organisations of the manner in which people were being displaced, the state had
promised to compensate the affectees by offering them either a rent support package or
alternative accommodation. As the Sunday rally showed, those promises do not seem to
have been kept in full.
This problem is not Karachi-specific. Our politicians are deeply fond of their grand
‘development’ projects but usually neglect to account for the negative externalities these
may create. It is easy, and cruel, to write off the tragedies inflicted on those affected by
them as something they somehow ‘deserve’ for ‘encroaching’ on state land. However, in
many cases, the land in question is found to have been fraudulently ‘leased’ to the
residents by unscrupulous elements from within state authorities. Even if that may not be
the case, the state cannot just ignore its moral responsibility towards citizens whom it is
depriving of the roof over their heads. In Karachi and elsewhere in the country, the state
must act with compassion when dealing with those who stand to lose the most from its
schemes and provide an adequate remedy for any losses citizens may have to bear.
Population Day
AS the global community observes World Population Day today, a strange dilemma
confronts humanity. In many developed states, such as Japan, South Korea and many
European countries, populations are declining as people age and birth rates are low. This
‘negative population growth’ throws up its own set of challenges, as a day may come
when there will not be enough human resources to keep societies functioning efficiently,
while pension bills shoot up. On the other hand, there are resource-strained developing
states like Pakistan, where the population growth rate remains high, and feeding,
educating and keeping such large masses healthy is a major challenge. The numbers of
the recently concluded census suggest nearly 250m people live in the country; the 2017
head count showed a population of around 208m. The fertility rate is high, as are the
number of unwanted pregnancies and abortions, estimated in the millions. Yet despite
these alarming numbers, no one at the helm seems to have a coherent strategy to ensure
a more sustainable population growth rate.
Rather than enforcing state efforts to ‘control’ the population, the centre and the provinces
need to give families, particularly women, the information and tools required to help them
plan the ideal number of children. This can help reduce unwanted pregnancies and
improve maternal health. Providing women information and contraceptives through
culturally appropriate methods can aid the goal of planned parenthood. Considering the
mostly conservative milieu of our society, it is essential that the clergy and community
leaders are brought on board to promote family planning. The notion that planned families
are against religious norms can easily be disabused by pointing out that countries such
as Iran, Saudi Arabia and Bangladesh — all Muslim states — have successfully reduced
their respective population growth rates. The criteria of the National Finance Commission
award, which, in effect, rewards high population, can also be revamped to give provinces
incentives to achieve more sustainable numbers. Pakistan needs to stay away from both
extremes: policies such as the one-child scheme that infringe on personal rights as well
as letting the population grow unhindered. Instead, balanced and progressive community-
led and state-supported initiatives are needed to encourage family planning. If this is not
done, a dystopian future likely awaits us, where there are simply not enough resources
to support a huge population.
Aiding investment
THE new Pakistan Investment Policy 2023 appears to have been driven by the
government’s short- to medium-term objective of facilitating ‘promised’ investment from
the Gulf countries, and the longer-term goal of improving the overall business
environment at home to enhance investment-to-GDP ratio to 20pc.
The World Bank estimates that investment will plunge to 13.3pc as a ratio of GDP during
the present financial year from 15pc in FY20. Designed in collaboration with multilateral
financial institutions, the policy is expected to attract $20-25bn in investment over the next
few years.
The government has indicated that the GCC nations are very interested in investing in
different segments of Pakistan’s economy to support development. The prime minister
has already formed a Special Investment Facilitation Council to overcome any obstacles
in the way of the project.
The policy will focus on reducing the cost and facilitating the ease of doing business,
streamlining business processes and promoting the convergence of trade, industrial and
monetary policies. It offers numerous incentives to foreign investors, including elimination
of the minimum equity requirement and permission to invest in all sectors, barring a few.
The investors will be able to remit their entire profits back home in their own currencies
and receive special protection. They will be also allowed to lease land without restriction,
and transfer any land they hold without limitation. The policy lifts restrictions on foreign
real estate developers.
Foreign investors will be permitted to hold a 60pc stake in agricultural projects and 100pc
equity in corporate farming.
Recent trends show that FDI flows are directed mostly towards politically and
economically stable economies that have strong foundations for future growth and can
access broader markets.
Other factors that influence foreign investors’ decisions include tax rates, regulatory
transparency, policy consistency, technological infrastructure and a secure environment.
Sadly, we lag far behind even regional countries on these counts. No wonder foreign firms
are exiting our market.
Even Chinese firms looking for relocation of their manufacturing facilities for export back
home and elsewhere in the world are reluctant to invest here. Pakistan stands at a critical
juncture in its history: it can turn its economic crisis into an opportunity by quickly
implementing governance and structural reforms to attract investment or suffer on
account of inaction.
The new policy will likely woo official investment from friendly foreign governments. But
private foreign investment flows will not materialise unless we fix all our systems that can
affect an investor in any way.
Maternal mortality
SOME dismal data should force us to question ourselves: for how long will Pakistan’s
mothers die to give birth? A recent progress report published by three agencies of the UN
shows Pakistan ranked third among the top 10 nations with the highest rate of maternal
and neonatal mortality and stillbirths in 2020. The country’s total record was an alarming
474,000. Maternal deaths rose to 10,000, stillbirths stood at 207,000 with 257,000
neonatal fatalities. The picture turns darker with Trends in Maternal Mortality report.
Released some months ago, it threw up crushing snags in the wellbeing of women;
maternal deaths “either increased or stagnated” in most parts of the globe — a woman
loses her life to pregnancy or childbirth every two minutes, resulting in over 280,000
casualties a year. Therefore, the organisations believe that if the world slackens, slowing
progress to meet global targets to lessen maternal deaths, it will put over a million women
in danger by 2030.
It has been repeatedly pointed out that the arrant imbalances in urban and rural health
services, inadequate nutrition, absence of access to health needs and poor awareness
are killing our women. Anaemia, haemorrhage and deficiencies are among the most
common causes of deaths. And a majority of rural deliveries are carried out by unskilled
midwives who must be the focus of government-led training programmes, in collaboration
with health experts and aided by mass distribution of safe delivery supplies. In short,
traditional birth methods should be strengthened with professional healthcare to make
active use of resources, awareness and quality. The controversial area of contraception,
hostage to religious politics and patriarchy, robs an uneducated woman of her
reproductive rights, who then conceives more often than her body can endure. Authorities
cannot shy away from false ‘taboos’; these have to be defied with forceful media
campaigns and door-to-door drives by health workers to educate clans, especially men.
Mothers cannot fear birth.
No takers?
THE Punjab government’s lethargy is puzzling. Repeating a demand that it had last made
about eight months ago, the ECP has once again asked it to do away with a law
mandating the use of electronic voting machines and introducing i-voting in local
government elections. However, there seems to be little enthusiasm about taking the
matter up. The ECP has made it clear it cannot use EVMs or i-voting technologies in the
still-pending LG polls, which Section 47(1) of the Punjab Local Government Act obligates
it to implement. Though the Punjab government previously changed the rules to revoke
the requirement, the relevant LG law remains unchanged, which presents a legal hurdle
for the ECP. It may be recalled that similar provisions in the Elections Act had been
repealed by the PDM government at the federal level soon after it came to power. Any
requirement to use EVMs and i-voting as a mandatory part of an electoral exercise has
been consistently opposed by the ECP on technical grounds, which mainly concern the
logistical challenges involved in rolling out such a large-scale revamp of the electoral
exercise.
It may be recalled that the chief election commissioner had described the previous Punjab
government’s decision to implement EVMs and i-voting in local government polls as “a
stunt meant to drag [its] feet on the already delayed electoral exercise”. However, with
the PTI and its allies having been replaced by an interim government which is on more
than friendly terms with the centre, it is puzzling why the ‘stunt’ still hasn’t been undone.
The legal limits on the interim government’s powers surely cannot be the reason,
considering it hasn’t exactly been shy about bending the rules. The electoral body,
meanwhile, seems more than ready to conduct the exercise. Could it be that the political
parties themselves are a little unwilling to hold LG polls in Punjab, with the fate of the
general election still up in the air? It stands to reason that all parties will be keen to grab
as much power as they can in the province after the ‘curtailment’ of the PTI. However,
with the contenders still uncertain about whether or not they need to stick together for the
near future, could it be that they are simply avoiding a political clash that could create
complications for the centre?
Kurram clashes
CONSIDERING the troubled history of sectarian tensions in KP’s Kurram tribal district,
and the impact violence in the region can have on communal relations in the rest of the
country, the authorities need to act with alacrity as soon as disturbances emerge.
Unfortunately, the district has again witnessed bloodshed, with several deaths and
injuries reported after a tribal clash erupted on Friday — apparently, the result of a quarrel
between the residents of two settlements over a disputed parcel of land in upper Kurram.
The violence has continued since. In fact, there are numerous land disputes — some
dating to the pre-partition era — among tribes in the district. Worryingly, tribal and
communal disputes often take on a sectarian colour in Kurram.
Even more distressing are the claims of some local residents that terrorists of two banned
groups, the TTP and Lashkar-i-Jhangvi, have been involved in the latest episode of
bloodletting.
The authorities face two major challenges in the current situation: to end the violence and
prevent land disputes from descending into bloodshed, and to ensure that sectarian
narratives, amplified by social media, do not inflame the situation, especially as Muharram
approaches.
Firstly, Kurram itself must be pacified and calm restored, as a humanitarian situation is
developing, with people facing shortages of food, fuel and medicine due to the clashes.
This is the second major outbreak of tribal/sectarian violence this year; earlier in May, the
region experienced a bout of bloodshed as several people, including teachers, were killed
in targeted attacks.
That episode was also linked to land disputes. After calm returns, the land commission
formed by the KP government should address the land disputes that are at the heart of
these clashes judiciously, while the parties involved must abide by their commitments,
with violators penalised by the state.
Secondly, the situation requires the security forces to keep a vigilant eye on the
movement of banned sectarian militants in this sensitive region. If these elements are not
checked, they can further endanger Kurram’s fragile communal peace.
With Muharram just a week away, the state as well as the clergy need to put in extra effort
to prevent the Kurram clashes from being exploited by vested interests that want to fan
sectarian hatred across the country.
In particular, social media accounts that promote violence and hatred, and spread
unfounded rumours likely to fuel violence in society, should be monitored. Secondly,
clergymen from both sects need to use the pulpit to defuse tensions, instead of fanning
the flames.
Kurram and its surrounding areas have been witnessing a tense calm for the last decade
or so after several years of bloodshed. The local people should not be abandoned again
by the state, left to deal with the escalating sectarian violence on their own.
Historical failings
AWAY from the media’s obsessive limelight on domestic politics, a three-day international
symposium, organised to shine a spotlight on Pakistan’s Buddhist heritage, is attempting
to breathe a new life into a sector that has traditionally been poorly understood. Home to
many sites considered sacred by adherents of the Buddhist religion, as well as a rich
trove of Gandhara artefacts, Pakistan seems to recognise the potential of religious and
archaeological tourism but has never really understood how it must go about promoting
it. Take the symposium in question, for example. Though several monks, scholars and
historians had been invited from Sri Lanka, Nepal, Thailand, China, Malaysia, South
Korea and Vietnam to witness the opening ceremony, the organisers were not able to
include a recitation from Buddhist religious texts. Had this simple act been allowed it
would have been a fitting show of respect for an ancient belief system and the civilisations
it inspired. One wonders what message the esteemed guests instead took away from the
experience.
It was telling that religious heads from various countries made mention of Pakistan’s
‘image issue’. One way to improve it would be to own, develop and preserve Gandhara
as Pakistani heritage, they suggested. That tells us everything we need to know about
how our relationship with our own past is perceived internationally. Though considerable
work has been done in recent years to improve and preserve ancient sites of religious or
archaeological significance to make them attractive to foreign tourists, we still seem to
treat our history and heritage as a commodity that is to be ‘sold’ mainly to outsiders.
Instead, it ought to be something that we cherish as a part of our national identity. Till
foreign visitors start seeing that we take as much joy in preserving and celebrating our
shared heritage as they do in interacting with it, we cannot expect them to return home
with good stories that encourage others to visit.
Countering hate
THE adoption of a resolution on Wednesday at the UN Human Rights Council in Geneva
condemning religious hatred is a victory for all those who believe in tolerance and mutual
respect. Pakistan was instrumental in introducing and mustering support for the motion,
which was backed by 28 states out of 47 members of the council. The resolution calls
upon the UN to publish a report on religiously motivated hatred, and for states to review
laws so that lacunae that “impede the prevention and prosecution of acts and advocacy
of religious hatred” can be addressed. What is welcome is that many non-Muslim states
supported the move, including China, Ukraine, various Latin American and African states
and, surprisingly, India. Unfortunately, the Western bloc — Europe and the US — tried
their best to block the resolution, trotting out the familiar excuse of free speech to justify
their opposition. But as one observer in Geneva commented, the West is “losing the
argument”. More likely, the West lost the plot a long time ago, as perhaps Western leaders
do not realise, or choose not to realise, how deeply disrespectful provocative acts like
attacking the Quran or Islam’s sacred personalities are to the world’s Muslims. While
many non-Muslim states in the Global South appreciate the effort to outlaw religious
hatred, the Western bloc stubbornly clings to academic, debatable notions of free speech
to protect those who demonise Islam, and in fact lay the groundwork for violence against
Muslims. To put things in perspective, just as questioning the Holocaust is a crime in
many European societies, similarly, Islam’s sacred symbols are a red line in Muslim
societies.
Sadly, many European societies do not appear to have moved on from their centuries-
old prejudices when it comes to demonising Islam and Judaism. The Holocaust was the
most egregious recent example of racial and religious hatred perpetrated by a European
state. But go back in the mists of time and the horrors following the Spanish Reconquista
— in which Muslims and Jews were forcibly converted and later expelled from the Iberian
Peninsula — tell a tale of extreme intolerance. Do these vile prejudices live on in today’s
West, camouflaged by the need to protect free speech? This is a question the West must
answer, and prove its commitment to respecting other cultures by disallowing attacks on
the symbols held sacred by billions.
Election time
HAS the PDM government formally decided to quit office in the first half of August? It
would appear so from the remarks Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif made on Wednesday
during a function in the capital where he sought to rectify his earlier slip-up of mentioning
Aug 14 as the last day of the current National Assembly.
A day earlier, the premier had held a meeting with the chief of the PDM coalition, Maulana
Fazlur Rehman, in which the latter reportedly stressed that elections in the country
needed to be held on time.
The prime minister’s whirlwind meeting with Mr Rehman had followed a high-level huddle
between the senior leadership of the PPP and PML-N in Dubai, to which the JUI-F chief,
much to his chagrin, had not been invited.
The Dubai huddle, aimed at deciding candidates for the caretaker set-up and a possible
seat adjustment formula for the upcoming elections, failed to achieve “anything final”,
according to PPP leaders.
Nonetheless, the PML-N has now indicated when their coalition arrangement is due to
expire. This clears up some of the uncertainty about the path forward: the PDM
government, at least, will not overstay its welcome
It is intriguing, however, that the prime minister desisted from providing even a rough
timeline for when the next general elections could be held, leaving the matter to the
Election Commission of Pakistan.
Technically, the ECP is the relevant authority empowered to announce the election
schedule, but its conduct with respect to the elections to the Khyber Pakhhtunkhwa and
Punjab assemblies — repeatedly delayed in violation of the Constitution — gives rise to
justified fears that the path to the next polls may not be straightforward at all.
It is now up to the ECP to clear the air completely. There have been rumours that
whatever caretaker set-up is brought in to take the reins from the PDM government may
stay on for longer than two or three months, much like the KP and Punjab interim
governments, which have continued in office long after their respective tenures expired.
If something like this transpires, it would be antithetical to the entire raison d’être of the
ECP. The law minister recently argued during a television show that no power on earth
could compel the ECP to set a date for any election, even if the ECP is clearly in violation
of the law of the land.
Does his twisted logic betray the true intentions of the state? One hopes that the country
will not be taken along on another misadventure. The country desperately needs an
empowered government formed after a free and fair election to take it forward. Any move
to thwart this will only be seen as another blatant subversion of its constitutional order.
Unliveable city
KARACHI makes it to the news for all the wrong reasons, with high crime, crumbling
infrastructure and pollution topping the list. Perhaps, then, it is no surprise that the
Economist Intelligence Unit has ranked the Sindh capital amongst the least liveable cities
of the world. Karachi has come in at an unenviable 169th position out of 173 cities in
2023. The metropolis has consistently featured at the bottom of this ranking for the past
several years. There is a background behind repeatedly earning this dubious distinction.
Despite being the nation’s economic engine, Karachi has, over the decades, gotten the
rough end of the stick from both the federal and provincial governments. Perhaps the rot
started in the Ayub era, when the ‘field marshal,’ not known to be much of an admirer of
the city, decided to shift the capital further north. In the decades since, Karachi has
suffered as its population has swelled, and its urban sprawl has spread exponentially,
while the state has not been able to keep pace where providing facilities and services is
concerned. The result has been the transformation of this city into a hard-to-navigate
urban jungle that ranks near the bottom of liveable cities.
Perhaps this presents a major opportunity for the newly elected Mayor of Karachi Murtaza
Wahab to change these negative perceptions. This can best be done not through PR
campaigns, but by giving Karachi the funds it needs and the empowered local government
it requires to transform itself into a liveable 21st-century megacity. While it is true that
large swathes of the city are not under the KMC’s control, and are run by federal
organisations and the military, the mayor can make a strong case for regaining
administrative control of the entire city by running in an exemplary manner those areas
that fall within his jurisdiction. Considering that his party runs the provincial government,
Mayor Wahab should have no excuses about lacking the power to manage Karachi.
Only a ‘breather’
LEST we forget amid the euphoria over the new $3bn IMF loan, Pakistan, with 23 bailouts,
has been the most frequent customer of the lender of last resort for many years.
And we’re likely to maintain this distinction for the next several years even if we start right
away fixing our economy’s structural problems, which take us to the brink and the IMF
every few years.
The fact that Pakistan has completed only one programme successfully — that too
without fully achieving its targets — inspires little confidence in the capability and resolve
of our leadership to take us to the ‘finish line’ under the new nine-month facility either.
They have repeatedly demonstrated their impatience with shortcuts to growth for political
mileage, breaching the agreements with the lender midway.
That said, the critical importance of the new IMF bailout for the country’s flagging
economy can’t be overstated. The IMF board signing off on the loan has already
brightened up the economy.
Fears of a sovereign default before the end of 2023 have receded, and Pakistan’s dollar
bonds have rallied rapidly since the initial approval of the agreement on June 29.
The rupee has strengthened against the dollar, the stock market is jubilant, Fitch has
upgraded Pakistan’s credit rating by a notch, and the Saudis and Emiratis have deposited
the promised $2bn and $1bn, respectively, to shore up SBP’s forex reserves.
The government is dubbing these developments as indicators of economic recovery,
claiming the ‘hard times’ are over. Well, yes, the hard times may be behind us for the
moment. But does this bailout signify the end of our problems? It doesn’t.
It gives us a few stable months to conduct the elections and service external debt over
the next six months, but doesn’t really change the fundamentals of the economy such as
insufficient tax revenues, low exports, import-based consumption, and so on.
However, it can help us get back on our feet if we use this ‘breather’ as a bridge to broad-
based reforms for longer-term debt sustainability and growth. We’re in the deepest ever
crisis of our own making and living on borrowed money and time.
We’ve avoided tough decisions for too long, hoping the world would bail us out. No more.
There is no way around reforms. No matter how painful they may be, it’d still be worth it
in the end.
Menaced by terrorism
THERE is no mistaking the hydra-headed monster of militancy that Pakistan is facing.
The last few days have been particularly illustrative of the evolving nature of this multi-
dimensional threat. On Wednesday, two separate attacks — both by little-known groups
— took place in Balochistan’s Sui and Zhob areas, resulting in the martyrdom of 12
soldiers and a civilian. Seven militants were also killed in the incidents. The Sui attack
was claimed by a Baloch insurgent outfit while the other, an assault on a military
installation in Zhob Cantt, was claimed by the Tehreek-i-Jihad Pakistan. There was
speculation about the latter being a splinter group of the TTP, which denied this; some
are now suggesting it is an independent group ‘inspired’ by the Islamic State’s Khorasan
chapter. The shape-shifting nature of the militant landscape intensifies the existing
challenge. According to a recent report by the Centre for Research and Security Studies,
the 267 fatalities of security personnel recorded in the first two quarters of 2023 make up
nearly 93pc of their fatalities during the entire preceding year.
Meanwhile, KP police recently shed some light on another category of terrorism: target
killing. Its counter-terrorism department has claimed that IS-K is behind the murders of
several Islamic scholars as well as members of minority communities in Peshawar,
adding that some 60 IS-K members broke out of prison after the Afghan Taliban’s return
to power in Kabul and managed to enter Pakistan. At least three Sikhs, an equal number
of Muslim clerics and a Christian have been mowed down in the city since February 2023.
The victims’ profile illustrates how no one is safe from violent religious extremists: those
in their cross hairs can be from minority communities or from the majority faith. All it takes
is a twisted mindset that rejects diversity and freedom of religion so vehemently that it
does not even consider sacrosanct the right to life itself.
According to the KP CTD, it is closing in on a group of 15 to 20 IS-K militants in order to
put it out of action. This cannot be done soon enough. The killing of IS-K leader Sanaullah
Ghafari in Afghanistan last month by the Afghan Taliban is likely to be only a temporary
setback for an organisation known for its resilience. And with the Kabul regime refusing
to take coercive action against other terrorist organisations — their ideological brothers-
in-arms — operating from their soil, attacks in Pakistan may escalate further. As per the
CRSS report, one security operation was carried out every second day on average in the
first six months of this year; at the same time though, more than one attack occurred
every day. Pakistan and regional countries must impress upon the Afghan Taliban the
absolute necessity of putting militants of all stripe out of business. Otherwise, an endless,
Sisyphean task lies ahead.
Killer loan sharks

WITH many working- and middle-class families battling high inflation and/or
unemployment, people are taking desperate measures. Amongst these are some opting
to borrow money from digital loan apps, many of which seem to operate outside of any
regulatory control and criminally exploit borrowers.
The recent tragic death of a man in Rawalpindi, who reportedly took his own life after
being hounded by digital loan sharks, highlights the need for the state to rein in these
exploitative operations, and for people to exercise caution before turning to too-good-to-
be-true lenders, who promise ‘easy money’.
As reported, the victim had taken a Rs13,000 loan through a digital app to help pay the
rent and his children’s school fees. The victim had been unemployed for several months.
However, due to extortionate interest rates, the dues rapidly increased, and after
borrowing more money from another app, the victim’s liabilities had ballooned into tens
of thousands of rupees. Threats and blackmail by the loan sharks ultimately led the
desperate victim to take his own life.
The FIA has moved in and reportedly raided the offices of the loan sharks. However, more
thorough steps are needed to put these exploitative enterprises — which prey on
desperate people — out of business.
Last year, the SECP had said that digital lenders had been forbidden from taking coercive
steps while making recoveries, while the Competition Commission of Pakistan had urged
people to exercise caution before approaching online lenders.
Clearly, the regulatory framework has failed to monitor these dubious operators, as the
death of the Rawalpindi man shows. App stores, SECP and FIA all have a role in ensuring
that digital lenders are registered, comply with national laws, and display terms in clear
language the common man can understand.
People also need to steer clear of questionable enterprises that offer instant cash, and
should opt for established microfinance institutions, while the state should also support
financing options that can help people tide over difficult times.
SME growth hurdles

A NEW study by the Competition Commission of Pakistan has once again highlighted the
“lack of access” to private sector credit as the key barrier to SME growth. The study —
Enhancing Economic Efficiency of SMEs in Pakistan — notes that the SME sector
receives a mere 6-7pc of private sector financing despite “policy measures” — introduced
mainly by the State Bank — to raise their share to 17pc of the total private sector credit.
This compares with a 25pc share of SME financing from private sector credit in
Bangladesh and 18pc in India. It points out that 93pc of the SMEs surveyed had
complained that it was “cumbersome” to avail credit facilities from banks and that 80pc of
them had not utilised formal financing. The study recommends that the central bank
should consider allocating to the financial institutions separate lending targets for small
enterprise and medium enterprise, set sector-specific goals, provide separate financing
facilities (for poor districts) and introduce standardised pricing of insurance and evaluation
reports. It says that non-bank financial institutions can play an “important role” in providing
credit to start-ups and SMEs.
Sadly, neither the diagnosis of the main factor stunting SME growth, nor the treatment
suggested to facilitate their access to formal credit is new. Successive governments have
repeatedly pledged to increase SME credit as well as create ease of doing business for
them in the last three decades. The first ‘concerted effort’ to achieve this objective was
made in the mid-1990s when the government created a dedicated organisation, Smeda,
to design and implement policies for the development of small to medium businesses.
Ever since its inception, Smeda has done many things except that. The major reason
behind the slow development of SMEs is related to the country’s tax regime that treats
large corporations and small businesses alike, and carries a regulatory burden that even
big companies find hard to comply with. That is good enough reason for SMEs to stay
undocumented even if it means no business expansion. On top of that, the State Bank’s
prudential regulations and commercial banks’ aversion to risk is hampering the supply of
formal credit to SMEs that normally don’t have collateral to pledge against loans. SMEs
will remain underfunded, inefficient and small unless the government and industry
regulators formulate a separate, progressive taxation regime and an uncomplicated
regulatory structure to support their growth.
An opportunity?
WITH several important questions still hanging over the upcoming election, the prime
minister has an opportunity to do some lasting good.
On Thursday, Shehbaz Sharif reiterated his government’s intention to pack up and hand
the reins over to a caretaker set-up upon the expiry of its term in August, yet offered little
indication of when and how the handover process will begin.
With just four weeks remaining in the 15th National Assembly’s tenure, the legally
required consultations that must take place between the prime minister and opposition
leader in the National Assembly over candidates for the caretaker government have yet
to begin.
The nation waits with bated breath to know who will be ruling while the political parties
campaign, and for how long. The names of several controversial characters have been
doing the rounds, and it is with quiet trepidation that many have been speculating the
actual ‘mandate’ of the interim set-up that will be announced.
Given the absence of any real opposition in the National Assembly, the consultation
process, at the moment, appears to be a mere formality. The opposition leader, a PTI
turncoat keen on securing a ticket from another political party, is unlikely to have any
strong or independent opinions on the matter.
In any case, the PML-N and PPP seem to have already discussed, if not decided, the
nominees between themselves during a recent huddle in Dubai. Must it be so, though?
The appointment of any individual whose credentials are not beyond reproach would mark
the first step towards a questionable election, the implications and consequences of which
will be impossible for the next government to escape.
On the other hand, this could also be an opportunity for Mr Sharif to salvage his rather
troubled first stint as the country’s chief executive.
The outgoing prime minister has already redeemed himself somewhat by ensuring a
degree of economic stability with the last-minute IMF deal. He can now end his first
government on an even stronger note if he can bring back some political stability before
wrapping up.
To this end, Mr Sharif must consider convening a multiparty conference to take a joint
decision regarding the caretaker set-up. Doing so could be the coup de grâce to what has
been a dark and regrettable chapter in the country’s political history.
Of course, he has no compulsion to do so: the PTI abdicated its right to have a say in the
matter when its members resigned en masse from the National Assembly last year. But
Mr Sharif has a legacy to consider.
He leads one of Pakistan’s largest political parties and should not call curtains on his
government looking like a villain. The upcoming elections should promise a fresh start,
not the rerun of an already failed experiment.
Threat from AI?

IT has been just months since generative artificial intelligence exploded in the public
imagination with the arrival and ‘mainstreaming’ of ChatGPT, Midjourney, DALL-E,
DeepMind and the like, and already, humanity is in confrontation with these highly
disruptive technologies. Far away in Tinseltown, the Screen Actors Guild-American
Federation of Television and Radio Artists, a major labour union that represents around
160,000 people associated with the American film and television industries, including A-
list actors, is leading a high-profile strike against the erosion of their rights brought about
by the rise of AI and new media. The protesters, who have triggered the first industry-
wide shutdown in Hollywood in 63 years, are seeking better pay and protections against
the future use of AI in television and films. “Compensation has been severely eroded by
the rise of the streaming ecosystem. Furthermore, artificial intelligence poses an
existential threat to creative professions,” SAG-AFTRA said in a statement after
negotiations with major Hollywood studios fell through.
Among other things, the union wants performers protected against their physical
likenesses being used as “digital doubles” in commercials and other media. It is also
seeking restrictions on the training of any AI programmes to emulate an actor based on
their existing work. It has made it clear that AI should not be used to replicate an actor
without seeking permission and paying the actor in question. That all of this is no longer
just sci-fi fantasy but a real possibility is a testament to how rapidly AI has evolved in
recent years. Just months ago, scientists and key leaders in the technology space
petitioned to stop work on AI systems to allow humanity to catch up with the implications
of its creations. Computers, even experts now seem to agree, have arrived at the cusp of
overtaking their makers. What brave new world will we see them create? As anyone who
has tinkered around with AI knows, the possibilities are daunting.
Battle for Punjab

WITH the PML-N ruling out any major seat adjustments in the upcoming polls, the battle
for Punjab is very much on. In contrast to the 2018 election, where Punjab was the PTI-
PML-N battleground, bets on whether any one party will emerge a big winner in the
province in the next election are difficult to place in view of today’s political realities. The
PTI may appear a shell of its former self, with no obvious candidates, but its vote bank
remains intact — going by how it trounced the PML-N in the by-elections held after Imran
Khan’s ouster as prime minister. The entry of the newly created IPP, the handful of
constituencies that are the PPP’s stronghold in Punjab, and the increasingly popular
presence of the TLP point to a divided province, where electoral loyalties, anti-
establishment sentiment and perception will determine the winners.
This makes the PML-N’s challenge even more pronounced. Though a part of the PDM
ruling alliance, the PML-N has been the face of the government with Shehbaz Sharif as
prime minister and key N-leaguers dominating the cabinet. Rising costs, inflation and the
months-long bungling of the IMF deal have cost the PML-N in the eyes of a public battered
by growing economic hardships. To add to that, former prime minister Nawaz Sharif’s
continued absence from Pakistan has dealt a major blow to perceptions about the party.
The question of his return, and of who will lead the party if and when he does return,
remains unanswered. Power dynamics within the Sharif family have added to the
confusion. If the PML-N manages to bag a major number of seats, will it put Maryam
Sharif, Shehbaz Sharif or Nawaz Sharif in the driving seat? To top it off, PML-N’s anti-
establishment narrative, which had struck a chord with its support base over the last few
years, is practically non-existent. It is widely believed that Shehbaz Sharif became prime
minister with the blessings of the kingmakers, a reality at odds with the narrative of the
elder Sharif. These challenges make the coming weeks a decisive period for the PML-N,
where it must decide on the key issues of Nawaz Sharif’s return, iron out family politics
and set its election narrative. Without addressing these points, even with the clear
advantage the PML-N has over PTI in the coming election, a major victory looks out of
reach.
Out of patience
THE martyrdom of 12 soldiers — the military’s highest single-day death toll from terrorist
attacks this year — in two incidents in Balochistan this week is the likely catalyst for the
change in tenor.
Pakistan’s displeasure with the Afghan Taliban’s accommodating approach to militant
outfits (barring IS-K) on their soil has been expressed more sharply than usual, with two
messages from the highest echelons of the state coming on consecutive days.
On Friday, the military’s media wing released a statement denouncing the “safe havens
and liberty of action available to TTP in Afghanistan”. Then, yesterday, Defence Minister
Khawaja Asif criticised the Taliban regime for “neglecting its duties as a neighbouring and
fraternal country”, and for disregarding the counterterrorism commitments it had made in
the Doha peace agreement.
“This situation cannot continue any longer,” he said. Although Mr Asif refrained from
saying that Pakistan would engage in hot pursuit of terrorists across the border into
Afghanistan, as he asserted some months ago, Pakistan’s patience with Kabul is clearly
wearing thin.
The ISPR statement about the Afghan Taliban’s inaction vis-à-vis counterterrorism is
particularly significant as the security establishment has thus far avoided commenting on
the situation so directly. There is good reason for matters having deteriorated to this point.
When the Taliban marched into Kabul in August 2021, Pakistan’s leadership was
sanguine in the belief that a ‘friendly’ regime had come to power next door. Subsequent
events laid bare the fallacy of this assumption. The reality of the situation is reflected in a
recent UN report which says that 20 terrorist groups enjoy “freedom of movement under
the Taliban’s protection”.
Of these, the regime’s ties with the TTP are “the closest”; in fact, they are considered
“part of the emirate”. The doctrine of ‘strategic depth’ appears to have unravelled
comprehensively.
What can Pakistan do in this situation, aside from voicing its opprobrium to an Afghan
dispensation that is impervious to being relegated to the status of an international pariah
on account of its human rights violations? While bilateral efforts must continue, a regional
approach is more likely to make headway.
Such efforts have already begun: in Beijing last month, China, Pakistan and Iran held
their first trilateral meeting on the regional security situation. It bears considering that
there is a chink in the armour of the Taliban. As the aforementioned UN report dwelt upon
at some length, there is a growing schism within its leadership, between the ideologues
in Kandahar and the ‘pragmatists’ in Kabul.
In January, a Chinese firm signed a multimillion-dollar deal to extract oil from the Amu
Darya basin, the first significant foreign investment under the Taliban. The prospect of
further such investment in cash-strapped Afghanistan — or the risk of losing it — would
surely engage the interest of the pragmatists.
Hockey hopes
A HOME boost could well prove the tonic Pakistan need to make it back to the Olympics
hockey tournament. Having failed to qualify for the 2016 Rio Games and the 2020 Tokyo
Games — held a year later due to Covid-19 — Pakistan have been awarded the hosting
of the Paris 2024 qualifying tournament. The tournament’s top three teams will seal their
berth at the quadrennial global extravaganza and it effectively means that even if Pakistan
fail to win the Asian Games, they will have a qualifying route. The Olympic qualifying
tournament is the first tournament that Pakistan, ranked 16th globally, will host in nearly
two decades — the last was the 2004 Champions Trophy. Pakistan’s head coach Rehan
Butt has stressed the target is the Asian Games even though recent results haven’t been
impressive. Pakistan finished seventh in last year’s Commonwealth Games and at the
inaugural FIH Nations Cup but have been buoyed by the performance of their junior
players who were runners-up at this year’s Under-23 Asia Cup. Next month, Pakistan are
due to participate at the Asian Champions Trophy in India, with the Asian Games in China
to follow in September. Some players who featured in the Under-23 Asia Cup, where
Pakistan narrowly lost to India, have been included in the squad for the Asian Champions
Trophy. The tournament is a chance to see where the national team stands ahead of the
Asian Games, which offer a spot at the Olympics for the winner.
Having won the Olympic gold thrice, Pakistan were once hockey’s undisputed kings. But
the sport has been in turmoil over the last decade, Dutchman Siegfried Aikman leaving
his post as head coach only recently due to unpaid wages. Upon Pakistan being awarded
the hosting of the Olympic qualifying tournament, the Pakistan Hockey Federation
secretary expressed hope that it would boost the sport. Pakistan hockey fans want
nothing more than to see the national team return to the Olympics.
Rampant abuse
A REPORT compiled by the Punjab home department — details of which were recently
published in this paper — takes a hard look at the menace of child sexual abuse that is
rampant in Pakistan. The report carries key statistics and recommendations which, if
implemented by the state, can play a major role in bringing down the number of cases,
and saving more of Pakistan’s children from the horrific trauma of sexual abuse.
According to the study, of the total number of perpetrators facing trial for abuse, 55pc
were neighbours of the victims, while 32pc were strangers. During the first five and a half
months of 2023, some 1,400 children were abused in Punjab; 69pc of them boys. The
report admits that many cases may be unreported as “cultural taboos make it difficult to
report the crime”. Gujranwala topped the list with 220 cases, followed by Dera Ghazi Khan
and Faisalabad.
Though these figures represent Punjab only, the situation in the other provinces is not too
different. Perhaps this is only the tip of the iceberg, as the weakest and most
disadvantaged segments of society — children, women, the poor — often do not report
the trauma they suffer. As the Punjab report notes, there are numerous laws designed to
deal with the menace of child abuse, but lack of “implementation, enforcement and
coordination” means that victims don’t get justice and the culprits are not punished. When
major cases make the headlines — such as the repulsive Kasur child sexual abuse
scandal and the horrific murder of Zainab Ansari — the state swings into action,
apparently to soothe public anger. But soon enough, the safety of children is once again
relegated to the margins, with little action to back the tough talk against abusers.
However, this may change as the government intends to develop a database of sex
offenders, which can be a useful tool to keep criminals away from places where they can
easily prey on children, such as schools, hospitals and madressahs. The Punjab home
department’s recommendation for setting up special courts for child abuse cases also has
merit, so that these cases do not get lost in the massive judicial backlog. The advice about
focusing on victims’ rehabilitation also needs prompt attention, so that scarred young
people can rebuild their lives, and get professional support to overcome their unthinkable
pain.
Power price hike

PAKISTAN’S business community is dismayed over yet another increase of Rs4.94 per
unit in electricity prices. The new hike pushes the base unit power tariff from Rs24.82 to
Rs29.78. Businesses are worried that the fresh hike will adversely hit their
competitiveness by spiking their costs, making them a lot more expensive both for
domestic consumers and foreign buyers.
With the economy reeling because of the balance-of-payments crisis, high energy prices
and soaring inflation, several industries have shut down or slashed production to reduce
costs.
The expected recovery in manufacturing after the IMF-mandated tariff increase may
remain elusive at least in the near term. It is a dilemma for the government.
On the one hand, it has to meet the conditions of the new, short-term $3bn IMF
programme needed to avert default and improve Pakistan’s debt repayment capacity over
the next several months. On the other, it is under tremendous pressure to revive industrial
activity for economic growth and job creation.
The Stand-by Arrangement stipulation to produce a primary budget surplus of 0.4pc this
financial year has restricted fiscal space as well as the government’s ability to continue
financing massive power tariff price losses beyond a specific threshold to prevent power
sector debt from increasing more rapidly than it already is.
Indeed, the business community has a point when it holds successive governments’
failure to execute long-standing politically unpopular and tough structural reforms
responsible for Pakistan’s economic predicament.
For example, we have increased power tariffs multiple times over the last several years
but still cannot contain the growth in circular debt. It is because no government has had
the political will to fix the distribution losses, recover bills from powerful defaulters and
control theft.
Businesses are spot on when they emphasise that we seem content with managing the
symptoms rather than addressing the causes of the ailment. The increase in power tariffs
will not only hurt businesses but also every citizen as electricity becomes more
unaffordable and the hike unleashes a new round of inflation.
The question is, what other options did the government have? Many. For starters, it could
have designed a framework to fix the deep-rooted energy sector to cut losses, taxed
undertaxed sectors — real estate, retail and agriculture — to bridge the fiscal gap, and
launched a credible privatisation plan to offload lossmaking public sector businesses like
PIA to reduce pressure on the budget.
But it didn’t. That shows the weak resolve of our politicians and policymakers to stick to
reforms. No wonder the IMF Board has communicated its concerns over Pakistan’s poor
track record in fulfilling its commitments to the Fund, and advised the authorities to
complete the new programme. As the lender has warned, this is Islamabad’s last chance
to improve its poor track record on reforms.
Shrinking spaces
OF late, an uptick in incidents tied to religious intolerance has reignited concerns
regarding the state of minorities’ rights and worsened feelings of insecurity among
practitioners of minority faiths. Reports of the desecration or destruction of places of
worship frequented by non-Muslims — although now a regular feature in our news cycle
— seem to have picked up in frequency in recent months. More violence can be expected
as deteriorating economic conditions precipitate social anxieties, which can create an
atmosphere of heightened intolerance. It is in this context that two recent incidents
involving ‘attacks’ on Hindu temples have caused alarm in their local communities. On
Saturday morning, the Hindu community in Karachi’s Soldier Bazaar neighbourhood woke
up to find that there had been an attempt to raze a temple built more than a century ago.
Then, in the early hours of Sunday, a Hindu place of worship in Kashmore, Sindh, came
under assault by suspected dacoits, armed with rocket-propelled grenades.
Though the Karachi incident was attributed to a land dispute, and the Kashmore incident
was later portrayed as ‘collateral damage’ from a clash over a protection racket, the locals
affected by the two incidents have been left shaken and believe they were targeted. Article
20 of the Constitution promises every citizen the right to manage their religious
institutions, and the state is bound, under Article 36, to safeguard the rights and interests
of minority communities. While it may be that there were no religious motives for the
targeting of these places of worship, the state still has a duty to assure the respective
communities that it will safeguard their interests and ensure their well-being. No citizen
should live under a cloud of fear simply because of the belief system they have chosen
to adhere to. In a broader context, the state needs to be more proactive in protecting our
minority communities, which seem to be facing constant restrictions on their ways of life.
Pakistan-Iran security
ONE of the major irritants standing in the way of improved Pakistan-Iran relations is the
presence of armed malign actors active along the common border of both states. These
include criminals such as drug smugglers, as well as armed militants subscribing to both
separatist and extremist ideologies.
Deadly confrontations between these elements and security forces are common, which
often result in the loss of both Pakistani and Iranian personnel.
Therefore, it is understandable why border security was a dominant theme during army
chief Gen Asim Munir’s recently concluded visit to Iran. The COAS met the Iranian
president and foreign minister, as well as Tehran’s top generals representing both the
regular army as well as the Pasdaran.
As per an ISPR statement, both sides “vowed to eradicate the menace of terrorism” along
the common border by sharing intelligence and enhancing cooperation. This is the second
high-level exchange between the leaderships of both states in recent months, as Prime
Minister Shehbaz Sharif and President Ebrahim Raisi met in May to inaugurate the Mand-
Pishin ‘border sustenance market’.
Mr Raisi again reiterated the need for “safe economic borders” during his meeting with
the COAS. However, whenever there are such top-level exchanges, spoilers are never
far behind.
For example, following the Sharif-Raisi meeting Iran lost a number of security men in a
terrorist attack in Saravan near the Pakistani border, while in April at least four Pakistani
personnel were martyred in Kech in an attack by terrorists apparently operating from Iran.
The best way to monitor the border area and prevent terrorist and criminal violence is for
both militaries and foreign ministries to liaise closely, as was promised in Tehran during
the army chief’s visit.
Through intelligence sharing and better coordination the security situation in the border
areas can improve, so that malign actors are not able to use either country’s soil to harm
the other.
Militant groups and actors supported by hostile states will continue to try and vitiate the
atmosphere, which is why the leaderships of both states must redouble their efforts to
pacify the border region.
Alongside improving the security situation, promoting economic activity will also be
beneficial for the underdeveloped parts of both Sistan-Baluchestan and Balochistan.
Through increased trade and people-to-people contacts, Pakistan-Iran relations can be
deepened, provided that both states jointly tackle the problem of terrorism and violent
crime.
Rains again
SINCE the first monsoon spell began less than a month ago, weather-related incidents
have already claimed around 90 lives across the country and caused significant damage
to property, crops and livestock.
Punjab is the worst-hit region where more than 50 people died in rain-related events,
followed by at least 20 deaths in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa due to flash floods and landslides.
National disaster agencies have warned of more rains, thunderstorms, landslides and
high-level flooding in the rivers including the Sutlej, Ravi, Chenab and Jhelum in the
coming weeks.
The rains are aggravating the already tough conditions faced by communities affected by
the 2022 floods, at a time when the government is scrambling for funds for rehabilitation
and reconstruction.Last summer’s floods killed over 1,700 people and washed away
homes, crops, livestock, roads and bridges worth more than $30bn. The world promised
to provide Pakistan $10bn, mostly in the shape of loans, at a conference in Geneva back
in January to help the government’s efforts, but only a fraction of these pledges has been
disbursed since ‘assistance’ for the flood-affected people was tied to the approval of the
IMF bailout.
It still remains unclear if and when the pledged amount will materialise even after the IMF
agreed to provide the $3bn funding facility. The heavy rains expected could slow down
recovery in the areas where a large number of people displaced by last year’s deluge still
live — without shelter, food, healthcare and jobs.
The International Rescue Committee has warned that the floods could affect 9.1m people
this year, spreading disease and triggering more food shortages in a country where food
insecurity is becoming an overriding concern.
Ranked among the top 10 most vulnerable countries on the Global Climate Risk Index
even though it is responsible for less than 1pc of global greenhouse gas emissions,
Pakistan has suffered economic losses of $29bn in the last three decades due to climate-
related disasters (excluding last year’s floods) that have affected 75m people. These
estimates by the World Bank do not include the damages caused to biodiversity,
ecosystems and coastlines.
Each new disaster forces thousands of children out of school, causes epidemics, and
leads to severe food shortages. With the impact of climate change increasing in intensity,
as evident from last year’s deluge, policymakers need to invest heavily in dealing with the
scale of these disasters, with or without international help.
That said, the richer nations must realise that what is happening in Pakistan — or other
countries on the front line of climate change — will not be limited to vulnerable states.
They must not only pay for their contribution to global warming but also radically cut GHG
emissions as agreed to at various international forums.
Trilateral rail link

PAKISTAN has long been striving for greater surface connectivity via rail and road routes
to boost trade, tourism and cultural interaction with the Central Asian states. The trilateral
protocol signed by Pakistan, Afghanistan and Uzbekistan yesterday to link Termiz with
Kurram via Mazar-i-Sharif by connecting the Uzbek rail network with Pakistan Railways
is also part of that same quest. The project will support passenger travel and freight
services. It will significantly contribute to the growth of regional trade and economic
development of participating nations by cutting cargo delivery time between Uzbekistan
and Pakistan by about five days and slashing goods transportation costs by 40pc. The
participating countries have set themselves an ambitious target of completing the scheme
by the end of 2027 though. This project is in addition to a more ambitious plan to construct
a new 573km trans-Afghan railway track, the roadmap for which has already been signed
by the three nations, to link Central Asia with ports on the Arabian Sea. It will allow Central
Asian nations to reach the world markets by accessing Pakistan’s seaports through the
Termiz-Jalalabad-Peshawar route.
The two projects will indeed open up landlocked Central Asia to the world for investment
and trade, and help Pakistan access the region’s and Russian energy markets.
Nevertheless, these plans will remain a pipe dream for as long as Afghanistan — the key
to the success of any such scheme — does not stabilise and security conditions in that
war-torn country don’t improve. At the same time, Islamabad also needs to effectively
tackle security issues in both Balochistan, which is a vital link to the expansion of CPEC
and economic cooperation with Central Asia, and KP. Yet, the potential of linkages with
the Central Asian Republics cannot be exploited fully without involving other South Asian
countries, especially India. Only a fully open, secure and cooperative South Asia can
guarantee the success of these railway projects.
New political party

IT is a sorry farce. With the powers that be bent on making the situation difficult for Imran
Khan and his PTI, new parties have been carved out from the latter’s enfeebled corps,
seemingly in order to weaken the former prime minister and sabotage his chances at re-
election. Even though Jahangir Tareen’s Istehkam-i-Pakistan Party failed to make a
strong first impression, another bet seems to have been placed on the PTI’s former KP
chief minister, Pervaiz Khattak. On Monday, Mr Khattak, after surrounding himself with a
few dozen former MPAs and MNAs from the PTI — some of whom, it later transpired,
had no clue as to why they had been summoned — formally launched his political party.
It quickly became clear that, as was the case with the IPP, the PTI-Parliamentarians lacks
a raison d’être in the form of a party manifesto. Its strategy, for now, appears focused on
seizing political space in KP while the IPP cleans up the spoils in Punjab. Why has the
establishment opted for this strategy? Why is it introducing new spoilers in the electoral
field? That is a question for the other political parties to ponder.
In Pakistan’s experience, politicians do not simply form new parties unless they have
secured some form of ‘backing’. So, is the field being set to ensure that no single party
emerges as the clear winner in the next general elections? Are we to have yet another
hung parliament, beholden to the diktats of those who will not be accountable for their
interventions in the governance process? Will we see another ‘civilian’ government
scapegoated when this latest experiment starts to fail, say, three or four years down the
road? Considering the experience of the 2018 polls, the above possibilities are not
unlikely. The need for ‘stability’ has been a common refrain as analysts and policymakers
grapple with the many crises that have seized Pakistan over the past year or so. It has
been abundantly clear that Pakistan needs a strong government at the centre to guide it
through its present challenges. Instead, what we are essentially seeing is an effort to
ensure that decision-making remains in the hands of those who do not answer to the
public. The way the political landscape is shaping up — rather, being engineered —
seems to be a sure recipe for disaster in this context.
Census & polls

AS the nation begins to enter election mode, the rulers have made it clear that the next
polls will be based on the 2017 census. While this decision has been decried by some
government allies, such as the MQM, the inconvenient truth is that this late in the day, the
government has little choice — mainly because of its own lethargy — but to hold polls as
per the 2017 numbers. Any other option may end up delaying elections, which is
unacceptable.
The federal law minister announced on Monday that “if” the seventh census is not
approved then constituencies will be drawn up on the basis of the previous head count’s
figures. This is largely a foregone conclusion as the legal and constitutional process of
notifying the latest census and delimiting new constituencies would clash with the
electoral time line.
Some media reports on Tuesday indicated that the National Assembly could be dissolved
early, though these were denied by the information minister. Regardless, elections would
be due no later than November.
This means there is not enough time to notify the results, make the requisite constitutional
amendment, and delimit new constituencies.
Independent observers also concur that polls will have to be held on the basis of the 2017
numbers. This is because even if the government notifies the 2023 results today, it will
have to amend the Constitution under Article 51(3) and thereafter delimit new
constituencies.
As mentioned, the government does not have the time to carry out these legal processes,
while a caretaker set-up does not have the mandate to make constitutional amendments.
Therefore, despite the reservations of the MQM, the fact is that there are few good options
other than holding polls based on the 2017 numbers.
Of course, the rulers must shoulder the blame for this predicament. Apart from resource
allocation, updated census numbers are essential for the democratic process, yet the
multibillion-rupee exercise will be of no utility in the upcoming polls.
When provisional census numbers had been finalised two months ago, the government
should have gone ahead and notified the results so that the legal process could have
begun.
Perhaps the rulers feared they lacked the numbers in a rump parliament to make the
requisite constitutional changes. Because of this mismanagement, voters in provinces
where the population has grown will not get increased representation in parliament.
However, the fresh census controversy notwithstanding, under no circumstances should
the polls be delayed any further. Already the Punjab and KP caretakers are operating
beyond their constitutional tenures. This must not be replicated in Sindh, Balochistan and
the centre.
The only way out of the current quagmire is for free and fair polls to be held on time,
bringing in a new dispensation with a fresh mandate to govern.
Turning back migrants

THE inhumane and deeply problematic migration legislation that for months has passed
between the UK parliament’s House of Commons and House of Lords is becoming the
law, and awaits the king’s assent. People now crossing the Channel and approaching the
UK in small boats will face harsh policies which will either force them to return or leave
them in limbo. Without consideration, their asylum claims will be deemed inadmissible.
The development prompted the UN to condemn the passage of the law as a “breach of
international law” and warned it would expose refugees to “grave risks”.
The bill, which ostensibly aims to address irregular migration, goes against the basic
principles of compassion and human rights. Instead of offering practical solutions, the law
will exacerbate the hardships of vulnerable individuals seeking safety. It is unlikely that
these new policies will prove an effective deterrent against illegal crossings, as
traumatised people fleeing war and economic hardship will continue to take desperate
measures to reach safety. Putting such people in detention facilities without considering
their individual circumstances will compound their physical suffering and mental distress.
It is also unclear where individuals who cross the Channel will be sent. Sending them to
their countries of origin, particularly in cases like Taliban-ruled Afghanistan, is neither
feasible nor conscionable. It is crucial for Britain to establish comprehensive plans that
include viable options for resettlement, integration and protection of those seeking
asylum, in accordance with its international obligations. The UK government has often
justified these harsh measures as necessary due to an ‘overwhelmed’ asylum system that
is costing taxpayers heavily, but it is not clear how these laws will iron out the
complications, nor is it evident that costs will be reduced. The policies are both flawed
and steeped in lack of empathy, and will, unfortunately, inspire other countries in Europe
to follow suit, given how contentious the debate around illegal migration is everywhere.
A new INDIA?
AFTER nearly a decade of BJP-led rule, disparate opposition parties in India have
decided to bury the hatchet and put up a combined fight to dislodge the Hindu nationalist
incumbents in next year’s general elections. Announced in Bengaluru, the Indian National
Developmental Inclusive Alliance brings together some strange bedfellows. Along with
centrist heavyweights such as Congress and the Aam Aadmi Party, the INDIA grouping
brings together parties belonging to the hard right, such as Uddhav Thackeray’s faction
of the Shiv Sena, to at least three different communist parties. There are also several
regional parties on board, including those representing South Indian states. The common
denominator is, of course, to send the BJP-led National Democratic Alliance packing next
year, and rebuilding a more inclusive India. As Congress head Mallikarjun Kharge put it,
the parties have “come together to protect the interests of Indian people”. Mercifully, the
INDIA parties are speaking of restoring democratic and human values, many of which
have been bulldozed by the BJP sarkar in its quest to build a Hindu rashtra. In a resolution
passed at the Bengaluru meeting, the alliance parties have declared their intention to
protect “secular democracy, economic sovereignty, social justice and federalism” which
they say have been “menacingly undermined” during the BJP’s watch. The alliance’s
pledge to stop violence against India’s minorities must also be soothing to the ears of that
country’s Muslims, Christians and followers of other faiths.
While the new alliance holds a lot of promise, especially for India’s minorities as well as
other downtrodden communities that have been crushed by the Hindutva machine, the
fact is that large, ideologically diverse groupings can be notoriously unwieldy, and it will
take the combined political wisdom of the INDIA parties to send the BJP and its allies
home. The BJP/RSS juggernaut will naturally pull out all the stops, particularly
demonising Pakistan, Muslims and other minorities, to appeal to its rabid voter base, and
attract the increasingly chauvinistic Indian middle classes. Talk of forming a Uniform Civil
Code — in essence doing away with religious personal law as applicable to minorities —
should be seen in this perspective. There is also the slim hope that the INDIA parties may
try to improve relations with Pakistan, though it is also true that undoing the BJP’s toxic
legacy where bilateral ties go will be no easy task.
IMF report
THE IMF’s staff report on its new, short-term bailout loan of $3bn for Pakistan is a
damning indictment of the Shehbaz Sharif government’s economic and financial policies
that deepened the trust gap between Islamabad and the lender, and pushed the country
towards the precipice in the last nine months.
Policy missteps and breach of the previous Extended Fund Facility programme had
compelled the lender to halt the disbursement of funds, closing the door on other
multilateral and bilateral financing.
The IMF document, released on Tuesday, also spells out the programme’s goals, many
of which, such as increased energy prices, will directly burden the people. It blames the
finance ministry and State Bank for their frequent tinkering with the market-based
exchange rate mechanism, leading to the growth of a large foreign exchange black
market. It is also critical of the central bank for resisting a timely increase in interest rates.
That is not all. The report points out that the government balked at maintaining fiscal
discipline, cutting non-essential spending, broadening the tax net, controlling the drivers
of the power sector’s circular debt, and improving SOE governance.
In view of its experience with Pakistani authorities, the IMF has warned that continuation
of the new programme will depend on the implementation of fiscal discipline, a return to
a market-determined exchange rate and proper functioning of the foreign exchange
market, a tight monetary policy aimed at disinflation, and progress on structural reforms,
particularly with regard to the energy sector, SOEs and climate resilience.
The report also cautions against the “exceptionally high” downside risks to the Stand-by
Arrangement goals emanating from a tense political environment and potential deviation
from agreed policies. Such risks could undermine the programme’s implementation, and
jeopardise macro-financial and external stability and debt sustainability, leading Pakistan
to seek foreign debt restructuring.
Additionally, it says that external financing risks remain high, and delays in disbursement
of external financing from IFIs and bilateral creditors would endanger the fragile external
balance given limited buffers. Spillovers from Russia’s invasion of Ukraine through high
food and fuel prices, and tighter global financial conditions continue to put pressure on
the budget.
Highlighting Pakistan’s large gross financing needs of $28.3bn, including the $6.4bn
current account deficit, during this fiscal year, it stresses that multilateral and bilateral
support will remain critical for Pakistan beyond the upcoming elections and the SBA.
It is a foregone conclusion that the next government will need another, longer-term IMF
programme to resolve structural challenges and meet high external debt obligations over
the next few years. For that to happen, the country has to achieve the SBA goals, come
what may.
Ruthless rains
DISASTERS are natural; the ensuing havoc is manmade. Once again, familiar monsoon
misery returns with intense downpour and another round of despair: submerged roads,
clogged drainage, power cuts, deadened daily life and a mounting human toll. On
Wednesday, 11 workers were killed when a portion of an outer military compound wall
collapsed in Islamabad’s suburbs, five people were electrocuted in various areas of
Lahore and at least 54 died in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, adding to the scores of fatalities
across the country. Meanwhile, a lashing night-long spell in Rawalpindi triggered an
emergency as the water level in Leh Nullah swelled to more than 5m in Kattarian. The
threat of the torrent breaking its bank still looms. Clearly, the new climate system of violent
soakers and frenzied losses is set to shatter lives, livelihoods, infrastructure and records.
Varied reasons — climate change, unusually heavy rainfall, incompetence, poor planning,
illegal construction, encroachments — are the new norm. Perhaps an explanation does
lie for this deadly cocktail. But the question is, why do weather alerts fail to quicken
unmindful authorities? For now, PMD has cautioned against urban flooding from July 20
to 22 in Punjab and KP. Decades of federal, provincial and local apathy have thrust
systemic infrastructural collapse upon hapless citizens, now caught in the annual ritual of
death and devastation. Several solutions are floating out there: consultations with urban
planners to curb flooding risks, installing early warning mechanisms in rural and low-lying
areas to prevent flash floods and hill torrent tragedies, with storm-water drains, rainwater
storage and restoration of choked rainwater channels in urban centres. However, more
than funds and rhetoric, these need political will and official commitment for visible
implementation. Pakistan will see heavy precipitation annually. Stakeholders cannot work
with incongruent development patterns. They must draw lessons from international
preparedness to protect villages and cities. The human cost has robbed us of the joy that
was the monsoon.
Published in Dawn, July 21st, 2023
Muharram safety
WITH the month of Muharram underway, the authorities have upped security
arrangements across the country, especially in areas where a large number of majalis
and mourning processions are held. The usual routine centres on deploying an increased
number of security personnel around mosques and imambargahs as well as large
gatherings, while the movement of various preachers the state believes may misuse the
pulpit to incite crowds is restricted. While the tradition of mourning assemblies during
Muharram and Safar goes back centuries, the very modern threat of terrorism is only a
few decades old. Ashura processions have been bombed in the past. Majalis and
mosques too have been attacked — the bitter harvest of not neutralising the ogre of
sectarian militancy that started to raise its ugly head in the 1980s. It is true that sectarian
violence has receded over the years. But the malignant actors involved in fanning the
flames of communal hatred are alive and well, though they maintain a lower profile.
Therefore, no chances can be taken by the state, which has the duty of ensuring that all
citizens can practise their faith freely, and without the threat of terrorist violence hanging
over their heads.
What is a more recent concern is social media, which has turned into a major source of
wild rumours that have the potential to wreak communal havoc if not nipped in the bud.
In decades past, sectarian disturbances tended to be localised affairs, and could be
contained relatively easily. Today, with pictures and video — either genuine or outright
fakes — spreading like wildfire within minutes via social media, the potential for trouble is
ever greater. Therefore, the state must keep an eye on accounts designed to foment
sectarian unrest. Censorship is unacceptable, but attempts to promote violence and
hatred through social media are indefensible and must be dealt with according to the law.
Yet it must be said that while deploying security forces and monitoring social media are
essential, the state has yet to address the core of the problem: the sectarian hatemongers
that continue to operate with relative freedom in Pakistan. Unless these groups are
permanently put out of business, the threat of communal violence will remain ever
present. Moreover, leading ulema of both major sects must also advise their juniors to
use the pulpit to promote harmony, rather than increase divisions.
Cipher saga
THERE is little that can be described as revelatory in the ‘confessional statement’ being
attributed to Azam Khan, principal secretary to former prime minister Imran Khan. It had
been widely known, following the ‘audio leaks’ saga of last year, that he was privy to how
the so-called ‘Ciphergate’ controversy came into being, as well as the PTI leadership’s
actual motives for giving it air.
Leaked recordings of his conversations with Imran Khan on the matter had already
established that the former PM had discussed the prospect of ‘playing up’ the contents of
a diplomatic cable from Washington for political purposes, and it was evident that the
move was aimed at building political momentum on PTI’s side at a time when the party
was facing defeat in the vote of no-confidence brought against its government by the
combined opposition.
With elections around the corner, it seems a last-ditch attempt is being made to knock
Imran Khan out of the race. The means being adopted to do so are troubling. One of the
senior-most officers of the state, Azam Khan remained missing for over a month after he
disappeared soon after leaving his house in Islamabad for an appointment on June 15.
Hours after reports surfaced that he had ‘exposed’ his former boss, he was quietly
returned home. His lawyer said he was “in no condition” to comment on the firestorm his
alleged confession has kicked off. No one has satisfactorily answered where Azam Khan
had been while the state searched for him as a ‘missing person’.
Instead, the FIA and interior ministry seem more concerned with nabbing the former PM.
A statement made before a magistrate, if duly recorded, does have evidential value, but
there are far too many missing pieces in this puzzle. Could this be why the interior minister
has sought Imran Khan’s trial in a special court under the Official Secrets Act?
In a late-night address a day after Azam Khan’s supposed statement, the PTI chief said
the cipher he received from Washington had alerted him to a conspiracy to take down his
government.
To this day, only a handful of people actually know what it said. The public only knows it
was problematic enough for it to be termed ‘blatant interference’ in the country’s affairs
by the NSC on two separate occasions.
Imran Khan believes that a full inquiry into the matter will uncover a conspiracy in which
key political leaders and the former army chief will be found involved.
Since it has once again dragged the matter into the limelight, perhaps it is time for the
state to lay the facts before the public and put the matter to rest. It has already become
an international embarrassment for the country.
More provocation
THERE appears to be no end to the repeated grotesque acts of attacking Islam’s sacred
symbols, mainly because Western states refuse to take any solid action against these
provocations that occur on their soil. The latest outrage involves the same Swedish
resident — of Iraqi Christian origin — who had burnt a copy of the Holy Quran outside a
Stockholm mosque on Eidul Azha.
On Thursday, the provocateur again desecrated the Muslim sacred text outside the Iraqi
embassy, while also disrespecting the Arab country’s flag, which has the name of God on
it.
Earlier, when news broke that the Swedish authorities had given him permission to carry
out his second ‘protest’, Iraqi demonstrators stormed the Nordic country’s mission in
Baghdad. The reaction from the Muslim world after the latest incitement has been one of
indignation.
The Iraqi government has expelled the Swedish ambassador, while Saudi Arabia has
called upon Stockholm to “stop these disgraceful acts”. Iran, meanwhile, has noted that
freedom of speech is being used to “attack dignity, morals and religious sanctities”.
Pakistan has also observed that “provocative acts of religious hatred cannot be justified”
If these had been one-off incidents, the Muslim world may have brushed them aside as
the dreadful antics of madmen. But these hateful acts are increasing in frequency,
supported by hard-right actors, Islamophobes, and supposed defenders of free speech.
As a resolution adopted by the UN Human Rights Council recently noted, these acts are
not about free expression, but religious hatred. Moreover, there is a wide chasm in the
worldview of the West and most of the Global South where the profaning of sacred
symbols is concerned.
The former insists that while these acts are unsavoury, they are protected by free speech,
while the latter asserts that attacking religious symbols is a calculated act of hatred and
violence that has little to do with freedom of conscience.
Clearly, even the West has red lines where free expression is concerned — defiling the
memory of the Holocaust being amongst these. It is sad that these red lines do not apply
to the sacred symbols of Islam.
Meanwhile, there were protests when a Syrian Muslim resident of Sweden announced he
would burn the Torah and Bible — but he did not do so, stressing that the idea was to
show that “freedom of speech has limits” and that people “must respect each other”.
The responsibility to control acts of desecration lies with Western governments. Either the
West can help build a more tolerant world where people have the freedom of belief, and
their sacred symbols are protected from violent extremists. Or it can hide behind smug
notions of ‘enlightenment’ and free expression, which are little more than a cover for
bigotry and religious prejudice.
Naila’s feat
NAILA Kiani continues to go from summit to summit; her latest ascent — of Broad Peak
— making her the first woman from Pakistan to climb all eight-thousanders in the country.
Two weeks after summiting Nanga Parbat, Naila became the first woman from Pakistan
to stand atop Broad Peak, the world’s 12th-highest peak 8,051m above sea level in the
heart of the Karakoram range. Add to the fact that she’s a mother of two, and it’s a
remarkable achievement. The 37-year-old is also the first Pakistani woman to summit
eight peaks above 8,000m in the world. She is rightly being hailed as a trailblazer for
women mountaineers in the country after surpassing Samina Baig. What makes it even
more incredible is that the Dubai-based former banker only started climbing two years
ago, just seven months after giving birth to her second daughter. She even held her bridal
photoshoot at the K-2 base camp in 2018 and is part of the new wave of mountaineers
from Pakistan who have made a name for themselves in a very short time.
Among those mountaineers is also young Shehroze Kashif, who at 21 is looking to
become the youngest in the world to climb all eight-thousanders. It’s not only a race
against time for him but, unlike Naila who has a permanent sponsor, he also faces a
challenge in raising the funds. He has three more peaks to climb, which is not easy as
mountaineers must brave freezing temperatures, harsh winds and deadly drops to
achieve their feats. Despite having funding, though, it hasn’t been easy for Naila either,
who has had to face online trolls in Pakistan who didn’t rate her as a climber. But she’s
defied them all to stand atop some of the world’s tallest peaks and is now aiming for more
in her quest to become the first woman mountaineer from Pakistan to climb all eight-
thousanders in the world.
Bulldozed
IF there is one trait that seems common to almost all Pakistani lawmakers regardless of
their political affiliation, it is a barely concealed disdain for parliament and legislative
procedure.
Where once they derided the PTI government for running an ‘ordinance factory’ instead
of executing its legislative business through parliament, the ruling parties have done little
better since assuming power, having finally reduced the National Assembly to a rubber
stamp for their legislative agenda.
On Thursday, the first day of the 15th National Assembly’s farewell session, the House
allowed critical legislation without the required number of lawmakers present for
proceedings, with Speaker Raja Pervaiz Ashraf binning House procedures to allow the
draft of two laws to be drastically amended, and then having the amendments passed by
a voice vote before they were even tabled.
According to reports, he gave Aviation Minister Saad Rafique the floor to introduce
extensive amendments, including 100 new clauses, in the Pakistan Airports Authority Bill,
2022, and the Pakistan Civil Aviation Bill, 2022, with less than two dozen members
present. Both bills had been moved a year ago and were approved by the relevant
committee in their original form.
The privilege to amend or introduce rules and laws is not a prerogative that can be
exercised without checks and balances. What was so important about the amendments
that they could not be put to debate and discussion before the elected representatives of
the people, as is required?
Had the government been sleeping for the last few months that it finally realised it had
necessary business to conduct at the eleventh hour? And what does it say about our
lawmakers that less than two dozen deigned to attend the session — which, as is now
usual, started hours later than its scheduled time — despite there being much legislative
work still pending before the NA?
It is unfortunate that the government appears to have disregarded all criticism of the
manner in which it has gone about making and changing laws over the last 15 months.
Despite there being no meaningful opposition in the NA to obstruct its efforts and some
weeks remaining till the end of its tenure, it still opted to pass legislation without having it
debated or endorsed by public representatives. What else can this be described as if not
contempt of parliament?
New Pemra law

IN a rapidly evolving media landscape, there is a need to update the relevant laws to
ensure press freedom, while filtering out lies and libellous content. This can be done either
through dubious laws, such as the PTI government’s Pakistan Media Development
Authority bill, or stakeholders can be taken on board to formulate laws that respect press
freedom, while regulating the media sphere judiciously. The recently approved Pakistan
Electronic Media Regulatory Authority (Pemra) Amendment Bill, 2023, appears to strike
the right balance, though there is room for improvement.
There was initially some confusion about the government’s intentions regarding the
amendments, but closer scrutiny has clarified several matters. The clause calling for
paying media workers’ salaries within two months should be welcomed. Though ideally
there should be no delay in the disbursement of salaries, at least the law sets limits, while
workers can complain to the regulator in case of delayed dues. A distinction has also
been made between ‘disinformation’, which means intentionally false news, and
‘misinformation’, which relates to unintentional mistakes. These definitions align more
closely with international norms, and are an improvement on the state’s obsession with
‘fake news’, a blanket term through which the authorities could clamp down on all
dissenting opinions. The inclusion of a representative each of the PFUJ and Pakistan
Broadcasters’ Association as non-voting members of Pemra is also positive, though to
give them a real voice, they should be granted voting rights. There are some problematic
sections, such as Clause 27. Under this, broadcast or distribution of a programme can be
prohibited, and the matter then referred to a Council of Complaints. Instead of prohibiting
content, it should be referred to the council first so that the matter can be investigated,
while some parts of the clause appear overly broad. These lacunae should be examined
in order to create a more balanced law.
Manipur horror
THE timeline tells the story of craven cynicism at very high places. Two tribal women were
paraded naked and filmed by a mob in Manipur on May 4. One of the two was allegedly
gang-raped. Manipur, bordering Myanmar, has been in flames since May 3. The chief
minister belongs to the mostly Hindu Meiti community whose armed members paraded
the two women of the Kuki community of Christian tribals. Both groups had lived largely
peacefully for decades, and intermarriage was not uncommon. Then mayhem broke out
in May, which observers say appeared to be planned. Hundreds of churches were burnt,
150 people killed, thousands of families uprooted from their homes. A false rumour of a
Meiti woman’s rape by Kuki men precipitated the violence, including the targeting of the
two women. A similarly false and deliberately divisive rumour in Uttar Pradesh on the eve
of the 2014 elections had helped range Hindu voters against Muslims. Narendra Modi
swept the polls.
When the Manipur video surfaced on Wednesday on the internet an incensed supreme
court urged the government to act swiftly or let the court take charge. That’s when Prime
Minister Modi broke his silence, on Thursday — after all of 75 days of merciless ethnic
violence. He called the assault a national shame and promised exemplary punishment
for the culprits. Four men were taken into custody. But he said nothing about the unending
one-sided anti-minority violence. In fact, between the videographed incident of May 4 and
its public revelation this week, Mr Modi was being toasted in powerful Western capitals
as the leader of a robust democracy, a strategic partner. Were the hosts unaware of the
tragedy unfolding for Manipur’s women and elsewhere? One of the targeted women
decided to tear through the façade of political correctness. She informed The Wire on
Friday that the police were a mute spectator as the mob molested them. If the police
witnessed the crime, it is unlikely the chief minister was oblivious of it. It is difficult then to
accept that Mr Modi would have been kept in the dark by his own party and government
about the horrors of Manipur. As the leaders of the free world ‘celebrate’ Indian
democracy under Mr Modi’s watch, opposition parties and the people of India appear less
primed to accept the fiction.
Hapless province
BALOCHISTAN presents a variety of complications spawned by the historical neglect of
its people’s rights and the perverse determination to press on with ruinous security-centric
policies. The ferocious conflict that has engulfed Wadh, Khuzdar district, since
Wednesday — although a tenuous ceasefire is currently in place — is another
manifestation of the same.
On the surface, it is a feud sparked by notorious outlaw Shafiq Mengal’s men forcibly
occupying land belonging to tribal chief and BNP-M president Akhtar Mengal. With both
sides heavily armed, an extended confrontation could lead to things spinning further out
of control. Former chief minister Aslam Raisani has stepped in to broker peace.
However, as Akhtar Mengal himself said in a bluntly worded tweet, this is part of a far
bigger problem, that it does not pertain to a specific area or a particular tribe but is an
outcome of the shocking impunity with which ‘death squads’ have been allowed to operate
in Balochistan.
Indeed, no lasting solution to the conflict can be found if individuals like Shafiq Mengal
remain ‘in play’. He was part of the state’s response to the Baloch insurgency, whereby
extremist groups and tribal militias — such as his Baloch Musalla Difa Tanzeem — were
given carte blanche to hunt down separatists.
Had there been any rule of law in Balochistan, instead of short-sighted policies that
generated cycles of bestial violence, Shafiq Mengal and his gang would not have been
able to commit the serious crimes they are alleged to be involved in, including murder,
robbery and kidnapping for ransom. Locals still refuse to speak on the record about that
reign of terror in Khuzdar district during which journalists, teachers and doctors were slain
in targeted killings.
It was only after the public outcry over the discovery in Tootak of mass graves of missing
people, with evidence suggesting his group’s involvement in the crime, that he was
reportedly asked to step back. But he remained free. In fact, Shafiq Mengal was a
candidate in the 2018 elections for the National Assembly seat from Khuzdar — further
evidence of a political landscape engineered to a point where it bears little resemblance
to a representative democracy. After all, even sardars like Akhtar Mengal, who won the
seat, need to be reminded of the limits to their power.
Underlying all these machinations is the real tragedy being endured by the people of
Balochistan. Among the most backward and regressive areas of the province, Khuzdar
district has a deeply entrenched tribal culture. Neocolonial policies of divide and rule have
exacerbated the existing problems.
What will it take for the state to place the people of Balochistan, their right to provincial
autonomy and ownership of the natural resources that lie beneath their soil, above its
own narrow interests?
Tired tactics
THE old playbook had not even gathered dust before it’s being pressed into service yet
again. As the machinations unfold, they will sap democracy of whatever lifeblood it may
have retained in these unneutral times. Sadly, there has not been much in the way of
resistance by the political parties that, in the larger scheme of things, stand to lose the
most.
However, the PPP has voiced a view that should be the default position of all parties that
have been forced to contend with manufactured ‘forward blocs’, forced defections and
pre-poll queering of the pitch.
Last week, at a press conference in Lahore, PPP Punjab’s acting president Rana Farooq
Saeed said that the PPP wants all parties registered with the ECP to participate in the
general election, which should be conducted in a fair and transparent manner so that the
results are not disputed.
This was in response to being asked about reports that the PTI could be banned from the
electoral field on account of its alleged involvement in the May 9 disturbances.
In late May, PPP chairman Bilawal Bhutto-Zardari said his party would not resist a ban
on the PTI “for promoting extremism and violence”. This, despite the fact that the PPP
has arguably paid the highest price for interventions by unelected forces.
The PML-N, meanwhile, has consistently championed the idea of banning PTI, preferring
expedient exclusionary methods to a fair fight on the electoral field, thereby exposing the
hollowness of its ‘vote ko izzat do’ mantra.
Pakistan’s misfortune is that its flirtation with democracy has never been allowed to
mature into anything resembling institutionalised democracy. From the very outset,
‘inconvenient’ elected governments, such as that of Attaullah Mengal’s NAP and later his
son Akhtar Mengal’s BNP-M in Balochistan, have been sent packing; Benazir Bhutto’s
government was removed twice; Nawaz Sharif’s thrice.
Artificial political parties have been birthed by ‘dissidents’ to fracture the electoral
landscape, create kingmakers and produce malleable governments. No wonder that 75
years on, stability still eludes us.
When will the architects of this dysfunctionality realise that doing the same thing over and
over cannot bring different results? If anything, the country will drift into further instability.
But what about the civilian leadership that still resorts to expediency rather than
recognising its own role in the dying of Pakistan’s democracy?
Skewed tax policy

IN a statement before the National Assembly on Friday, Finance Minister Ishaq Dar
rebuffed reports that the government was planning to impose new taxes on the agriculture
and construction — including real estate — sectors.
A day later, he insisted that the taxes on these two sectors agreed with the IMF for its
new $3bn loan, and widely reported in the media, had already been implemented in the
budget for this fiscal year. “I want to categorically state that no new tax will be imposed
on the agriculture and construction sectors … we have already endured the pain, and met
all prior actions of the IMF programme,” he told parliamentarians.
The budget is estimated to generate additional revenues of Rs80bn by increasing the tax
rate for builders and developers and non-filers on the purchase and sale of immovable
property and second homes.
The changes in the rates were part of the government effort to secure the IMF bailout by
raising additional tax and non-tax revenues during the present financial year to meet the
programme goal of producing primary surplus equal to 0.4pc of GDP, as well as
strengthen tax collection to 10.3pc of GDP.
Most additional revenue measures were announced on the day parliament approved the
budget to satisfy the Fund after the latter’s criticism of Mr Dar’s original budget that the
government had ‘missed’ the opportunity to broaden the tax base.
Though the tax target was eventually revised upwards, the minister tiptoed around the
broader tax policy goal of effectively taxing undertaxed sectors such as retail, agriculture
and real estate — especially incomes from these sectors.
However, this did not come as a surprise. The PML-N — or any party for that matter —
and the powerful civil and military bureaucracy are averse to taxing incomes from retail,
real estate and agriculture, the economy’s three largest segments, because of their own
vested interests.
Former FBR head Shabbar Zaidi has narrated how he was prevented by the previous
army chief from taking steps to document the massive ‘file’ business in real estate.
This government’s tax policy was set by a tweet from PML-N chief organiser Maryam
Nawaz last year when she indicated to then finance minister Miftah Ismail through Twitter
that he should revoke a nominal tax he had dared to impose on the electricity bills of the
party’s core support group, ie, retailers.
The narrow tax base and low tax-to-GDP ratio means that the documented corporate
sector and salaried classes will bear the burden of any increase in the tax target.
The last two budgets are evidence of this skewed policy. Though the new IMF loan deal
commits the government to expand the personal income tax base by adding 300,000
persons, few believe the rulers have the political will to meet this condition.
Hateful campaign
PAKISTAN’S ruling elite often highlight the need to eliminate extremism and radicalism
from society. However, the activities of extremists operating under their very noses make
one question the state’s commitment to countering fanaticism. The latest victims of bigotry
are members of the Ahmadi community — a group that has long suffered at the hands of
extremists. According to reports, the TLP is leading a campaign on social media to
damage Ahmadi places of worship in Punjab’s Sarai Alamgir town. The party had earlier
championed similar actions in Jhelum, while mobs had also attacked the minority
community’s religious facilities in Karachi in February. Apart from targeting their religious
structures, the TLP also led a campaign to prevent Ahmadis from sacrificing animals on
Eidul Azha. However, these hateful campaigns are attracting the wrong kind of attention
for Pakistan internationally. In a letter written by the Office of the UN’s High Commissioner
for Human Rights, and submitted to Pakistan’s UN representative in Geneva, the
multilateral body has said it is “deeply concerned about … violent attacks” against
Ahmadis, while particularly mentioning attacks on the group’s places of worship.
These are not isolated incidents, as a Hindu temple was razed reportedly by the land
mafia in Karachi, while a mandir was attacked in Kashmore a few days ago. The state
must do more than merely pay lip service to minorities’ constitutionally guaranteed right
to freedom of religion. If radical groups are not stopped from targeting and harassing non-
Muslim communities, they will only grow in strength and one day may challenge the ruling
elite. Moreover, Pakistan’s desire to project a ‘soft image’ will hardly be fulfilled if minority
places of worship are attacked and desecrated. To protect the rights of Pakistan’s non-
Muslim citizens, and prevent further censure from global bodies, the state needs to stop
these odious drives and rein in the groups leading them. Surrendering to extremists will
further erode whatever remains of the state’s writ.
Regaining glory
AFTER many years, Pakistan has once again triumphed in world squash — at least at
the junior level — thanks to Hamza Khan’s world title victory in Australia. Hamza’s
splendid 3-1 win over Egyptian Mohammed Zakaria saw the 17-year-old become the first
Pakistan squash player to win the World Junior Championship since the legendary
Jansher Khan in 1986. In the intervening period of nearly four decades, only Aamir Atlas
Khan came close to winning the tournament when he reached the final of the 2008 edition.
“Pakistan squash is back,” said the World Squash Federation. But amid the celebrations,
some depressing truths must be faced. Hamza, who won the British Junior Open in 2020,
travelled to Australia without his coach or physiotherapist as the Pakistan Squash
Federation didn’t have the needed funds. Such was his determination to win, though, that
he powered to glory in Melbourne, raising hopes that Pakistan would regain its place atop
the pedestal. Felicitations came immediately. Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif hoped that
Hamza would make Pakistan “invincible” in squash once again and President Arif Alvi
termed his feat a “resurgent ray of hope”. But the reality is that Hamza will not be able to
translate his achievement at senior levels without support from all relevant quarters, and
a plan is desperately needed to restore Pakistani squash to its former glory.
Pakistan has lost its footing in the world game since the likes of Jahangir Khan and
Jansher hung up their racquets. A lot of talent has come through since then but no one
has been able to reach the final of the British Open or World Open since Jansher lost the
title match of the former in 1998. Hamza may well follow in the footsteps of his illustrious
compatriots but, as he has made clear, he needs financial support. So far his journey has
been made possible by the never-ending support of his father. The PSF did support him
for the World Junior Championship, bearing all his expenses for the trip to Australia. But
this should just be the start and Hamza should get the necessary help to participate in the
events of the Professional Squash Association circuit. He has demonstrated the ability to
push further, and both the government as well as private sponsors could help him end
Pakistan’s long wait for a senior title.
Interim set-up
IT is becoming clearer and clearer that the upcoming elections will be far from a fair
contest. The PML-N and PPP have lately worried that a ‘non-political’, ‘neutral’ caretaker
set-up may be co-opted by the establishment and end up overstaying its welcome.
Their solution to this dilemma was, reportedly, to find a pliant politician who could ensure
polls are held on time and also ‘manage’ any political challenges that may arise in the
interim.
The floating of Finance Minister Ishaq Dar’s name as PML-N’s nominee for interim prime
minister, accompanied by reports of a planned legislative move to give the caretakers
powers otherwise reserved for elected regimes, has triggered renewed speculation over
what fresh crises may lie in store for the country in the months ahead.
PML-N insiders have said that Nawaz Sharif had “made it clear” that the interim PM will
be of the government’s choosing, “come what may”. It appeared to be a message for the
establishment, which is rumoured to be backing its own horse in the race. But could an
interim set-up that is obviously partisan — either in favour of a political grouping or the
establishment — ever be acceptable?
Apparently, the PML-N would like nothing better, but it does not seem to have the PPP
backing it up on this. On Monday, PPP’s Sherry Rehman made it clear that the party does
not consider Mr Dar a candidate for interim PM as his candidacy hasn’t been “discussed”
with the PPP yet.
There was much indignation in the PPP camp after local media reported Mr Dar was
being considered for the job, with many saying the appointment of someone from the
Sharif clan would be “unacceptable”.
It is worth recalling that the government’s justification for violating the Constitution in
delaying the Punjab and KP assembly elections earlier this year rested on the argument
that having an elected government in the two provinces would make it ‘impossible’ to hold
a free and fair general election there some months later.
The government’s intransigence on this matter precipitated the debilitating political unrest
seen earlier this year, which also had grave implications for the economy.
For the government to now take a U-turn on the need for a neutral set-up overseeing the
poll process is rank hypocrisy. There may be nothing in the law that prohibits someone
affiliated with a political party from being part of an interim set-up, but the country
desperately needs an election free of every conceivable controversy.
Appointing someone who is a loyalist to this side or that will greatly damage the credibility
of the exercise. There is no shortage of capable, self-respecting men and women in this
country who can be given the job and trusted to deliver. Enough of these games.
Bahawalpur scandal
SHOCKING allegations have emerged after a number of administrative staffers working
for Bahawalpur’s Islamia University were apprehended by law enforcers. Police say that
drugs were recovered from the varsity’s chief security officer, while obscene media was
found on his phone after the individual’s recent arrest. Narcotics and similar material were
also reportedly recovered from the university’s treasurer and a transport officer.
Moreover, a police report — details of which were published in this paper — claims that
a “group of teachers” was involved in the sale of narcotics and the sexual exploitation and
blackmail of female teachers and students. These are alarming allegations and cannot
be taken lightly. While the university’s vice chancellor has rejected any wrongdoing, and
one of the accused says he is being framed, simple denials are not enough considering
the serious nature of the claims. A thorough probe is needed to determine the veracity of
the matter, and if there is sufficient proof that crimes have been committed, all involved
must be punished under the maximum penalties mandated by law.
The sale of narcotics has, unfortunately, been reported from numerous schools, colleges
and universities across the country. The fact that varsity staffers may be involved in drug
dealing makes the matter even more serious. Equally appalling are charges that female
teachers and students may have been sexually harassed and blackmailed at this
university. Institutes of higher learning — and indeed all workplaces and educational
facilities — need to be safe spaces where girls and women can learn/work without the
fear of sexual predators and harassers. These allegations indicate that the atmosphere
at many institutions may be absolutely toxic. The National Assembly’s Standing
Committee on Education has started probing the matter; the university’s VC was
summoned to its meeting on Monday, but the official did not show up. The interim Punjab
chief minister has also constituted a committee to look into the affair. These probes must
be credible and uncover the truth so that the guilty can be punished. Moreover, university
officials need to cooperate with the investigations to dispel the impression that a cover-
up is underway. Beyond the Bahawalpur varsity, a wider reckoning should assess if
universities across the country are providing an environment where students, particularly
females, can study without the fear of harassment, while drug dealing and other
destructive activities need to be curbed.
Wrong move
AT a time when Pakistani democracy is facing an unprecedented existential crisis,
legislation to improve service delivery for ordinary citizens would have gone a long way
towards demonstrating that the country’s leadership is serious about turning its fortunes
around. Instead, the record for the past year shows that politicians seem to be
preoccupied with their own troubles and power struggles.
The Contempt of Majlis-i-Shoora (Parliament) Bill on Monday became the latest piece of
legislation to clear both Houses in record time, with normal procedures bypassed to
hasten its enactment.
The proposed law, which seeks to impose criminal penalties on anyone for contemning
parliament or parliamentarians, has been bluntly described by experts and observers as
a ‘weapon’ that our lawmakers wish to wield in their ongoing stand-off against the
Supreme Court.
The bill proposes that anyone who wilfully refuses to comply with an order passed by
parliament or any of its committees be slapped with an imprisonment sentence of up to
six months, or a fine of up to Rs1m, or both
A ‘parliamentary contempt committee’ comprising five members, of which three will be
drawn from the Lower House and two from the Senate, is to determine if anyone is to be
charged with contempt of parliament, hear the matter, and also issue a punishment if left
unsatisfied.
In this, the law has been criticised, and rightfully so, for arrogating to parliament the power
to act as judge, jury and executioner. Critics have pointed out that Article 66(3) of the
Constitution, under which it has been proposed, directs that the matter of punishments in
case of noncompliance with parliamentary directives be left to a court.
Further, the language of the law — especially how it defines contempt — is also vague
and rather expansive, which makes it vulnerable to abuse. As an example, even
journalists protecting their sources against a parliamentary order to name them may be
charged with contempt under the law if a contempt committee so decides.
Despite all these warnings, parliament seems intent on having this bill enacted.
Parliament and public representatives do deserve to be accorded due deference and
respect, especially when discharging their duties. However, they cannot be handed quasi-
judicial powers to enforce their writ.
Unless all members of the committee are trained legal experts as well, it is unlikely that
the trials they hold will be in accordance with the universal standards of justice.
This has grave implications for constitutional rights, especially as there is a possibility of
a criminal sentence at the end. The government must reconsider this move. It may tighten
existing rules or legislate to ensure better compliance with parliamentary directives, but it
must leave the determination and imposition of punishments to the courts.
Vulnerable child workers

THE brutal torture of a teenaged girl allegedly by her employers in Islamabad serves to
once again remind us of the harsh and unsafe conditions in which thousands of other
children are forced to live and work. The case of 13-year-old Rizwana — who was brought
by her parents to a hospital in her hometown, Sargodha, on Sunday, with fractured arms,
legs and ribs, as well as head and body wounds — is the latest among a growing number
of incidents of barbaric treatment at work to which little children engaged in domestic
labour are subjected. While some cases of extreme violence and sexual abuse get
noticed by the media, forcing the authorities to reluctantly take action, most incidents go
unreported. The statistics compiled by rights groups in January 2020 showed that 140
cases of abuse, torture, rape and murder of child domestic workers were reported by the
media over 10 years. That highlights the dangers these child workers constantly face.
Their poverty-stricken parents rarely go to the police against their abusive employers.
That the Islamabad Police were delaying the registration of a case against Rizwana’s
employers, one of whom is a civil judge, speaks volumes about the indifference of the
authorities supposed to protect children like her.
Hiring minors and underage children as domestic help, especially girls to look after
newborns and young children, is common in urban Pakistan, and the trend is growing due
to rising poverty and hunger. This is so, despite an apex court order in the Tayyaba torture
case to keep a benchmark of at least 16 years for all domestic workers. Nonetheless,
children below this age continue to be employed, and the number of cases where
domestic workers are facing physical abuse and exploitation is increasing. The situation
for child domestic workers is dire in every possible way. It will not improve without
criminalising the practice of employing them, especially without direct parental
supervision.
Bye bye birdie

ELON Musk is at it again. Equal parts charismatic and controversial, the serial
techpreneur, who last year bought Twitter for a whopping $44bn, has started erasing the
social media platform’s iconic blue identity to replace it with a starker, more futuristic ‘X’.
The rebranding exercise is part of his vision to reconfigure Twitter as an ‘everything app’,
with features that will let users browse and consume multimedia content as well as make
purchases and complete peer-to-peer transactions from the same platform. It sounds like
an interesting plan — it’s a shame the Twitter bird had to fall victim to it. This major
repositioning comes at a turbulent time for Twitter. The sharks have been circling, sensing
weakness as the company’s new CTO upsets users with his frequent, sometimes
whimsical changes to the platform, which have proved too jarring for more dedicated
users. Competition has recently started cropping up, with major industry players like Meta
and TikTok offering new features or services to rival what Twitter has on offer in a bid to
pull disgruntled users away from it.
It doesn’t seem to be bothering Mr Musk much. The jury is still out on whether he is a
villain or a genius, but if his past is anything to go by, he has achieved much that would
have seemed impossible at one time. From manufacturing the wildly popular Tesla
electric vehicles to making spaceships with SpaceX to revolutionising online payments
with PayPal, he has changed the world in more ways than one. His turning Twitter into ‘X’
may seem eccentric, but it is an attempt to turn the struggling company financially viable
by pivoting its product into an integrated platform that can help users make lifestyle
choices with greater ease. Will the big bet pay off? Time will tell. Meanwhile, Mr Musk is
living up to his reputation for venturing into the unknown and risking it all for his dreams.
Sexism central
EVEN for someone who wears his misogyny on his sleeve, Defence Minister Khawaja
Asif’s ugly outburst in a joint session of parliament on Tuesday betrayed singular
uncouthness.
Lashing out at criticism by opposition parliamentarians for “bulldozing” bills by the
government, he singled out PTI’s women lawmakers and derided them as the “remains”
and “ruins” of party chairman Imran Khan.
“This is the garbage left behind which has to be cleaned,” he said. As if that were not
derogatory enough, he later added: “Depraved women should not lecture on chastity.” In
a patriarchal culture, casting aspersions on women’s ‘character’ is low-hanging fruit.
For male politicians, it is the quickest way to try and ‘shame’ female opposition figures
into silence; Mr Asif and others of his ilk should know that this reprehensible line of attack
betrays their own intellectual bankruptcy.
Strategically deployed misogyny aims to trivialise women’s work and their views, and
keep them on the peripheries — passive onlookers rather than individuals making an
impact on society.
Such demeaning attitudes should be considered especially unacceptable in a country
with a massive gender gap in economic participation and opportunity because they
reinforce the ‘perils’ that lurk in the public space should women ‘dare’ to venture forth.
One would imagine then that at least female parliamentarians would find common cause
in standing united when they are targeted in this manner, whether through direct jibes or
sly innuendo. Unfortunately, in a polarised atmosphere, even misogyny is politicised.
It is decried when it emanates from the opposing camp, condoned when one of their own
resorts to it. Women PTI legislators who rightly denounced Mr Asif’sremarks had either
stayed silent or rushed to defend their party chairman when he made deplorably crass
comments about Maryam Nawaz at a rally last year.
Similarly, on Tuesday, the PTI women got no support from their compatriots who
appeared to be willfully ignoring the blatant sexism on display.
Even female lawmakers from the PPP chose to stay silent; this is the party that gave
Pakistan its first woman prime minister and which recently issued a show cause notice to
a prominent leader from its own ranks when he made light of sexual assault. All members
of the House of representatives should unequivocally condemn sexist language, no
matter who utters it. That is a red line that none must cross.
Terrorist threat
OVER the past few weeks, KP has suffered from frequent terrorist attacks. The latest
incident occurred in the Jamrud area on Tuesday, when a senior police officer was
martyred as he confronted a suicide bomber who had taken refuge in a mosque. Last
week, terrorists had attacked a police post in Peshawar’s Sarband area, while suicide
bombers had also targeted Bara bazaar; numerous police personnel were martyred in the
latter incident. It is suspected that members of the Jamaatul Ahrar terrorist outfit may be
behind the Jamrud attack, as well as some of the other recent incidents in KP. JuA has
an on-again, off-again relationship with the banned TTP; in fact, many of the terrorist
groups active in the region have a diffused structure, while splinter factions are also
common.
The fresh wave of terrorism confronting KP needs to be addressed to prevent further
bloodletting. Far too many security personnel have fallen in the line of duty, while local
residents demonstrate for peace, and demand that their areas be cleansed of violent
extremists. Hundreds of tribesmen took out a peace rally in Tirah valley on Tuesday
calling for an end to targeted killings and extortion in their area; they lamented the fact
that militants were moving around “freely” in Khyber district. This is not the first of such
gatherings; numerous others have been held in various parts of KP over the past few
months, as incidents of terrorist violence have grown after a tenuous ceasefire with the
banned TTP fell through.
Whether it is the TTP, JuA or similar outfits, they cannot be given any space to operate,
particularly in the former tribal areas. Security operations must be stepped up so that
terrorist groups cannot expand their malign activities. Where militant havens in
Afghanistan are concerned — both the TTP and JuA are believed to be active in the
Afghan provinces bordering Pakistan — Asif Durrani, the government’s special
representative on Afghanistan, has only recently returned from Kabul after holding talks
with the Taliban rulers. From what is publicly known regarding these meetings, Taliban
officials have repeated the rhetoric that their soil is not being used for terrorism, though
evidence strongly suggests otherwise. While it is the state’s responsibility to secure
Pakistani territory, the counterterrorism effort will suffer if militants continue to have
sanctuaries across the border. Therefore, the government must keep up the pressure on
the Afghan Taliban to do more to contain the TTP and other terrorist groups. Kabul’s
rulers depend on Pakistan to facilitate trade and for diplomatic support. The message
from Islamabad should be that if terrorists continue to use Afghan soil, these ties will be
affected. Additionally, there should be a continued demand from all of Afghanistan’s
neighbours to shut down terrorist sanctuaries.
UNGA resolution
AS attempts by bigots and provocateurs to attack Islam’s sacred symbols continue
unabated, efforts are also being made at international fora to denounce these despicable
acts, and forge a global consensus against hate speech targeting religious sanctities. The
latest development in this regard occurred at the UN General Assembly recently, when a
resolution was adopted deploring “acts of violence against persons” on the basis of their
religious beliefs, along with acts “directed at their religious symbols, holy books … or
places of worship”. The resolution was sponsored by Morocco and co-sponsored by
Pakistan, while other Muslim states, including Malaysia and Egypt, also helped in the
effort. Spain, on behalf of the EU, tried to water down the text, but the majority of states
voted against any amendments. This follows the adoption of a resolution condemning
religious hatred passed at the UN’s Human Rights Council. Pakistan had spearheaded
that effort. These moves come in the wake of vile attempts to attack Islamic symbols in
various European states, specifically the burning and desecration of copies of the Holy
Quran in Sweden and Denmark.
Efforts to counter such hateful behaviour must continue at all forums. Clearly, the reaction
of Muslim states and other countries that believe in universal respect, is having an impact.
Some media reports have quoted the Swedish foreign minister as saying that legal efforts
are underway to prevent future attempts at desecrating the Quran. Certainly, Western
states must use all the tools at their disposal to prevent the repeat of such atrocious
behaviour, as hiding behind notions of freedom of expression to justify it is unacceptable.
After all, burning the Quran and attacking Islamic sanctities is just the first step. The next
step is the actual murder of Muslims, as the Quebec City and Christchurch mosque
killings testify. The criminals involved in these atrocities come from the same ideological
gene pool as those involved in desecrating Islamic symbols.
SIFC initiative
GIVEN the haste with which the government is trying to roll out a legal infrastructure for
the military-backed Special Investment Facilitation Council to “facilitate the promised
investments” from Saudi Arabia, Qatar and the UAE, we may soon witness the arrival of
Arab investors. The cabinet’s approval of changes to the Investment Board Ordinance
weeks before its tenure ends is likely to clear the way for an early creation of the SIFC’s
structure, working procedures and cooperation mechanisms with different federal
ministries and provinces. The council is being formed to attract Gulf investments in
agriculture, IT, mining and defence production. The main goal of this ‘whole-of-the-
government’ initiative is to ease the concerns of Gulf investors on policy continuity, as
well as provide a one-window solution to them. These two factors are often blamed for
hampering FDI inflows. The council’s formation will also help Gulf investors circumvent
bureaucratic hurdles and cumbersome rules, while the military’s buy-in in the initiative
indicates that political changes or instability won’t result in the discontinuation of or
disruption in policies. Besides eyeing direct Gulf investment, Pakistan also hopes to sell
public-sector assets and state-owned business to the Arab investors, and is in the
process of transferring assets worth over Rs2.3tr to the recently formed Pakistan
Sovereign Wealth Fund for privatising or leasing those enterprises. A Karachi port
terminal has already been leased to the Emiratis.
As much as this SFIC initiative is needed, its purpose appears to be limited to facilitating
Gulf investment in Pakistan. The government needs to expand the scope of this project
to woo investors from other places too. The removal of restrictions on repatriation of
profits by foreign investors, which plunged by 80pc to $331m in the last fiscal year, could
be the starting point to give confidence to existing foreign investors that their problems
are also being resolved on a priority basis. This is already resulting in further decline in
the small amount of FDI we have been able to attract as Pakistan isn’t seen as an
attractive FDI destination except by investors who are promised exorbitant and
guaranteed returns as we have seen in power projects under CPEC. The expansion of
‘facilitation policies’ is necessary not only to attract investors from other countries but also
to create competition for Gulf companies.
Control.pk
THE PDM government, much like the PTI government before it, has proven that our
politicians have little interest in protecting civil liberties if there is something to be gained
from surrendering them.
Two bills, aimed at bringing under state control online media and digital platforms — the
last remaining spaces where most Pakistanis can still freely express themselves —
received the federal cabinet’s nod of approval on Monday.
The innocuously titled ‘Personal Data Protection Bill’ and ‘E-Safety Bill’ are, critics say,
much more sinister in intent than their titles suggest. Internet rights activists have
slammed the government, with a statement circulating on the internet, co-signed by
industry pioneers as well as prominent digital rights activists, lawyers and journalists,
stressing that “legislation prepared in secrecy and passed in haste disregarding input and
clear reservations, serves no protective purpose but reeks of nefarious designs to further
curb the rights and liberties of citizens”. The signatories to the statement believe that
“these bills must not be passed”.
Separately, the Asia Internet Coalition has especially criticised the Personal Data
Protection Bill, saying it “falls short of international standards for data protection and
creates unnecessary complexities that will increase the cost of doing business and
dampen foreign investment”.
The managing director of the organisation also pointed out that “the bill creates additional
barriers to digital trade at a critical time, when Pakistan’s economic growth demands
paramount attention”.
The question naturally arises: how does the PDM government, which has pinned much
of its economic turnaround hope on growth in the country’s nascent IT industry, square
its vision with such measures that, if they do not kill the nascent IT industry, will surely
cripple it?
It defies understanding, and it is unsurprising that the reaction to its secretive new laws
has been swift and condemnatory. The government clearly has no clue about how to
empower the industry and unlock its potential.
It is obvious that the need for these legislative interventions has not arisen from any
pressing public concern. This much is evident from the manner in which the two bills were
quietly drafted, tabled before the cabinet, and hurriedly passed. Even the government’s
allies, it seems, were unaware of their existence.
Observers fear it is the state that has been unable to shut down the unbridled ridicule and
criticism it has lately been receiving online, which is pushing these laws. To them, it wants
the same control over online publishing platforms that it has over traditional media.
The PTI learnt after its ouster that, had it not been for the Islamabad High Court striking
down very similar rules and laws it had introduced towards the tail-end of its tenure, it
would have quickly been crushed by the state. The PDM should not repeat the same
mistake.
Six-month window
The goal is tantalisingly close. This year has so far seen only one case of wild poliovirus,
with a three-year-old boy in KP’s Bannu district falling prey to the crippling disease in
March.
By contrast, there were 20 last year, all concentrated in southern KP, where Bannu is
also located. Moreover, the lone case of 2023 was reported after a gap of five months.
Pakistan is clearly on the right trajectory, even though it takes three consecutive years of
zero cases for a country to be declared polio-free.
However, the national anti-polio campaign must remain proactive against a virus
constantly knocking on our doors.
It was reported this week that an environmental sample collected from Peshawar has
tested positive for wild poliovirus, the fifth such sample collected from the city this year
since January.
The finding is worrisome, for it is an indication of lowered immunity against the disease
among children in the area.
According to the authorities, the poliovirus in the sample is genetically linked to that which
is in circulation in Afghanistan, the only other polio-endemic country in the world aside
from Pakistan
There is, understandably, considerable international commitment in the drive to eradicate
this terrible disease. For, unless its transmission is interrupted in Pakistan and
Afghanistan, all nations remain at risk, particularly those with weak public health systems.
At the conclusion of a four-day visit to Pakistan, a high-level delegation from the Global
Polio Eradication Initiative said that the next six months were critical to interrupting the
transmission of wild poliovirus here.
Cautious optimism was expressed that the goal is achievable. In the vaccination drive
next month, health authorities must ensure that every child under five is covered.
Hearteningly, it was recently reported by authorities in KP — where all seven polio-
endemic districts in Pakistan are located — that the number of families refusing to have
polio drops administered to their children has come down by 35pc.
Involving the local clergy in the effort to promote vaccination — an important measure
given the objections stem from faith-based misconceptions — appears to, at last, be
bearing fruit.
The legitimate grievances of Lady Health Workers, a vital aspect of polio vaccination
campaigns, must also be addressed on a priority basis so that every eligible child is a
timely recipient of the precious drops
Series win
It had been a while since Pakistan last won a Test series. However, on Thursday,
Pakistan thrashed Sri Lanka by an innings and 222 runs inside four days in the second
Test in Colombo, handing the hosts their heaviest defeat at home and clinching the series
2-0; their first series triumph since December 2021 when they downed Bangladesh.
Winning both matches of the series, the first of Pakistan’s World Test Championship cycle
for 2023-24 sent them to the top of the nascent table, with the team’s approach raising
hopes that Babar Azam’s charges will do better in the longest format of the game this
time round.
Pakistan struggled in the last two cycles of the WTC but its performance in Sri Lanka was
much better, with the team management introducing the “Pakistan Way”; an ideology
similar to England’s “Bazball”.
Upping the scoring rate while batting was a key aspect that helped Pakistan dominate.
There were standout innings too with Saud Shakeel and Abdullah Shafique notching
double centuries in the first and second Test respectively.
Player of the series Salman Ali Agha scored a century and a half-century across the two
Tests, while Imam-ul-Haq’s unbeaten 50 anchored Pakistan’s chase in the opening Test
in Galle, which they won by four wickets.
Spinners Abrar Ahmed and Nauman Ali picked up 10 wickets apiece in the series; the
latter’s 7-70 in the second Test fuelling Pakistan’s romp.
After the series, Babar highlighted that his charges had raised their game. It is a bright
start for Pakistan, which finished seventh in the last WTC cycle, but sterner challenges
lie ahead.
Pakistan’s newfound approach will face its acid test when they travel down under in
December for their next Test series against recently crowned WTC winners Australia.
Pakistan have lost their last 14 Tests in Australia but if they play as well as they did in Sri
Lanka, they may have a chance to end that dismal record.
Fluid & resilient

THE militant landscape is nothing if not resilient, adapting to the changes in its
environment and the pressures exerted upon it by counterterrorism forces. Law-
enforcement agencies must therefore constantly stay one step ahead if they are to even
reduce its lethality, let alone eliminate it.
The 32nd report of the UN’s Analytical Support and Sanctions Monitoring Team offers
insight into how militant outfits readjust their strategies; where Pakistan is concerned,
political developments in Afghanistan are having an impact whose long-term
consequences could be devastating.
For instance, the document notes that in Africa’s Sahel region, Al Qaeda and the militant
Islamic State group “compete for resources, territory, and hearts and minds” which leads
to violent conflict between them.
However, there is “greater fluidity in Afghanistan where relationships and affiliations have
a longer history and are more complex. The distinctions between members of Al Qaeda
and affiliated groups, including TTP, and [IS-Khorasan] are at times blurred at the edges”.
Thus, in this region, militants may identify with more than one group, with a tendency to
align themselves with the “dominant or ascending power”.
The Afghan Taliban’s assumption of power is giving increased operational space to the
TTP in Afghanistan, and the spike in cross-border attacks by the banned outfit against
Pakistan is compelling evidence of this.
Although pressure by the government here did compel Kabul to relocate certain TTP
elements away from the border area, the Taliban’s refusal to take coercive measures
against the group could add another layer of complexity to the situation.
According to the report, evidence suggests that “other sanctioned terrorist groups are
using support to TTP as a means to evade control by the Afghan Taliban”.
It adds, this could even lead to a range of foreign outfits coalescing under the TTP’s
umbrella; already, there are indications that Al Qaeda is providing “guidance” to the TTP
for carrying out attacks inside Pakistan, and that TTP fighters have access to training
camps of foreign terror groups in Kunar province.
Al Qaeda and IS have also given considerable autonomy to groups affiliated with them;
decentralising terror networks enhances their operational effectiveness and ability to
tackle CT measures.
Perhaps that is why in Pakistan, one has of late been witnessing attacks by little-known
outfits claiming to have links with one or the other of these major terrorist entities.
There is also the Jamaatul Ahrar, with its on-again, off-again relationship with the TTP,
whose members are suspected of involvement in several recent acts of terrorism.
The Punjab CTD yesterday claimed to have arrested in several intelligence-based
organisations 17 suspected militants belonging to various banned groups. We cannot
afford to let up. On no account must violent extremist groups get the opportunity to hold
Pakistan hostage again.
Foo fighters
“THE truth is out there.” The ominous tagline of the hit science fiction drama The X-Files
has taken on a new meaning over the last few days after a former United States Air Force
intelligence officer testified before a US Congress subcommittee on Wednesday that the
country has been covering up a long-standing programme to retrieve and reverse-
engineer alien technologies. Once pooh-poohed by ‘serious’ scientists and experts as a
wild conspiracy theory, ufologists had long argued that humankind’s rapid strides in the
20th century are the result of its coming into contact with extraterrestrial life forms. Could
it be that they were right all along? The Pentagon has denied Maj David Grusch’s claims,
but those who believe will now continue looking for answers with renewed vigour. Most
interestingly, Maj Grusch said the US has likely been aware of “non-human” activity since
the 1930s and has recovered “nonhuman biologics” from UFO crash sites. Have aliens
been living among us all along?
In Pakistan, it is usually a different type of khalai makhlooq that makes the headlines with
its shenanigans, but the country is no stranger to haqeeqi aliens as well. There have been
reports of at least two UFO sightings in recent years, with an Islamabad man recording a
“mysterious bulging triangle” lurking over the capital city in January 2022, and a PIA pilot
snapping a “very shiny object” in the sky over Rahim Yar Khan during a Karachi- Lahore
flight in January 2021. Have extraterrestrial life forms suddenly started taking an interest
in our affairs too? Perhaps one ought not to get carried away with such inquiries. Sceptics
have pointed out that while those testifying before the US Congress have made some
startling claims, they haven’t backed them up with equally compelling evidence. Perhaps
humanity needs to wait a little longer before it is ready to confront ‘the truth’. In the
meanwhile, it may be best to put on a tinfoil hat.
Auto slump
PAKISTAN’S car industry is in deep trouble. The last fiscal was one of the worst years
the industry has ever seen. Its sales decreased in FY23 by almost 56pc to 126,879 units
from a year ago. The plunge in car sales is driven mainly by three reasons.
First, the demand for auto loans, historically a major driver of car sales in the country, is
declining significantly because of the State Bank’s enhanced requirements and soaring
interest rates. This is already showing in the drop of Rs75bn in the outstanding auto loan
portfolios of financial institutions to Rs293bn at the end of the last fiscal year.
Secondly, the restriction imposed by the central bank on the import of CKDs and parts to
slow down the dollar outflow meant that the industry produced fewer units last year
compared to the previous one.
Thirdly, the huge increase in prices due to the rapid exchange rate depreciation and
record headline inflation has put even the cheapest car out of the reach of most people.
Analysts agree that it is likely that industry sales will remain suppressed over the next
couple of years, even after the import restrictions on the assemblers have been fully lifted.
The current scenario has underscored that the government’s and industry’s ambitious
target of expanding the local car market to 500,000 units by FY26 will be difficult to
achieve owing to the lacklustre demand, especially from middle-income people.
Apart from the ongoing decline in sales, the auto industry is faced with a serious long-
term crisis. The reasons are obvious. The heavy tariff and non-tariff protection that allows
the assemblers guaranteed sales and huge profits means that they are least bothered to
localise their products and cut down on their costs to increase the market size, or expand
into the export market to become a part of the large global supply chain.
For far too long, the government has ignored calls for creating a competitive market that
would facilitate people to transition from two-wheelers to small cars, and from small cars
to bigger ones.
Dependent totally on imports, local car assemblers will not position themselves to serve
the needs of Pakistani consumers, especially the middle class, unless they are exposed
to true competition that forces them to localise and become part of the international supply
chain.
Bajaur bombing
ONCE again, dozens of innocents have paid in blood for their state’s failure to apprehend
an attack on the country and its people. At the time these lines were being written, at least
35 civilian lives had been lost to the cowardly bombing of a Sunday political convention
in KP’s Bajaur district, while 85 individuals were battling with injuries of varying degrees,
a number of them struggling between life and death.
The grief and anger came in familiar waves — it had been a while since so many civilian
lives were lost to a single act of senseless violence, but we are certainly no strangers to
the trauma.
We now process it as if by ritual. The standard condemnations have been shared and
registered, and the mourners will now commit the deceased to their earthly abodes. Very
soon, a senior official will, on record, express their institution’s ‘unshakeable resolve’ with
regard to ‘eliminating terrorism’ from Pakistan. And that will be that.
It is important to consider why the workers of a religiously inclined political party could
have been subjected to such bestial violence. However ultraconservative the JUI-F’s
worldview, the party has chosen to contest power and operate within the parameters set
by the Constitution of Pakistan.
This does not sit well with a host of militant organisations like the TTP, the IS-K and Al
Qaeda, which have competed with democratic parties for control of the Pakhtun belt,
particularly the tribal belts of KP and Balochistan. These groups, in the past, targeted and
decimated the ANP and Qaumi Watan Party for the same reason.
The JUI-F, however, is an even bigger problem for them as it seeks a path to Islamic rule
through the ballot box, while the militants seek the same through ‘jihad’ and to rule by the
sword.
In the past, attacking political gatherings has had a chilling effect on the political activities
of targeted parties and eventually pushed some of them out of the picture. With the
country gearing up for elections, such terrorist outfits may seek to reassert their presence
with fear tactics.
A UNSC report has only recently warned of the possibility of the TTP and Al Qaeda joining
forces to expand their influence in South Asia. The occurrence of such incidents makes
the Pakistani security apparatus look weak; the National Action Plan seems to have been
ineffective in putting a stop to violent incidents.
The Taliban regime next door is also proving to be a problem. With the challenges
growing, the national security apparatus cannot afford to take its eyes off the ball.
However, of late, it seems to be taking too much on its plate. The fact is, criticism is sure
to follow if its core responsibilities remain unfulfilled.

DAWN Editorials July 2023

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