Social Impact Assessment in India - Sage - Spectrum

Social Impact
Assessment in
India
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Edi󰇹󰇹󰇹󰇹󰇹󰇹󰇹󰇹󰇹󰇹
A.K. Sinha
Ratika Thakur
Avanee Khatri
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Social Impact
Assessment in
India
Social Impact
Assessment in
India
Learning from
the Field
Edited by
A.K. Sinha
Ratika Thakur
Avanee Khatri
Copyright © Dr. A. K. Sinha, Dr. Ratika Thakur, Dr. Avanee Khatri, 2023
CC
BY NC SA
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First published in 2023 by
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DOI: https://doi.org/10.4135/978-93-5479-550-3
ISBN: 978-93-5479-538-1 (PB)

ISBN: 978-93-5479-549-7 (e-book)
This book is dedicated to anthropologists who
immersed themselves for numerous years in the field,
understanding cultural and economic transitions in
communities owing to development-induced displace-
ment and other factors that resulted in strengthening
and authenticating social impact assessment field
methods, theory and most importantly ethics.
CONTENTS
List of Abbreviationsxi
List of Figuresxv
List of Tablesxvii
Acknowledgementsxix
Introductionxxi
PART I: ANTHROPOLOGY IN SOCIAL IMPACT

ASSESSMENT: METHODOLOGICAL AND
THEORETICAL PERSPECTIVES
1 Is Social Impact Assessment a Panacea? 3
R. Siva Prasad and Alok Kumar Pandey
2 The Practice in Social Impact Assessment:
An Anthropological Appraisal 22
P. Venkata Rao
3 An Anthropological Critique of Social Impact
Assessment: Moving Beyond Current Models
of Development 37
Abhik Ghosh
4 Social Impact Assessment of Development Projects
in Odisha: A Humanistic Approach 55
Prasanna K. Nayak
5 Situating Anthropology in Social Impact Assessment:
Methodological Considerations 75
Avanee Khatri, Ratika Thakur and A. K. Sinha
6 Spatial Analysis in Geospatial Technology for Applied
Anthropological Research 94
Kunal Kumar Das
Contents vii
7 Towards Effective Mitigation Measures for Land
Acquisition through Participatory Social Impact
Assessment111
Sumit Mukherjee
8 Ethical Considerations in Social Impact Assessment
Studies of Land Acquisitions: Anthropological
Perspectives130
J. S. Sehrawat
PART II: ANTHROPOLOGY IN SOCIAL IMPACT

ASSESSMENT: LEGAL ASPECT
9 Anthropological Survey of India and Social Impact
Assessment: A Review 143
Abhijit Guha
10 Judicial Failure on Land Acquisition for Corporations 153
Colin Gonsalves
11 Land Acquisition in India: The Present Scenario 173
Ruchika Khitta
PART III: ANTHROPOLOGY IN SOCIAL IMPACT

ASSESSMENT: CASE STUDIES
12 Social Impact Assessment and the Standard of Living 189
Amlan J. Biswas
13 Anthropological Complexities in Social Impact
Assessment: Need for Sharpening Orientation and
Redefining Methods 203
Vineetha Menon
14 Social Impact Assessment of Extreme Events:
Methodology, Methods and Tools 215
P. C. Joshi and Prashant Khattri
15 Examining Social Impact Assessment Using the Lens
of Social Anthropology 233
Manas Ranjan Kar
16 Social Impact Assessment and Poverty among
Vulnerable Tribal Communities: A Case Study 244
Premananda Panda
viii Social Impact Assessment in India

17 Social Impact Assessment and Evaluation with a
Vulnerable Tribe 268
R. P. Mitra
18 Social Impact Assessment with Special Reference
to Project-Affected Populations and RFCTLARR
Act, 2013 284
M. Mohan and P. Sudhakara Reddy
19 Health and Nutritional Status for Social Impact
Assessment: Study of Achanakmar-Amarkantak
Biosphere Reserve 302
Ramesh Sahani
20 Rehabilitation and Resettlement in Context of the
Achanakmar-Amarkantak Biosphere Reserve 313
Umesh Kumar
21 Social Impact Assessment of Land Acquisition: Three
Projects in Punjab 329
Mehar Singh and Sukhvinder Singh
About the Editors and Contributors351

Index362
Contents ix
LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS
AABR Achanakmar-Amarkantak Biosphere Reserve

AD after displacement
AER Anthropological Expert Review
AHP Analytic Hierarchy Process
ANM Auxiliary Nursing Midwifery
AnSI Anthropological Survey of India
BD before displacement
BG broad gauge
BJP Bharatiya Janata Party
BMI Body Mass Index
BPL below poverty line
BR Biosphere Reserve
CAD command areas development
CCD Conservation-cum-Development
CDBR Cold Desert Biosphere Reserve
CESS Centre for Economic and Social Studies
CGPI cumulative grazing pressure index
COBRA Commando Battalion for Resolute Action
CSIA Comprehensive Social Impact Assessment
CSR corporate social responsibility
DBI drainage buffer index
DKDA Dongria Kondh Development Agency
EIA environmental impact assessment
EIS Environmental Impact Statements
FAO Food and Agriculture Organization
List of Abbreviations xi
FGD focus group discussions
GMADA Greater Mohali Development Authority
GIS Geographic Information System
GPS Global Positioning System
HAL Hindustan Aeronautics Limited
HCWRD Human Cost of Weather Related Disasters
HFRS Haemorrhagic Fever with Renal Syndrome
IAIA International Association for Impact Assessment
ICSSR Indian Council of Social Science Research
IFC International Finance Corporation
INCAA Indian Confederation and Academy of
Anthropologists
IOCPGSIA Inter-organizational Committee on Principles and
Guidelines for Social Impact Assessment
ISIA Initial Social Impact Assessment
ISODATA Iterative Self-Organizing Data Analysis Technique
KMML Kerala Minerals and Metals Ltd
LAA Land Acquisition Act
LAR&R Land Acquisition, Rehabilitation and Resettlement
Act
LCA life cycle assessment
LIDAR light detection and ranging
LU livestock units
MBPY Madhu Babu Pension Yojana
MFP minor forest produce
MNREGA Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Employment
Guarantee Act
MPCE Monthly Per Capita Expenditure
MUAC mid-upper-arm circumference
MZI management zone index
NAD Naval Armament Depot
NCAD non-command areas development
NCDS Nabakrushna Choudhury Centre for Development
Studies
xii Social Impact Assessment in India

NDA National Democratic Alliance
NEPA National Environmental Policy Act
NTFPs non-timber forest products
OC other castes
ORFCTLARR Odisha Right to Fair Compensation
and Transparency in Land Acquisition,
Rehabilitation and Resettlement Rules, 2016
OXFAM Oxford Committee for Famine Relief
PA Protected Area
PAF project-affected families
PAP project-affected people
PDS Public Distribution System
PESA Panchayat (Extension to Scheduled Areas)
PHC public health centre
PI public involvement
PPBS Planning Programming–Budgeting System
PPP public–private partnership
PRA participatory rural appraisal
PSFS purchase and sale fair price shops
PTG Primitive Tribal Group
PVTGs Particularly Vulnerable Tribal Groups
R&R Rehabilitation and Resettlement
RAP Resettlement Action Plan
RBI road buffer index
RFCTLAR&R Right to Fair Compensation and Transparency in
Land Acquisition, Rehabilitation and Resettlement
Act
RI Revenue Inspector
RIW Relative Importance of Weight
RNP Ranthambhore National Park
RRAP Resettlement and Rehabilitation Action Plan
SA scheduled area
SHGs Self Help Groups
SI slope index
List of Abbreviations xiii

SIA Social Impact Assessment
SIMP social impact management plan
TGI total grazing index
TM Thematic Mapper
UNESCO United Nations Educational, Scientific and
Cultural Organization
UNDRR United Nations Office for Disaster Risk Reduction
UNISDR United Nations International Strategy for Disaster
Reduction
UPA United Progressive Alliance
USAID United State Agency for International Development
VCTI vegetation cover-type index
WHO World Health Organization
xiv Social Impact Assessment in India

LIST OF FIGURES
5.1 Situating SIA in Anthropology 76

5.2 Holistic Components of SIA 88
7.1 The Core and Eco-fragile Zone of AABR with Six

Villages Studied 120
7.2 (a) Old Patta Map Overlaid on Google Map and
(b) Patta Map Overlaid on Current GPS Map Data 123
7.3 (a) Houses are Depicted Clan-wise to Depict Spatial
Pattern and (b) Size of Land Holding Is Shown Clan-
wise at a Household Level 124
7.4 (a) Houses Plotted on the Current Land Use Map of
the Village and (b) Community-wise Houses Plotted
on the Current Land Use Map 125
7.5 Present Land Use and Land Features of the
Resettlement Site is Mapped Using Satellite
Imagery to be used for Building the New Settlement
Plan with the Opinion of the PAPs 126
18.1 Consequences of Displacement 287
List of Figures xv
LIST OF TABLES
5.1 SIA Plan of Action 85
6.1 Cattle Grazing Pressure 104

6.2 Cattle Grazing Pressure Gradient 104
6.3 Grazing Pressure in PA 106
12.1 Average Monthly per Capita Consumer

Expenditure (`)198
12.2 Percentage of Expenditure to the Total MPCE 198
12.3 Absolute and Percentage Break-Up of MPCE by
Item Group: Rural India and CDBR 200
18.1 Factors Considered in the Selection of Area for

Resettlement289
18.2 Distribution of Primary Occupations 291
18.3 Distribution of Primary Occupations among
the PAPS 293
18.4 Distribution of Secondary Occupations among
the PAPS 294
20.1 Population in Studied Villages 1961–2008 316

20.2 Existing Village Amenities and Utilities 318
20.3 Location of R&R Sites 321
21.1 Distribution of Affected Farmers as Per the Size of

Their Land Notified for Acquisition 336
List of Tables xvii

21.2 Station-wise and Village/Town-wise Size of the
Notified Land 338
21.3 Size of the Notified Land (in Kanals) 338
21.4 Size of the Land to be Acquired (in Biswas) 339
xviii Social Impact Assessment in India

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
The thought to turn an idea into a book is challenging and reward-

ing at the same time. A similar idea emanated in March 2019,
during a National Workshop on Social Impact Assessment, over
a conversation with promising and eminent scholars from across
the country. Today, we are extremely grateful as this idea turns
into reality.
This book is a cumulative effort of authors, researchers and
fieldwork practitioners on the method and application of social
impact assessment (SIA). As the book places SIA holistically, the
interdisciplinary contribution of experts from anthropology, law,
sociology, environment and development studies, makes it impera-
tive for this treasure to be available to concerned academicians,
planners and students in the field of SIA, as a one reference stop.
The editors of the book would like to extend their gratitude
to all the authors for their valuable participation. We are convinced
that the contribution of authors in sharing the unique experience
of SIA of different cultures and communities has made this book
more readable than it would otherwise have been.
This would not have been remotely possible without spon-
sorship from Greater Mohali Development Authority (GMADA),
S.A.S. Nagar, Punjab and Anthropological Survey of India (AnSI),
Kolkata, who believed in the concept and importance of the National
Workshop on SIA that later became the foundation for this book.
The editors are thankful to the Department of Anthropology,
Panjab University, Chandigarh, which is a UGC Centre of Advanced
Studies in Anthropology, for their timely support and help.
Our sincere thanks to SAGE Publications for providing a
trustworthy and renowned medium to connect to our readers/pub-
lish this research work. We are grateful to our reviewers who with
Acknowledgements xix
the right questions guided us on coherence and content presenta-
tion of chapters and helped us improve quality and close research
gaps, where existed.
We would like to express our deepest gratitude to each
individual, who put their sincere effort and spared precious time,
for every minute and big task, from the beginning till final stages
of compilation of this book.
Last but never least, we would like to thank the Almighty
with whose blessings everything is always possible.
xx Social Impact Assessment in India

INTRODUCTION
Development, as a word, encompasses a wide range of mean-

ings that stand for growth, transformation and change. For the
‘positive impression’ the word may furnish, development is an
overwhelming process, quiet often uneven and unequal, making
it rather a struggling experience for some. To make development
inclusive, numerous conventions, societies, associations have been
making continuous efforts so that the transition between pre- and
post-development world remains a smooth process. To begin with,
literary efforts have resulted in a much wider use and application
of words such as ‘sustainable’ and ‘inclusive’ often used as a prefix
to ‘development’.
In most development projects, displacement and rehabilita-
tion walk hand in hand. While on the upside there is emphasis on
improved quality of life, economic growth, etc., the challenge is to
make it a least turbulent experience for stakeholders. This book
focuses on infrastructural development, its impacts on people and
progressive steps to mitigate those impacts.
In the Indian context, the new land acquisition law also
known as the Right to Fair Compensation and Transparency in
Land Acquisition Rehabilitation and Resettlement (RFCTLARR)
Act, passed in the Legislative Assembly in September 2013, was
an attempt to make development transparent and a consultative
process. It announced the inclusion of mandatory rehabilitation and
resettlement package to all affected families, prior consent rule,
provisions of mandatory social impact assessment for all projects
involving land acquisition and ensured public participation.
Alongside these developments, in RFCTLARR, 2013,
social impact assessment (SIA), under Section 4 (4), stood as an
important clause. The term ‘social impact’ was first introduced at
Introduction xxi
Yale University, to understand social and environmental aspects
of investment projects and to highlight ethical responsibilities of
investors in infrastructural development. A year later, in 1969, the
US environmental policy Act, National Environmental Policy Act
(NEPA), introduced SIA as a legal requirement to capture posi-
tive and negative impacts of development, shifting its focus from
financial concerns to environmental challenges. While developed
countries (e.g., Canada, New Zealand, Australia and European
nations) swiftly accepted SIA legally in their administrative ruling,
developing countries followed the suit in the 1990s.
Since then, it has not only emerged as an important research
tool to analyse the impact of a development project on the lives
of people, but it is also viewed as a social method that attempts
to reduce conflicts by analysing concerns of affected population.
Legally, SIA is a mandate for various developmental sectors that
deal with the acquisition of land which includes hydropower plants,
mining and highways. It safeguards the rights of the project-
affected people and ensures equal representation from all, from
government to landowners to farmers and villagers, and minimal
rifts during land acquisition.
The vision to incorporate SIA in development projects was
intended to bring ecological, socio-cultural and economical sustain-
ability to promote community development and contribute to adap-
tive policies, programmes, plan and projects. A good SIA analyses
socio-cultural, economic and bio-physical impacts and involves a
wide range of subfields such as legal, political, psychological and
economical, with special attention to the vulnerable gender aspects
and economically weaker sections. In addition, one of the under-
lying facts is that the success and effectiveness of an SIA largely
depend upon its practitioners.
When we talk of practitioners, the role of a researcher
conducting an SIA remains highly significant. Though each SIA
study is area and case specific, there are common grounds such as
knowledge of effective research tools, sensitivity and ethics which
are expected to be followed in principle by any SIA practitioner
for a transparent study. SIA studies like most socio-cultural and
anthropological studies are people-centric, typically sensitive in
nature, involving intensive field-based exercise. SIA is built on local
xxii Social Impact Assessment in India

knowledge and aims for inclusive development. The common areas
of study in SIA, which is dear to anthropologists, include indigenous
rights, rural studies, impact evaluation, and policy formation and
analysis. With this extent of similarity, it is only appropriate and
intelligent for SIA practitioners to include and adopt anthropo-
logical research methods and tools which have been devised and
developed after prolonged decades of fieldwork. Anthropological
tools and techniques, such as the etic and emic approach, in-depth
interviews and focused group discussions, will enable understand-
ing the local context with most objectivity and least bias; these tools
are best suited for fair impact assessment studies.
The idea to develop this book was brewed in 2017 when
the Department of Anthropology, Panjab University, Chandigarh,
was selected by the Punjab State Government and Chandigarh
(Union Territory) Administration as the nodal centre to conduct
SIA studies across Chandigarh, Punjab and Haryana. It was during
this period, the editors participated, understood, learnt and closely
viewed the process of land acquisition under the newly introduced
law. SIA projects conducted by the Department of Anthropology,
Chandigarh, employed anthropologists and researchers from other
allied disciplines as research associates and research assistants and
trained them in SIA studies.
In the process, it was discovered that anthropologists across
the country were doing similar studies and contributing immensely
to land acquisition studies in urban, rural and, most importantly,
tribal areas. In no time, the importance of anthropology in SIA
was recognized. The editors took this opportunity to invite anthro-
pologists who were practising and practised SIA from across the
country to share their experiences. Hence, a workshop on SIA was
organized at the Department of Anthropology, Panjab University,
Chandigarh, funded by Anthropological Survey of India (ASI) and
GMADA. Eminent speakers from across the country, comprising
anthropologists, legal experts and administrators, were invited to
the workshop. As planned, the workshop discussed ground reali-
ties of land acquisition, covering varied aspects of methodology to
conduct SIA, issues related with displacement, rehabilitation, direct
and indirect impacts on people whose lands were being acquired,
the role (moral and financial) of funding agencies, methods of
Introduction xxiii
inclusive development, legal rights, etc. There was a special focus
on vulnerable groups, especially children, women, the elderly and
the ‘specially abled’, to give a holistic view on the current scenario of
SIA. The workshop enriched scholars and students on a new arena
that anthropology was being applied to and seemed to promise a
greater scope for the discipline in future.
Nevertheless, SIA remains an interdisciplinary practice,
and keeping in view the multidisciplinary approach to conduct SIA
and its implementation on the field, the book intends to address
SIA in India, holistically, with an interdisciplinary stance, with
majority contributions from experts in anthropology, development
studies, law and other eminent social sciences.
The objective of the book is to understand impacts of a devel-
opment project on a community, while also focusing on developing
skills and knowledge of researchers, students, academicians and
practitioners interested in development studies, by bringing forth
different field-based evidences across India. For readers’ conveni-
ence, the book is divided into three different parts as described in
the following.
PART I. ANTHROPOLOGY IN SOCIAL IMPACT

ASSESSMENT: METHODOLOGICAL AND
THEORETICAL PERSPECTIVES
This part has eight chapters. It brings together intercepts from
various authors that focus on SIA and its implementation by
anthropologists. This part discusses the relationship of anthro-
pology and anthropologists with development to underscore the
role of anthropologists in development studies. It also discusses
theoretical, academic and anthropological perspectives on SIA and
development by highlighting strengths of anthropological methods
and techniques that are a perfect fit to deal with sensitive matters
and sensitive groups effectively and with empathy.
This part also draws attention to the complexities associ-
ated with such studies and tries to offer methodological support to
conduct SIAs. It elaborates upon ethics in SIA that are understood
to maintain a balance between the affected population and other
stakeholders and are vital to sustain belief in the process. It also
xxiv Social Impact Assessment in India

presents role that technology has to offer in studies like SIA. It dis-
cusses the role of geospatial technology in mapping the boundaries
of the proposed land, providing a suitable site for rehabilitation,
understanding environmental conditions, identifying anthropogenic
pressures, land ownerships, land use, carrying capacity, vegeta-
tion cover, etc. The use of technology in SIA studies makes it more
transparent, contextual and situation driven towards effective
mitigation of land acquisition. Besides, research techniques and
methods are also highlighted and dispersed in other parts of the
book as intercepts one can pick up while reading.
PART II. ANTHROPOLOGY IN SOCIAL IMPACT

ASSESSMENT: LEGAL ASPECT
This part, with three chapters, discusses the new law in detail and
helps interpret different sections of the law by citing supporting
judgments for a better understanding of its application. The old law,
Land Acquisition Act, 1894, is also brought to light, and the plight
of landowners, who were not compensated adequately, is discussed,
including the critical analysis of a very important ‘urgency clause’,
which has still acquired a questionable space under Section 40 of
RFCTLARR, 2013. This part gives its due credit to the humane
and progressive law (RFCTLARR, 2013) for the various benefits
that the legal framework has to offer. It also critically addresses
failures and shortcomings in the implementation of RFCTLARR,
2013 on the ground.
PART III. ANTHROPOLOGY IN SOCIAL IMPACT

ASSESSMENT: CASE STUDIES
This part has been dedicated to SIA studies, from different regions
of the country, with contribution from 10 authors. It explores dif-
ferent studies in India that are typical in nature and reflects upon
different aspects of SIA. The various case studies are quality of life
in Spiti Valley after land acquisition, industrial projects and issues
pertaining to landlessness, political disempowerment etc., in West
Bengal, rehabilitation and resettlement in tribal areas to enlist
its pros and cons, case studies in Kerala pertaining to acquisition
for highways, mining and watershed projects and discussion on
Introduction xxv
unique challenges faced by Particularly Vulnerable Tribal Groups
in environment-sensitive biospheres. Case studies form a mosaic
of experiences that collectively emerge as a wide picture of imple-
mentation of SIA in India. This part is one of the most important
sections highlighting ground realities and experiences of SIA.
This edited book intends to provide cultural, economic,
social, political and legal outlook to provide a holistic view on devel-
opment and land acquisition. The book will enrich the understand-
ing of important aspects of SIA such as methodological approaches
to conduct SIA, displacement and relocation of project-affected
families, and direct and indirect impacts on them, the role (moral
and financial) of funding agencies, methods of inclusive develop-
ment and legal rights, to give a holistic view of SIA.
xxvi Social Impact Assessment in India

PART I
ANTHROPOLOGY
IN SOCIAL IMPACT
ASSESSMENT:
METHODOLOGICAL
AND THEORETICAL
PERSPECTIVES
CHAPTER 1
IS SOCIAL IMPACT
ASSESSMENT A
PANACEA?
R. Siva Prasad and Alok Kumar Pandey
It is not accidental that social impact assessment (SIA) started

around 1970 in the USA and later spread to other countries, coin-
cided with the beginning of large-scale development programmes
and the energy crisis due to the USA’s wars in the Middle East. The
basic intention of the introduction of SIA was to protect the environ-
ment in association with the community. In most developing and
underdeveloped countries, it was felt essential to contain the unrest
due to large-scale displacement of communities through major devel-
opment projects. In one sense, it is a kind of a palliative measure to
mitigate the after-effects of development programmes, though how
far it succeeded is only a guess. Most of the development projects
are usually planned before, and SIA is undertaken just to satisfy
the funders. That is the reason why we hardly find SIA making any
impact at all; its primary interest is not the people. This book will
attempt to investigate the real import of SIA and the contexts that
it generates. It also tries to look into what should be done to make
SIA more responsive, including legal and constitutional methods.
INTRODUCTION
In the first place, why do we need SIA? SIA is used when any state
wants to take over the land of the people for the purposes of mining,
Is Social Impact Assessment a Panacea? 3

construction of dams, starting industries, hydroelectric power
stations, etc., in the name of development and economic growth.
These activities require land to be acquired, often involuntarily,
from people who are largely tribal and other marginal communities
(Prasad, 2014, 2018a, 2018b). Development is linked to the story of
displacement of people and the loss of resources (Cernea, 1996, 2003,
2006; Dwivedi, 1999, 2002; Kothari, 1996; Madeley, 2002; Negi and
Ganguly, 2011; Parasuraman and Sengupta, 2001). A large number
of indigenous people have been displaced from their territories and
lost links with their natural resources (Fernandes, 1991, 1994, 2007;
Fernandes and Paranjpye, 1997; Fernandes and Thukral, 1989; Negi
and Ganguly, 2011; Prasad, 1990). In quite a few cases, the tribal
communities were displaced several times (Kothari, 1996; Negi and
Thukral, 2011). If the resources of the people are to be taken over for
the ‘development’ of the nation, then we need a mechanism to offset
the negative effects of such a development for the people affected
by it. Hence, SIA is a mechanism to evaluate the probable bearings
of development on the people. If done properly, SIA can partially
mitigate the problems that development initiatives might cause. It
is a methodological tool that provides a database to help in better
planning to mitigate the post-development consequences, especially
for the affected population who are usually poor. Earlier, before
starting any development initiative, there were baseline surveys
to measure the impacts of development. These mechanisms were
primarily used to compensate for the loss of assets or livelihoods
of the people affected by the development programmes. However,
such mechanisms never took into consideration many others who
were asset-less but indirectly dependent on those who provided
such avenues of livelihood. The trauma of displacement was never
properly addressed in many cases. In this kind of context, funding
agencies viewed SIA as an effective measure to address many such
issues by involving people in the entire exercise, and it was made
a mandatory exercise. However, many a time, it is merely used
as a requirement to get the clearance for the projects rather than
fulfilling the purposes for which it is intended, and these purposes
are always given short shrift.
Therefore, it is important to understand the differences
between SIA and evaluation research. According to Freudenburg
(1986), evaluation research typically focuses on whether or not
4 R. Siva Prasad and Alok Kumar Pandey

the stated objectives of a particular programme or scheme were
obtained; it is often used to study public policy initiatives. On the
other hand, SIA tends to deal with the impact of technological
developments or environmental effects. It also typically ends up
examining unintended consequences of programmes or schemes of
a for-profit organisation. Freudenburg also states, ‘SIA is a plan-
ning tool, prospective rather than retrospective – an attempt to
foresee and hence avoid or minimize unwanted impacts – while
evaluation research tends to take place after a policy has been set
into motion’ (1986: 452). It is clear from this that the purpose of
SIA is basically to mitigate or minimise the ‘unwanted impacts’ of
development programmes.
O’Faircheallaigh (2009) observed that the definition of SIA
is broad enough to include a variety of interpretations depending
on who is using it. There are marked differences between using
SIA as an aid in approving a particular project and using it for
mitigating the impacts of the project. For example, a partner in a
for-profit enterprise would likely use SIA differently than an NGO
whose primary focus was economic equality (2009: 107). This makes
it clear that SIAs are designed to serve the purpose of the agencies
or governments with less emphasis on the issue of social justice.
SIA is understood and used in a variety of ways in different
countries. Burdge (2003) observed that SIA has a different connota-
tion in Europe where it is primarily used to measure employment
and infrastructure changes. Government agencies and for-profit
organisations use SIA primarily as a means of analysing economic
impacts. There is markedly less focus on individual or community
impact, as many see those issues as less urgent, falling under
‘… ‘older’ social legislation. For example, in France, social impacts
in strategic assessments are limited to land use, landscape and
cultural heritage’ (226).
SIA gained currency after the 1970s more prominently
because of the increasing pace of major development projects taken
up by many countries. The people who were targeted in the assess-
ments were also one of the reasons behind such a measure because
there were protests by the affected people, primarily by poor and
marginalised, against these development initiatives. Now, the
question emerges: If it is a mere coincidence?

Most of the development projects are purportedly targeted
against the poor and the underprivileged, especially the indigenous,
because all the development projects are often located in the areas
where the indigenous people live. It is paradoxical that they live
in resource-rich areas but are still poor, whereas the others who
have no such resources usurp them. As Negi and Ganguly rightly
point out that it is the tribal people who are the major losers owing
to development and displacement, whereas others stand to gain
(Escobar, 1995; Negi and Ganguly, 2011: 8–9). More than 40% of
the tribal population in India have lost their land owing to land-
acquisition policies and displacement (Saxena, 2015 cited in Singh
2016). It is not merely land that the tribal people have lost; they
have rather lost a source of life as they were hinged upon the envi-
ronment. A case in point is the indigenous Dongria Kondh of the
Niyamgiri hills of Odisha. These hills are rich in bauxite deposits
that the Vedanta Resources Limited, a mining company wants to
extract. The Niyamgiri hills are sacred to the Dongria Kondh people
(Padel and Das, 2006). The mining activities by Vedanta have failed
on many parameters, ranging from human rights violations to
informed consent and environmental rights (Marshall and Balaton-
Chrimes, 2016). This is just one example of how resource-rich people
are stripped of their ownership of natural resources to benefit
moneyed interests, be they corporations or governments. There are
many other such examples of open-cast aluminium mining in the
states of Odisha and Andhra Pradesh that have negatively impacted
indigenous resource-rich people (Padel and Das, 2010). The once
resource-rich have become resources-poor because of legislation
and other policy enactments in which people have no say at all. In
a way, to put it bluntly, the usurpers of resources are encouraged
by the rulers, whereas the original owners are being dispossessed.
I
The concept of SIA was originated in the USA following the 1966
National Environmental Policy Act (NEPA) (Freudenburg, 1986).
The NEPA established that all major land-use projects undertaken
by the US government were required to submit SIA on environmen-
tal, social and economic concerns; these were called Environmental
Impact Statements (EISs). These EISs evolved and expanded into

a set of practices and procedures to measure and document socio-
economic impacts of large-scale projects, be they industrial, infra-
structural or any other development projects that impact people in
terms of loss of resources, family and community structures, cus-
tomary institutions, livelihoods, resources and identity. According
to Jacquet (2014), in the 1970s, the US government undertook
several far-reaching energy development projects in response to
both increasing energy demand and an oil embargo. Many social
scientists weighed in on the US government’s decisions regarding
land use and development. The projects in coal, natural gas, oil and
hydroelectric were largely overseen by the federal government, thus
requiring EIS and SIA analyses by the parties conducting them.
During this time, even smaller projects managed by state or local
governments tended to produce SIA not only to be in line with
federal mandates but also to attempt to understand and mitigate
potential negative effects of such projects.
Jacquet further observes that the SIA in its initial form in
the USA tended to focus on issues such as employment and housing.
As its use increased in many different contexts around the world,
its focus expanded to include issues such as ‘… indigenous popula-
tions, forced resettlement, military conflict, impacts to physical
and psychological health and wellbeing, and a new consideration to
very long-term impacts related to community sustainability’ (2014:
1–2). Although initially SIAs may have focused on specific issues,
such as the loss of a job or house, currently they follow a more
nuanced, interdisciplinary approach. It is now understood that the
effects of such losses and displacement can also mean the loss of
culture, indigenous knowledge, and subordination and subjugation
of a people, who otherwise were independent and self-sustaining
(2014: 1–2). The interest in SIA has declined in the USA, with the
reports produced becoming a routine and monotonous without much
depth of information and analysis. The EISs, as well as SIAs, have
become only exercises for a bureaucratic requirement. We hardly
come across any evidence to show that SIAs or EISs have made
any significant impact on the communities that were affected by
the development daemon. SIAs have become perfunctory to show
to the wider public that the government has taken note of the con-
cerns of the people.

Different terms are used by different agencies for SIA.
The Interorganizational Committee on Principles and Guidelines
for Social Impact Assessment (IOCGP) observed that there are a
variety of labels and understandings within social scientists as to
the make-up and use of SIA. The IOCGP, represented by different
social science disciplines with expertise in conducting SIA for differ-
ent agencies, felt the need for evolving interdisciplinary principles
and guidelines, as well as provided mandated standards to the
agencies assisting the governments, and developed a document to
help governments and private actors make the best possible use
of SIA. ‘The guidelines and standards provided are also designed
for communities and individuals likely to be affected by proposed
actions, in order that they might conduct independent assessments
or evaluate the adequacy of an agency SIA’ (IOCGP, 2003: 232).
Published in 1994 by the IOCGP as ‘The Guidelines and
Principles for Social Impact’, they were the combination of knowl-
edge and experience of many well-respected SIA researchers
(IOCGP, 1994). As observed by Jacquet (2014), the guidelines listed
10 steps to develop an SIA for the US NEPA requirements; however,
the steps reflect many of the goals of SIAs used around the world.
The guidelines are not complex. They require a description of the
area wherein the project or policy is proposed to develop a ‘baseline’
by which to compare future action and outcomes. SIA must have
a plan for involving all members of the community. During the
analysis stage, the SIA must try to lay out all possible outcomes
and all possible effects on the environment, people and communities
in the area. Once the potential negative outcomes are understood,
concrete steps must be listed as to how the original project may
be modified to avoid them, as well as any potential consequences
that may develop from these changes. Finally, the project must
have an adequate monitoring system to determine during the
projects what, if any, negative outcomes have occurred to mitigate
them (Jacquet, 2014: 2). If SIA is properly undertaken as stated in
the IOCGP report, it can lead to positive impacts of development.
Unfortunately, this has not happened even in any developed coun-
try, leave aside developing and underdeveloped countries.
The SIA steps reflect the belief of the IOCGP that the
stakeholders running a project or development policy should not

only understand the potential adverse outcomes of their proposal
but also obtain the consent of the people affected. In the same way,
the people affected should not simply give their consent, but they
may be given a chance to be active participants in the develop-
ment of a project since they will certainly be most affected by it.
The theory behind these guidelines is that a project will be more
successful and beneficial in the long term if the areas of society
affected by the project are also active participants in the planning
stages. Local or indigenous knowledge is also important to under-
stand the perspectives of the indigenous or tribal communities, as
they are linked to the natural resources and their sustenance. It is
also important to take note of the challenges of local or indigenous
people in the designing of development projects. In the case where a
well-done SIA has been included in the project, the decisions taken
are almost universally better. However, in practice, SIAs are not
such integral parts of the decision-making process for US govern-
ment projects even as the IOCGP guidelines would suggest. There
are a variety of theories on why this is the case, ranging from the
practical difficulties of integrating such complex analysis to a lack
of political will to deal with the potential consequences of pushing
back from private actors due to cost or legal issues (IOCGP, 2003:
248). Given this background, we should try and understand the
development in India.
II
It is important to note that many new enactments were brought
in India, especially after 1991, to facilitate the ease of doing busi-
ness of development. The government felt that the new Land
Acquisition, Rehabilitation and Resettlement (LAR&R) Act, 2013
also known as the Right to Fair Compensation and Transparency
in Land Acquisition, Rehabilitation and Resettlement Act, 2013
(RFCTLARRA) was needed to coax the poor tribal communities as
well as the rural poor to give up their control over their resources
and give consent to the authorities so that the ‘development conun-
drum’ can go on unhindered.
In India, we hardly had any national-level rehabilitation
and resettlement (R&R) policy or any Act until almost as late
as 2007. The LAR&R Act was amended only after the old Land

Acquisition Act formulated by the British became 100 years old and
was no longer attractive. The new Act in which R&R were added
along with SIA largely appeared superficial. Though the word
‘consent’ was included in the LAR&R Act, 2013, in practice, it is
never respected. In reality, the whole process begins on an unequal
plane. The affected people do not get to know what may come from
the project and what is the take for them. Their consent is never
sought. This has implications for their fundamental rights (Prasad,
2014). Many mechanisms were adopted to coax, cajole or threaten
the people to vacate the areas that have ‘growth’ potential.
A proposed amendment to the LAR&R Act of 2013 was made
by the current government in 2014 but has not been implemented.
The amendment was challenged through a Public Interest Litigation
by farmer organisations calling the amendment ‘as ‘unconstitu-
tional’ and ultra vires of the Constitution and as a ‘colourful exercise
of power’ by the executive usurping law-making powers of the legis-
lature’ (Singh, 2015). The proposed amendment planned to remove
the landowner’s consent and the mandatory SIA in select areas of
project implementation. If the amendment is enacted, it would stand
to benefit the private interests, as it is they who execute the projects
for development and ‘larger benefit of society’ through contracts.
Singh (2015), citing Nielsen and Nilsen (2015), avers,
The National Democratic Alliance (NDA) government pro-

posed amendments in 2014 (enforced through an ordinance
which now stands withdrawn) in the 2013 Act which included
removing landowner consent clause and the mandatory SIA
for projects in five areas, that is, defence, rural infrastructure,
housing, industrial corridor and social infrastructure. It also
changed the term ‘private company’ to ‘private entity’ and
definition of public purpose to include private hospitals and
education institutions. More importantly, it made the condi-
tions of using the acquired land or returning it within five
years flexible by replacing it with the duration of the project
or within five years, whichever was later. It also makes appli-
cable the compensation and R&R to all the 13 Acts used for
land acquisition which were excluded in the RFCTLARRA,
2013, which pertained to acquisition for mines, monuments,
atomic energy, metro railway, highways, petroleum pipelines,
resettlement of displaced persons, and electricity and had
covered large proportion of acquired land affecting a large

tribal population. (Nielsen and Nilsen, 2015 cited in Singh,
2016: 67–68).
The proposed changes to the Act were more in favour of the parties
who were interested in exploiting the resources of the people for
the ‘economic growth’ of the nation. After all, it was in the ‘national
interest’. People living in the resource areas were a hindrance to
the ‘economic growth’. If anyone opposed, s/he was branded anti-
development and even anti-national. Many of the protestors were
labelled as such because the State had become intolerant to the
criticism. It was never interested to make the development more
human and inclusive.
The 2007 R&R policy, the 2013 LAR&R Act and 2006 Forest
Rights Act (The Scheduled Tribes and Other Traditional Forest
Dwellers (Recognition of Forest Rights) Act, 2006) were a result of
the resistance and agitations of the project affected people, indig-
enous communities and the civil society organisations (Prasad,
2014). The classical example is that of the World Bank refusing to
fund the Dam (Damn!) projects until the R&R process was com-
pleted ‘satisfactorily’ and the concurrence of the people impacted
by the development projects was obtained. This happened in the
case of Narmada Valley and later the other projects. Initially, for all
the dam projects that affected large sections of people, some kinds
of benchmark studies were carried out so that the ‘impact’ of the
project can be measured. We have many of the studies conducted
in India by anthropologists, economists and others, including the
country planners. All these studies are some kinds of impact assess-
ments, some being critical and pro-people and the others being
pro-project. Whatever may be the processes, the results are the
same that left the people to fend for themselves, even the courts
were on the side of ‘development’ using the principle of ‘eminent
domain’. The only exception to this is the Niyamgiri judgment of the
Supreme Court of India. This happened because of the continuous
protests of the people, supported by civil society organisations. In
other cases, such a positive outcome had never occurred, be they
in Kudankulam in Tamil Nadu, Sompeta in Andhra Pradesh or
anywhere else. The strong arm of the State always prevailed over
the meek power of the poor (Prasad, 2014). In a majority of cases,
the State and all its machinery turned against people who came in

the way of ‘development’ and ‘growth’. There were earlier, and even
now, ‘public hearings’ with the likely project-affected people to take
their ‘consent’. We know how these ‘public hearings’ are conducted
with the complete ‘security’ arrangements, with the police cordon-
ing off or encircling the entire area of the ‘public hearing’.
There are many manuals available for SIAs that detail the
procedures and methodologies to be followed. They are more or
less ‘well structured’ in the literal sense of the term. The ideas of
SIA manuals were more instructional to the personnel involved in
the assessments providing some sort of checklist and orientation.
The other interest was also to provide some kind of ‘employment’
to the ‘professionals’, be they anthropologists or other social scien-
tists. SIAs require the involvement of multi-disciplinary special-
ists, and they cannot be simply the forte of any single discipline.
Nevertheless, many SIAs or environmental impact assessments
provided employment, if not to the locals, to the so-called special-
ists and ‘consultants’. SIA has become a kind of industry. A large
amount of literature are available on many of these vexed aspects,
and they are also polemical. They stage ideological battlegrounds
that are fought not on the streets but on paper or in the reports.
Many reports that are critical of the process never see the light
of the day. It is suggested that we have to be ‘constructive’ in our
approach. Constructive from whose perspective is a moot point.
If we try to look at the way the entire process of SIA is
approached, many a time it is more or less a bureaucratic require-
ment to proceed and process the ‘development’ project. Many of
these manuals are silent on the issues of gender and the other dif-
ferently abled people, besides being vulnerable and the asset-less.
Therefore, what purpose do they serve? If they do, whose purpose
do they serve? If we look at the outcomes of SIAs, we hardly find
any positive responses from the administrators of the projects. Now
the governments have completely washed their hands off and left
the entire process of R&R to the project implementers. The govern-
ment today is only a mediator, can we term it as a ‘broker’ to be
crude, for the deal. Rehabilitation is a big industry involving many
actors, except the people. SIA is projected as the ‘Jinda Tilismat’
or the ‘talisman’ or ‘panacea’ for the people. After all, it is a world
of make-believe today, like the Bollywood.

Using the SIA superficially also means that it will not be
possible to include an adequate public involvement (PI) in which
the society and/or a community contribute thorough feedback on
the proposed project or policy. Burdge and Robertson (1990) observe
that such feedback becomes an integral part of the SIA. A good PI
system does not just happen at the beginning of a project to edu-
cate the community on the proposal but will continue throughout
the duration. Similarly, a project with a good SIA will be open to
adjustment and modification based on PI. The PI of SIA can also be
beneficial for the community as it will give them information on the
proposed project and can lead to a greater sense of civic duty and
awareness. Burdge and Robertson caution, ‘As is the case with the
Social Impact Assessment Process, Public Involvement is a means
to an end, not an end itself’ (1990: 88).
In principle, an SIA is supposed to involve the people
affected by a development project right from the beginning, as
Burdge (2003) noted. Money talks, and it is easy for the wealthy or
more politically connected to amplify their voices during PI engage-
ments, such as a public hearing or meeting. In theory, PI and SIA
should work together for the betterment of society. The PI provides
input that is based on the quantitative and qualitative information
from SIA, and the information in SIA can and does change based
on the feedback from the PI. Therefore, Burdge argues that it is
not enough to merely study the social impact, but one must strive
for participatory social impact. He points out, ‘Participatory social
impact assessment goes one step further and includes affected
parties in deciding on the indicators and measures of social effects,
evaluating their relative importance and monitoring the effects
during implementation’ (Burdge, 2003: 229). It is important to
remember that PI and SIA ultimately exist in an advisory capacity.
Stakeholders may choose to go through with a proposed project even
if the effects on a community or the environment as revealed by PI
and SIA are largely negative. This may be due to financial consid-
erations or even because the proposed project may benefit society or
the country at large, even if a local community may suffer adverse
effects (Burdge, 2003). There is a gap between intent and reality.
It is essential to recognise that at the heart of most interven-
tions, including SIA, is that the cultural language of people is never

spoken. Planners and agencies speak a language (that includes ideas,
values and thoughts) that is far from the lived realities of people. For
instance, people are attached to many things in their surroundings
where their ancestors lived. But how does one access these bonds
and address them in SIA? Similarly, the places where their gods
reside! How does an agency or planners understand that gods and
spirits reside around their place and that forests and mountains are
not physical landscapes but are living entities and have a spirit of
their own? This was what the Khonds of Niyamgiri Hills in Odisha
have fought valiantly against the permission given for mining by the
Government of Odisha to Vedanta because the Niyamgiri Hills is the
abode of their gods. This has a deep meaning for the sustainability
of the environment (Prasad, 2001; Prasad and Pandey, 2008). How
are we to access the impact of the projects on such aspects?
That is the reason why O’Faircheallaigh (1996) has rightly
pointed out how SIA was always suspect in the eyes of the indig-
enous peoples. Citing many works of scholars, he tried to show how
in Australia the indigenous communities have experienced prob-
lems with SIAs ever since Australia, along with other developed
countries, began to use them in the early 1970s. In some projects,
indigenous people were entirely precluded from the SIA process.
This was common in cases involving private companies, as well
as government agencies, that had already shown a history of dis-
crimination and state violence against indigenous communities. In
addition to having their participation denied outright, sometimes
indigenous communities were technically admitted into the SIA pro-
cess, but practically they were unable to meaningfully participate.
O’Faircheallaigh examines many reasons for this, including the fact
that indigenous forms of decision-making may be at odds with a
formal public hearing. This could be because indigenous decision-
making can be a longer or more drawn-out process than the one
that can fit into a single hearing or two, or the indigenous decision-
makers may not be comfortable with a formal government process.
In addition, the language used in the SIA and related processes,
as well as the financial and technical resources to understand the
SIA process, could be a major barrier (1996: 1).
There is also the question of how decision-makers under-
stand and judge the more tangible, often financial benefits of a
project with the spiritual or intangible harms to an indigenous

community. O’Faircheallaigh (1996) also relates how the focus on
the former benefits will often tip the scales in favour of the more
powerful economic and political forces. One such example is the
decision to harvest geothermal energy from a Hawaiian volcano
despite the opposition from indigenous leaders due to, in part, the
religious significance of the volcano. There has been significant
pushback from indigenous communities in Australia and else-
where that if the project developers set the standards by which
benefits and harms are judged, the game is rigged in their favour.
O’Faircheallaigh argues that SIAs ignores
… the values and perspectives of indigenous people where

these conflict with the ethos of the dominant society ….
Edelstein and Kleese argue that the stress on supposedly
‘rational’ and ‘scientific’ approaches to impact assessment
which usually characterize project approval processes are in
fact far from value neutral. (1996: 1)
Therefore, some indigenous communities have justifiably ques-

tioned and critiqued the SIA process.
Beyond the particular failings of the SIA process for indig-
enous communities are more general criticisms of the process in
ways that affect a variety of communities, including indigenous
ones. SIA is often accused of being too narrow and focusing on
one or a few possible outcomes from a discreet action of projects.
Although such a focus may be more successful in predicting eco-
nomic outcomes in the following five-to-ten-year period, it will likely
be unable to speak to the complex, long-term social, political and
economic processes for a generation or two. On the other hand is
the idea that SIA requires the analysis of so many distinct and yet
interconnected factors, so it is impossible to accurately predict the
myriad of potential effects (O’Faircheallaigh, 1996).
III
Dominique Égré and Pierre Senécal rightly observed that whether
or not SIA will be effective hinges on a variety of factors ‘… such as
NGO pressures, the ability of local populations to voice their con-
cerns, the willingness of the developer and of government agencies
to support the measures proposed in the SIA, and the institutional

and financial capability of these government agencies to implement
such measures’ (2003: 224). For projects requiring the permanent
shifting of communities, such as dam construction, a thorough
harm mitigation and resettlement plan is vital. However, it can
only be effective when it is combined with adequate enforcement
either by government bodies or, if applicable, international fund-
ing organisations. If either of these steps is compromised owing to
external pressures, political or financial, the implementation of a
just SIA process would be at risk. There are also concerns that some
groups may use the media attention and high financial stakes of
large development projects to advance their causes.
What is important, therefore, is the way development as a
process is taken up for improving the lives of the people and the
manner of undertaking SIA for launching projects. It is important
to note that not even a fraction of the affected people have ever ben-
efitted from any development project despite a semblance of SIA.
The ‘Report of the High Level Committee on Socio-Economic, Health
and Educational Status of Tribal Communities of India’ (Xaxa
Committee Report, 2014) highlights the weakening of the tribal
people and their control over land and resources. By virtue of this,
they continue to remain vulnerable and marginalised. Further, the
report describes in detail the myriad problems that tribal communi-
ties face because of displacement and development projects in India,
including impoverishment, loss of identity, deterioration of health,
low status of women and much more. The Food and Agriculture
Organization’s policy document on indigenous and tribal peoples
observes the condition of indigenous and tribal peoples
Many lack human and citizenship rights, access to markets,

information and basic services (such as health delivery sys-
tems), as well as opportunities to participate in policy making.
They may also be prevented from participating in development
activities and, due to prejudice and/or isolation, be barred from
access to public services and other provisions for development
and food security. Indigenous economies are often based on
subsistence and characterized by limited access to land and
other natural resources. … Overall, indigenous peoples are
disproportionately impacted by environmental degradation,
politico-economic marginalization and development activities
that negatively affect their ecosystems, livelihoods, cultural

heritage and nutritional status. This vulnerability to multiple
adversities means that indigenous peoples require specific
attention in order to benefit from development on their own
terms. (FAO, 2010: 7)
The benefits of development have been little for the tribal people.
In this regard, both the Xaxa Committee (2014) and Prasad (2015)
point out the impact of lopsided development on the tribal people
(Prasad, 2015; Xaxa, 2014):
As a part of the nation-building process, tribal areas have

witnessed the large-scale development of industry, mining,
infrastructure projects such as roads and railways, hydraulic
projects such as dams and irrigation. These have been fol-
lowed by processes of urbanization as well. The overall impact
of these on tribes has been often loss of livelihood, massive
displacement and involuntary migration. Issues pertaining
to these mentioned problems have been critically examined
in the report. (Xaxa, 2014: 29)
People in a resource-rich area, particularly indigenous, eke out

their livelihoods by living closer to nature and its surroundings
and depend on forests and natural resources (Xaxa, 2014). As their
livelihoods depend on these resources, it is in their interest to con-
serve them and live in harmony with it. They live a more sustain-
able life by carrying out more sustainable livelihoods and living
patterns, allowing everyone to have a harmonious living, keeping
the resources intact for drawing bounties from them. Indigenous
peoples and their ecological knowledge and role in conserving bio-
diversity and the environment are well documented (Berkes et al.,
1994; FAO, 2010; Gadgil et al., 1993; Kothari, 1996). Empirical and
historical studies have found that peoples’ management systems
have benefited wildlife and other natural resources (Rangarajan,
2002; Rangarajan and Shahabuddin, 2006; Savory, 1998). Much of
the scale and extractive pressure on these resources are not from
the local populations (Guha, 2000; Rangarajan and Shahbuddin,
2006). This is more the case in the context of development projects
that alter the value of coexistence between the people and their
resources. Keeping people outside the loop of development right
from its conception to its ultimate end is the basic problem of

development. We consider the people as the ‘beneficiaries’, but it
is the other way round. For instance, we talk about giving subsi-
dies to farmers. These subsidies are meant to enable the farmer
to produce crops for our benefit, which also includes the business
houses of different kinds. The governments think that they are
doling out sops to the poor and the deprived sections. These become
more prominent during election years, SIA or no SIA. We look at
people many a time as guinea pigs for our experiments. We are
interested in changing the others and regard ourselves as change
makers. Of course, we cannot stop development like globalisation.
After all, we have to march forward. Who is that ‘we’ one should
not ask, lest you get branded. Hence, let us all join the bandwagon
of SIA and development.
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CHAPTER 2
THE PRACTICE IN
SOCIAL IMPACT
ASSESSMENT
An Anthropological Appraisal
P. Venkata Rao
The terms social and cultural are the key terms for social anthro-
pologists. When an anthropologist uses the word social, importance
is given to networks of relations between groups and individu-
als. Anthropological engagement with development followed two
distinct approaches, that is, Development Anthropology and
Anthropology of Development (Escobar, 1997). However, anthropo-
logical works on development in India have been carried out more
following the approach of ‘Development Anthropology’. Not many
studies could be found following the approach of ‘Anthropology of
Development’. There has been a conspicuous project bias in the
development studies by applied anthropologists in India. Though
Social Impact Assessment (SIA) has been an important part of the
subdiscipline of Development Anthropology, the present chapter
looks at SIA from the perspective of Anthropology of Development
of Escobar (1991) who pointed out that anthropological research
on developmental aspects is shaped up according to governmental
needs and official demands, at the expense of academic rigour and
self-critical awareness. In the context of SIA, identity, dignity and
status of people become essential considerations from an anthro-
pological perspective.
22 P. Venkata Rao
VARIED ARENAS OF SIA
In applied and development anthropology, SIA is the most common
form of research. Anthropology followed its characteristic approach
of holistic perspective in SIA. SIA is undertaken by generations of
anthropologists under various labels, diverse settings, and differ-
ent contexts. It is carried out not only in the context of develop-
ment projects but in many other circumstances of change. The
traditional anthropological interest to understand social change
and culture change can be seen in the assessment of the impact
of various external and internal factors on people. Thus, starting
from culture contact studies, the studies of anthropologists focused
on the consequences of various forces and processes on the social
institutions. SIA is carried out to study the impact of culture con-
tact, government policies, occupational shift, urbanization, formal
education, mass media like television, gadgets like computers and
mobile phones, etc. The study of impact of forest policies, problems
related to poverty and exploitation leading to land alienation among
tribal populations has been another area where anthropologists
have made significant contribution. Anthropologists also brought
out the positive impacts of improvements in the areas of literacy
and health, growing awareness about rights, etc. among tribal
populations.
SIA studies have also been carried out in areas such as the
study of impact of drought, floods and other climatic changes. Such
studies highlighted the breakdown of social organization, decline of
traditional systems of sharing and caring, and neglect of values by
taking recourse to the flexibility provided in the social institutions
under adverse conditions (Rao, 1974). In the area of health, social
impact of reproductive/medical technologies on poor and marginal-
ized sections of populations is receiving attention. The technologies
offered choice and freedom for rich in childbearing, gender selection
of babies and so on. Specialized medical care in the corporate sector
is available for the rich, whereas free healthcare and insurance are
the options available for the poor. The availability of medical tech-
nologies afforded best possibilities for rich, whereas we see organ
donors mostly belong to poorer sections and females. The drawing
and redrawing of national and regional administrative bounda-
ries have adverse impact on vulnerable population separated by
The Practice in Social Impact Assessment 23

these artificial boundaries. The Scheduled Tribe populations when
divided by the administrative boundaries become smaller groups,
subjected to separate policies of the respective administrative units,
sometimes resulting in even the existing brotherhood leading to
otherhood. To mention an example, two Particularly Vulnerable
Tribal Groups, the Konda Reddy and the Chenchu, were separated
by the bifurcation of the state of Andhra Pradesh into two smaller
states, that is, Andhra Pradesh and Telangana in 2014.
The impact of green revolution and modern agricultural
technologies has been a popular area of study. Agricultural modern-
ization and mechanization leading to consequences such as the rise
of inequalities, unviable agriculture and displacement of labour,
suicides, marginalization and migration of poor have been pointed
out in several studies. From the British period onwards, Railway
tracks laid through the tribal areas displaced a number of tribals
who inhabited along the railway tracks in the tribal areas (Pratap,
1979). Rail lines have brought new sources of employment along
with several negative consequences amongst the tribal population.
Issues cropped up between migrants and locals in the competition
for resources and opportunities under the impact of industrializa-
tion. Studies carried out in states such as Chhattisgarh, Jharkhand
and Odisha highlighted the issues pertaining to the impact of
industrialization on tribal populations.
PRESENT-DAY SIA
As part of policy studies, applied anthropologists have been
involved in different types of studies such as needs assessment,
social/cultural feasibility studies, evaluation studies, advocacy
and cultural resource appraisal (Willigen, 1986). In the recent
decades, there has been the rising importance of SIA as it is man-
datory for government projects, especially where land acquisition,
displacement, rehabilitation and resettlement are involved. The
mandatory SIA done for governmental agencies, as prescribed
by policies and legislations, is different from SIA done for a long
time in academic anthropology. The focus on planned development
brought back SIA in the sharp focus in order to reduce adverse
impacts on project-affected people and to minimize resistance for
programmes. SIA mandated by the government’s rehabilitation
24 P. Venkata Rao
and resettlement (R&R) policy is meant for ensuring the rights
and participation of the people and facilitating the co-opting of
people for the smooth implementation of the project. The purpose
is to prepare the people for displacement and resettlement, to
obtaining their consent and to minimize opposition. Previously, it
was important to satisfy the requirements of international fund-
ing agencies. However, later it became mandatory under national
legislations. In this process, the establishment of the industry/
project is considered as development priority, and the mitigation
of the plight of the project-affected people is a prerequisite for
that. When a project is established in a given area, some people
are real gainers and others may be losers. It is crucial here to
understand how the loss, that is, physical, social or psychologi-
cal, is calculated for the affected people. SIA followed by R&R
assessments appears as a supporting measure for the affected.
For a concerned anthropologist, the issues involved in SIA are as
follows: How to ensure the participation of the people? How to
undertake capacity building for people to withstand the adverse
impacts? Who are going to use the findings of SIA? Most of the
time, the research institutes, non-governmental organizations
and consultants who conduct the SIA studies work on a project
mode. They have no role in monitoring the implementation of their
recommendations. Generally, their role ends once they submit
their report to the authorities.
ETHICAL DIMENSIONS OF SIA

In the United States of America, professional associations have
come out with ethics statements which insist ‘Anthropologists must
do everything to protect the physical, social and psychological wel-
fare of the subjects and to honour their privacy and dignity’. The
Society for Applied Anthropology is more concerned with funding
and consultancies, and it accepts for protecting the interests of the
clients (funding agencies) along with the people. The ethics state-
ment of the American Anthropological Association declares that
it is the prime responsibility of anthropologists to resolve ethical
dilemmas so that there is no damage to those whom we study. Any
activity by anthropologists which harms the interests of subjects is
unethical (Willigen, 1986).

Anthropological approach to displacement is expected to
be pro-people as anthropologists approach and view at issues from
the people’s perspective. Research ethics tell us that the research
we undertake must be beneficial to society. In this regard, the
dilemma to overcome is: Whose concerns should we address in the
recommendation of SIA: affected people or sponsor of the SIA study?
Giving up of the ethical neutrality of the Boasian era has been an
issue in applied and development anthropology. In a development
study, the dilemma faced by an anthropologist is to whom he is
responsible: to the discipline/knowledge, to the people or to the
funding agency or employer? While making recommendations, one
is confronted with the problem of choosing between alternatives,
which involves value judgement.
POLICY PRESCRIPTIONS FOR RELOCATION AND

REHABILITATION OF DISPLACED PEOPLE
The National Rehabilitation and Resettlement Policy, 2007 of the
Government of India lays down that the concerned administration
shall ensure that an SIA study to be taken up in the identified
affected area:
whenever a new project in a fifth schedule area or sixth sched-

ule area involves relocation of four hundred families in a plain
area or two hundred families in a hill area. (The National
Rehabilitation and Resettlement Policy, 2007: 6)
The purpose of SIA is to appraise the administration of the likely

sociocultural and economic costs of a project, along with expected
benefits. The understanding of these expected outcomes in advance
facilitates the authorities in choosing whether the project should be
executed, or it needs modifications, or should be discarded entirely.
The important outcome of an SIA is to evolve mitigation plans to
deal with the impending harmful consequences on people. The
objective is taking care of loss of land, livelihoods and dwellings.
The mandatory exercise of SIA is required to be carried out prior
to the execution of the project. The resettlement and rehabilitation
work also to be taken up prior to the project. But many times, this
runs into problems and gets delayed.
26 P. Venkata Rao
In this context, it is pertinent to see the contents of the
module (draft) on carrying out SIA, prepared by a team of anthro-
pologists of Anthropological Survey of India (AnSI), Kolkata. The
AnSI module on SIA listed out the following activities: identify
the stakeholders; expedite and organize their involvement; give a
vivid account of the local cultural milieu and develop an apprecia-
tion of the important values of the people, particularly how they
are relevant to the proposed intervention; assist in evaluating and
selecting alternatives (including a no development option); provide
recommendations about compensation; develop coping strategies
for dealing with remaining or non-mitigatable impacts; contribute
to capacity building in the community; and advise on appropriate
management arrangements for all stakeholders.
The draft manual also elaborately discussed the principles
and guidelines for SIA along with the steps and stages of SIA. Based
on the suggestions of the international funding agencies, the R&R
costs are worked out to be between 3% and 10% of the total project
costs. A question arises here: Why the R&R costs cannot be calcu-
lated from the project benefits? This could have been a pro-people
measure from an anthropological perspective, resulting in better
benefits to the people.
The draft manual of AnSI (a module prepared by the AnSI,
Kolkata) identifies two phases in an SIA as outlined below:
The Initial Social Impact assessment (ISIA) aims at under-

standing the social feasibility of a project that should be con-
ducted at the time of project planning. After the feasibility is
established, the next phase of the exercise is Comprehensive
Social Impact Assessment (CSIA) included a Mitigation Plan;
Preparing a ‘Resettlement (& Rehabilitation) Action Plan’;
Costs, Budgeting, and Financing; monitoring & Evaluation.
According to the manual, the benefits of doing a systematic
SIA are: Ascertaining affected Groups: overcoming negative
Impacts; augmenting positive Impacts; Identify steps to
maximize/share project benefits; minimising Costs; Getting
Approval Faster.
These advantages listed by the AnSI draft are drawn more from the
point of view of administrators. The CSIA appears to be focusing
more on economic aspects. For an anthropologist, the collection of

sociocultural data is important, but it is not clearly spelt out. Nor
does it highlight the significance of loss of traditional/indigenous
knowledge, loss of intangible culture, loss of identities, disappear-
ance of ancient structures, possibility of cultural genocide, etc. The
AnSI draft module is confined to the broad mandate of the legisla-
tions and does not go beyond it. The empathy and concern expected
from anthropologists are deficient in the document. The module
followed an econocentric approach and neglected the intangible
culture. The emphasis continued to be on the compensation-based
approach.
SOCIAL IMPACT IN THE CONTEXT OF AN

IRRIGATION PROJECT: A CASE STUDY
An attempt is made here to examine a specific case from an
anthropological perspective to look into the issues and considera-
tions related to the assessment of social impact of an irrigation
project on a Schedule V area. The study deals with the Polavaram
project of Andhra Pradesh (AP). The state has come out with a
comprehensive document on the ‘Rehabilitation and Resettlement
(R&R) Policy of Government of Andhra Pradesh (of the Irrigation
Department) 2005’, which can be considered as a progressive docu-
ment. Many of the provisions in this policy have found a place in
the Land Acquisition and Rehabilitation Act (LAAR Act) 2013 of the
Government of India. The similarities are not just in the emphasis
or focus, but the latter seems to be a verbatim text of the former to
some extent. The highlights of the Government of Andhra Pradesh
Policy (2005) include a realization to have as less displacement as
conceivable, and if displacement is a must, then to carry it with
extreme caution and foresight. The policy covered people having
all types of livelihoods along with agriculturalists. This is because
non-agriculturalists face far more severe consequences than agri-
culturalists but are not eligible for monetary compensation. The
need for efficient communication between authorities and affected
populations is envisaged. This communication is expected to facili-
tate the completion of the project as per schedule as there will be
certainty with regard to expenditure and the requirements of the
people, particularly those who are without assets and resources.
The idea is to have flexibility in arbitration so that people accept
28 P. Venkata Rao
the rehabilitation package without any dissatisfaction. The policy
discussed in detail about those who are going to be affected and
the administrative machinery to deal with them. Suggested relief
and rehabilitation measures included the allotment of house site,
construction grant, allotment of government land, grant for cattle
shed, funding for transporting material, wages for different cat-
egories of displaced for different periods and provision for transit
accommodation (Government of Andhra Pradesh, 2005).
The AP government policy (2005) provides for dispute and
grievance redressal mechanisms in the form of a committee with
various representatives. The members of the Resettlement &
Rehabilitation Committee include representatives from various
walks of public life, administration, peoples representatives, etc.
There is also a provision for monitoring committees at the state
level with all government secretaries and other lower-level officers.
Under – 6-A 9 (2.2) of the policy of the AP government (2005), SIA
needs to be taken up as per the prescribed procedure and structure
considering various possible options. SIA has to be entrusted to
an accredited organization. Paragraph 6-A (2.2) also prescribes in
detail to take into account the impact of the project on all public
assets, infrastructure, amenities, facilities, transport and commu-
nication means, traditionally important places, etc. (Government
of Andhra Pradesh, 2005).
The AP government R&R policy elaborately spells out the
specific measures to be taken up in the course of SIA. The policy is a
well-drafted document, keeping in mind the requirements of people
and the affected villages where land acquisition is undertaken.
However, it did not seriously address the widespread consequences
of the project for the people in hinterlands. In the context of poli-
cies and legislations, one needs to keep in mind that the polices are
guidelines that need operationalization through framing relevant
rules. To what extent they are binding on implementing authori-
ties is the question to be examined. The functioning of monitoring
mechanisms becomes crucial for the proper implementation of poli-
cies. As we can see later, the SIA reports are adopted as per conveni-
ence, the public hearings are politicized, and consent is obtained
through various means. Compensation has been a bone of conten-
tion in many displacement projects. Compensation is invariably

paid in instalments. Sometimes the later instalments are delayed.
There is always resistance for rehabilitation by people due to the
lack of work opportunities and shortage of resources at the place of
resettlement. Whenever the original plan is revised, shifting people
for a second time is the most problematic part of displacement.
Post-displacement data on the conditions of displaced need to be
compiled in order to assess the long-term effects of displacement.
The Right to Fair Compensation and Transparency in
Land Acquisition, Rehabilitation and Resettlement Act, 2013
(RFCTLARR Act) of the of Government of India which incorporates
many of the aforementioned features of the legislation of AP is an
advancement of the R&R policy. It prescribes for carrying out SIA
as stipulated by the government on a date fixed in consultation
with local bodies, accommodating its representatives. According
to RFCTLARR Act, the representatives of the R&R Committee
should examine (a) whether public purpose is served, (b) whether
alternate place has been considered, (c) whether more than required
land is being acquired and (d) whether the extent of land proposed
for acquisition is absolute bare minimum extent needed for the
project. The consultation should also cover the estimation of loss
of lands, the number of affected families, the cost of addressing the
social impact, costs versus benefits and the assessment of likely
infrastructural loss, along with loss to public properties such as
places of worship, places of tribal intuitions, and burial and cre-
mation grounds. The appropriate Government shall ensure that a
public hearing is held at the affected area and the report of the SIA
study is published. The SIA statement needs to be apprised by an
expert group that includes two people’s representatives, followed
by appraisal by the government. Thus, the RFCTLARR Act of the
Government of India took in to account the experiences and recom-
mendations of earlier efforts and incorporated many provisions as
per the best requirements of the people affected by the projects.
Though a progressive legislation existed in AP even prior
to the RFCTLARR Act, an eminent anthropologist N. S. Reddy
(2006) showed how rehabilitation policies deteriorated in the state
over a period as described here. In the case of one of the early
instances, the Nizamsagar project (1925–1931), the affected people
were provided land-to-land compensation and money for buying
30 P. Venkata Rao
agricultural implements. Later, in the case of the Tungabhadra
dam project, executed in 1947 by the then administration of Madras
Presidency, resettlement was taken up prior to the commencement
of the dam project. All cultivators and renters were allotted land
in the command region. The professed dictum of the project is that
living conditions are to be better for the displaced. According to
N. S. Reddy (2016), while previous projects had a reasonably good
rehabilitation package for the affected persons, dilution started
from the Nagarjuna Sagar project (1957–1969) onwards, where
landowners were compensated with lands in diminishing ratios.
Later, for the Sri Rama Sagar project, the compensation provided
came down to 2 acres of irrigated land and 4 acres of un-irrigated
land, but in the second phase, under the Government Order No.
59 (19 March 1980), only cash compensation was provided. This
compensation pattern was followed in the later Srisailam project.
Here, the actual compensation received by big farmers was 65%,
whereas the landless could get only 5.6% of the entitled compen-
sation, showing the disparities between rich and poor. Later, in
the Manair dam project, no compensation was paid to landless
persons. A study conducted in 1988–1989 showed that 61% of the
entitled did not get the compensation, whereas 39% received partial
compensation. The Telugu Ganga project (1980) was said to be an
exception. Reddy (2006) pointed out the negative attitude of the
AP state government as late as in 1990, in response to the norms
of the 1995 approach paper on resettling project-affected persons
and circulated from the union rural development ministry. The
response of the AP state government was as follows: (a) they do
not accept the recommendation to provide land for land taken away
for the project, (b) they will not be part of purchase of lands by the
displaced people, (c) they will be able to pay subsistence allowance
for six months only and (d) the government does not favour prefer-
ential treatment to displaced persons in providing jobs or assigning
shops and contracts (Reddy, 2006: 1432).
The paper published by Reddy (2006) also presented several
revealing insights with respect to the implementation of reports
submitted by the experts. In the Polavaram project, initially the
rehabilitation and compensation package was promised to be
decided in consultation with concerned people. The Environmental
Impact Statement was to be prepared by an independent agency

from Hyderabad, the Centre for Economic and Social Studies
(CESS), an Indian Council of Social Science Research institute
located at Hyderabad. Professor N. S. Reddy as a faculty of CESS
was associated with this report. The recommendation of the report
for the reduction of the contour level to minimize submergence was
not considered seriously. The irrigation department did not to take
into account the backwater pressure, as a result of which additional
families were affected. The CESS SIA report also made several posi-
tive recommendations including one where project-affected farmers
were to be given lands proportionately in the command area and
allotting higher extent of land to ousted on the basis of capitalized
income. Other progressive recommendations made included the
payment of subsistence allowance to affected persons for one year
instead of the mandatory six months and to have a monitoring com-
mittee to be in place well in advance. The report was submitted by
CESS to the Government of Andhra Pradesh in 1996. N. S. Reddy
(2006) wrote that the details on implementation were not clear.
Significantly, it was also pointed that the constitutional provisions
enshrined in the Vth Schedule did not protect the tribals in the
case of the Polavaram project in AP. According to him, the Tribes
Advisory Council, a constitutional provision meant for protecting
the interests of the tribals in Vth Schedule Areas at times did things
against the interests of the tribals (2006: 1434).
The above discussion throws light on the working of the
provisions of R&R policies which prescribe the procedures for
carrying out SIA studies. In the context of the aforementioned
Polavaram project, studies pointed out reluctance of the people
towards the construction of irrigation dams that affected them. The
resistance and opposition that have been witnessed in the context
of the Polavaram project were narrated by Narendra Bondla and
N. Sudhakar Rao (2010). On the other hand, Trinadha Rao et al.
(2012) pointed out the lapses in carrying out the R&R programmes
in the case of the Polavaram project.
When the neighbouring states of AP like Chhattisgarh went
to the Supreme Court against the project, the AP state govern-
ment started work and displaced the people. Compensation was,
however, given for a lesser area of land (194 acres instead of 229
acres). Displaced farmers were given waste lands not suitable for
32 P. Venkata Rao
cultivation. Substandard houses were constructed to the displaced
persons due to the greedy contractors. People displaced were again
shifted due to further submergence, leading to resentment among
people. The recommendation to count youth aged above 18 years
as an independent unit for the determination of compensation
was not implemented. Male preference was observed in payment
of compensation. Compensation was given to patta land only, and
no compensation was given for forest land under cultivation or
government waste lands under cultivation. This was a major loss
to tribals. Land given was not promptly handed over or shown to
the recipients. On the other hand, huge compensation was given
to non-tribals, who were not rightfully supposed to be cultivating
land in the scheduled area. An enquiry has been instituted in this
matter. Though model colonies were constructed with all amenities,
the conditions in colonies remained pathetic due to the lack of live-
lihood opportunities. As a result, people went back to the original
place. It is reported that dead bodies were taken back 18 km for
cremation in old villages. The ration depot which supplied essential
requirements was situated at a distance of 20 km. Only one tap was
found working in the colony for providing drinking water. These
descriptions provided by Trinatha Rao (2012) reveal several lacunas
in the implementation of the rehabilitation programme.
After giving the national status to the Polavaram project,
the Union Cabinet approved the establishment of the Polavaram
Project Authority, where the central government would provide
financial allocations and facilitate forest and environmental
clearances. In this context, it is also pertinent to observe a com-
prehensive report on tribal issues, the Report of the High Level
Committee on Socio-economic, Health and Educational Status
of Tribal Communities of India (popularly known as the Xaxa
Committee Report) (Xaxa, 2014.). The report made the following
observations with regard to the same Polavaram project: (a) there
were variations between census records, environmental impact
assessments and other reports with regard to the number of villages
and people expected to be affected and (b) the resolutions passed
by local bodies of different villages against the dam were ignored,
along with the resolutions of villagers rejecting the rehabilitation
package. They documented instances of officials ignoring, sup-
pressing and manipulating the resolutions of the Grama Sabhas.

The public hearings were not conducted in true spirit. The report
mentioned about many other instances of projects where there was
the absence of public hearings and faulty clearances given (Xaxa
Committee Report, 2014: 324).
From the above discussion, the following observations
emerge. The process of SIA as part of R&R policies received impe-
tus over a period of time. Policies and legislations were made by
the states and central government keeping in view the plight of
the people who were affected by the grounding of projects that
required land acquisition. However, several flaws have been
observed in the process of conducting SIA and accepting the rec-
ommendations made by the experts and implementing them at the
ground level. The R&R legislations provided a significant role to
the local self-government bodies in the processes of land acquire-
ment, displacement and rehabilitation. But the local bodies like
Gram Sabhas are not in a position to perform the role envisaged
in the legislations.
CONCLUSION
Applied and development anthropologists played a significant role
in understanding the social impact of developmental programmes in
tribal areas. They highlighted how the non-tribal encroachment in
tribal areas in pursuit of natural resources like forest produce and
minerals resulted in far-reaching social impacts on tribal popula-
tions. The quest for national development resulted in the establish-
ment of hydroelectric projects, mining complexes and industrial
centres, biodiversity parks, etc., putting pressure on forest and
tribal lands. Roads and railway tracks have been laid in these areas
for transporting the mineral resources. Hydroelectric projects and
industrial complexes displaced a large number of tribals. Land
acquisition made by the government for developmental projects
is the single largest instrument of alienation of tribal lands. It is
easier to shift tribal people than non-tribal peasants as the latter
have more awareness about rights and they possess legal docu-
ments. Many tribals who are original inhabitants of forest areas
have been labelled as ‘illegal cultivators’ and encroachers in forest
and government lands without any rights or pattas. Land records
are a problem in tribal areas for claiming and paying compensation.
34 P. Venkata Rao
Rehabilitation of displaced populations has always been remained
as a problematic area for administrators. The development of
project sites attracts migrants in search of opportunities, leading
to further displacement of tribals. Economic, psycho-social and
cultural issues are involved in the displacement and rehabilitation
of tribal population.
In the wake of development projects, experience suggests
that the local tribals derived negligible benefits from the significant
economic activity generated by such projects. The process of set-
tling those who have lost their lands under irrigation and power
projects presents a daunting task. Until the enactment of recent
legislations, the ousted were paid inadequate compensation, and
alternate cultivable lands were not provided to them. It is common
knowledge that the compensation paid to poor people generally goes
towards unproductive expenditure. Many of the SIA studies do not
reflect the magnitude of the predicament of the tribals under the
impact of these projects. The people in the hinterland are equally
affected due to pressure on existing resources and with large-scale
in-migration of non-tribals coming in search of opportunities.
SIA has been the mainstay in applied anthropological
research. Considering these observations and experiences, an
attempt has to be made to provide more relevant training to the
students to effectively participate in SIA studies. There is an urgent
need to have a reconciliation of indigenous interests, especially in
the areas of protection of indigenous land and other resources and
empowerment of indigenous communities. Anthropology needs to
continue its focus on the study of tribal communities, the victims of
liberalization, that is, the poor cultivators, landless, the marginal-
ized and so on. There is a need to highlight the plight of the victims
such as people who have lost their resources due to displacement,
deforestation and ecological deterioration. As observed by Escobar
(1997: 2) ‘in the context of development, we should contribute
towards a better future of the people, at the same time to a pro-
gressive politics of cultural affirmation in the midst of globalizing
tendencies’. Anthropology should work towards a need to bring
back a people-centric SIA. This necessitates a re-examination of
government-mandated SIA and the role being played by anthro-
pology in it.

REFERENCES
Escobar, A. 1991. “Anthropology and the Development Encounter: The
Making and Marketing of Development Anthropology.” American
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Escobar, A. 1997. “Anthropology and Development.” International
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Government of Andhra Pradesh. 2005. Rehabilitation and Resettlement
(R&R) Policy of Government of Andhra Pradesh, G.O. Ms. No. 68,
8 April. Irrigation & CAD Department.
Government of India. 2007. National Rehabilitation and Resettlement
Policy, 2007. New Delhi: Department of Land Resources, Ministry of
Rural Development, Government of India. Available at https://dolr.
gov.in/sites/default/files/National%20Rehabilitation%20%26%20
Resettlement%20Policy%2C%202007.pdf
Government of India. 2013. The Right to Fair Compensation and
Transparency in Land Acquisition, Rehabilitation and Resettlement
Act, 2013. New Delhi: Ministry of Rural Development, Government
of India. Accessed from http://legislative.gov.in/sites/default/files/
A2013-30.pdf
Government of India. n.d. The Social Impact Assessment: A Module.
Kolkata: Anthropological Survey of India. Available at http://www.
rlarrdc.org.in/images/SIA%20Draft%20Manaul.pdf
Narendra Bondla, D. J. and N. Sudhakar Rao. 2010. “Resistance
against Polavaram.” Economic and Political weekly 45 (32): 93–95.
Pratap, D. R. 1979. The D.B.K. Railway Project and the Tribals of Araku
Valley. Hyderabad: Tribal Cultural Research and Training Institute,
Department of Tribal Welfare, Government of Andhra Pradesh.
Rao, N. V. K. 1974. “Impact of Drought on Social System of a Telangana
Village.” The Eastern Anthropologist 27 (4): 299–314.
Reddy, N. S. 2006. “Development through dismemberment of the weak.”
Economic and Political Weekly 41 (15): 1430–39.
Trinadha Rao, P., M. Gopinath Reddy and J. Chathukulam. 2012.
Implementation of Tribal Sub-plan (TSP) Strategy: Impact on
Livelihoods of Tribals in Andhra Pradesh. Hyderabad: Research
Unit for Livelihoods and Natural Resources, Centre for Economic
and Social Studies.
Willigen, John Van. 1986. Applied Anthropology: An Introduction.
South Hadely, MA: Bergin & Garvey.
Xaxa, Virginius. 2014. Report of the High Level Committee on Socio-economic,
Health and Educational Status of Tribal Communities of India. New
Delhi: Ministry of Tribal Affairs, Government of India. Accessed from
indiaenvironmentportal.org.in/files/file/Tribal Committee.
36 P. Venkata Rao
CHAPTER 3
AN ANTHROPOLOGICAL
CRITIQUE OF SOCIAL
IMPACT ASSESSMENT
Moving Beyond Current Models of
Development
Abhik Ghosh
INTRODUCTION
Social impact assessment (SIA) may be defined as a form of
analysis used to strategically measure impacts on social conditions
and social outcomes for any new development as well as existing
development. This is done to better understand the effects of the
social group who will be affected by such development. In other
words, it is conducted where social change is likely to be caused
by development.
In 1999, Vanclay defined SIA as
Social impact assessment is the process of analysing (predict-

ing, evaluating and reflecting) and managing the intended
and unintended consequences on the human environment of
interventions (policies, plans, programs, projects and other
social activities) and social change processes so as to create
a more sustainable biophysical and human environment.
(Vanclay, 1999a)
An Anthropological Critique of Social Impact Assessment 37

Vanclay (1999a) in his report on SIA of dams seems to make it
clear that different objectives would require different kinds of SIAs.
However, certain features of all SIAs are common and stand out.
This makes it evident that an SIA may not always be undertaken
in a regulatory framework. Also, it is evident that social and bio-
physical contacts were integrated together. So, SIA is a conveni-
ent framework that deals with human impacts of all kinds. This
includes the aesthetic (hence, landscape analysis), archaeological
(hence, heritage), community, cultural, demographic, development,
economic, fiscal, gender, health, indigenous rights, infrastructural,
institutional, political (including human rights, governance and
democracy), tourism and other impacts. So, an important aspect
of this study is how people behave in their everyday way of life,
their community and culture. It also includes their environment,
sanitation, access and control over resources, health and well-being,
as well as their fears and aspirations.
A HISTORY OF THE SIA

The earliest SIA may be traced to the seventeenth century when
health and economic impact assessments were being made in
Europe. In the 1970s, 1980s and 1990s, SIA was conducted in the
USA for a large number of projects.
A landmark event was the enquiry by Chief Justice Thomas
Berger about the proposed Mackenzie Valley gas pipeline from the
Beaufort Sea, Yukon territory to Edmonton, Alberta, in 1974–1978.
This was said to be the first time that SIA was considered as a part
of any project for decision-making. The project was delayed by a
decade to allow all land claims to be settled. New programmes and
institutions were also set up to support the native population. This
caused a huge growth in SIA (Joyce and MacFarlane, 2001).
Becker, in the 1960s, continued to conduct mathematical
runs on complex social variables which he initially called simulation
with a cohort replacement model. He went on with a long series of
ex ante evaluations. Since he was involved with the International
Association for Impact Assessment (IAIA), he started calling them
SIA. Becker went on to define micro-, meso- and macro-effects of
development programmes. On the basis of this, Becker went on to
define SIA as, ‘The process of identifying the future consequences
38 Abhik Ghosh
of a current or proposed actions, which are related to individuals,
organisations and social macro-systems’ (Becker, 2001: 312).
In 1993–1994, a document on Guidelines and Principles for
Social Impact Assessment was presented. However, in 2003, two
major documents were published. The first was the International
Principles for Social Impact Assessment and the second was the
Principles and Guidelines for Social Impact Assessment in the
USA. In the second case, it was Vanclay who was responsible for
the preparation of the entire document.
Initially, SIA was meant to protect individual rights in
the face of development. However, it was to develop into a system
to ensure that it upholds ethical values such as the protection of
human rights, improvement in social equity, institutional capacity
building, empowerment and social inclusion. Most developed coun-
tries took it up after institutions for funding such as the World Bank
and the Asian Development Bank made it mandatory. However,
these countries used it as a kind of ‘window dressing’ to satisfy
funding agencies rather than making it an integral part of policy
and planning processes. Experiences from China show that the
process of SIA itself and its implementation need not necessarily
lead to a more inclusive or democratic process (Tang et al., 2008).
In the 1980s, the environmental movements in the United
States and other developed countries ensured the proper function-
ing and improvement of the environmental impact assessment
(EIA), SIA and other assessments, including health, gender, educa-
tion and inequality. This ensured that assessments became a part
of policy, planning and sustainable development. These issues were
specifically linked to environmental justice. What has become clear
from such assessments is that SIA and its process regarding the
clarification of inequalities need not necessarily stop them. Rather,
they may form a medium for perpetuating them and creating or
sustaining groups or cliques that support such inequalities or create
them (Walker, 2010).
Most governments even today do not comprehend that
SIA may be used to understand, say, a new health system to be
introduced to the Maoris (or other indigenous communities), and
the effect it would have on their indigenous systems as well as
general aspects of social change in the community (Burdge and

Vanclay, 1996). This larger ambit and objective of SIA is often
not well integrated or explained to the various stakeholders.
Sometimes, the omission is deliberate as it assists vested interests
to get their own say. In the USA, SIA was formalised through the
National Environmental Policy Act in 1969. In fact, the issue of
the rights of the indigenous Inuit population came up in 1973 at the
time of the construction of the Alaskan pipeline in their area as a
result of the SIA. By 1986, these issues in each developed country
became so overwhelming that the World Bank adopted both EIA
and SIA in 1986. In 1993, Clinton made it a part of the policy pro-
cess itself. Different agencies began to use it regularly as a matter
of course (Burdge, 2003).
One of the criticisms made include the fact that most of the
impacts focus on the economy, whereas softer issues like culture are
ignored. Managing the inputs of diverse stakeholders has always
been an issue. Both technical and participatory techniques have
advantages as well as costs attached to them. A proliferation of SIA
guides has also been an impediment to its absorption according to
some authors (Arce-Gomez et al., 2015).
By 1995, the idea of a life cycle assessment (LCA) was
important enough for there to be a new International Journal of
Life Cycle Assessment published. According to this model, the idea
of sustainable development was an integral part of all programmes.
In fact, such studies could be conducted even as a part of wars or
battles to ensure that communities, cultures, and their rituals and
heritage were not damaged or badly disturbed (Dreyer et al., 2006).
By 2006, LCA started adding economic and social aspects
to its assessment. One of the suggestions given were that it should
add quality-adjusted life years to the assessment. This made the
life cycle impact assessment (LCIA) very strong, and if we look at
the evolution of SIAs, then they have added many aspects of LCIAs
to the assessment (Weidema, 2006).
In fact, LCA was meant to show the link between the life
cycle of a product and its health impact on a population (Feschet
et al., 2013). This was a very far-reaching thing that was ahead of
its time. It meant that the LCA of any product that was released
to the public could and should be studied to understand its impact.
Today, while conducting SIA, many of these issues are kept in
40 Abhik Ghosh
abeyance or are forgotten, and I feel that they should be brought
back. This is why perhaps LCA has made a resurgence, using the
Preston pathway to assess not only multi-country data but also
data from a single country.
LCA eventually specialised in a form called environmental
LCA or Environmental Life Cycle Assessment. To account for
the other community aspects left out due to this specialisation, a
number of discussions were happening which called for a social
LCA (SLCA) to be conducted, and many such assessments were
conducted. Jorgensen et al. (2008) put together these discussions in
a review paper in 2008, where the methodology for such an assess-
ment was also laid out (Jorgensen et al., 2008).
O’Faircheallaigh (2009) had worked on SIA for develop-
ment programmes among the aborigines in Australia. According
to the author, ‘effective SIA’, a contentious term, was only possible
when all the actors and beneficiaries were brought to the same set
of conclusions as a ‘good’ outcome. This was often not possible in
many cases, something seen in the SIA even today. It was also a
fact that for different actors, different outcomes seemed to be the
right solution, and the SIA workers were often seen to be working
their way to the conclusion which had already been thought out
by some actors.
In 2001, Burnett had put together an SIA on joint junior
sports between Australia and South Africa which should bring
the benefits of the programme with respect to poverty, nutrition,
development issues and other aspects of sports (Burnett, 2001).
Again, in 2001, Mittelmark had started a new kind of
discussion where he had proposed that a separate health impact
assessment with deep inputs from the community was required
urgently (Mittelmark, 2001). This was, to a large extent, a part of
the community and cultural issue covered under the SIA as envis-
aged by Vanclay.
Some of the things that need to be studied were clarified
by Vanclay and colleagues in a large list in 2000 (Vanclay et al.,
2000). Vanclay (1999a) had by then already put together a more
exhaustive list of possible impacts on the ‘soft’ sectors of society like
community and culture. Vanclay not only created the definitions
and objectives for the development of SIA which are still being

followed today, he was also part of important committees that were
responsible for setting up the rules for the conduct of SIA that are
being followed today. Thus, his works, especially the issues he has
covered, are justifiably important for training new people in SIA.
Even as Vanclay was doing this in the background, Burdge
(2002) was putting together the arguments for including SIA as a
major component of policy along with EIA. He also argued about
the way SIA had been kept in the background up to that moment.
Vanclay (2006) eventually put together many of the princi-
ples of SIA used today. They were encoded into different kinds of
impacts and assessments and became a part of the IAIA.
In the developing countries, EIA/SIA was not begun so
early. These assessments came in late, on the heels of international
funding agencies for development in these areas. SIA was already
there in the USA as a part of other impact assessments in the
1960s, if not earlier. In India, SIA was formally initiated through
the Anthropological Survey of India (AnSI) about a decade ago.
The AnSI suggested that anthropologists should carry out all SIAs.
Some anthropologists claim that in 1951, without being called an
SIA, the first study of the kind was conducted by Surajit Chandra
Sinha among the refugees of the partition in India. That is perhaps
academic.
The first PhD in India who suggested that anthropological
SIA should be conducted was Dr Raj Bala from the Department of
Anthropology, Panjab University, Chandigarh, in 2011. By then,
the AnSI was already conducting SIA in various areas even as it
was attempting to put together a set of uniform guidelines to do
the same (Ghosh, 2011).
As a result, many different SIAs across the country were
handed over to departments of anthropology based on these rec-
ommendations. The first ones included that of Nandigram in West
Bengal done by the AnSI. Panjab University, Chandigarh, became
a nodal centre for carrying out SIA in Punjab and Haryana. They
set up a centre for SIA studies involving a number of departments
within the University in order to deal with the number of SIAs that
were assigned to the University. Today, training and carrying out
of SIA is being done by just about everyone. The focus and intent
of this history for this paper was to not only coach people in SIA
42 Abhik Ghosh
but also to show how it was historically inducted into India and
managed to develop within the country.
A CRITIQUE OF SIA IN INDIA

An SIA is a tricky kind of a study. It creates problems about adapt-
ing methodological and theoretical models from social sciences. The
language used in such social sciences are often seen to be very differ-
ent from that used in bureaucratic reporting. Often, social sciences
do not predict or even explain. They explicate social events, show
some connections with other ‘social facts’ (after Durkheim) and give
some possibilities rather than clear one-to-one explanations. They
do more discussion and provide description. So interrelationships
between variables are often not clearly delineated in such studies.
Further, an SIA is created through short-term fieldwork
and conceptual clarity, whereas it should actually be based on long-
term assessment, conceptual clarity and the work and experience of
others. Thus, predictions and estimates of SIA may not always be
correct. Too many different variables and ideas go into the making of
the SIA, so documenting a step-by-step process is often not possible.
This is why SIA, as a process, though it may be conducted by
those whose expertise is neither social theory nor methodology may
be a serious problem. The conducting of SIA by those who are not
experts or certified in good practices in SIA may seriously lead to
societal damage during development, something the SIA was created
to avert. No attempt to accredit people conducting SIA has been done
so far. The reliability and validity of SIA statements are rarely done.
SIA reports are often inaccessible since they are in reports that are
not in the public sphere or in a searchable database. Thus, referring
to others for good practices is a tiresome and often unsuccessful enter-
prise. It is also too time-consuming. Most reports are not published
so that they do not lead to controversy or litigation. SIA is seen as a
one-off, not a connecting link of a larger picture. Hence, cumulative
impacts may not be visible, seen or even be part of its ambit.
After a negotiation between the AnSI and the government,
it was declared that the department of anthropology would conduct
SIA in every state. However, state governments began by giving
the work to other subject departments initially and also to NGOs.
Eventually, many NGOs began to train anyone willing to pay for

the course in SIA methods so that they could conduct SIA. Today,
many such trainees and others are given the job of conducting SIA
studies.
Mitigation itself is another issue. Mitigation may not be
complete, and often it may either not be assessed or be given fully.
Even when it is given, it seems to be an easy replacement for coping
with very large scale and sudden societal changes on a large scale.
Distancing from individuals causes individual cases to be ignored
for larger numbers. This may turn out to be a major flaw. In fact,
this has caused no accreditation of SIA expertise among those
conducting SIA. Further, guidelines are often not followed or even
acknowledged. Reports are rarely seen to be important. They are
seen as another hurdle to be completed before the project may be
conducted. The importance of public involvement is often ignored,
and it is often seen as an impediment to the work. The SIA is seen
then as a ‘miniscule’ part of the work to be actually done. Thus, non-
experts in other fields may often contradict the efforts and sincere
work done in the preparation of an SIA report. Societal complexity
is often ignored in this way.
Public meetings are seen to be one of the major parts of
public awareness and participation. However, public meetings are
actually represented only by certain people or groups, and complete
representation is rarely there. Often, major power groups play
out in these meetings, but many others remain silent or are not
heard. Most experts are often pro-development, who write about
the ill effects couched and often hidden behind a curtain of writing.
To some extent this is mitigated by report copies in the local lan-
guage. SIA cannot even judge impacts, though it can weigh them,
while reporting. However, weighing impacts is itself controversial.
Eventually, SIA rests on the integrity of the expert who conducts
the SIA (Burdge and Vanclay, 1996).
So, essentially, we as anthropologists have to tacitly admit
that whatever the form of development that is being undertaken,
it is assumed to be the right path. We are essentially agreeing to a
form of development about which we do not know too much!
An anthropologist is often put under pressure. There is pres-
sure to reduce funds asked for. There is pressure to hurry. There is
44 Abhik Ghosh
pressure to write a minimal report that satisfies all without going
into too much detail. There is much politics behind all these issues.
The trouble is that the government itself is seemingly
unethical about the conducting of SIA. In India, SIA is conducted
through the contractor/agency of the development programme
(whether public or private) who funds the programme. The fund-
ing agency, development contractor/agency and the carrying out of
the SIA are not separated. There were no ‘double blind’ reviewers.
Everything was public.
This creates pressure from vested interests. Our personal
experiences have shown that they impinge upon our carrying out
our work ethically and without interference. Performance, time
and other issues intrude, as if they are more important than the
SIA report itself.
Some of the stakeholders are also extremely suspicious of
the kind of development proposed. Some feel that other kinds of
development should have been thought about or more compen-
sation be given to counter this kind of development. In fact, for
some people, any form of development should not be hurried but
be carefully thought through. Forced acquisition would be like a
red rag to such people. Others felt that their own interests and
income were being permanently lost as a result of the acquisition.
Sadly, this last issue was sometimes true, leading people to look
for alternative sources of income, something not envisaged by the
SIA. These problems are compounded by the fact that the develop-
ment programmes are not thought out well, in a holistic manner.
Governments often think only of the ‘project’ in the business sense
as something from which benefits are to accrue only after comple-
tion. Such benefits would include employment, utilisation of funds,
creation of infrastructure and some fuzzier future benefits.
For political parties, this activity translates into votes.
Under this proposed scenario, then, development is divorced from
those whose lands are being taken, except in the most peripheral
manner.
Development is not internal. It happens from outside. The
benefits are of the ‘take it or leave it’ variety. According to the pre-
sent Act, any other input by the project-affected people is fed into
a large calculator to see if the compensation amount increases or

not. To rethink this form of development would be to rethink this
entire paradigm.
The idea of anthropologists and development being at log-
gerheads is a very old and well-written argument taught in all
departments of anthropology as a basic course syllabus. There are
many texts on the subject and so I find it difficult at this stage to
justify this statement! SIA field practices are still in infancy, and
there are many ethical loopholes in the system. Anthropologists
should become aware of these so that they may find ways of avoid-
ing them or dealing with them.
We must think of the development of those whose lands
are being taken as a community of people and not as ‘individual
stakeholders’. So, peripheral issues such as schools, health and
general development of the area should be integrated with land
acquisition as important parts of it rather than as an irritant that
needs to be removed.
So, development is a process where people are given the
kind of development that they need, through a set of organisa-
tions’ set-up for the purpose, so that they are guided towards a
beneficial kind of social change caused by land acquisition. For
the United Nations, sustainable development was an integral
part of the background of social impact assessment in 1997
(Bond et al., 2001).
A ROUTE MAP FOR THE FUTURE

An SIA is a given. The development programme is a given. We are
instructed to accept the development programmes and conduct
the SIA. Under these circumstances, where is our allegiance? Is it
not to humanity? If so, then we need to keep the larger picture in
our minds even as we work, ignore sometimes the monetary gains
given by vested interests and look to improving the lives of those
for which an SIA is truly conducted.
Since the sale of real estate is part of a huge market, local
governments often collude with property developers or others to
acquiring and converting agricultural land for development as
commercial or residential purposes. This necessitates an SIA (Tang
et al., 2008).
46 Abhik Ghosh
It must be noted that there are essentially two kinds of
ways by which an SIA may be conducted. In one method, the expert
assesses things and then proceeds to show how they are linked to
the conditions in the area through the collection of systematic data.
This means that in this system, the expert is the sole person whose
objectivity, methodology and data are to be trusted. Another method
is to create a set of tools through which the data are collected and
analysed to clearly show what is happening. The problem here is
that, in each case, a new set of tools would have to be redesigned
in consultation with the people. Then these indicators would need
to be validated by experts, using a kind of web Delphi system
(Cloquell-Ballester et al., 2006).
Hence, we should know that: we should not buckle under
pressure from financial vested interests. We must insist on our
anthropological ethical standards in dealing with the funding
agency. We should not compromise in the essence of what we are
recommending.
This is now being called social learning. Some authors
are claiming a new paradigm based on this which is called coop-
erative discourse, group learning or social learning. According
to this process, this is a process to involve public participation
in democratic processes like SIA. To this are added the aspects
of fairness and competence, where expert opinion is assessed or
argued in public through their participation. It is also in tandem
with democratic processes since fairness in choices or decision-
making is involved in the final outcome of the project. A coopera-
tive discourse is only possible with an openness about looking
at the problem through the idea that others can give valid sug-
gestions relating to it. Such a situation may only develop with
a building up of trust between the various actors as well as the
experts (Webler et al., 1995).
Planning theories and other methodological issues need to
be added to SIA work for a better assessment of future impacts.
This is especially true in the context of composite theories which
are not being used in SIA. This includes theories such as ration-
alism, pragmatism, socio-ecological idealism, political–economic
mobilisation and communications and collaborations, among others
(Lawrence, 2000).

For some authors (like Bond et al., 2001), case studies
should be used to understand how people are going to cope, among
other things. A methodology using case studies called integrative
methods using multi-disciplinary approaches was looked at as the
best option.
It was a paper by Slootweg et al. (2001) that first proposed
that EIA and SIA should be combined and put into one assess-
ment using function format. The definitions used by them became
standard and were used in this form henceforth. They also stated
that a social impact was to be defined in the following way (p. 25):
‘All social and cultural consequences to human populations of any
public or private actions that alter the ways in which people live,
work, play relate to one another, organise to meet their needs,
and generally cope as members of society’ (Interorganisational
Committee, 1994: 107).
Another model is the interactive community forum. This
kind of a forum is usually involved in understanding group pro-
cesses within the community and how they perceive impact assess-
ment and feed back to the community. To get a genuine feedback,
authentic programme outlines and processes need to be shared
with the community. In fact, this method uses a participant-based
description of the society, using community-based concepts to help
in locating the anticipated effects. These constructs or concepts
are classified into social make-up, economics, character as well
as organisation and leadership capacity. They may also be called
dimensions. Such ‘subjective’ assessments of the future might have
more relevance than the metrics that are designed for the purpose
(Becker et al., 2003).
It seems that much of SIA often encounters some forms of
conflict and/or violence in one form or another. In fact, the very SIA
system itself seems to be one of conflict. So, it would be relevant to
think of conflict or conflict-like situations right from the beginning.
In situations of conflict or potential conflict, one may actually use a
methodology like conflict-sensitive SIA. Peace and conflict impact
assessment is based on existing conflict situations, while conflict-
sensitive SIA focuses on potential conflict. Sometimes modelling
the onset or development of the conflict may also be important,
showing how win-win, win-lose or lose-lose outcomes would play out
48 Abhik Ghosh
and which point would be right for a negotiation. Since concessions
would need to be escalated in different contexts, flexibility needs
to be an important factor. SIA cannot be compared with public
participation, since the emphasis is on management and mitigation
of impacts rather than on consultations. The mass media has to be
included as a major stakeholder in all such situations, for obvious
reasons (Prenzel and Vanclay, 2014).
For many SIA is like a model law and nothing is wrong
with it (Jain Das, 2019). However, it cannot be denied that in the
Indian context, SIA is something that is seen as ‘an impediment
to development’ and irritatingly has to be completed before ‘the
real work can begin’. Many of those who conducted SIA said these
things to the researchers and kept harassing them about ‘the delay
to their real work’. SIA was considered as a fraction of the real
work to be undertaken, and since multiple agencies vied for such
projects, contracts were soon given to those agencies ‘that could be
trusted to spend less money and time in giving a favourable report’.
Vanclay (1999b, 1999c) has also suggested that one should avoid
cash payments, something that is universal in the Indian context.
Hence, suggestions from an SIA are seen in a very nega-
tive light by the local administration and the developing/funding
agency. They are seen as not being part of major plans and policy.
The people are seen as being ‘led’ or having a wrong impression of
the entire process which was beyond their ability to correct through
giving correct information. This was seen to be the attitude of many
on whose lands development was going to take place, regarding the
local administrators. So, information from the public was almost
never added on to plans and policies which were mostly seen to be
top-down or aided by regional business interests. Instead of look-
ing at local impacts, the stress is often to look beyond to ‘a larger
picture’ and ‘a national interest’. This often misses out genuine
personal or community concerns. Sustainability has definitely
never been a major concern for most of the projects seen so far. In
fact, Brouwer and van Ek (2004) have asserted that the weightages
placed on the various factors that may have an impact are based
on a series of negotiations and political actions.
Pollnac et al. (2006) took up the issue of SIA for fisheries.
They put together the basic concepts to be studied in any standard

SIA and then mapped them onto variables. They also further gave
a tentative list of methodologies by which the data relating to the
variables were to be collected for analysis. Such a series of studies
actually made SIA accessible to almost everyone, provided they
followed these instructions.
Significantly, O’Faircheallaigh (1999) acknowledged that
indigenous people were often ignored or were subjugated during the
process of development. As a result, they remained undeveloped and
ignored by the rest of society Sen (2019). SIA, it was felt, could really
address these issues of marginalisation of such communities. A pro-
cess of negotiation coupled as a part of SIA could really help matters.
There has also been no systematic set of write-ups so that
one may learn from the lessons of past SIA. One also realises that
decision-making cannot affect the plans. Further, this situation is
unlikely to change in the near future. Further, there are also mar-
ginalised people in every area, whose voices would perhaps never
be heard (O’Faircheallaigh, 2010). It has been repeatedly stated
that court action in India for SIA often led to people receiving the
same original amounts promised after over a decade of court cases.
They also did not delay or halt the development process in any way.
Another method used and described in 2010 by Parent,
Cucuzzella and Reveret included the idea of SLCA, which has
been described. The methodologies of three different authors com-
monly used for social LCIA. In these cases, it was felt that the use
of semi-quantitative indicators was a problem when a majority of
the issues were qualitative and needed further understanding and
development.
CONCLUSIONS: SIA AS PUBLIC WELFARE

In fact, the SIA has a much larger ambit than just assessing poten-
tial harm from a development programme. It is to ensure that
communities get what they need and also that they get together
with the development agents so that a good mitigation plan may be
created (Vanclay, 2012). This means that the aims of the develop-
ment agents and the assessment experts only converge in a limited
area where they interact, and at other times, they are likely to have
even divergent goals.
50 Abhik Ghosh
We are often accompanied in the field by other ‘observers’ in
an SIA. Maybe some of us should shake off these observers and talk
to people without having them around. We should not deviate from
our ambit as anthropologists and attempt to collect as complete a
data record as is advised by the AnSI document on SIA.
We should push to get a certification so that fly-by-night
operators and incompetent people do not get to do SIA. A lot of SIA
reports consist of a few pages of description without any detailed
data. This is what is often accepted by funding agencies and vested
interests.
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
I would like to thank the facilities extended to me through the
Department of Anthropology, Panjab University during the writ-
ing of this chapter. This includes the Department of Science &
Technology’s Promotion of University Research and Scientific
Excellence grant and the University Grant Commission’s
Centre of Advanced Studay-2 grant for the development of the
department.
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54 Abhik Ghosh
CHAPTER 4
SOCIAL IMPACT
ASSESSMENT OF
DEVELOPMENT
PROJECTS IN ODISHA
A Humanistic Approach
Prasanna K. Nayak
OVERVIEW
The role of social scientists, especially social anthropologists and
sociologists has been acknowledged significantly for conducting
social impact assessments (SIAs). This chapter attempts to situate
social anthropology in the context of development and discusses
its specialized role in conducting SIAs. It covers two empirically
studied cases, namely (a) impact of government-sponsored Dongria
Kondh Development Agency (DKDA) on the Dongria particularly
vulnerable tribal group and (b) impact of the Rengali Dam Project
on resettlers. The author reiterates the prospect of enriching SIA
(both pre- and post-settlement) by making it more effective and
people-centric in the tribal, rural and even urban spheres by empha-
sizing the anthropological approach.
INTRODUCTION
Technological progress and development have impacted the
lifestyles of the global population in several ways. The change
Social Impact Assessment of Development Projects in Odisha 55

manifested in achieving goals for development requires pre-
examination while the follow-up actions must be evaluated. This
is essential for policymaking, planning and implementing develop-
ment projects in developing countries. These interventions must be
context-specific and people-centric. Women and men, in a commu-
nity, their social organizational potential, cultural ways and mores
as well as their natural environment have to be considered, moni-
tored, evaluated and accepted before taking up any development
project. SIAs therefore emerge as the key in which social scientists
can collaboratively play a major role. A humanistic approach to SIA,
addressing quantitative and qualitative parameters can curtail the
side effects of the development scenario and measure the real-time
success. Empiricist anthropologists, often in the process of their
participatory interaction in the field, gather knowledge from an
emic perspective to help guide and implement development projects.
This has been discussed and exemplified as alluding to the author’s
assessment of a government-sponsored tribal development project
(DKDA) undertaken in Odisha. Traditional societies across the
world have attuned themselves to various life crises according to
the culture and institutional knowledge that helps them face and
overcome various challenges. An immeasurable crisis source is
natural disasters. The social stress caused along with the material
and cultural disruption has provoked coping mechanisms of various
dimensions and durations. There is yet another man-made category
of the crisis. It is the large-scale displacement of population to make
way for large-scale development projects such as the establishment
of large-scale industries and construction of multipurpose dams and
other infrastructural inputs.
UNFATHOMABLE SOCIAL AND CULTURAL CRISES

Large settlements have been uprooted and dispersed to new, unfa-
miliar territories as have been witnessed in the past decades. While
culture equips people with the knowledge necessary to cope with
certain challenges and change, the cultural defence mechanisms
often prove to be inadequate in the wake of development-induced
population displacement. Recent decades have seen anthropolo-
gists and sociologists involving themselves in analysing the socio-
economic and cultural impacts of resettlement, policy development,
56 Prasanna K. Nayak
advocacy on behalf of the displaced groups and the development
planning of resettlement projects (Cernea, 1985; Scudder, 1985).
From this perspective, the author has studied involuntary reset-
tlement process and development attributed to the Rengali Dam
Project. Keeping in view the adaptability of anthropological prob-
lems of contemporary societies and cultures, emphasis is placed
on ‘tradition and development’ and ‘anthropology of the displaced’,
which involves the study of organizational behaviour of communi-
ties under conditions of forcible displacement and the emerging
patterns of their relations and interactions. Achieving goals of
sustainable development requires designing the research inroads
focusing on humane values that a scientist applies in a general,
prescriptive approach. Such a humanistic approach is closely
connected, methodologically, with prominent socio-cultural con-
cerns. It focuses the researcher’s attention on the socio-economic
and ecological translators of prosperity through an appropriately
designed tool kit of observation. It would include parameters and
indicators such as ecological conditions, the natural environment,
opportunities for personal and professional development, levels
of education, interesting and socially significant jobs, health and
treatment-seeking behaviours, collaborative social atmosphere
and provision or access to housing. In view of the above, this sec-
tion is devoted to examining the research studies conducted by the
author on the DKDA (1975–1987) and on involuntary resettlement
and development conducted by the author (Nayak, 1986) with the
help of three researchers (two anthropologists and one economist)
and his students. His field experiences and empirical knowledge
gathered during the 1970s and 1980s will be highlighted.
RESURGENCE OF ANTHROPOLOGY TODAY

Anthropologists are studying previously unexplored territory and
processes related to development. They have been stimulated to
investigate problems which are novel to anthropological tradition.
Attention has been paid to problems of social and cultural change,
adjustment of indigenous people to modernization, administra-
tive loopholes and the human face of social consequences in the
resettlement of communities. A relatively new branch of scientific
investigation labelled ‘Interaction analysis’ is an added facet to

policy formation and implementation that reflects the maturation
of anthropology.
Application of the holistic view to the understanding of
human problems and the analysis of social systems in terms
of their interdependence is a unique contribution to the new types
of organizational problems that confront us all (Voget, 1975). While
anthropologists continue to view the study of ‘primitive cultures’
as a key to comprehending modem societies, their chief concern
is that these ‘primitive cultures’ are the basis of theoretical and
methodological perspectives, and the dedication of their ilk to
empirical data collection distinguishes the anthropologists from
other social scientists. Their encounter with varieties of primitive
cultures has made anthropologists realize cultural values of the
respective cultures and societies. They meticulously study the
unwritten languages, oral traditions, primitive and archaic customs
and at times champion the cause of the dispossessed, ‘defenders of
the despised and the neglected and pleaders of a wider view and
greater tolerance’ (Mead, 1978). The trained anthropologists’ ethi-
cal outlook helps develop awareness while reporting their findings
with respect to the beliefs and practices of the people. They leave
the application of their insights on social problems to the adminis-
trators and decision-makers.
At the level of critical policy decision-making and imple-
mentation of welfare and development programmes, there has been
only ad hoc involvement of anthropologists. While implementing
development programmes in tribal areas and proposing the alle-
viation of specific conundrums, ‘the counsel of the anthropologist
is only accepted as an interpreter of primitive man’ (Mead, 1978).
The application of anthropological theory, method and perspec-
tive to community development is governed by the principle that
a subject’s lifestyle possesses an intrinsic worth and is directly
relevant to a solution. People need to be encouraged to participate
in decisions for building their traditional strengths and their cul-
tures (Nayak, 1985). Anthropologists must be allowed considerable
latitude for the formulation of the research problem and on the
basis of their findings should be given the opportunity of pursing
action programmes. The anthropological review and evaluation of
planned and controlled change demand a sound set of theoretical
and practical instruments (Nayak, 1986).
A CASE STUDY OF THE DKDA
In 1964, the Odisha Government started the DKDA for launching
development programmes among the Dongria Kondh, a primitive
tribe of the state. Curbing exploitation by local traders and the
Domb (the Scheduled Caste neighbours of the Dongria Kondh)
and checking liquor vending in the hills were considered the car-
dinal measures for undertaking development activities among the
Dongria Kondh. It began with the setting up of the purchase and
sale fair price shops (PSFS) scheme through which the indigenous
produce of the Dongria Kondh (e.g., pineapples, oranges, bananas
and turmeric) was purchased by the Agency at a reasonable rate,
and daily necessities such as salt, kerosene, tobacco, match-
boxes and cheap garments were sold at a fair price. To make the
scheme more effective, 23 hill-top villages were selected by the
Development Agency and one PSFS shop was opened in the heart
of the Dongria Kondh area to cater to the needs of the people. One
senior, state-level officer was put in charge of the Agency as its
special officer. The officer himself evinced much interest in the
people, first, by being deeply impressed by the natural surround-
ings of the habitation (the picturesque Niyamgiri hills at 4,500 feet
with beautiful perennial streams) and the proud cultural heritage
of the people (the officer is a Gyanapitha awardee in Oriya litera-
ture). Second, he was genuinely impelled by the human pathors
and desired promoting their welfare sincerely. In four years
(1964–1968), the PSKS scheme had a positive impact. It promoted
awareness of the metric system of weights and measures among
the Dongria Kondh through the frequent direct transactions with
the government shop. The negative impacts, however, were mani-
fold. During the implementation of the scheme, the local traders
and Domb neighbours were not allowed to deal with the produce
of the Dongria Kondh. This condition was strictly imposed. All
types of family loans of the Dongria Kondh taken from the Domb
neighbours were repaid by the Agency. As a consequence, the Domb
felt estranged. The Agency singled out only the Dongria Kondh
for all the development activities and ignored the Domb. There
were rumours in the plains that the Domb would be removed from
the Niyamgiri hills. They were provoked to go on the path of dis-
sent against the Agency. They created chaos and dissatisfaction

among the Dongria Kondh clans which already were traditionally
feudal. They manipulated and exploited the weaknesses of the
Dongria Kondh. Earlier they had trade and business interests in
the social, cultural and economic life of the Dongria Kondh which
the Development Agency curtailed totally. The Domb, therefore,
embarked upon attrition. All development measures were under
threat by them. The plantation programmes of the Agency were
uprooted when the Domb circulated the rumour that the planta-
tion plot would be reclaimed by the government. Both the Dongria
and the Domb contrasted their plantations with the government-
sponsored plantation, but finding the contrast dissatisfactory, the
beneficiaries lost faith in the efforts of the Agency. It is recounted
how while touring the officer met with an accident and won of the
spectator, Dongria Kondh came forward to extend a helping hand.
The officer was hurt and disgusted by the Dongria behaviour that
day, and he opted out to the state capital Bhubaneswar voluntar-
ily. The PSFS scheme was taken over by the marketing officer and
branch manager of the Tribal Development Cooperative Society. It
functioned more as a business organization. The strict vigilance on
the procurement of the indigenous produce from the Dongria Kondh
was lifted. However, the Domb carried on their provocative activi-
ties to the extent that the larger parts of the benefits given to the
Dongria through the PSFS scheme were appropriated by the Domb.
Traditionally, the Dongria Kondh are producers, landhold-
ers, whereas the Domb were landless middleman or the petty
businessmen dealing in the produce of the former to maintain
their livelihood. The Dongria Kondh, after the Agency repaid
their loans top the Domb, took to liquor drinking with impunity.
The Domb exploited them further. The Dongria realized that the
half-hearted interest of the government fell much short off their
welfare and reconnected their traditional mode of socio-economic
interaction with the Domb. They highly valued their help and sup-
port in times of need and difficulty. By acting subservient to the
Kondh, the Domb had served their own purposes quite cleverly. In
fact, some of the Dongria Kondh who had gone against the Domb
and welcomed the government measures and the introduction of
modem socio-political attributes have gone back to their old ways
and re-embraced the Domb. The influx of Domb families individu-
ally from the neighbouring districts of Kalahandi and Phulbani was
reinstated in 1968. This increased the Domb population consider-
ably. Gradually, they captured the Dongria Kondh market. With the
emergence of the subplan concept, the DKDA was revived in 1975.
It functioned as a micro-project covering 52 villages, and a senior
research officer from the Harijan and Tribal Welfare Department
was deputed as the special officer of the Agency. He attempted to
pursue the plantation programmes in a few villages but failed to
win the confidence of the Dongria Kondh. Consequently, becoming
indifferent to their development, he continued on the job for three
years only. When the plantation target could not be achieved in
1978, the government deputed an agricultural scientist as a special
officer of the Agency to vigorously pursue the plantations growth.
The agriculture scientist, however, did not consider the people’s
involvement necessary and indiscriminately prepared plantation
plots in the areas adjoining the road to facilitate ease of monitor-
ing when he travelled on jeep and motorcycle (a bullet motorcycle
was purchased for supervising the work in the fields). The roadside
areas were located far away from the Dongria Kondh villages but
were preferred for plantation as higher officers could visit them
easily. Though his tenure lasted till 1982, the development activity
was unsuccessful.
During this period, the Domb traders became very active
because the officer used them instead of the Dongria Kondh and
therefore hindered their development. Working as an officer rather
than a development agent, he set a dangerous precedent. The
Dongria Kondh became scared of the officer and his Domb agents.
This unhealthy trend severely impacted the semblance of progress
made already. Their desperation is gauged from the fact that when
a house caught fire, the entire village of prosperous Dongria Kondh
tribals wanted to shift to another location. The intervention of a
Gandhian social worker working in the area since 1965 persuaded
them to stay.
In 1982, an enthusiastic young anthropologist of the Tribal
and Harijan Welfare Development was deputed to the area as the
special officer. Having worked in Bihar and the Andaman Islands
earlier, he set to work among the Dongria Kondh. However, higher
level government echelons intervened to transfer him to the state
headquarters in 1987. The techniques and methods adopted by

the anthropologist were evolved by him after he visited all the 52
villages of the project areas personally on foot. He contacted the
Dongria Kondh, spending several nights in the interior villages to
establish rapport and win them over. He persuaded subordinate
welfare personnel to regularly visit the villages. He prepared
grounds for implementing the development programmes.
A short review of the development activities will highlight
the strategy of development. He continued holding regular meet-
ings in the hill villages to assess people’s minds, their problems
and their enthusiasm for undertaking development activities. In
the beginning, he stumbled as he did not take into confidence the
Domb neighbours. Later, realizing their role in the area, he put
moral pressure on the Domb Barikas, the traditional messenger of
the villages to take responsibility for monitoring the development
activities and informing him of socio-cultural problems and other
aspects in the villages and the region. He pacified them by getting
them loans through banks for plying their business. He introduced
the growing of vegetables such as potato, tomato, cabbage, brinjal,
chilli and ginger, preparing turmeric plots. The terrace plots were
mainly for the cultivation of paddy, and seasonal cereals and pulses
with the irrigation channels sourced from the main streams in
the interior-most villages. He discussed the author’s field-based
knowledge about the intrinsic features such as the Dongria dignity
of labour, role of the traditional labour cooperatives, clan-based
ownership rights of land and territory and how they could par-
ticipate in plantation work and adopt plots allotted to them. His
conviction and guidance eventually had people adopting plantation
plots in vast tracts. Using the traditional labour cooperatives in
which all villagers participated, irrespective of Kondh or Domb,
clearing the bush, bunding the swidden and preparing plantation
plots were accomplished. Their participation was ensured with
compensation in the form of a buffalo and the contribution of the
required quantities of rice towards the communal feast. In Dongria
culture, there was no concept of wage. They were happy to partner
in their progress.
The anthropologist helped in resolving their traditional
feuds over trifles and in getting the support of the women by paying
attention to their cultural issues. He knew that these aspects were
vital to the pursuit of development activities (Nayak, 1984). He
helped people get loans from the bank for paying bride price as
it facilitated the acquiring of their desired women. This measure
helped curb the traditional practice of the groom working in his
father-in-law’s house for 2–3 years when he could not pay the bride
price. This ploy benefitted both the landed and landless individu-
als among the Kondh. He observed that the Kondh continued to
be victims of the Domb. He decided to allow the Domb to procure
the products of the Kondh at a rate fixed by him. They could sell to
the society at a marketable price after keeping their own margin
of profit. This checked the monopolized, traditional yet exploitative
business transactions of the Domb with the Kondh. The village
schoolteachers, the welfare extension officer and the Agency were
instructed to be vigilant about surreptitious transactions between
the Kondh and the Domb. Any deviations were reported from time
to time to the special officer who put them to the village council
meeting, and the culprits were reprimanded publicly. This method
helped provide better solutions suitable to both the Kondh and the
Domb alike, and they were aware of the stringent consequences.
The delineation of the activities of the Development Agency,
its failures and successes conceptualize the pathways of develop-
ment with and without the incisive involvement of the primitive
tribal communities. The basic propositions are as follows:
1. Economic development determines socio-culture development

as sides of the same coin.
2. Pursuance of development measures aligned with the traditions
of a primitive community obtains greater success and feasibility.
3. Confidence in the people, in oneself (as the development practi-
tioner) and confidence in success of the development measures
are basic requirements provided to the bureaucratic machinery
and political interference do not act as barriers.
4. Pragmatic approach helps solve problems of development among
tribal societies in particular regions. Therefore, the orientation
of development personnel in fieldwork, especially among tribal
societies, is a primary consideration for undertaking develop-
ment activities.

5. Scientific understanding and a humanistic approach of develop-
ment scientists are essential. Training in anthropological field-
work techniques can help tackle the problems of development
in tribal, rural and even urban areas.
6. Development of exclusive tribal communities has a significant
bearing on the development of the neighbouring non-tribal com-
munities as well and has been historically used to have a stake
in the socio-economic life of the former.
The facts delineated and observations made so far are based on the
author’s sustained field experiences (1975–1987) among the Dogria
Kondh. He visited 42 Dongria villages of the Niyamgiri hills for
his doctoral research and learnt about the impact of development
measures taken up by the DKDA.
PROBLEMS OF RESETTLEMENT DUE TO THE

RENGALI DAM PROJECT: FIELD FINDINGS
On the request from Oxford Committee for Famine Relief (OXFAM),
Bhubaneswar, the author conducted fieldwork for a month in
the resettlement areas around the Rengali Multipurpose Dam
Project, Odisha, during July–August 1986. Three investigators
were engaged to fill out detailed household schedules in 6 resettle-
ment villages and detailed village schedules in 22 sample villages
selected on the basis of regional distribution and strategic location
with irrigation or without irrigation facilities. Major emphasis
was on assessing the magnitude of problems faced by the resettled
villagers.
Construction across river Brahmani in Dhenkanal district
of Odisha state was done for flood control, irrigation and power
generation. It created a reservoir spread across 414 sq. km, affect-
ing 9,585 families in 265 villages. Of the 265 villages, 44 were fully
submerged, 70 were partly submerged, and in the remaining 151
villages, the cultivable lands were submerged partially. In all, 2,972
families were displaced from the 114 villages. They were allotted
land for building homesteads as also for cultivation. Some mon-
etary compensation was also given. There were 151 villages where
agricultural land was submerged and only monetary compensation
was given with no rehabilitation facilities. Some important public
institutions that were submerged were as follows:
1. High schools: 6
2. M.E. schools: 20
3. Primary schools: 88
4. Public health centres: 2
5. Recognized temples: 11
6. Police station: 1.
The 2,972 displaced families were resettled in 61 new resettlement

villages set up on the vacant government land. Of these, 25 were
set up in the command area of the Gohira Irrigation Project. These
villages were provided with
1. an earthen road inside the habitation site with cross drainage

work;
2. there were three wells for every 100 families with an additional
tube well for a school and club;
3. one tank for every 100 families;
4. one primary school for each village of up to 100 families and
5. one club for each village of up to 100 families.
There were 4,114 families which were resettled in groups on vacant

the government land of their choice in 92 different localities in exist-
ing old villages known as individual settlement clusters. These 92
individual clusters were provided with
1. one well for every 15 families;

2. one tank for every 30 families;
3. one two-roomed upper primary school for 30 families and
approach road to the nearby P.W.D./Panchayat road.
The balance 2,499 families opted for cash in lieu of land (Office of
the Superintending Engineer, 1986). The displaced persons who
were resettled in villages were provided 0.5 acres of homestead

land free of cost. Timber required for building about two rooms was
provided to each family by the Forest Department on payment of
nominal charges. Six acres of unirrigated land and 3 acres of irri-
gated land were given to each family in the resettlement villages
to pursue agricultural practices. The land was made available at a
nominal charge of `300 per acre paid to the government. The land-
less displaced persons were exempted from payment of charges.
The land was at government cost, and reclamation work included
clearing the jungle, uprooting stumps and bounding to demarcate
the plot. The displaced persons who opted for resettlement in
individual clusters were also provided agricultural and homestead
land, but reclamation was done by the people themselves for which
they were given `600 per acre for non-irrigated land and `1,000 per
acre for irrigated land. Investigations showed that people in the
resettlement villages faced tremendous problems such as follows:
1. Inadequate land.
2. Inavailability of skilled or semi-skilled labour and adoption of
variant cultivation practices.
In the submerged villages, surplus paddy used to be exchanged for

goods and services. The labour was paid in kind. The services of
barbers, blacksmiths, waster men, carpenters, potters and basket
makers were all paid for in paddy. Thus, in the old villages, the
marketable surplus enabled the tribals to command goods and
services, but with the resettlement process came the transition
from kind to cash and the people had to spend their compensation
money. This was also because yield from land had diminished to
67.8%. The farmer was left with very little surplus for making
sundry payments. Monetary transactions, which were unfamiliar
areas of interaction earlier, had become common coinage in the new
settlement. This proved grave for the resettled population. They
had no source of income and were burdened by mounting debt.
The compensation paid in 1978–1979 could not last them for more
than a few months. Many of the ousted families spent the amount
prodigiously on marriages and feasts.
The government waste land and forest land allotted to the
displaced families proved to be more of a liability than an asset. In
some of the plots, big trees had been cut down, but the stumps have
not been removed. Removing stumps, stones and morrums (debris)
from the fields was an exhaustive, time-consuming exercise. Large
part of the land had not been levelled and properly reclaimed. Lands
allotted in the foothills had large trees and undergrown and could
not be used. This is the reason why most households had not cul-
tivated the land. In the six villages under an intensive household
survey, it was found that only 59.3% of the allotted land was made
cultivable by the people. The quality of soil was poor having low
fertility. The per acre yield was abysmally low, with 1.84 quintals
against 5.72 quintals in the old villages. The geographical condi-
tions were not congenial to growing cereals like pulses. Except for
a small number of villages, adequate irrigation was not effective till
August 1986. In such conditions, farmers could ill afford to adopt
high-yielding variety seeds to say nothing of scientific cultivation.
The once self-sufficient farmers were poverty-stricken. Multiple
cropping was common in the old villages. In the newly allotted
land, the disadvantages were insurmountable. The land could not
be ploughed because of untamed forest growth, prohibitive reclama-
tion costs, improper irrigation and the persistent threat of torrential
rains in the rainy season which caused unmitigated soil erosion.
An important change was observed in the cultivation of
paddy. Currently, Guda Dhan (short-term paddy of the upland
variety) having a yield of less than 50% is being adopted which
was not cultivated commonly in the old villages. Many families
were now living below the poverty line (Acharya and Das, 1986).
Earlier the people cultivated major cereals and pulses, many types
of vegetables, oil seeds, tobacco and other cash crops for their own
consumption. In the new settlements, they attempted to resume
their old cropping patterns, but these failed to comply with the
changed geographical conditions. The varieties of crops earlier
were mostly for their own consumption as also for some commercial
purposes, but these varieties could not be grown to supplement the
economy of the resettlers. The landholders and the landless, the
rich and poor had all been equalized in terms of the allotment of
land. In the old village system, the labour was being employed on
annual, biennial and triennial contracts and were paid in kind. This
practice was no longer viable in the new settlements. Employing

daily labour on payment of cash was no longer an option which even
the relatively rich could afford.
There was a widespread atmosphere of uncertainty covering
the entire economic survival of the resettled population. The tribals
recounted that their wealth was economically more secured with
their possession of land as well as wealth of cattle.
STRUCTURAL AND CULTURAL PREMISE OF THE

PROBLEMS
The people of the resettlement villages have were compensated
with agricultural and homestead land. The temporal aspects of the
problem made a great difference to the cohesiveness of the commu-
nity. This was observed in the transition of the extended and joint
family to the nuclear family unit. In the cases, compensated after
1971, the exact composition of the family was not taken into account
by the government because the unmarried sons subsequently got
married and yet were not considered as forming a separate family
unit. Therefore, the single land unit of the father had to bear the
burden of more than one family. Thus, a father having received the
compensation money could not give each son a viable legitimate
share. Also, when the father received cash and he was in author-
ity, the sons hesitated to officially ask for fit. This brought about
estrangement in the family.
Altercations between a father and a married son and
between married brothers created situations of family disruption.
On witnessing such estrangement in the family, fathers and sons
as well as brothers chose to resettle in separate villages. The dis-
solution of the family reversed interpersonal role relationships. The
biradari or group relationship and ‘lineage’ ties even at the level of
the caste group was broken off for families that were spread out in
different resettlement sites. Even the rites of passage were sepa-
rated. The services caste members, such as the barbers, washermen
and scavengers were distributed away from their traditional patron
families. These people are considered essential for the maintenance
of the relative ritual status of the caste group following the lines
of purity and pollution. The displaced persons, however, are not
being served by these traditional services caste. The neighbouring
villagers label them as budi-loka, which derogatorily means ‘people
from the submerged area’. It is this low estimation of the social
status of the oustees by the neighbours that makes getting brides
for their boys a large problem. They are also distressed that getting
grooms for their daughters is costing them much more because of
the onset of a new trend of heavy demand for dowry, earlier the
fathers of brides used to demand the bride price from the grooms
to allow the marriage.
A trend of village endogamy confined to the resettlement
villages only has developed now. The earlier inhabitants have been
dispersed far and wide and are living in small groups in hamlet-
like structures. These villages form the nucleus of a host of other
villages. Thus, the ‘unity and extension’ that permeated to the
inter-village level was lost post resettlement. They could not foster
a spirit of welfare and development for the ‘whole’ and hence led
to the inaction.
The village leadership has also become defunct now. Earlier,
it was a prominent part of village life, especially for taking major
decisions and supervising cultural and religious ceremonies.
PERPETUATION OF PSYCHOLOGICAL PROBLEMS

Leaving their birthplace and resettling in new surroundings can
cause the people to become psychologically upset. The living condi-
tion in a new settlement often proves precarious owing to insuf-
ficient food supplies, scarcity of water, threat of malaria and other
diseases, lack of facilities for children’s education, etc. Most people
are in a state of depression and consider the multipurpose Rengali
Dam Project to be a curse. A sense of alienation, isolation and hostil-
ity has added to their growing frustration. In the settlements, for
everybody, irrespective of their being rich or poor, moneylenders or
debtors, the underlying despair is the same. The earlier camaraderie
they lived in has been lost, and the helping hands one could depend
on have become helpless. At the sight of the government officers,
the tribals tend to scramble and hide or even lose their temper. The
anger and frustration of the people reflect their abject misery and
dissatisfaction with the poor quality of drinking water, its use in food
preparation and taking a bath, the rampant skin diseases, particu-
larly scabies, among young and the old, besides other health afflic-
tions among children and the elderly. Most families are suffering

an inferiority complex as they feel that they have been outcaste and
are hanging at the fringe of community life. Women suffer from
mental isolation. As members of the peasant communities, they
earlier shared work activities and responsibilities with men, but
now their work spheres have been squeezed. They lament over the
artificial life situation they have been thrust into.
DISPLACEMENT AND DEVELOPMENT ALTERNATIVES

The government enunciated liberal terms for the displaced popu-
lation of Rengali. The survey of the resettlement areas, empirical
observations and the observed mismanagement highlight the
lacunae in the rehabilitation policy as well as the major drawbacks
in its implementation. Nothing had been clearly spelt out at the
stage of policy formulation, and even during implementation or
resettlement measures to satiate, the felt needs of the people were
not considered in depth.
The planner does not seem to have conceptualized that these
people represent a segment of rural peasantry having mutual inter-
dependence on one another as well as a culture of their own within
the framework of which they interact and behave. Irrespective of
their caste identity, they tended to pursue agriculture and derive
nourishment from it. They were being served by a few service caste
households who were indispensable to their lifestyle, but they were
dispersed indiscriminately. Much before the completion of the
infrastructural work in the resettlement villages, the people were
evacuated and their native area was submerged by the dam water.
This experience was traumatic. They served the notice to vacate
the villages as soon as the compensation money was disbursed. Due
to the lack of prior alertness, decisive planning and timely execu-
tion, the evacuees were in confusion and chaos. They shifted to the
allocated area in haste, fear and indecisiveness.
The infrastructural facilities in the resettled villages were
personally supervised by the Engineer-in-Chief of the Irrigation
Department, Government of Odisha. What was missing, however,
was a sensitized approach to the entire process.
Most of the displaced population lacked the knowledge
of the investment value of money with few exceptions. They
only understood its storage value. Money was sparingly used for
renovating their land. Only 59.3% of the land has been brought
under single crop cultivation, while the rest remains untouched.
This land has comparatively low fertility value and is still being
developed. Agricultural work has not been resumed yet. Without
understanding their socio-cultural constraints, the settler families
are being castigated as being lethargic and indolent. It would have
been appropriate to impart expertise of a team of agricultural
scientists, soil analysts and environmental scientists (anthropolo-
gists included) for some hand holding till the resumption of normal
agricultural activities by the new settlements.
CONSTRUCTION OF DAMS: THE WAY FORWARD

Clearly, the responsibility to maintain and secure dams lies with
the government, so does the accountability to rehabilitate displaced
families. The resettlement should not be quantified as a target but
the objective should vest in complete rehabilitation that boosts
socio-economic standards and sustains their cultural life of affected
families.
Development alternatives for the displaced must be put
more precisely as:
1. Problem of displacement is not merely the problem of the people

concerned but of the state, nation and society as a whole.
2. Wisdom of rehabilitation officers should be guided and sup-
ported by the expertise of development scientists for certain
human problems are to be comprehended realistically and
tackled pragmatically and humanistically.
3. Displacement and resettlement are complex problems as they
involve real-life situations. At the level of identification, prob-
lems should be seen in a reality–abstraction continuum.
4. Since the problem refers to groups of interacting human beings,
development actions need to be people-oriented. The displaced
community should be encouraged to formulate its own goals
and organize human and technical resources for the attain-
ment of community objectives. The people should be presented
with alternatives for decision-making and should be left free
to formulate and implement their own goals with dignity and
self-respect.
5. There is a need to understand the cultural effects of resettle-
ment through field studies and project research.
EPILOGUE
It may be reiterated that limited employment of anthropologists in
development planning and programmes has been a major lacuna.
The inputs of anthropologists are essential to planned develop-
ment and change. From being ‘students of change’ to being ‘agents
of change’ vested interests have little consideration for preserving
traditional structures of tribal societies. The onus of responsibility
rests on the anthropologist committed to ‘gradualism’ for introduc-
ing change, especially among indigenous societies. This fallacy of
non-functionality needs to be dispelled (Mathur, 1977: 12). This
has been made clear in the case study of the DKDA. An academic
discourse on traditions and development is not only held to be
beneficial for development agencies but it is also determined to
pursue development activities positively to establish the relevance
of anthropology in national development.
S. C. Dube (1981) is hopeful that development can be
achieved along the traditions of societies and cultures and warns
about the utilization of traditions carefully. Bad performance on
the development front cannot be blamed on tradition alone. Poor
planning and indifferent implementation are often the real causes
of failure. The trained development anthropologist has much to
contribute as tradition and development must be borne in mind
while pursuing development in the action field (Dube, 1981: 299).
Finally, it may be said that for successful implementation of
development projects in any sphere in any form and for achieving
the goals of development, SIAs are absolutely essential. Assessment
of the social, cultural, economic and environmental situations in
the project area is essential prior to undertaking development
programmes. It needs to be accorded priority when considering
the pros and cons of development measures and their impact on
people and their life while dealing with unexpected consequences.
The anthropologists’ engagement in SIA processes is, therefore, an
essential aspect of nation-building programmes being implemented
on a mega scale. But it must be tempered by indigenous wisdom at
the micro level of genesis and evaluation.
SUGGESTED READINGS
Acharyaa P. K. and M. Das. “Rehabilitation of people displaced due to
conduction of Rengali dam.” Proceedings of 53rd Annual Research
and Development, No. 148, New Delhi, 1986.
Behura, N. K. and P. K. Nayak. “Involuntary Displacement and the
Changing Frontiers of Kinship: A Study of Resettlement if Orissa,”
in Anthropological Approaches to Resettlement: Policy, Practice,
Theory, edited by Michael M. Cernea and S. Guggenheim. Boulder,
CO: Westview Press, 1993.
Cernea, Michael M. “Sociological Knowledge for Development
Projects,” in Putting People First: Sociological Variables in Rural
Development, edited by Michael M. Cernea. New York, NY: Oxford
University Press, 1985.
Dube, S. C., “Traditional Views of Change and Development,” in
Absolute Values and the Search for the Peace of Mankind, Vol. 1:
Proceedings of the 9th International Conference on the Unity of
Sciences. New York, NY: The International Cultural Foundation
Press, 1981.
Eddy, Elizabeth M. and William L. Partridge. Applied Anthropology in
America. New York, NY: Columbia University Press, 1978.
Government of Orissa, “Rengali Multipurpose Project: Revised
Estimate.” Bhubaneswar: Irrigation and Power Department,
Government of Odisha, 1977.
Madan, T. N. Culture and Development. New Delhi: Oxford University
Press, 1983.
Mahapatra, L. K. “Testing the Risks and Reconstruction Model on
India’s Resettlement Experiences,” in The Economics of Involuntary
Resettlement: Questions and Challenges, edited by Michael
M. Cernea. Geneva: World Bank, 1985.
Mathur, H. M. (ed). Anthropology in the Development Process.
New Delhi: Vikas Publishing House, 1977.
Mead, M. “The Evolving Ethics of Applied Anthropology,” in Applied
Anthropology in America, edited by Elizabeth M. Eddy and William
L. Patridge. New York, NY: Columbia University Press, 1978.
Nayak, P. K., “Foreseeable Problems of Displacement: A Study of the
Denizens of Indravati Dam Project,” in Proceedings of the Research
Seminar, Department of Anthropology, Utkal University, 1982.
Nayak, P. K., “Structure and Function of Clan Feud among the Dongria
Kondh,” PhD Dissertation, Utkal University, 1984.
Nayak, P. K., “Displaced Denizens of Rengali Dam Project: A Study
of Their Socio-Economic Conditions, Resettlement Problems

and Ameliorative Action Measures,” A Research Project Report
Sponsored by OXFAM, Bhubaneswar, 1986.
Nayak, P. K., “Anthropology of the Displaced: Problems of Resettlement
and Development Alternatives,” in Anthropology, Development
and Nation Building, edited by A. K. Kalla and K. S. Singh. Delhi:
Concept Publishing Company, 1987.
Nayak, P. K. and Anil Mahajan (eds.). Human Encounter with Drought.
New Delhi: Reliance Publishing House, 1991.
Office of the Superintending Engineer, Rengali, Official Records,
“Rengali Multipurpose Project: Note on Rehabilitation Work. India,
1986.
Partridge, William L. and Elizabeth M. Eddy (eds.). “The Development
of Applied Anthropology in America,” in Applied Anthropology in
America, edited by William L. Partridge and Elizabeth M. Eddy.
New York, NY: Columbia University Press, 1978.
Robbert, Chamber. “Sustainable Livelihoods, Environment and
Development: Putting Poor Rural People First,” Discussion Paper
240. Sussex, England: Institute of Development Studies, 1988.
Scudder, T. “The Human Ecology of Big Projects: River Basin
Development and Resettlement.” Annual Review of Anthropology,
Vol. 2., 45–55, 1973.
Scudder, T. “A Sociological for the Analysis of New Land Settlemens” in
Putting People First: Sociological Variables in Rural Development,
edited by Michael M. Cernea. Washington, DC: World Bank and
Oxford University Press, 1985.
Voget, F. W. “Applied Anthropology,” in A History of Ethnography,
edited by Rinchart H. Winstron. New York, NY, 1975, pp.773–777.
World Bank/Oxford University Press. “Involuntary Resettlement and
Development: Some Projects Have Adverse Social Effects, Can
These be Prevented?” in Finance and Development. Washington
DC: World Bank, 1988.
CHAPTER 5
SITUATING
ANTHROPOLOGY
IN SOCIAL IMPACT
ASSESSMENT
Methodological Considerations
Avanee Khatri, Ratika Thakur and A. K. Sinha
INTRODUCTION
Anthropology has emerged as a strong research discipline with
varied applications in all sectors and with its applied potential
being realised more than ever. Anthropologists all around the
globe have upgraded their research and skills to suit the needs
of contemporary times. In recent times, Business Anthropology
and Development Anthropology have been making their space in
academics and application.
Anthropology of development informally emerged in the
1960s with Clifford Geertz’s work on understanding changes in
agriculture in relation to technical challenges and land use in
Indonesia. Later, anthropology of development was applied and
expanded to the areas of ‘social development’ such as impact
evaluation and impact assessment (Lewis, 2005). In the evolution
of practical application of anthropology of development, social
impact assessment (SIA) emerged as one of the important methods
in applied anthropology (Figure 5.1).
Situating Anthropology in Social Impact Assessment 75

Anthropology
Social Anthropology
Applied Anthropology/
Practice Anthropology
SIA
Figure 5.1 Situating SIA in Anthropology

Source: Authors.
This chapter discusses SIA, its academic position in applied

anthropology and defines the role of anthropologists in SIA. The
chapter discusses the need of the anthropological forum and its
unique methodology in conducting SIA projects with holistic per-
spective, community participation, involvement with practical
issues, social and cultural context.
Such studies are driven by a requirement, most usually of a
legal nature, to prospectively evaluate types of social and cultural
changes likely to follow some interventionist programme, project or
scheme. Importantly, the findings of such inquiries are harnessed
to making policies, planning and decision-making in a manner that
attempts, therefore, to anticipate and minimise adverse impacts.
SIA’s are sought to be forward-looking in nature, highly evaluative
and the one’s that seek to manage change responsibly by articu-
lating how the findings and recommendations of any study can
be translated into preferred and sustainable projects. But in the
intervening period, global exploration and exploitation of natural
resources in the world have continued at an inexorable pace. The
process has unsurprisingly been conterminous with the increased
public and political sensitivities to the issue of native title, cultural
heritage, environmental damage and the general place, and the role
of ethnicity as an important world resource.
76 Avanee Khatri, Ratika Thakur and A. K. Sinha

SIA includes processes for analysing, monitoring and
managing the intended and unintended social consequences of
these interventions. SIA is a prospective or anticipatory decision-
making tool ideally used at the beginning of the planning process
(Vanclay, 2003). The chapter proceeds by highlighting the role and
position of anthropologists in the whole SIA process and at the
same time argues the need of multidisciplinary approach in proper
execution of the SIA process.
THE ROLE OF ANTHROPOLOGISTS

Ever since the beginning of the discipline, like other social analysts,
anthropologists had over the decades been marginalised in the
policy formulation and development planning programmes. This
attitude emanated, first, from the non-utilitarian views held by
these governments and sometimes, by anthropologists themselves
of their discipline. Either due to ignorance, training or intellectual
inclinations, these people tended to see anthropology as sterile intel-
lectual discipline. Yet, these people have generally acknowledged
the very significance of social investigation in project planning.
Several explanations have been given for this lack of utilisa-
tion of anthropologists. The first is the technocratic nature of earlier
development programmes more often ‘dominated by economists,
engineers, agriculturalists and others who base their success on the
attainment of quantitative targets …’ (Hall, 1987). Even when they
acknowledged the need for community participation, they showed
little interest in ‘the social or welfare ramifications and the ethical
questions associated with promoting socio-economic change’ (Hall,
1987). Worse still, some of these technocrats generally pretended
that they had the skills required to handle the social dimensions
of development projects instead of employing the services of expert
anthropologists or sociologists. The second explanation is the legacy
of academic tradition among early anthropologists and other social
researchers, which they handed down to their successors. This
tradition ‘stresses non-involvement with practical issues and (main-
tained) the persistent belief in a value-free or ‘objective’ study of
society, leading to the rejection of any activity which involves social
engineering towards pre-determined ends’ (Hall, 1987). This tradi-
tion has permeated the thinking of many anthropologists worldwide.

According to Andah (1988), various departments and faculties
in academic universities ‘prefer to tread the easy path of imitating
European universities, while ignoring the more difficult tasks of break-
ing new grounds …’. Another reason, which is linked to the above, is
the lack of integration among the various disciplines at the university
level where each discipline has regrettably maintained an unhealthy
state of aloofness and hence unable to undertake interdisciplinary
cooperative researches. This attitude has made it extremely difficult
for anthropologists and other social researchers to develop programmes
with full range of skills required for devising short-term solutions to
development programmes (Almy, 1979; cited in Hall, 1987).
Today, however, there is an increasing realisation of the
relevance of social investigation in project development. This
realisation is informed by the success recorded by project actions,
which took account of social soundness analysis. ‘After examining
68 World Bank schemes, Kottak (1985) concluded that those which
did take account of social issues enjoyed higher economic returns’
(Hall, 1987). Failure to consider social and cultural contexts of a
project invites inappropriate project design and ultimately leads to
projects that are ineffective and undesirable to the supposed benefi-
ciaries (Cernea, 1985). The positive attitude towards anthropology,
even though not generally felt, has influenced a number of inter-
national aid agencies like United State Agency for International
Development, World Health Organization (WHO), United Nations
Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO), etc.,
to engage the services of anthropologists in social engineering. Some
national governments are also toeing this line by employing notable
anthropologists in their development schemes. Even though the
number is still minute, it is a step in the right direction. The anthro-
pologists so employed are expected to make social inputs in such
development schemes as residential development, road, rail and
airport development, tourism and leisure development, agricultural
extension, land settlement, mineral processing and exploitation,
refugee resettlement, organisation of irrigation for farmers, water
supplies, etc. This development calls for a change of attitude among
anthropologists to enable them to exploit the growing opportunities
for overall benefit. Anthropologists must now embrace issues with
practical orientation and development prospects.

It has been generally acknowledged that anthropologists are
well trained to conduct community-based research works and by
extension social impact assessment in developing nations.
They are well versed in studies concerning community life.
Consequently, they are in the advantageous position to describe
the baseline social context of any action: document through longi-
tudinal studies any change resulting from such action, and predict
social impacts.
Their focus in this regard is essentially twofold. The first
is to identify the nature of relationship between project action and
the affected communities. They analyse development projects with
reference to socio-cultural variables and the relationships between
such variables and the change resulting from project actions. The
second is to explain how recommending strategies that promote
equity as well as ensure sustainability while exploiting the oppor-
tunities for economic benefits can enhance this relationship. The
conduct of this kind of research thus poses a new challenge to
anthropologists who have generally maintained the old tradition of
non-involvement in practical issues. The success of anthropologists
in the present scheme of things is, however, dependent on their abil-
ity to develop appropriate guidelines, strategies and plan of action.
Hence, further developments in findings, theory and techniques are
necessary to harness their inputs.
VanWilligen (1976) has developed an informal set of catego-
ries for measuring ‘applied types’ of anthropology:
1. The anthropologist is himself involved in direct action.

2. The anthropologist supports direct actionists through profes-
sional activity such as research.
3. The anthropologist carries out research for a client.
4. The anthropologist does policy-relevant research. The anthropol-
ogist participates in applied anthropology training programmes.
5. The anthropologist more or less accepts applied anthropology;
at least, he does not express open hostility.
By using the ‘folk concept of applied anthropology’ which differenti-

ates applied anthropological activities according to the degree of

involvement in directed change, VanWilligen (1976) has identified
six major models for applied action as follows:
1. ‘The Applied Ethnology Model’, typified by Foster (1969) and

the closest of all the models to pure, basic, academic research.
2. ‘The Research and Development Model’, explicitly interven-
tionist in approach and typified by the Cornell-Peru project
(Holmberg, 1965).
3. ‘The Action Anthropology Model’, as carried out by the Fox pro-
ject (Tax, 1958) and highly focused upon the ‘culture’ concept.
4. ‘The Community Development Model’, where the anthropologist
facilitates change, often in the role of consultant.
5. ‘The Clinical Model’, where the anthropologist may provide cul-
tural data for use in clinical areas (e.g., in nursing, psychology,
migrant services).
6. ‘The Community Advocacy (or Action Research) Model’, a ‘recent
adaptation to the urban political scene in the United States’
(VanWilligen, 1976), whereby the anthropologist supplies data to
community leaders for use in community development schemes.
It is beyond the scope of this chapter to describe all of these models

in detail. Instead, the authors have chosen to focus on two kinds of
applied anthropology, perhaps best described as ‘SIA’ and ‘devel-
opment anthropology’. The choice of these two provides scope for
generalisations about applied anthropological practices in both the
domestic and the international spheres.
In addition, domestic SIA and international development
anthropology provide a good contrast to traditional anthropology, in
so far as both are further removed from it than other types of applied
anthropology. The institutional settings, the assumptions or value
stances, and the goals associated with both, however, are aligned
to a greater degree with applied research than with basic research.
DEFINING SIA
Before any attempt is made to define SIA, it is best to acknowledge
the confusion which presently exists over attempts to classify any
‘type’ of applied anthropology. This confusion is the result of the

very rapid increase of specialisation within the field of applied
anthropology. VanWilligen (1982) predicts that such specialisa-
tion will increase to the extent that the term and concept ‘applied
anthropology’ soon will become outmoded, being too broad a concept
to identify meaningfully the many different types of special activi-
ties. How, then, might SIA be categorised?
The SIA Committee of the Society for Applied Anthropology
defines Social Impact Assessment as the ‘study of the potential
effects of natural physical phenomena, activities of government and
business, or any succession of events on specific groups of people’.
A Response to Policy Needs

In tracing the history of public policy in the United States,
Chambers (1985) shows evidence for a rising public concern over
issues of efficiency, cost-effectiveness and social well-being. These
issues have led to more systematic public policy formulation and
planning. During the past two decades, this concern was manifested
in such events as Nixon’s revenue sharing grants, the Planning
Programming–Budgeting System for federal planning, the social
indicators movement. The single piece of legislation most often cited
as a pioneer in this direction is the National Environmental Policy
Act of 1969 (NEPA). NEPA stipulates that an Environmental Impact
Statement should be submitted for any proposed federally funded
project. The term ‘environment’ used here denotes not only the
physical environment, but also the ‘human environment’, including
social and cultural ‘resources’. Section 102 of this Act stipulates that:
[All agencies of the Federal Government shall] utilize a

systematic, interdisciplinary approach which will insure the
integrated use of the natural and social sciences and the envi-
ronmental design arts in planning and decision making which
may have an impact on the environment; and … include in
every recommendation or report on … major Federal actions
significantly affecting the quality of the human environment,
a detailed statement by the responsible official.
NEPA spurred the creation of further legislation at both the federal

and state levels (e.g., the Fishery Conservation and Management
Act of 1976; the Federal Insecticide, Fungicide, and Rodenticide Act

of 1972; the Clean Air Act of 1972; the Water Quality Act of 1974
and the National Historic Preservation Act Amendments of 1980).
The result has been that Social Impact Assessment now is applied
to a wide range of topics, such as housing and urban renewal, rural
development, energy development, highway and mass transporta-
tion, health and community services, water resources, planning and
community development and land use management, architecture
and buildings, and population displacement and relocation (Wolf,
1981).
Thus, the formulation of national public policy is now based
on an attempt to forecast the effects of planned human activ-
ity, including the probable socio-cultural effects of these actions.
This change in the process, by which government agencies make
decisions, has restructured the field of employment for applied
anthropologists in the United States. At a time when academic
employment opportunities are dwindling, social scientists are quick
to fill the need for policy scientists. They are rapidly developing
methods for researching the social impacts of a project—not only
for government but for industry and private citizen groups as well.
This situation has changed the anthropologist’s role in government-
sponsored work; they are no longer hired as ‘ethnographically
informed area experts’ (VanWilligen, 1982). Rather, public policy
decision-making now requires specialists who are capable of assess-
ing the social impacts of a developmental project according to the
guidelines for social assessment set by various agencies.
Public Policy
Applied work, by its very nature, reflects contemporary societal
concerns. Anthropologists were originally shown to have been
concerned with racial determinism, problems of British colonial
administration and the problems facing government during World
War II. Anthropology’s present involvement in policy-making is no
different—but for one exception: society (in the form of democratic
government) has institutionalised a role for social scientists in the
form of legislation requiring social science knowledge. In response,
social scientists are re-examining this role.
Anthropologists, on their part, recently have begun to exam-
ine the nature of ‘public policy’ (e.g., Chambers, 1985; Cochrane,

1980; Hinshaw, 1980; Weaver, 1985). Political scientists, however,
began to explore this area no later than 1950 (Lasswell and Kaplan,
1950). The two disciplines vary little in their definition.
In the broadest sense, the term ‘policy’ refers ‘to whatever
is being done by some actor in a broad area of activity’ (Ranney,
1968). It has the following features: (a) it involves a desire for a par-
ticular ‘sequence of behaviour’ in (b) a particular ‘aspect the society
or physical world’; (c) it involves ‘a deliberate selection of one line
of action’ and (d) a ‘declaration of intent’ (either publicly or more
secretively) by the policy maker, as well as (e) an ‘implementation
of intent’ (Ranney, 1968). A public policy is one which is held by
‘authorities [who] engage in the daily affairs of a political system
[and who are] recognized by most members of the system as having
the responsibility for these matters’ (Easton, 1965; cited in Ranney,
1968). Cochrane (1980) states that ‘policy can be distinguished from
politics in that politics connotes a struggle for power with respect
to specific decisions, whereas policy guides decision making for a
general class of decisions.’
Finsterbusch (1980) sees the complete policy process as
involving four stages: (a) formulation of policy alternatives, (b)
selection of an alternative for implementation, (c) implementation
and (d) evaluation and modification.
The stipulations for impact assessments set by federal and
state agencies entails only the first and second stages, where it
facilitates ‘decision making by determining the full range of costs
and benefits of alternative proposed courses of action’ (Finsterbusch
and Wolf, 1981). However, the researcher’s potential for policy
assessment is greater than the formulation and the selection of
alternatives. Because outcomes are an ‘essential part of the social
assessment process’, (Singer, 1984) believes that the ‘monitoring-
management process’ should not be ignored. SIA can serve here to
(a) ‘meet the often varied objectives of diverse user groups’ and (b)
determine ‘information requirements, collection strategy (method),
and analysis procedures’. Moreover, in the implementation and
monitoring stages, impacts are no longer merely potential, but
actual, with the job being to determine ‘whether the measured
changes result from the policy, exogenous factors, or some combina-
tion of both’ (Finsterbusch and Wolf, 1981).

SIA METHODOLOGY: A MULTIDISCIPLINARY
ENDEAVOUR
Practitioners of SIA refer to it as a multi-method approach. In other
words, SIA is not distinguished by any specific activist ‘role’ which
the anthropologist might play, nor by the investigation of any spe-
cific kind of subject matter, but by its body of methods. In principle,
these should be applicable to many ‘types’ of applied anthropology
that are involved in planning and forecasting—including the ‘topi-
cal specialisation’ of development anthropology.
C. P. Wolf (1983), a sociologist responsible for SIA methodol-
ogy, states that:
SIA is a multidisciplinary approach, and its analytic tasks

require assessors to draw selectively from the full range of
social research methodologies and techniques. [This is so
because] each impact situation has unique features, and gen-
eral methodologies must be tailored to its dimensions. While
no one best way has been (or can be) devised to fit all circum-
stances and cases, there is growing professional consensus and
methodological convergence on what may be described as the
‘main pattern’ of assessment steps.
This ‘main pattern’ of assessment steps is shown in Table 5.1, along

with some of the methods and techniques which may be utilised in
each step. Methods are chosen which best fit the particular topic
and level of the project being assessed.
These methods derive from various social science disciplines.
This is so because SIA practitioners, like those involved in any
problem-oriented research, utilise tools from any source that have
potential for revealing solutions. That is, the nature and scale of
the problem being explored determine which methods are used.
It is curious that Weaver (1985), in his articles on anthro-
pology and policy science, does not mention anthropologists’
involvement in SIA, despite the fact that he provides a list of policy
steps almost identical to those formulated by SIA practitioners.
Weaver’s conscious or unconscious omission may be due to the fact
that those working in the field of SIA do not identify themselves
with any single discipline. Rather, practitioners generally identify
themselves with a common task (i.e., SIA) which does not dictate or

Table 5.1 SIA Plan of Action
Various Methods and

Steps Analytic Operations Techniques
Scoping Set the size and level (policy, Demographic analysis:

progress, project) of assess- ethnographic research
ment; determine impact (used to inform the entire
boundaries. assessment).
Problem Determine policy goals and Psycho-social (attitudes)

identification objectives. assessment.
Formulation of Develop ‘reasonable’ alterna- In-depth interviews; com-

alternatives tives to the proposed course munity workshop; jury
of action which ‘serve the panels; community needs
same general purpose of the assessment.
project being considered’.
Include the ‘do nothing’
alternative.
Profiling Determine impact categories Social indicators model

(health, safety, economic, reflecting ‘quality of life’;
social, legal, etc.); determine group ecology model;
the level of impact (family, computerised socio-
community, regional); assign economic assessment
measures or criteria for evalu- simulation models; demo-
ation; design and conceptual graphic models.
framework for the analysis.
Projection/data Identify significant impacts Relevance trees;

collection of all alternatives, including questionnaire surveys;
‘doing nothing’. informant interviews;
demographic analysis;
historical analysis; content
analysis techniques for
secondary data; sampling.
Assessment Measure and compare the Utilise assessment models

impacts of the proposed pro- chosen in step IV.
ject, the alternatives and the
no action option.
Analysis and Analyse and evaluate the data Trade-off analysis;

evaluation by ranking and weighing pref- lexicographic pruning;
erence for alternatives. mathematical formula
weighing; objective and
subjective matrix.
(Continued)

Table 5.1 (Continued)
Various Methods and

Steps Analytic Operations Techniques
Policy design Suggest ways to modify Test assumed values of
the negative impacts of mitigation recipients and
the selected policy alter- of institution through
native; identify possible questionnaires and
mitigation measures and their interviews.
effectiveness.
Policy imple- Measure what now are actual Same methods as step V.
mentation and impacts against established
monitoring set of evaluative criteria;
provide feedback to policy
makers; re-evaluate public
preferences; determine
needed revisions.
Management Devise an impact manage- Institutional needs

ment plan to assure that the assessment.
project continues to meet
social criteria.
Sources: Finsterbusch (1980) and Finsterbusch, and Wolf (1981).
limit utilisation of the knowledge of a particular discipline. Thus,

anthropologists who publish in the SIA journal or in Westview
Press’s SIA series no longer identify themselves as anthropologists
than sociologists or political scientists publishing here identify
themselves as such.
These social science researchers have established a larger
common identity as problem solvers, because the problems which
they confront are multifaceted and require multidisciplinary
research. For example, Brown (1984) can state that ‘environ-
mental planning is a priori an interdisciplinary activity’ because
‘environment’ has been recognised as multidimensional, requir-
ing the transcendence of the division of labour among traditional
disciplines.
All this is not to say that anthropologists should abandon
anthropological perspectives (e.g., the holistic approach) or all
traditional anthropological methods (e.g., participant observation)
when doing SIA. What it does mean, however, is that the need for

anthropologists lies in putting other perspectives, as well as their
own, to service in pursuing solutions to complex practical problems.
In summary, SIA adapts several social science methods for
use in the investigation of the potential social effects of proposed
policies or projects; it does not limit itself to traditional anthropo-
logical approaches. Although SIA’s primary focus is policy content,
its success also depends upon insights gained on policy implemen-
tation, and upon knowledge about the policy process. As it is an
aid to the decision-making process, and because it is involved in
developing alternatives and choosing between them, SIA can be
understood as participating in the more general activity of conflict
resolution—this latter being a feature peculiar to the democratic
environment in which SIA arose.
In addition, it can be said that institutional needs and
the nature of the real world problems which SIA investigates are
responsible for the shape of its methodology, which is public policy
oriented and multidisciplinary in approach. Multidisciplinary
approach can aid in covering the problem holistically by focussing
on every factor that affects the development process directly or indi-
rectly. The holistic components of SIA are highlighted in Figure 5.2
that can be used as roadmap for devising and cross checking the
SIA plan of action.
Being an applied activity, SIA seeks to aid in directing
change. But it is important to note that this change is expected
to occur within the context of existing values and existing social
institutions within those same values and institutions which
prompted the creation of SIA (i.e., ‘public demand’ and federal and
state agencies). In other words, SIA generally does not attempt to
alter the present status quo; rather, it tends to serve it by aiding
attempts at peaceful self-planned direction.
IMPORTANCE OF SIA IN THE TWENTY-FIRST

CENTURY
Human societies and its course of ‘Transition’ through time and
space have led us to an age where we have become technology
sound and conquered every bit of the planet with our brains. But
the consequences of this rapid development and conquering is not

Culture Impact
Economic Impact
Assessment
People/
Community
Land Culture
SIA Livelihood Policy

Law
Environment Evaluation
Impact
Assessment Environment Infrastructure
Housing
Risk/Hazard Assessment
Figure 5.2 Holistic Components of SIA

Source: Authors.
far and twenty-first century in particular has been providing us

now and then with the failed report card, showing us alarming
situations of climate change, extincting species diversity to name a
few. This has definitely been highlighted by the global leaders and
UN in their future protocols to work towards creating sustainable
development across the globe, hence, the gaining importance and
mandate for SIA and environmental impact assessment studies.
In this respect, the work by Frank Vanclay’s provides in-
depth understanding and credibility for he has been associated
solely with SIA for the past decade. Being a former member of
the board of directors of the International Association for Impact
Assessment and facilitating the process that led to the International
Principals for Social Impact Assessment, he has numerous books
and publications on SIA to his credit which makes an important aca-
demic and research base for SIA theory and practice to be followed.
In his recent paper (2020), ‘Reflections on Social Impact
Assessment in 21st Century’, Vanclay labelled that the single most

significant recent change in international understandings around
projects is the growing prominence of human rights, specifically
the unanimous endorsement of the United Nations (2011) Guiding
Principles on Business and Human Rights (UNGP). He further
said that the UNGP has been endorsed by many industry organi-
sations and companies. The UNGP established that all business
entities—that is, all organisations, including companies, nation
states when acting as businesses, and NGOs when they under-
take projects—have a responsibility to respect human rights. The
UNGP prompted the updating of many international standards,
including a revision of the OECD Guidelines for Multinational
Enterprises (OECD, 2011), a European law on non-financial disclo-
sure, and Modern Slavery legislation in some jurisdictions (Vanclay
and Hanna, 2019). Hence, Human rights issues are now integrated
into SIA (Esteves et al., 2012; Götzmann et al., 2016; Kemp and
Vanclay, 2013; Vanclay et al., 2015).
Vanclay (2020) opined an expression emphasising aware-
ness of the importance of social issues is the concept of ‘social licence
to operate’, a metaphor that refers to the level of acceptance of the
project by the local community and other stakeholders, point con-
tested by anthropologist working in human right since beginnings
(Jijelava and Vanclay, 2017; Parsons and Moffat, 2014).
All this has given a mandate for SIA that supersedes
national legislation. SIA is now fully part of how companies do
business. It is part of their normal environmental and social man-
agement systems. SIA is expected by all international financial
institutions and Equator Principles banks, not only to assess the
risks to the lender, but as expected, also to evaluate the manage-
ment practice of the borrower. All lending institutions have proce-
dures that require SIA, for example, the Performance Standards of
the International Finance Corporation (IFC, 2012). Some have spe-
cific SIA guidelines, for example, the Inter-American Development
Bank (Kvam, 2018). According to Vanclay (2015), more prominence
is being given to social issues and SIA, some things remain under-
developed and deserve more attention. Perhaps the most obvious
of these he added is the climate change, and specifically its conse-
quences for people, as well as the consequences of climate change
mitigation and adaptation actions on people. Climate change

is likely to lead to considerable displacement and resettlement
through increased hazard exposure and potentially climate-induced
conflict, work well understood by environmental specialist and
anthropologists.
CONCLUSION
SIA is being viewed as an integral part of development midst
the assumed hurdle it is perceived as. It is intended to max-
imise potential benefit with all stakeholders associated in the
process, the community and the government involved. The Right
to Fair Compensation and Transparency in Land Acquisition,
Rehabilitation and Resettlement Act, Section 4 clearly defines steps
to prepare SIA study and vigilantly defines the procedure to conduct
it. It includes and ensures maximum involvement of stakeholders,
importantly the gram panchayat and community for consultation
and consent. These steps intend to provide cost effectiveness in
the implementation of the project or, to put in other words, benefit
both sides of the coin, the community as well as the project devel-
opmental authorities.
While SIA is an effective step, the role of the practioner is a
catalyst in successful implementation of the same. SIA can reach its
full potential when it is conducted with ethics coupled with knowl-
edge and training of the practioner. Having established that, the
potential of SIA in developmental projects, especially in developing
countries, has just begun to unfold. Overcoming initial resistances
that regard SIA as an obstacle, it is evolving into a framework likely
to be accepted and even expanding with environmental and health
factors taken into consideration.
The challenge ahead is to make sure that the field of SIA
can deliver what it promises, and at the same time present a real-
istic picture of what the field of SIA can provide in the planning/
decision-making process (Burdge and Vanclay, 1994).
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CHAPTER 6
SPATIAL ANALYSIS
IN GEOSPATIAL
TECHNOLOGY
FOR APPLIED
ANTHROPOLOGICAL
RESEARCH
Kunal Kumar Das
OVERVIEW
Geospatial technology has developed over the past five decades to
form an important foundation for the multidisciplinary approach.
Throughout the preceding decades, the technology innovation has
constantly developed into a key solution provider. In future, robust
growth in geospatial technology for a range of different applica-
tions and services such as marketing applications, rapid transport
development and conservation planning, will bring in better safety
standards, natural hazard assessment and streamlining manage-
ment prioritization. Technology offers unprecedented opportunities
for a better understanding of the patterns of socio-economic change
over a long period of time. Data once gathered in various forms can
be combined suitably in the geographic information system domain
to provide quantitative and qualitative information to develop a
94 Kunal Kumar Das

strategy to correctly analyse for anthropological studies. The tech-
nology also helps in identifying vulnerable areas and their spatial
distribution and avert human risk. The model-based approach for
predictive analysis provides many options to decision-makers to
take a final stand to implement an action plan.
INTRODUCTION
Significant advances in the use of geospatial technology have been
made in both anthropology and archaeology. This versatile tool
comprising remote sensing, geographic information system (GIS)
and satellite navigation system creates maps, documents, analyses
and visualises present and past events in the geospatial domain,
thereby bringing together vast data from various sources and visu-
alising various Earth cultural features in the form of multimedia
interactive maps. GIS and spatial analysis are becoming increas-
ingly important in both academic and contract anthropology as tools
for organising and understanding diverse datasets.
There are many emerging areas in applied anthropology
where technologies such as GIS and spatial analysis can be used
judiciously and successfully by integrating methods adopted for
anthropological research purely for quantitative assessment and
spatial research design.
MEDICAL ANTHROPOLOGY THROUGH GIS SPATIAL

ANALYSIS
There is tremendous scope for spatial analysis through GIS applica-
tions in identifying sensitive areas and exploring the risk of any dis-
ease progression. The GIS-based spatial analysis techniques were
used for risk analysis of Haemorrhagic Fever with Renal Syndrome
(HFRS) endemic in mainland China (Bao et al., 2014). Outcome of
the research was the creation of the interpolation map showing the
spatial distribution of HFRS cases in Jiangsu from 2001 to 2011
by using the inverse distance weighting method. Similarly, Ebola
spread in West Africa was studied with spatiotemporal clustering
analysis for categorising risk areas for prioritising high-risk areas
for action plan.
Spatial Analysis in Geospatial Technology 95

MAPPING WILDLIFE HABITAT AND SPECIES IN
HUMAN-DOMINATED LANDSCAPE
In recent times, approach to conserve biodiversity, especially
in wildlife sanctuaries to preserve species, has been through
the interactive network of species at the landscape level. Huge
information on the complex nature of diversity cannot be gath-
ered following the conventional methods alone. Satellite and
aerial drones optimise the real-time data captured through
their repetitive coverage in sensitive areas through vastly
improved sensors to identify local gregarious formations and
unique habitats, communities, land use classes and specific
disturbance types (Singh et al., 2010). High-resolution satel-
lite data have enabled bird’s-eye view in mapping species and
community-level classification with quantitative parameters
such as girth, tree/stand height and crown diameter. This
kind of information with fairly good amount of accuracy has
helped in providing inputs in biodiversity programmes. With
the advent of hyperspectral remote sensing with a very discreet
narrow spectral channels, it is very much possible to detect,
identify and map individual species and their state of health.
Effective protected area (PA) management requires information
on canopy cover, life forms, large tree density, tree size, bio-
mass, crown, vegetation carbon contents and vertical diversity
for the routine decision-making. All this information cannot be
acquired all the time through optical sun-synchronous satel-
lite with desired accuracy. Light detection and ranging, an
alternate remote-sensing technology, enormously improves
the measurement of objects on the ground. At the same time,
it creates a three-dimensional model, digital elevation model
and highly accurate topographic maps helping park authorities
to prepare a detailed vegetation map showing the vegetation
structure, its height and terrain complexity.
WILDLIFE CORRIDOR STUDY

PAs are considered effective when they are able to preserve bio-
diversity, conserve wildlife habitat and their migratory corridors
96 Kunal Kumar Das

for conservation and protection from biotic and abiotic influences.
Geospatial technology is used effectively to delineate potential
wildlife corridors to establish connectivity between fragmented
landscapes using relevant attributes which act as essential
drivers in geospatial modelling. A suitable path with minimum
risk can be identified between two PAs. Geospatial tools provide
very important and logical conclusion to identify and map the
continuity of land use and land cover on the migratory corridors
with a minimum risk factor. In geospatial analysis, the corridor
analysis can be carried out using ‘cost distance’ and subsequently
‘corridor analysis’ tools available in GIS, which defines the total
amount of resistance for developing the connectivity between the
source cells (PAs). Park managers utilise this analysis technique
for understanding the migration pattern of animals having large
home ranges.
ANTHROPOGENIC PRESSURE ASSESSMENT

Resource dependency and biotic pressure are two different
things, but they complement each other. Dependency is basi-
cally lack of alternatives to natural resources such as timber,
fuelwood, grass-fodder, non-timber forest products (NTFPs) and
livestock grazing, while biotic pressure is the result of excessive
dependency on these resources to the extent of creating nega-
tive impact on wildlife and their habitat most likely to be flora
and physical appearance (Berkmuller and Mukherjee, 1989;
Berkmuller et al., 1990). In order to set the management priori-
ties, it becomes crucial to identify and delineate the pressure
zones within PAs for determining the most suitable and practi-
cal management option to reduce the impact of biotic pressure
(Berkmuller et al., 1990; Silori, 1996) on the flora and fauna.
Satellite-derived information and the resultant output provide
grazing pressure zonation maps (case study presented in the
next section). These pressure zonation maps and other supple-
mentary baseline data can be very useful for park authority to
develop a strategy to counter the anthropogenic pressure and
develop an alternate plan for PA rejuvenation and protection.

CASE STUDY: ASSESSMENT OF LIVESTOCK GRAZING
PRESSURE IN THE RANTHAMBHORE NATIONAL
PARK, RAJASTHAN, INDIA USING GEOSPATIAL
TOOLS
Background
Virtually all the tropical countries have realised that it is in
their national interest to create a network of PAs as part of land
use management in the rural areas (Dixon and Sherman, 1991;
McNeely and Mackinnon, 1989). However, hardly any PA is free
from the scourge of ever-increasing demographic pressures on
its surroundings (Hjortso et al., 2006; Wild and Mutebi, 1997).
Dense human settlements exist close to the boundaries of the
PAs, thereby increasing the possibility of poaching and illegal
harvesting of wood and other forest products, namely, timber,
fodder, grasses, non-wood forest products and illicit grazing by
livestock. The quantification of grazing pressure becomes impera-
tive to study the man-made activities and their impact on the
health of forests for the identification of various impact zones.
In order to set the management priorities, it becomes necessary
to identify and delineate the area-specific pressure zones within
PAs for determining the most suitable and practical management
option to reduce the impact of biotic pressure (Berkmuller et al.,
1990; Silori, 1996).
Geospatial analysis was attempted in the Ranthambhore
National Park (RNP) having an area of 408 sq km. It is a home
of Royal Bengal Tigers (Panthera tigris) and many endangered
species of flora and fauna. It is strategically situated and acts as a
corridor between chains of PAs from Dholpur to Kota. The climate
is subtropical (semi-arid region) with distinct winter, summer and
rainy seasons. The PA is surrounded by 62 villages and 2 town-
ships located within the 5-km zone from the park boundary. It has
a human population of 167,000 and a cattle population of 100,000
livestock units (LU) besides large itinerant herds with an estimated
20,000 LU passing through the area in search of fodder every year.
The high population growth rate (3.2% p.a.) and the changing tra-
ditional lifestyles of the people (Khan et al., 1994) are increasing
the conflict in PA management.
98 Kunal Kumar Das

DATA AND METHODS
Satellite Landsat 7 TM sensor data of 14 April 2004 and 08
September 2004 were used for the identification of various land
cover and phenological variation in the forest types for the entire
study area. Topographical maps on scale 1:50,000 and national
park management maps were used for ground truth data collection.
Plot sampling was carried out using the Global Positioning System
(GPS), periodically for monitoring vegetation status and livestock
evidences. The baseline data integration and analysis were done
using Arc GIS software.
Satellite Image Interpretation

The Thematic Mapper (TM) images were subjected to on-screen
visual interpretation. The classification scheme was formed
based on the dominant vegetation associates, structure and
phenology, and some of them were classified based on their
physiographic control over vegetation. The interpretation was
substantially supported with ancillary data collected by ground
truth and the image interpretation key. The interpreted map was
checked for accuracy on the ground and necessary corrections
were incorporated. The vegetation map was used for stratifi-
cation to lay out sample plots. This map was further used in
geospatial modelling.
Livestock Grazing Pressure Assessment

Since the topography of the area did not permit the random entry
into the forest, the forest trail used by villagers and livestock were
taken as a transect. A total of 16 transects were laid around 10
villages. Each transect was divided into sections of 300 m. At each
section, two circular plots of 12 m radius were considered as a
sampling point. Each 12 m circular plot contained a 6 m circular
plot for shrub enumeration and 2 m plot for grass/herb enumera-
tion. The size of the plot was decided based on the nested plot
technique (Muller-Domboise and Ellenberg, 1974). Quantification
of grazing pressure was done along the transect laid for vegeta-
tion analysis.

Cattle Grazing Pressure
The cattle grazing pressure was recorded along the transect
(trails). Within each circular plot of 12 m radius, three quadrates
of 50 × 50 cm2 each were laid randomly. Thus, at each sampling
point, a total of six such quadrates were laid, three each on either
side of the transect. The parameters recorded for the quantification
of grazing pressure were: (a) the number of dung piles of livestock,
(b) the frequency of occurrence of livestock dung, (c) grazing and/
or browsing signs, (d) average per cent of grass cover, (e) average
grass height (grass height was averaged by taking measurements
at three points within the sampled plot) and (f) the presence and
absence of forest trails. Evidences of habitat use by wild animals
were also recorded in the form of indirect and direct signs such as
species-wise pallet groups (fresh or old), foot prints or hoof marks,
feeding signs and direct sightings.
Sheep and Goat Grazing/Browsing Pressure

To study the impact of sheep and goat grazing/browsing on the her-
baceous layer of the national park, the identification and selection
of sites were made based on a priori information. Three sites were
randomly selected at different locations. These were Mordungri,
Khandoj and Bhuri Pahari located in different physiographic con-
ditions away from the motorable road. The impact of grazing was
studied in un-grazed and grazed plots. The un-grazed plot was
created by erecting six enclosures of 10 × 10 m2 each, two each at
the three sites. The plots were fenced using a barbed wire and iron
poles in the month of May–June 2003, and data were collected from
July to October 2003. The process was repeated in the year 2004.
The location outside the fenced plots was considered as uncontrolled
where sheep and goat grazing was permitted.
The clipping (harvesting) method (Ram et al., 1988;
Sundriyal, 1992; Sundriyal et al., 1988) was followed to study the
difference in the above ground plant biomass of grazed and un-
grazed sites. The above ground biomass was clipped from three
quadrates of 50 × 50 cm2, each from outside and inside the fenced
plots. The clipping of grass was done at an interval of every 30 days.
Care was taken that none of the quadrates is harvested more than
100 Kunal Kumar Das

once. The mean dry biomass was estimated within each enclosure
through three harvested quadrates on a monthly basis.
Geospatial Modelling
Grazing and browsing pressure assessment was carried out with
the input baseline information, namely the biotic index (forest
vegetation type map, village location, cow units and mobility of live-
stock), management zone index (MZI) (management map showing
core and buffer zones and village location) and topographic index
(drainage, road network, village location and slope map), taken
into account. Each thematic layer was partitioned into a buffer
using field observations and socio-economic survey. These layers
were indexed on a scale between 1 and 5 to be integrated in GIS.
An unbiased approach for assigning weight was adopted using the
Analytic Hierarchy Process for assigning Relative Importance of
Weight (RIW) developed by Saaty (1977, 1980) and knowledge of
experts for a structural yet relatively simple solution to decision-
making. After getting the resultant layers by assigning RIW, the
area was classified into four pressure zones, namely high, medium,
low and nil using the Iterative Self-Organizing Data Analysis
Technique (ISODATA) clustering method.
Biotic Index
According to field observations, grasses and leaves of fodder spe-
cies are the sources for grazing. All domestic animals, namely cow,
buffalo, sheep, goats and camels graze inside the buffer zone as
well as in surrounding areas. One important observation is that
the grazing pressure is more critical in the monsoon period, that
is, from July to October. Based on interviews and the information
from the park staff, weights were assigned for favourable vegeta-
tion types for palatability. High RIW represents highly preferred
and low RIW mean less preferred by grazers.
Taking weights for buffering around villages for the proper
representation of the influence of the grazers, the total grazing
index was generated. A distance interval from minimum 1 km up
to 3 km was considered. According to the values of the index, the
villages were grouped and there upon buffering distances were

assigned. The following index was developed and used considering
local specific requirement:
Cow unit representation Cow units of a village

.
factor (CURF) Total cow units of all villages
Effective cow unit Cow units of a village

.
factor (ECUF) Average mobility of the cattle around the village
TGI (CURF ECUF) Distance from village to national park.
TGI was calculated for all villages, and the value of TGI shows the
relative importance of grazing. These values were grouped in the
five classes, and values from 1 to 3 km were assigned from the vil-
lages, where the maximum mobility of cattle was 3 km. Using this
method, a buffer map was generated.
Management Zone Index

From the grazing point of view, the buffer zone and its fringe area
are important. Therefore, separate weights are given to the core,
buffer and the fringe area. The highest RIW value was assigned to
buffer, followed by fringe and core zones.
Topographic Index
Apart from the slope, distances from road and water availability
that are important in the grazing paradigm, the layers are also
given the proper weights. The slope layer is prepared with the
help of the digital elevation model, and five classes were formed
according to the terrain complexity. Highest weight was assigned
to the slope class 0%–5% because of the high mobility of grazing
animals. Similarly, the road buffer index (RBI) and the drainage
buffer index (DBI) for five buffer classes were created with an
interval of 200 m up to a maximum distance of 1 km, and suitable
weights were assigned.
All six layers were prepared in the grid format having the
grid size 30 m in the GIS domain. The following equation was used
102 Kunal Kumar Das

for generating the resultant layer. A cumulative grazing pressure
index was evaluated using the biotic index (vegetation/cover-type
index and total grazing index), MZI and topographic index (slope
index, road buffer index and drainage bugger index):
CGPI = 0.378 × VCTI + 0.287 × TGI + 0.168 × MZI + 0.084 × SI

+ 0.044 × RBI + 0.039 × DBI,
where CGPI = cumulative grazing pressure index, VCTI = vegeta-

tion cover-type index, TGI = total grazing index, MZI = management
zone index, SI = slope index, RBI = road buffer index and DBI =
drainage buffer index.
After getting the resultant layer, classes were reclassified
in the four pressure zones, namely high, medium, low and nil using
the ISODATA clustering method.
RESULTS
Cattle Grazing Pressure from Transect Survey
The results of cattle grazing pressure have been presented in
Table 6.1. It is observed that the frequency of occurrence of dung
piles was highest on the western side of the buffer zone (26%; n =
106), followed by east (24%; n = 160), north (15%; n = 110) and south
(12%; n = 140). The density of the cattle dung pile varied in all the
four areas. The frequency of occurrence of forest trails was maximum
in the western zone (65%) and least in the southern zone (29%). The
frequency of occurrence of cattle grazing signs was almost equal in
all four areas. Grass cover was again similar on all four sides, but
average grass height was maximum in the case of southern portion
(9.20 ± 1.64 cm) and least on the western side (6.08 ± l.20 cm).
Cattle Grazing Pressure Gradient

The dung pile density (an indicator of grazing pressure) was plotted
against the radial distance from the village boundary. The results of
the grazing pressure gradient have been given in Table 6.2. In the
case of eastern and western sides of the buffer zone, although any
trend in the grazing pressure could not be observed which may be
because of the location of villages and terrain, the grazing pressure

Table 6.1 Cattle Grazing Pressure
Location in the Buffer Zone

North South East West
Parameters (n = 110) (n = 140) (n = 160) (n = 106)
Frequency of occur- 15 12 24 26
rence of dung pile
(%)
Density of dung 9.14 ± 1.20 8.70 ± 0.54 9.75 ± 0.51 10.26 ± 0.32
pile (no/m2) ± SD
rence of trails (%)
rence of grazing
signs
Average grass 6.68 ± 1.31 9.20 ± 1.64 7.31 ± 1.82 6.08 ± 1.20
height (cm) ± SD
Average grass 32 35 36 37
cover (%)
Source: The author.
Table 6.2 Cattle Grazing Pressure Gradient
Density of Dung Pile (no/m2) from Village Boundary

(Distance in m)
Location 300 600 900 1,200 1,500 1,800 2,100 2,400
North 2 8 6 9 12 10 4 0
South 3 5 7 8 16 12 3 0
East 12 10 11 17 20 15 4 1
West 4 6 12 22 16 16 2 2
Source: The author.
was limited within the periphery of 2 km from the village boundary.

A similar trend was observed on the northern and southern sides of
the buffer where the cattle grazing range was also 2 km. The cattle
grazing pressure increased as we moved away from the village
104 Kunal Kumar Das

boundary. Dung density in the east was 12 m−2 at 300 m distance
which increases to 20 m−2 at 1,500 m. Thus, it shows an increas-
ing trend in grazing pressure away from the village boundary. On
the western side, the density is 4.0 m−2 at 300 m to 22 m−2 around
1,200 m from the villages owing to severe grazing pressure. In the
north and south, dung piles are in the range of 2–3 m−2 at 300 m
increasing to 12–16 m−2 at around 1,500 m distance from the village.
Sheep and Goat Grazing Pressure and Its Impact on

Above Ground Plant Biomass
The total six plots were laid to study the impact of sheep and goat
grazing at three sites, two each at Bhuri Pahari, Mordungri and
Khandoj. The results of the above ground plant biomass of grazed
and un-grazed sites were studied separately for the months of
May to October for flat and sloping areas, respectively. A gradual
increase in the above ground plant biomass was recorded at the
grazed and un-grazed sites from May to August–September.
Among the vegetation, Anogeissus pendula forms the most pre-
ferred fodder species of the goats. Other species preferred by the
goats are Zizyphusnummularia, Capparis separia, Dichrostachys
cineraria and Bauhinia racemosa. The consumption of soft leaves of
Cassia tora in late June–July and the pods in September–October
is recorded.
Above Ground Plant Biomass Distribution

The above ground plant biomass on the flat terrain was recorded
maximum in the month of September for Khandoj (487.4 ± 29.27)
at the grazed site and Mordungri (195.3 ± 4.77) at the un-grazed
site. The lowest biomass was recorded in the month of October
(6.4 ± 0.38) for the grazed site in Bhuri Pahari. The results of
the above ground plant biomass on the slope were studied sepa-
rately. It was maximum in the month of September for Khandoj
(612.5 ± 25.07), Bhuri Pahari (597.3 ± 27.03) and (583.5 ± 23.90)
for Mordungri. The minimum plant biomass was in the month of
October in grazed plots for all the three sites, 14.2, 17.7 and 21.3
for Khandoj, Bhuri Pahari and Mordungri, respectively.

Results through Geospatial Analysis
The result of the analysis is obtained in the form of maps showing
biotic pressure zones and the grazing pressure for the buffer and
core zone distributions, respectively. Table 6.3 shows the grazing
and browsing statistics.
The results of geospatial technology have brought out the
fact that 65% of the area including the fringe area around the
national park has a high degree of grazing pressure. The influence
of grazing is 100% in the buffer. Therefore, the adverse impact
of grazing has brought in the elements of alien species such as
Prosopis juliflora, Achyranthes aspera, Ziziphus nuimmularia,
Cassia tora and several unpalatable grass species. The dominant
tree species Anogeissus pendula grows here like a shrub owing to
repeated browsing. The area under the core zone has 17% area
under different pressure regimes, of which 37 sq km (13%) area
is under medium pressure. This shows that the grazing pressure
intensity varies from area to area within the buffer zone and the
core zone. The pressure regime varies in accordance with slope, road
network, drainage, terrain configuration and proximity of resource.
The livestock grazing pattern depends on the season, avail-
ability of fodder and the distance from the park. Grazing activity
is the maximum in the monsoon. The mapping of the buffer has
revealed that the entire zone is in a state of total and in some places
in partial degradation through grazing (Berkmuller et al., 1990).
Table 6.3 Grazing Pressure in PA
Fringe Area Buffer Zone Core Zone
Pressure Area Area Area Area Area Area

Zone (sq km) (%) (sq km) (%) (sq km) (%)
High 163.13 18.23 79.57 58.91 4.19 1.53
Medium 189.78 21.41 37.61 27.84 36.75 13.44
Low 220.15 24.96 17.74 13.13 5.03 1.84
Nil 309.22 35.40 0.15 0.11 227.44 83.19
Total 882.28 100 135.07 100.00 273.41 100.00
Source: The author.
106 Kunal Kumar Das

The grazing activity is low in the north and south because of the
less number of livestock. There is a preponderance of agricultural
by-products and grass from agricultural fields during the later
period of July. But the cattle are let loose (for 3–8 months) in the
forest immediately after first few monsoon showers; hence, the
forest fodder predominates in the diet of cattle in July. The over-
exploitation of forest resources and their effect on habitat quality
are evident from the studies on the ecological zonation of the buffer
zone. Positive changes can be made in areas by providing rural
people with major forest products such as timber, fuel wood and
fodder (Berkmuller and Mukherjee, 1989; Mackinnon et al., 1986;
Wild and Mutebi, 1997). In the case of RNP, the buffer zone has
been drawn as a belt of more or less uniform width that does not
reflect the population density and dependency. This does not accord
with the classic function of the buffer because of constraints as no
more land was available to include in the buffer zone.
It is quite evident from the study that livestock popula-
tions are heavily dependent on the resources of RNP to meet their
needs. The methodology adopted has helped to collect the relevant
livestock grazing pressure in the national park. The geospatial
model has provided flexibility to incorporate the field-based meas-
urements to understand the impact. Besides using the transect
survey method for sample collection, grazing pattern data can
also be collected by door-to-door survey from sample villages, and
monitoring the livestock movement will certainly strengthen the
model. In consequence to the deterioration of the buffer area, the
biotic pressure on the core area of the park increased manifold,
and it is likely to increase further in the coming years. Since there
is no scope of further expansion of RNP, reforestation activities
in the ecologically fragile area can greatly help in rejuvenation of
sustainable natural resource used by the people. This is possible by
the active participation of people in prioritising areas for suitable
biomass creation with locally preferred species.
DISCUSSION AND CONCLUSION

The case study on anthropogenic pressure assessment signifies
the extent of influence exerted by biotic forces which might be of
long-term significance for the PA fragile ecosystem. A policy drawn

from this kind of study actually helps to balance the human–wild-
life relationship. The threat perception to the environment and its
mitigation is possible through the implementation of policies with
a monitoring option to verify anthropogenic alteration in real time.
The factors leading to cultural or ecosystem-based issues can be
analysed with socio-economic inputs and land use overlays, all of
which can be input into GIS programmes for analysis. The sudden
change in the landscape pattern and subsequent long- and short-
term impact due to anthropogenic factors on the environment are
possible with modelling through the geospatial technique.
Geospatial technology is widely used by anthropologists for
database creation, mapping and modelling to achieve a meaningful
result. The valuable information acquired through remote sensing is
analysed in GIS, providing a logical solution through its modelling
capability. Geospatial analysis enables us to integrate all kinds of
spatial and non-spatial data to develop an understanding of a past
scenario and provides a future direction of changes in anthropo-
genic landscape. Information ranging from medical anthropological
issues, paleoclimatic impact on human civilisation, anthropogenic
pressure assessment, suitable site identification for afforestation,
especially for fuel wood and fodder for village communities and alter-
nate resource utilisation solution, to reduce pressures on the PA’s
environment is provided through geospatial analysis by allowing
‘people to look at data in a whole new way by seeing all the pieces at
once’ (Lang, 2000: 2) as geographically referenced data in the form
of a map. Various possible practical options derived through these
analyses are used by decision-makers to combine with local-level
knowledge for policy formulation in a large number of issues related
to the environment and human concern. Tremendous progress has
been made in identifying human activities from space using high-
resolution remote-sensing satellites. As GPS identifies the precise
location of sample plots, village, park boundary and subtle changes
in the land use pattern, it truly provides an understanding of cultur-
ally significant issue in temporal and spatial scales.
The use of geospatial technologies can provide great sup-
port to all stakeholders involved in social impact assessment (SIA)
studies, as it ensures transparency, is cost-effective as some GIS
software can be accessed free of cost and while others may be
utilised at minimal expense and is helps saving time, as once the
108 Kunal Kumar Das

data via satellite are obtained and stored, it acts as a permanent
and trusted database.
The use of GIS spatial technology not only allows transpar-
ency but also acts as a reliable record to help decision-makers to
take logical action through GIS-driven decision support system.
There are many open-source GIS software applications, for exam-
ple, TNTLite, uDig GIS, GeoMajas, OpenWebGIS and MapWindow
GIS, etc. Popular among these are Quantum GIS and Geographic
Resources Analysis Support System, probably the most well-known
open source, freely used by researchers and the community of
volunteers for optimising and analysing data, visualisation, map-
ping and predictive modelling. Commercial GIS software, like
Esri’s ArcGIS Pro, are fee and proprietary-based systems. Among
the remote-sensing image-processing systems, Earth Resources
Data Analysis System Imaging, Geomatica and Environment for
Visualizing Images are preferred by specialists for image data
analysis, visualisation, classification and map creation.
GIS may be used to understand land cover type (forest,
wet, dry, agriculture, etc.) for aligning infrastructure, structure
identification and multiple aspects on land which can be analysed
to understand the existing conditions on land as accurately as pos-
sible. These preliminary data received via GIS technology are of
great importance in any SIA study as these improve its authentic-
ity, reliability as well as sustainability.
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110 Kunal Kumar Das

CHAPTER 7
TOWARDS EFFECTIVE
MITIGATION
MEASURES FOR
LAND ACQUISITION
THROUGH
PARTICIPATORY SOCIAL
IMPACT ASSESSMENT
Sumit Mukherjee*
Any policy, project, scheme, etc., meant for the development of the
people at large, in most cases in India, tend to exclude the landown-
ers and residents of the site from its benefits and fair compensation.
Hence, even the rehabilitation packages, if any, usually generate
more grievances and conflicts than amicable mitigation environ-
ment among the affected people.
Now after the final legislation of the Right to Fair
Compensation and Transparency in Land Acquisition, Rehabilitation
and Resettlement Act, 2013 (RFCTLARRA, 2013) and making SIA
mandatory for all such projects, the most vital challenge for the
implementing authorities is to properly understand and assess the
* Formerly a member of the Committee for developing a manual for social impact
assessment by the Anthropological Survey of India, Kolkata.
Towards Effective Mitigation Measures for Land Acquisition 111

ecological and socio-economic milieu of the resident population and
their habitats (Government of India, 2013, Chapter I).
It is obvious that the desired success of any proposed
Rehabilitation and Resettlement Scheme can only be achieved by
acquiring maximum trust of the project-affected people (PAPs)
through their active participation in the social impact assessment
(SIA) process and keeping maximum transparency thereof. Besides
employing relevant participatory assessment instruments, use of
remote sensing (RS) data and community Geographic Information
System (GIS) techniques are accepted worldwide and have proved
to be successfully effective.
Within the limits of this short discourse, the author, citing
examples from his own experiences in the field, intends to sug-
gest certain effective participatory assessment methods including
modern GIS and RS techniques towards mending the probable
fissure between the assessor and the assessed and for a viable
mitigation process.
INTRODUCTION
It took more than a century (1894–2013) to bring ‘affected people’
at the centre of India’s Land Acquisition Act by pushing the gov-
ernment’s absolute power and discretion to the fringe by making
SIA mandatory. Much awaited RFCTLARRA (2013) has, at least
legally, narrowed down the scope of indiscriminate and aggressive
grabbing of land using the draconian ‘urgency’ clause. In fact the
five structurally strong pillars, holding up the interests and stake
of the landowners, in this new Act are consent, compensation, reset-
tlement, rehabilitation and downsizing the ‘eminent domain’, the
Governments’ power for land acquitting, are in favour of Indian
citizens holding and using land. Moreover, by putting the words
‘Right to’ and ‘Transparency’ in the title of the Act a vital initiative
is thought of to avoid controversies and doubts in accepting the SIA
vis-à-vis the new land acquisition process.
The phase of increasing doldrums in Indian land acquisition
history since turn of the new millennium, with a chain of violent
mass protests occurring all over India, stimulated the adminis-
trators, intellectuals and activists to address the issue in proper
perspectives. The Anthropological Survey of India (AnSI) took its
112 Sumit Mukherjee

first step by sending a group of scientific staff members for a brief
training course on SIA organised jointly by the Department of
Geography, Mumbai University and the Tata Institute of Social
Sciences (TISS), Mumbai, during the end of 2007. The author of
this chapter was selected in the team as a geographer trained
in GIS and RS techniques. In fact, by that time, TISS became a
trusted independent institute for its experience in conducting SIA
for several major projects all over India. A year after the training,
during 2008–2009, the same group of scientific officials got the first
opportunity in applying their skill in doing SIA for resettlement
of the 23 core area villages under Achanakmar Tiger Reserve,
invited by the Department of Forest and Wildlife, Bilaspur division
of Chhattisgarh. The team completed all the steps from baseline
survey to preparation of Resettlement and Rehabilitation Action
Plan (RRAP) for all the villages including six villages completely
inhabited by the Baiga tribesmen. This exercise helped the scien-
tists of the survey in gaining vital primary exposure in doing SIA
systematically for the first time.
Later, in 2010, the Survey took up the job of developing a
Manual of SIA with a view to provide the philosophical and meth-
odological foundation of SIA. A multidisciplinary task force was
constituted in 2010, involving experienced social scientists and
scholars from institutions all over India along with those from AnSI
to formulate and develop a manual for conducting SIA. The author
was entrusted by the then Director Professor K. K. Basa in a team
to develop the chapter on methodology and approaches.
The then existing legal instruments available for address-
ing the issues of land acquisition and resulting forced and unforced
displacement of people from their homeland were either inadequate
or ineffective. The Environment Protection Act of 1986 ushered in
altogether a new initiative in India in this respect. The force gen-
erated by this Act got accelerated because of the Environmental
Impact Assessment (EIA) Notification of 1994 (which was further
amended in 2006). This was a major turning point as since 1994,
EIA, of which (a) physical environment, (b) biological environment
and (c) social environment constituted important components
became mandatory.
It was felt important that the AnSI should examine related
issues of SIA, more specifically tribal-related issues rather closely
in order to put them in perspective as they did not receive the
attention they deserved, being a small part of EIA. As per the
Rehabilitation and Resettlement (R&R) Policy, 2007, SIA clear-
ance was considered essential as an exercise of the social audit.
The Survey, with its special focus on the people from the Scheduled
Tribe communities, took into account the available provisions in
the (a) National R&R Policy, 2007, (b) The Scheduled Tribes and
Other Traditional Forest Dwellers Act, 2006 and (c) Panchayats
(Extension to Scheduled Areas) Act 1996 (PESA Act, 1996).
The AnSI with its vast experiences in studying biosocial
dimension of the culture and society formulated the social impact
study obviously with more of anthropological orientation. The
principles and guidelines laid by the Survey for this purpose were
in concomitance of the National R&R Policy and at the same time
clearly people-oriented as follows:
1. Participation of people in the SIA

2. Impact equity among the PAPs
3. Safeguards to vulnerable groups
4. Focus on people-centric assessment
5. Transparency and replicability of methods and assumptions
6. Development of feedback mechanism on social impacts
7. Involvement of trained SIA practitioners
8. Preparation of resettlement (and rehabilitation) action plan
(RAP)
9. Scope for ‘land for land’ and minimising intensity of
displacement
10. Establishment of monitoring and mitigation cell
11. Identification and generation of data sources
12. Mitigation of psychological burden, trauma
It was understood that the study of social impact is different from

the normal fundamental research in a way that it’s the voice and
opinion of the affected people rather than the observation and
interpretation of the researcher/surveyor which makes the SIA
study fruitful and justified. Therefore, one has to be very careful
114 Sumit Mukherjee

in choosing both method and materials to be adhered to the prin-
ciples and guidelines above (Esteves et al., 2012, 35). Other than
normal techniques like focus group discussions and key informant
interview, etc., methods like participatory rural appraisal (PRA),
to include paired resource ranking, mental mapping, transect walk,
etc., work better in extracting their world view, physical and cul-
tural resource base, social network, sphere of economic activities,
and level of awareness about the project and opinions about the
RRAP, etc. Participatory methods are particularly indispensable
in preparing the RRAP and its implementation in a most effective
way to benefit the PAPs. Further, with the time limit of six months
imposed on submitting the SIA report, the above methods are
relatively quicker and reliable even when covering a large sample.
Anthropological experiences and concerns have been
reflected in the following statement made in the said manual:
‘Unless the practice of SIA is pro-people within the realm of scien-
tific objectivity, the endeavours of the social scientists and anthro-
pologists are likely to be futile.’ Therefore,
SIA should use easily understandable concepts, methods

and assumptions that are transparent and replicable. The
methods and assumptions used in the SIA should be made
publicly available and easily understandable to people. A brief
summary should clearly describe the concepts and methods
used, the assumptions made, and the significance of impacts
determined. This will facilitate decision makers as well as the
affected people to evaluate the assessment process. (AnSI,
2010, 20)
For that matter, PRA provides scope for all involved to learn from
each other and stimulates self-propelled initiatives. This method-
ology permits the application of a set of tools and techniques that
allow the transformation of knowledge and shared experiences into
actions that are oriented towards economically justifiable, socially
acceptable and environmentally sound production system(s).
Visual PRA tools such as transects and maps provide a
sound qualitative picture of the situation relatively quickly. John
R. Campbell (Campbell, 2001, 383) has mentioned that PRA uses
visual techniques in-group interviews to explore aspects of the
social world that are amenable to diagramming or mapping. Thus,

a key local group, without any interferences from outsiders, will be
given to (a) map their locality; (b) construct a seasonal calendar,
locating itself and agricultural and social practices within it; (c)
devise a profile of its use of time; (d) devise a longitudinal time
line that indicates key dates, occurrences and events; and (e) use
Venn diagrams to identify and analyse relationships between key
areas and institutions.
SPATIAL DIMENSIONS OF SIA

In every SIA study, there are two prime components, that is, the
‘space’ or the project site and the ‘people’ to be affected. Therefore,
any attempt to assess the probable impacts on the affected people
should ideally start from understanding the intricate relation
between these two components. Thus, the immense importance
of spatial dimension of the resources and amenities of the people
demands special attention.
In Paragraph (5) of the National R&R Policy 2007, it is
instructed that
While undertaking a Social Impact Assessment study under

Subsection (1), the appropriate Government shall, amongst
other things, take into consideration the impact that the pro-
ject is likely to have on various components such as livelihood
of affected families, public and community properties, assets
and infrastructure particularly roads, public transport, drain-
age, sanitation, sources of drinking water, sources of water
for cattle, community ponds, grazing land, plantations, public
utilities such as post offices, fair price shops, food storage, elec-
tricity supply, health care facilities, schools and educational
or training facilities, Anganwadis, children parks, places of
worship, land for traditional tribal institutions and burial and
cremation grounds.
Equal emphasis of those is given in the SIA protocol of RFCTLARRA

(2013) in Section (5) of Chapter II.
Again in Chapter IV, Section 16, of RFCTLARRA under
the head Preparation of Rehabilitation and Resettlement Scheme
by the Administrator, it is advised that upon the publication of
the preliminary notification a survey and a census of the affected
families should be conducted to include particulars of lands and
116 Sumit Mukherjee

immovable properties, livelihoods lost in respect of land losers
and landless, a list of public utilities and Government buildings,
details of the amenities and infrastructural facilities, details of any
common property resources.
Specifically, if we look at the suggested steps in doing SIA,
aspects of space are the most important dimension in most of
those, for example, ‘Defining the Problem’, ‘Scoping in the Field’,
‘Preparing the Social-Cultural Profile of Baseline Condition’,
‘Surveying the Host Population’ of the proposed resettlement site
and ‘Developing a Mitigation Plan’ including RRAP. Here, the iden-
tification and depiction of natural resource, settlement layout, civic
amenities, infrastructure including connectivity and communica-
tion, etc., are the fundamental spatial features of the resettlement
site that need to be mapped as the most vital component of RRAP.
ROLE OF GIS IN SIA STUDY

GIS is widely applied across disciplines as potential information
processing and spatial imaging technology in the field of informa-
tion and social accounting. GIS is many times more than mapping.
It creates, updates, maps, overlays, disseminates and analyses
multispectral and multi-layered geodatabase on virtual globe. The
important spatial dimensions in SIA studies, as narrated above,
can thus be addressed effectively, comprehensively and more real-
istically in the GIS platform. This system is being rapidly adopted
worldwide to increase community participation in planning devel-
opment. Through its characteristic participatory surveying and
mapping techniques, transparency, visual sharing and interactive
nature, GIS helps a lot particularly in building trust with the PAPs
and developing an amicable mitigation plan. On the other hand, due
to its time constraint in developing and processing large samples,
GIS is found very appropriate in SIA.
The potentiality of this technology has been recognised as
beneficial to the indigenous and rural community in generation and
dissemination of essential data used in SIA. Moreover, by facilitat-
ing access to the database in GIS format, namely community GIS,
community participation in planning can democratise the use of
GIS and make it more relevant in SIA (Dunn, 2007, 628).

In fact, the pattern and extent of biodiversity determines
the state of ecosystem stability and resource utilisation pattern by
the local inhabitants. It is, therefore, imperative to develop strate-
gies for resource assessment through detail scientific analysis and
mapping of the multiple dimensions of the natural resources (Joshi
et al., 2006, 195).
The cumulative impact on indigenous people, and the
resources they need for their livelihoods, can be shown by overlay-
ing maps depicting resources at different points in time. For this
purpose, map showing population, land ownership, land use, carry-
ing capacity and vegetation cover can be generated by participatory
methods such as resource mapping, transact walks and calendars of
seasonal activity patterns and by collecting local histories (Weiner
et al., 1998, 1, 6). Moreover, site-specific analysis of culturally
important areas can bring about very useful guiding maps for for-
mulation of an amicably acceptable R&R scheme.
GISs are technologies encompassing telecommunication,
information processing and spatial imaging (Pickles, 1995, 17).
Potentiality of this technology can benefit indigenous and rural
communities by facilitating access to the existing data and by gen-
erating new data which can be used for SIA.
GIS along with processed imageries from RS satellites is
being and always can be successfully applied in SIA:
1. In creating geospatial information database

2. In overlaying images (raster), maps (vectors), quantities
(attributes) and qualities (ranges, ranks, weightages)
3. In producing thematic, analytical maps and tables
4. In web-hosting of interacting visual information in public
domain
5. Beneficial for indigenous and rural communities: delimitation
of unmapped traditional community land and areas of foraging
and other economic activities
6. Determination and temporal/seasonal changes in natural
resource utilisation
7. Showing land tenure, land use, carrying capacity, settlement
characteristics
118 Sumit Mukherjee

8. Community interrelations and linkages, in fact the habitat
profile in virtual perspective
9. Variables-magnitude-scale-spatial analysis computerised
comparative geospatial database provides spatial association
between natural and cultural variables
10. Enables to analyse landscape forms at macro level to micro
level, from the regional scale to local scale
11. Find coexistence of natural and cultural elements to under-
stand organic relationship
12. By facilitating access to the database in GIS format, namely
community GIS, community participation in planning can
democratise the use of GIS and make it more relevant in SIA
(Minerbi et al., 2006). It is quite logical to say that SIA is the
process which is further systematised by GIS.
GIS mapping has been successfully used in regional scoping of

each island to develop a human ecology model to illustrate poten-
tial impacts on Native Hawaiian communities, ancestral lands,
cultural and natural resources and traditional and customary
practices among several other indigenous communities (Rundstrom,
1995, 46).
EXPERIENCES IN AABR
AnSI of India accepted the request from the Bilaspur Forest
Division to undertake the SIA study on Resettlement of 24 core
villages of Achnakmar Amarkantak Biosphere Reserves (AABR),
Chhattisgarh in the buffer area forests during 2008–2009
(Figure 7.1). This involved developing an action plan for displace-
ment of forest villages within the buffer zone protected forest
areas outside the Achanakmar Wildlife Sanctuary, inhabited by
tribal communities like the Baiga, Gond, Oraon, Kawar, Kol and
Dhanwar along with several caste groups in the Bilaspur district.
There were a few Yadav/Ahir families currently residing in the vil-
lages not included as PAP in the list compiled by the forest depart-
ment for whom decision may be taken in a sympathetic manner in
fixing a cut-off year of in-migration. A group of research personnel,
trained in SIA study, completed the job utilising the facility of well-
equipped GIS application laboratory in the Survey.

Figure 7.1 The Core and Eco-fragile Zone of AABR with Six Villages Studied
Source: The author.
Disclaimer: This figure is not to scale. It does not represent any authentic national
or international boundaries and is used for illustrative purposes only.
The Chhattisgarh Forest Department primarily gave the

SIA team proper freedom to formulate a people-friendly RRAP with
the information that the department was ready to allocate good land
in the buffer forest areas and enough funds for resettlement and
rehabilitation of all the core villages as prescribed in the National
R&R Policy 2007.
At this juncture, the project-affected families (PAFs) were
apparently found satisfied with the quantity of land offered and
the provision for house building and land developing funds. But
there was a big gap in terms of the choice of resettlement area con-
cerning geographic and cultural aspects of location and regarding
implementation of the RRAP. To bridge the gap between the two
120 Sumit Mukherjee

parties, the SIA team did a detailed in-depth socio-economic and
cultural enquiry among those PAFs.
Major issues emerged during the first phase of defining the
problem and scoping in the field among six core villages of com-
pletely tribal households were as follows:
1. Assessment of existing functional land use and cropland use

of each village.
2. Extraction of the level of dependency of these people on the
surrounding forest resources and its extension.
3. Enlistment of the entire project-affected households, their
detailed population structure, marital status, marriage dis-
tance, detail ethnography, occupation, economic status, health
and nutrition, etc.
4. They also mentioned their choice of surrounding plant species
for the species they regard as sacred and culturally valuable.
5. The Baiga community expressed their preference for better
agricultural land nearer to pucca road.
6. On the other hand, they wanted to continue extraction of minor
forest produce, what they enjoy under nistar rights. They were
in favour of continuing with the basketry as the market will be
nearer, provided bamboo/grass is available to them on nistar.
7. They also demanded that their bari or homestead settlement
area is to be replicated at the new site maintaining the existing
social hierarchy and customary practices.
8. Moreover, the village ground plan should be as per with the vil-
lagers’ opinions, for example, separate individual modern privy,
plot for kitchen garden, etc. A complete ground plan of the new
settlement is to be developed involving technical personals and
village representatives for finalising village land use.
9. Preferably, the resettlement area should be in proximity or
well connected to other Baiga villages so as to maintain their
social network particularly for easier marital exchanges.
10. Sufficient arrangement for drinking water and electricity are
most essential for them.
11. Development of land in general and conversion of the forest-
land into cultivable land in particular are needed to be

undertaken systematically in tune with the perceived wisdom
of the villagers.
With the given situation demanding heavy load of surveying of all

the 144 households containing a total population of 856 in those six
villages occupying 162 hectares of patta land situated in the very
inaccessible core of the tiger reserve within a short span of approxi-
mately 30 days, we had to formulate the study meticulously. It was
decided to collect the baseline information and the old patta maps
of those six villages. Then gaining their confidence and support, the
whole village area was ground surveyed and mapped in real-time
walking across whole length and breadth using a hand-held GPS and
guided by village representatives. In this way, the present day map
was created showing the actual extent, communication lines, water
bodies, cultivable land parcels, common properties, sacred places
and objects, other public utility areas, etc. Further, in the next lap
of household survey instruments were executed with corresponding
mapping of the location and identification of each house using GPS.
Selected key villagers were guided to draw the mental map of their
village to extract their cognition and worldview about the geographic
surroundings, resource zones, etc. In most cases, it was attempted
to make them handle the GPS after a brief training about the basic
system and universal symbols used (Mukherjee, 2012, 32).
It is important to mention here that creation of the geoda-
tabase combining maps and spatial data of widely different scale
and resolution needs special care and skill. In fact, the author
could develop the completely integrated geodatabase of the Jalda,
one of the six core villages took up in the first phase. All the
existing houses were mapped using point feature class, while the
agricultural land parcels were developed in polygons and road and
streams using polyline feature classes, respectively. Thereafter, the
household level data, collected through structured schedules and
processed in MS Excel format, were attached to the point feature
class by joining two components using Household Identification
Number adopted at field level. A series of maps were developed
from the village geodatabase of Jalda which are presented here
as examples of experimentation of participatory GIS in SIA study
(Figure 7.2).
122 Sumit Mukherjee

Figure 7.2 (a) Old Patta Map Overlaid on Google Map and (b) Patta Map
Overlaid on Current GPS Map Data
Source: The author.
The village Jalda, located at the southern fringe of the

core zone, had 41 households and 218 persons living in a meagre
71 hectare land, was offered a new site of 198.318 hectare located
further south near Kathmura village in the Lormi F. Block. All the
households had given their consent amicably after examining the
new site and realising the probable short- and long-term benefits.
Those maps and database primarily helped the SIA team to
understand the community- and clan-level neighbourhood charac-
teristics, extracted actual land area and land use along with com-
parative land holding sizes and land tenure among different groups.
Overlaying three different maps layer wise in one geo-
referenced frame produced a new dimension to visualise and
quantify the area of land actually acquired by the village Jalda in
excess of the original patta allotted to them more than a hundred
years ago [Figures 7.2(a) and (b)]. This finding was very useful in
justifying the increased requirement of land by the villagers with
the increased population size.
Towards a better understanding of the ethnic dimension
of the present village settlement, for example, their commu-
nity- and clan-level neighbourhood preference along with the

Figure 7.3 (a) Houses are Depicted Clan-wise to Depict Spatial Pattern and
(b) Size of Land Holding Is Shown Clan-wise at a Household Level
Source: The author.
hierarchical location of their houses, houses were mapped clan-

wise [Figure 7.3(a)]. On the same base of present land parcels,
map size of land holding has been plotted clan-wise to show the
spatial dimension of the relative holding size [Figure 7.3(b)].
However, this inequality was levelled by the provision of equal
amount of land allotted to each household in the proposed R&R
plan. In fact, families with higher number of male members
above 18 years of age became benefitted with more land as per
the provisions made.
It is to be noted that the Jadav (Ahir) households living just
beyond the southern fringe of the village had no landed property.
These nomadic herders in the forest used to enjoy grazing rights
for their cattle since times immemorial and have been demanding
nistar rights. The RRAP formulated by the SIA team proposed to
include those families as well.
The current use of land and important land features,
including the water bodies, sacred sites, etc., were shown in maps
for a better comprehensive understanding [Figure 7.4(b)]. As the
community-wise houses were located on the land use map, we could
easily show that all the original patta holding Baida households
124 Sumit Mukherjee

Figure 7.4 (a) Houses Plotted on the Current Land Use Map of the Village
and (b) Community-wise Houses Plotted on the Current Land Use Map
Source: The author.
were occupying the two parallel high lands along with two main
paths running northwest–southeast. The only Gond family, the
appointed teacher, stays west of the main road beyond the village
area. Similarly, Jadav houses are located on the southern border
[Figure 7.4(a)].
Mapping was also done to delineate the new site using
Google Earth base map to understand the terrain condition, amount
and direction of slope, drainage, density of vegetation cover, etc.
(Figure 7.5). This site map was an important and useful database
meant for developing the new village layout or in fact the socio-
economic and cultural landscape which resembles the original
village in agreement with the PAFs.
After the comprehensive database was created incorporat-
ing, overlaying and merging the information gathered using GIS,
PRA and other village- and household-level structured instru-
ments, as well as the opinions of the PAFs, a detailed RRAP was
formulated. The RRAP, thus developed, was the combined result
of participatory approach with much transparency in executing the
SIA process. The following RRAP was submitted to the implement-
ing authority, that is, the Bilaspur Forest Division and the AABR
administration.

Figure 7.5 Present Land Use and Land Features of the Resettlement Site is
Mapped Using Satellite Imagery to be used for Building the New Settlement
Plan with the Opinion of the PAPs
Source: The author.
REHABILITATION AND RESETTLEMENT ACTION

PLAN (RRAP)
1. The declared R&R package from the State Forest Department
was primarily welcomed by the villagers, excepting the proposed
sites other than Jalda village.
2. It is expected that there will be a radical change in terms of land
holding and standard of living after the implementation of the
R&R scheme.
3. Implementation of the scheme has to be in a phased manner
towards a smooth transition from the present to the new set-
tlement site.
4. Utmost care should be taken to minimise the probable negative
impact in terms of economy, food security, health, social system
and cultural norms.
126 Sumit Mukherjee

Having done and said that, SIA team had its own limiting compo-
nent being a non-participating agency in the execution of the RRAP
in its proper and meaningful way.
CONCLUDING REMARKS AND RECOMMENDATIONS

The above discussion on participatory GIS mapping and its role
in developing the RRAP gives us certain important aspects of is
importance in SIA studies. But on the flip side, there are certain
limitations and problems in applying such methods in certain cases
as opined by several practitioners of SIA. The debate is muted with
a positive note that maps and diagrams produced using either
visual PRA or GIS provide lots of visual information in a way that
is intuitive to the people who have created those. But the challenge
remains in how those are integrated and understood by both the
parties on a common logical ground. Hence, if the modern tech-
nology and the techniques of GIS are properly understood by the
studied people at its applied level, then participatory GIS has the
potential to complement PRA. In the international workshop titled
‘Participatory GIS: Opportunity or Oxynorm?’ held at University of
Durham in January 1998, it was primarily agreed that
Participation in a GIS can operate not only at the level of

producing information but also in terms of the active use of
that information. By exposing alternative representations in
one system, participatory GIS should generate dialogues and
stimulate reflection and debate, e.g. in relation to conflicts
over the use of resources. The most appropriate participatory
GIS is perhaps one which is issue- and context driven. (Abbot
et al., 1998, 5)
In the same debate, the major constraints in achieving the

participatory GIS pointed out were mostly general, for example,
cost, sustainability, privacy and confidentiality, skills and training,
user-friendliness, data quality, and currency and legitimisation of
‘bad’ data. More specific constraints visualised were (a) difficulties
of capturing power relations and politics in a spatial database; (b)
integrating information derived at small scales from conventional
sources with that at much larger scales from exercises such as par-
ticipatory mapping, and finding an appropriate ‘balance’ between

such widely differing types of data and information; (c) the dangers
of raising expectations for local communities and (d) problems in
controlling the use and development of a participatory GIS, includ-
ing the potential need for a gatekeeper.
At the end of the day, it was accepted that the participatory
GIS is a means of integrating previously isolated qualitative and
quantitative information sources which is a potential aid to conflict
resolution. It is also a means of consolidating and sharing ideas.
As already suggested, SIA demands an integrated interdiscipli-
nary research and GIS truly provides such opportunity by raising
awareness across different interest groups and can avoid danger-
ous misrepresentations, such as using the physical environment to
deduce lifestyles (Abbot et al., 1998).
The probable gap in understanding, envisioning and thus
proper implementation of the RRAP by the actual implementing
authority may act as the bottleneck in reaching the actual fruits to
the PAFs. These inhibitions are not actually unrealistic particularly
in case of the mostly backward unsuspecting rural communities like
the forest-dwelling tribal communities of AABR. The most effective
measure to recommend here to overcome this is one or two phases
of post-rehabilitation or post-project socio-economic impact assess-
ment studies by a neutral agency or the original SIA team itself.
Whatsoever, it was realised from field experiences in both
tribal dominated and other rural regions, doing SIA is always a
challenge in itself and more so if one attempts the people-oriented,
transparent and the participatory ways. It should be kept in mind
that each situation is different and no fixed mode of operation can
be suggested wisely. Further, any method or technique to be applied
in such research must be subjective, contextual and situation driven
towards the expected successful and effective mitigation of land
acquisition and related displacement of people.
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Community Participation and Geographic Information Systems, in
Community Participation and Geographical Information Systems.
Boca Raton, FL: CRC Press.

CHAPTER 8
ETHICAL
CONSIDERATIONS
IN SOCIAL IMPACT
ASSESSMENT
STUDIES OF LAND
ACQUISITIONS
Anthropological Perspectives
J. S. Sehrawat
ETHICS IN SOCIAL ASSESSMENT STUDIES

Research ethics may be defined as the morals and values practised
while interacting with others during data generation and dissemi-
nation of results (Merriam, 1988). Ethical issues are becoming a
crucial element in social sciences research/studies. Ethics may be
taken as the morality science applied by the observer to explore
rules for the regulation of human behaviour, to collect personalistic
information, proctor ethical issues in the focus of attention, chosen
methods and in the dissemination of the observations and results.
Democracy demands free living wherein the restrictive limitations
related to that sort of freedom must be justified and accepted. Every
profession has unique moralistic obligations to the masses which
include professional competency, integrity, honesty, confidentiality,
130 J. S. Sehrawat
objectivity, safety and fairness all of which are targeted to garner
public sanctity. Every human participation necessitates the ethical
considerations for the welfare and moralities of research partici-
pants, their anonymity, confidentiality, informed consent, voluntary
participation and privacy, avoiding biasness and ameliorating
damage. It is very important for the social investigators to have
deep knowledge about the basic ethical principles and updated
information about the policies around ethics and research so that
the research participants’ safety is guaranteed to find themselves
on the correct side of the law and ethical guidelines.
Social impact assessment (SIA) presents a good opportu-
nity to have in-depth ideas about the cross-cultural encounters/
inferences drawn from project-oriented development efforts into
broader procedures of engagements and negotiations in an attempt
to maintain balance in relationships between local communities,
project proponents and the stakeholders. SIA is a methodology to
review the social effects of infrastructure projects and other devel-
opment interventions. Although SIA is usually applied to planned
interventions, the same techniques can be used to evaluate the
social impact of unplanned events, for example, disasters, demo-
graphic change and epidemics. Social assessment studies demand
critical scrutiny of ethical considerations from social researchers for
sustainable outcomes of such studies while negotiating financial or
social agreements with the stakeholders. Ethical considerations in
SIA literature have paid lesser attention, merely emphasising the
outcomes of deliberated agreements and financial and employment
implications (Howitt, 2005).
All interested researchers must follow ethical practices, and
nobody should be immune to such unethical exercises. However, one
can hear about moral dilemmas and unethical behaviour by profes-
sionals on daily basis via print or mass media. Unethical practices
naturally draw much attention from the public and their confidence
in the profession is downsized with each such report. The ethical
considerations in social research are aimed at safeguarding against
the researcher encroaching on freedom of speech and the outcome
of the research (Lahman, 2017). Ethics guidelines remind the
social scientist about their obligation while conducting their work.
According to British Sociological Association (2017), ‘the guarantees
Ethical Considerations in Social Impact Assessment Studies 131

of confidentiality and anonymity given to research participants
must be honoured, unless there are clear and overriding reasons
to do otherwise.’ Alcock et al. (2016) stated that ethical considera-
tions are direly needed in all social policy research endeavours.
Mandal et al. (2011) stated ‘whatever the specific nature of their
work, social researchers must take into account the effects of the
research on participants and in such a way to protect their dignity
as human beings.’ The quality and integrity of social research is
very important to the public and when ethical considerations are
applied, public support is more than likely to be achieved.1
The use of deception appears to be a very common way of
breaching ethical principles in social research. The use of deception
resulting in particularly harmful consequences would be another
occasion where ethical considerations would need to be given pri-
ority. SIA studies violating the rights and welfare of the research
participants draw any interest from the social scientist community.
Ethical considerations guarantee that the investigator can be
held answerable to the general public. The ethical considerations
consider a cautious-involvement of the researcher, confidentiality
and safety of the data, the urgency to preserve the confidentiality
of the participants and issues arising out of the misinterpretation
and mis-representation of the results and observations.
SIA STUDIES ACCORDING TO ‘RFCTLARR ACT, 2013’

AND THE LAND ACQUISITIONS
This law envisages developing a cumulative, participative and
feasible process of land acquisition to propose:
1. A robust framework for conducting a comprehensive analysis of

the social impact of the proposed acquisition along with obtain-
ing the consent of landowners.
2. Adequate safeguards as well as checks and balances to ensure
that the SIA is free and fair and that the consent is not acquired
by any coercive method.
1 https://www.ukessays.com/essays/social-policy/ethical-considerations.
php?vref=1
132 J. S. Sehrawat
3. Delineate the time period within which the acquisition has to be
completed in order to make the entire process more expeditious.
To infuse credibility to the land acquisition process, the Right

Rehabilitation and Resettlement (RFCTLARR) Act, 2013, imposes
compulsion on the land acquisitioning state to entrust an independ-
ent agency as the SIA nodal agency to oversee the SIA work. The
nodal agency is supposed to hire qualified independent practitioners
(anthropologists or other social scientists) to suggest measures for
improving the quality, efficacy and transparency of the assessment
procedure. It must consistently strive to take capacity building
measures to improve the quality of SIA teams in particular and the
entire process in general. It has to formulate the terms of reference
to respond to any acquisition SIA proposal and formulate the tenta-
tive cost needed for the assessment, suggesting candid bifurcation of
the money required for each activity, keeping in mind the total land
to be acquired. The organisation requiring the land is supposed to
pay the SIA fee to nodal agency to be used for conducting the assess-
ment. The local authorities are mandated to furnish all relevant
information to the SIA team to suggest a defined opinion about the
impacts of any such land acquisition. The more adversely affected
areas (especially from social and environmental aspects) should
be highlighted in an unbiased manner. The detailed procedure for
conducting an assessment study in an objective and comprehensive
way has been described in the Act itself (RFCTLARR Act, 2013).
It is not only the responsibly of the concerned government
or the investigator to divulge the correct details/information about
the land acquisition policies/awards to be communicated to the
landowners, but it becomes pertinent on the part of the participants
also to furnish relevant facts to the investigators to get maximum
benefits of such assessments. Each time there are more visible
conflicts generated from mistrust or complaints regarding alleged
hidden agendas/policies or betrayals by the concerned government
authorities. The absence of ethical norms undoubtedly generates
conflicts and endangers legitimacy of SIA studies. The deceptive
approach of the authorities and the consequent feelings of mistrust
among the stakeholders are considered the major hurdles in land
acquisitions for government use globally. Conflict generation is due

to the lack of ethical principles, non-acknowledgement of partici-
pant’s prior doubts or civil rights (RFCTLARR Act, 2013).
The indigenous communities often adopt a critical stance
of the methodological process and ethical conduct during SIA,
particularly in sensitive matters concerning their lives, livelihood
and ancestral heritage. Only financial transactions are taken into
considerations in the land acquisition process, without giving due
importance to the environmental impacts, unemployment, landless-
ness or labour unrests in the area due to such acquisitions. The
collective conscience of the general public should be recognised and
all information relevant to the evaluation of the socio-cultural impli-
cations of land acquisitions should be evaluated. Anthropologists
are supposed to be well aware of socio-economic impacts of land-
acquisitions on various aspects of life in different human com-
munities and societies, and thus, can be valuable adjuncts in such
assessment studies. According to Bryman (2008), the quality of any
investigation is guaranteed by its ethical integrity. Government can
play an instrumental role in taking ethical responsibility of public
land acquisitions and should be accountable in light of the huge
public funds invested for such assessment studies.
CONTRIBUTIONS OF CONTEMPORARY SIA

PROFESSIONALS
The social science and humanities researchers should work hard to
avoid ethical oversight just as a censorious methodological review.
Procedural ethics should be taken care of in observational social
research including SIA studies (Howitt, 2005). The external ethical
review should also be encouraged to scrutinise the participatory and
action-oriented methodologies, qualitative research approaches and
cross-cultural research. The well-intentioned research endeavours
and negotiations may significantly contribute to urge people for self-
determination and self-representations (Howitt, 2005). Changing
social values, legal requirements, technological capacities and
theoretical frameworks, etc., may insist on following contemporary
practices as standards, including ethical thresholds.
The impact assessment process can be made more objec-
tive and equitable via institutional or structural reforms and by
engaging neutral agencies for commissioning, execution and impact
134 J. S. Sehrawat
assessments. The professional anthropologists should be engaged
in entire consultancy process as participant observers to critically
examine the impact assessments as their non-engagement is con-
sidered intrinsically and inevitably unethical which can potentially
undermine an honest SIA process (Fisher, 2008). The government
agencies vying for land acquisitions often have their own choices for
projects to go ahead and there would be pressure to make recom-
mendations according to their preferences. Thus, transparency in
each and every step of SIA is of fundamental importance, and there
should be scope for public scrutiny and negotiation of outcomes
with the stakeholders, particularly the local people likely to be
displaced from such land acquisitions. Participatory approaches in
SIA studies have been advocated and tried in various contexts and
are sometimes explicitly built into the SIA process (Fisher, 2008).
Howitt (2005) strongly argued for the need of public scrutiny of
SIA reports and negotiations-based approaches. The opportunities
for negotiation are built into impact-assessment processes before
contracts are signed.
Vanclay et al. (2013) identified full observance of the 18
ethical research principles in SIA studies; the respect for research
participants (i.e., people) and ‘informed consent’ are now the
primary ethical principles. These principles of ethical research
involving humans are consistent with the values and best practice
expectations of SIA, but they are not widely known or observed in
the SIA studies field (Baines et al., 2013). The ethical principles
emancipated by Vanclay et al. (2013) need to be observed by SIA
professionals (anthropologists or other social scientists), and the
International Principles for Social Impact assessment should be
relevantly practised.
Social research ethics are deemed to apply to all research
that is about or with human beings. The ethical principles and
procedures should be applied in both government and private sector
research works (Vanclay et al., 2013). Ethical issues in professional
practice can be rarely answered simply as right or wrong (Guillemin
and Gillam, 2004). The recent rise in the recognition of human
rights issues in impact assessment, the increasing acknowledge-
ment of the rights of Indigenous peoples, and the concept of free,
prior and informed consent are definitely likely to influence the

consideration of ethical issues that need to be considered in profes-
sional impact assessment practice in the future.
SIA is practised in various institutional settings utilising
social research methods (Taylor et al., 2004), mostly for policy
formation, commercial research purposes and consulting services.
SIA has been practised since the early 1970s and is widely man-
dated at a national level, and/or as part of the environmental and
social safeguard systems of development agencies, its contribution
to decision-making is not fully comprehended. There is a growing
interest in social aspects of land reuse change or a locally unwanted
land reuse (Langbroek and Vanclay, 2012).
Professionals other than anthropologists tend to have only
partial information about SIA, its process to be adopted and very
importantly a very limited knowledge about the ethical issues
involved in conducting SIA and the social research generally. The
professional misconduct or malpractice attracts public interests
and media attentions, particularly during statutory proceedings
and public hearings. Thus, impact assessment practitioners become
subject matter of increased public scrutiny and criticism over their
ethics and competence. With increasing public and policy interest
in the social dimensions of development, the need for ethically
strong SIA practice has never been greater, especially in an era
when economic priorities and quantification typically hold sway
(Baines et al., 2013). The users of SIA should become more engaged
with ethical issues and debates and to be committed to the idea
that the usefulness and significance of SIA is largely dependent
upon non-negotiable, good practice guidelines and ethical practices
(Baines et al., 2013). The ethical and methodological implications
and constraints imposed on SIA work should be respected at all.
WHAT SHOULD WE DO?

Following are the issues and obligations that investigators have to
keep in mind and consider while carrying out social impact studies:
1. People and their sentiments (particularly in a pluralistic soci-

ety) should be respected, societal benefits must be maximised,
mistrust and deceptiveness should be minimised.
136 J. S. Sehrawat
2. A high degree of trust should be cultivated without influenc-
ing the behaviours of participants, rather than being coerced,
bribed or misled. We know that rapport establishment is the
most crucial step in fieldwork studies in anthropology.
3. Investigator should provide a full disclosure of all important
information to the prospective participants which, in turn, are
necessary for informed decision to participate in an SIA project.
4. It should be considered whether the information provider
wishes to remain anonymous or receive recognition for his/her
inputs about benefits or ill-effects of proposed land acquisi-
tion as the same may add up to biasness in responses of other
respondents.
5. Greater emphasis should be given to the SIA processes and
procedures and their implications for sustainable outcomes in
SIA research.
6. Validity and credibility of information database so generated
should be shared with the participants to enable them dismiss
significant impairment of their lives and customary dangers to
their heritage status of landowners. There should be space for
dialogue and an exchange of experiences and ideas and fulfil-
ment of ethical responsibilities by all concerned and exemplary
conduct must be affirmed.
7. Practising ethics in assessment work should be taken as a
very significant goal of the organisations/agencies for ensuring
trust in their assessment tasks. Deliberations of good and bad
practices in the realistic assessment contexts and discussions
of ethical practices are excellent ways of promoting ethically
approvable practices in assessment.
8. The investigators should provide complete explanation of
the requite information to the prospective participants for
delivering a well-communicated decision to be a part of social
assessment studies.
9. The reputation of the research community/university should
not be jeopardised or should not spoil the opportunities for
further SIA studies.
10. ‘Bureaucratised’ ethical procedures should be discouraged at
all costs in social assessment studies. Unethical behaviour

associated with assessment studies should be taken care of.
Whether the investigators should be mediator, facilitator or
assessor, or just surveyor, should be ethically examined and
decided.
11. Moral integrity should be ensured so that findings are trust-
worthy and valid. Sometimes, the acquisition authority may
guarantee to extend some sops to SIA team to influence the
findings of report which may be disastrous for the whole pro-
cess of SIA studies and detrimental to the community in the
longer run.
12. The qualitative and quantitative data collected from the to-be
affected landowners should be analysed assiduously and in an
unbiased manner (with robust statistical applications).
13. The investigators are obliged to examine the related land
records and data, conduct site verifications and do all com-
parisons with the similar SIA projects being undertaken or
completed in the surrounding areas. Investigators should give
continued visits to the affected landowners to have detailed,
focussed and conclusive discussions and appraisals for genuine
opinions of landowners whose land is likely to be acquired.
14. Public hearing meeting should be conducted with all-inclusive
participation of at least one member or representative of all
stakeholders, in the language best understandable to majority
of participants of the gathering (preferably in local language of
the area) so that they can participate more meaningfully and
substantively in the meeting. The land acquiring authority
should send representatives to the public hearing discourses
to gauge the unease of stakeholders regarding the land acqui-
sition in process and to redress their genuine doubts and
concerns.
a. The final version of the SIA report needs to describe the
complete description of the number of families likely to be
affected/displaced, their specific issues, doubts and ques-
tions raised and a socio-economic description of the entire
affected area. The SIA report must clearly outweigh the
benefits and limitations of the proposed acquisition in its
socially malicious impacts. It must analyse the efficacy of
the measures suggested for extenuating the hard effects
138 J. S. Sehrawat
of acquisition to ensure that affected families may not face
more socio-economic hardships in future than compared
to the hardships faced prior to their land acquisition. The
SIA report should be clear and concise, written in the lan-
guage understandable to them in attempt to make it easily
accessible and understandable to all the affected ones. The
expert group must scrupulously and assiduously scrutinise
all facets presented in the SIA report. The acquisition agen-
cies should devise a mechanism to minimise the ecological
impacts of said acquisitions, losses and damages done to the
affected families and other adverse effects of the acquisition
on the stakeholders as well as local flora and fauna.
CONCLUSION
SIA is an integral part of land acquisition policy by Government of
India and it should be followed ethically in letter and spirit to avoid
any confusions and litigations at terminal stages of land acquisi-
tions. Anthropologists have in-depth knowledge of fieldwork stud-
ies and data generation in an ethical and objective manner. Policy
makers and state authorities should candidly declare all aspects of
a land acquisition to the landowners and other stakeholders in an
attempt to build their trust and win their confidence in the acqui-
sition system by the government; otherwise, it may result into a
futile exercise in the end executed at the cost of public exchequer.
REFERENCES
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to Social Policy. 5th edn. Hoboken, NJ: Wiley-Blackwell.
Baines JT, Taylor CN, Vanclay F. 2013. Social impact assessment and
ethical research principles: Ethical professional practice in impact
assessment Part II. Impact Assessment and Project Appraisal 31
(4): 254–260, DOI: 10.1080/14615517.2013.850306
British Sociological Association. 2017. Statement of Ethical Practice.
Available at https://www.britsoc.co.uk/media/24310/bsa_state-
ment_of_ethical_practice.pdf
Fisher R. 2008. Anthropologists and social impact assessment:
Negotiating the ethical minefield. The Asia Pacific Journal of
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Guillemin M, Gillam L. 2004. Ethics, reflexivity, and ‘ethically impor-
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Howitt R. 2005. The importance of process in social impact assess-
ment: Ethics, methods and process for cross-cultural engage-
ment. Ethics Place and Environment 8 (2): 209–221. DOI:
10.1080/13668790500237336
Lahman MLE. 2017. Ethics in Social Science Research. Thousand Oaks,
CA: SAGE Publications.
Langbroek M, Vanclay F. 2012. Learning from the social impacts
associated with initiating a windfarm near the former island of
Urk, The Netherlands. Impact Assessment and Project Appraisal
30 (3): 167–178.
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Tropical Parasitology 1 (1): 2–3.
Taylor CN, Bryan CH, Goodrich CG. 2004. Social Assessment: Theory,
Process and Techniques. 3rd edn. Middleton, WI: Social Ecology
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involving humans: ethical professional practice in impact assess-
ment: Part I. Impact Assessment and Project Appraisal 31 (4):
243–253, DOI: 10.1080/14615517.2013.850307
140 J. S. Sehrawat
PART II
ANTHROPOLOGY
IN SOCIAL IMPACT
ASSESSMENT: LEGAL
ASPECT
CHAPTER 9
ANTHROPOLOGICAL
SURVEY OF INDIA
AND SOCIAL IMPACT
ASSESSMENT
A Review
Abhijit Guha
INTRODUCTION
India is a land of diversity in terms of geology, geography, ﬂora,
fauna and her people. When the British Empire colonized India,
it set to explore and understand the lives of people in the villages
and tribal areas. The British administration meticulously and
elaborately recorded customs, going forward with diversities (bio-
logical and cultural) of the Indian populations. Even with all this
information on colonial India, the British lawmakers moved ahead
with the formulation of the Land Acquisition Act in 1894 (LAA
1894), a rather uniform and common law, based on the principle
of eminent domain, which gave government the power to acquire
private property, with or without formal consent of the landowner,
for public purpose, offering compensation in return. Despite all
kinds of humane criticisms (including anthropological), this law was
applicable and remained valid until 2013. A few criticisms of the
new land included ambiguous public purpose, forced acquisitions
and no public involvement. One of the anthropological critiques was
Anthropological Survey of India and Social Impact Assessment 143

that the ‘value of land’ was solely compensated for money, which
did not and could not equate with food security for the land losers
and their subsequent generations.
It was only in 2013 when the United Progressive Alliance
government led by the Congress party following the democratic
processes of the country enacted a revised land acquisition
law named Right to Fair Compensation and Transparency in
Land Acquisition, Rehabilitation and Resettlement Act, 2013
(RFCTLARR) (Government of India 2013).
The new law, RFCTLARR, 2013, often addressed as progres-
sive in its principle, introduced important provisions. The introduc-
tion of new sections and clause had immense anthropological scope.
One of them was the introduction of social impact assessment (SIA)
under Section 4 and the process of obtaining the prior consent of
the people affected by the land acquisition under Subsection (2) of
Section 2. To understand how and why anthropology and anthro-
pologists fit best to conduct such studies, for the government, we
need to look at two different scenarios.
First, as established clearly, anthropologists, since colo-
nial times, have been extensively trained to study socio-economic
conditions of the people at the micro level. Second, apart from the
social and cultural impact, being a holistic study anthropology also
assesses the impact, triggered by external forces, such as displace-
ment and rehabilitation in this case, on biology of human popula-
tions in terms of health, nutrition and demography. The ability to
understand cultures, economies and administrative complexities
well equips anthropologists to get the consent of the people in the
cases of unavoidable acquisitions for the development of the coun-
try, which can be termed as no less than a holy task.
Just within one year of passing the new legislation for land
acquisition, when the new rightist National Democratic Alliance
(NDA) government, under the leadership of the Bharatiya Janata
Party (BJP), came to power in the country in 2014, ominous signals
hovered over the heads of the landowners as well as the anthropolo-
gists of India. The new government passed successive ordinances to
withhold the application of the two aforementioned provisions of the
newly enacted law (Government of India, 2014). This posed a real
challenge for anthropologists in India, ethically and academically,
144 Abhijit Guha

with two prominent questions. First, what should be the task of
anthropologists in India in the current situation? Second, are the
anthropologists of independent India, like their British predeces-
sors, equipped with the data needed to convince the government
that the social environment impact assessment/social impact
assessment (SEIA/SIA) and consent of the people are necessary
and inevitable to acquire land for development?
Willing to contribute, at least academically, the Anthro
pological Survey of India (AnSI), one of the largest organizations
of and by the anthropologists, prepared a 40-page module for
conducting an SEIA/SIA in the country in 2010 (AnSI, 2010). The
SIA module, intended to serve as a guideline for practitioners and
professionals in the field of SIA, was comprehensively created
and divided into four sections elaborately discussing principles
and methodology to conduct SIA. But no information was collected
on any tribe or caste of India as regards the biocultural impacts
of land acquisition (Guha, 2017). Till today very limited data have
been published by the organization on various biocultural impacts
of land acquisition on tribal and other populations of India. It will
be correct to say that the organization contributed more academi-
cally than practice.
In other words, the Indian anthropologists, though intended
to follow the trail of the British Census Commissioners, may have
produced a mass of anthropological information, they were not to
apply that knowledge to government decision-making, specifically
in land acquisition matters in question, the importance of SEIA/
SIA or consent clause in the new RFCTLARR, 2013 Act.
SOCIAL IMPACT ASSESSMENT MODULE OF THE

ANTHROPOLOGICAL SURVEY OF INDIA
In this chapter, I would consult an important text entitled Social
Impact Assessment: A Module prepared by the AnSI, Kolkata in
November 2010 and then discuss the limitations of the RFCTLARR
Act, 2013.
The document prepared by the AnSI in November 2010 is a
40-page text which dealt in detail with the SIA mainly as a timely,
academic and research-oriented exercise needed by the country

(AnSI Module, 2010: 8–10). The anthropologists of the AnSI, how-
ever, drew a line between ‘mandatory requirements of SIA and
what was actually followed as a common academic practice’ (AnSI
Module, 2010: 8–10). The whole module prepared by the AnSI
finally remained a pure academic pursuit, and we did not find any
critique of the provisions of the ‘SIA’ in the 2007 Land Acquisition
(Amendment) Bill. Accordingly, the AnSI module contains what
should and should not be done rather than with what has been
drafted as ‘mandatory requirements’ by the democratically elected
government. Only in one paragraph of the ‘Introduction’ of the AnSI
module, we find a sceptical note on the stipulation of carrying out
SIA in the cases of involuntary displacement by development pro-
jects which involved a certain number of families. To quote from
the module:
The intentions behind R and R policy are no doubt very appro-

priate and speak of a level of sensitivity which is highly wel-
come. Nevertheless, the stipulation of four hundred families
in the plain areas and two hundred families in tribal or hilly
areas demands a close re-examination in view of the distri-
bution pattern of families as well as households in different
locales of the country. (AnSI, 2010: 9)
The above statement raises one pertinent question: Why the

anthropologists, who have vast field-level experience on the subject
of variation in family or household size did not recommend any
correction in the 2007 draft bill on the stipulation in family size as
regards the implementation of SIA in the draft module?
Let us take another example from the ‘Introduction’ of the
AnSI module wherein it stated: ‘According to the 73rd and 74th
Amendments to the Constitution of India (1997), the Local Self
Governments, including Panchayats, and Panchayats extended
to the Scheduled Area have been empowered to ensure that such
assessment within their respective jurisdictions’ (AnSI Module,
2010: 9).
The above statement ends abruptly, and we do not find any
suggestion in the whole module as to how and at what stage the
‘Local Self-Governments’ should be involved in the process of SIA?
In the module, we however find that at the stage of ‘Initial Social
146 Abhijit Guha

Impact Assessment (ISIA) identification of peoples’, voluntary
groups have been recommended (see AnSI 2010: 26).
THE URGENCY CLAUSE

Let me first point out that despite all the good flavour which comes
out of the RFCTLARR, 2013 Act, it contains an ‘Urgency Clause’
entitled ‘Special powers in case of urgency to acquire land in cer-
tain cases’ in Chapter V, Subsection (1) of Section 40 wherein it is
stated that:
In cases of urgency, whenever the appropriate Government so

directs, the Collector, though no such award has been made,
may, on the expiration of thirty days from the publication of
the notice mentioned in section 21, take possession of any land
needed for a public purpose and such land shall thereupon vest
absolutely in the Government, free from all encumbrances.
(Government of India 2014)
The Section 40(1) on ‘Urgency Clause’ should be read with Section

9 in Chapter II of the law titled ‘Exemption from Social Impact
Assessment’ which reads: ‘Where land is proposed to be acquired
invoking the urgency provisions under section 40, the appropri-
ate Government may exempt undertaking of the Social Impact
Assessment study.’
One may, of course, argue that there are sufficient checks
under the ‘Urgency Clause’ under Section 40 of the LARR. For
example, under Subsection (2) it is stated that:
The powers of the appropriate Government under sub-section

(1) shall be restricted to the minimum area required for the
defense of India or national security or for any emergencies
arising out of natural calamities or any other emergency with
the approval of Parliament:
Provided that the Collector shall not take possession of any
building or part of a building under this sub-section without
giving to the occupier thereof at least forty-eight hours notice
of his intention to do so, or such longer notice as may be
reasonably sufficient to enable such occupier to remove his
movable property from such building without unnecessary
inconvenience.

But do all these ensure that the ‘Urgency Clause’ will not
be invoked for the public purposes mentioned under Section 40(1)
since it is ultimately the ‘Appropriate Government’ which will
decide upon the need for a public purpose?
Let us now see how ‘public purpose’ is defined in
RFCTLARR, 2013. The new law made an attempt to define and
enumerate ‘Public Purpose’ for which land may be acquired under
its Section 2(1) (a) and (b) into four major classes, namely (i) land
for strategic purposes relating to the security of the nation, (ii) land
for industrialization, urbanization and infrastructure development
undertaken by the government, (iii) land for resettlement and reha-
bilitation of project-affected people, residential sites for the poor,
educational institutions and health-related schemes and (iv) land
for private companies. In this connection, it may be recalled that
in the 1894 law (as modified up to Ist September, 1985), ‘Public
Purpose’ included eight items wherein land for strategic purpose
and that for private companies were not included (Government
of India 1894: 2–3). The implications of the above itemization in
the RFCTLARR, 2013 Act are crucial because the ‘Appropriate
Government’ may invoke the ‘Urgency Clause’ under any of the
four types of ‘Public Purpose’ and skip the SIA study of a develop-
ment project.
We should again recall that in the 1894 law, there was also
a provision for invoking ‘Urgency Clause’ under its Subsection
17(1) which is unerringly similar to Subsection 40(1) of the new
law. There are, however, two major differences between the 1894
law and the RFCTLARR, 2013 Act which are: (i) a provision for
social impact assessment is incorporated in LARR and (ii) inclu-
sion of restrictive clauses regarding the application of the urgency
clause in LARR.
Let us now look into the ‘Urgency Clause’ of the LARR from
another perspective. Any government can bypass the restrictive
clauses, and there is no mandatory provision in the LARR Act
that the ‘Appropriate Government’ shall not be able to employ the
‘Urgency Clause’ without consulting the legislative bodies. The case
of the state of West Bengal which I have studied in some detail is
briefly narrated here.
148 Abhijit Guha

RESTRICTIVE PROVISIONS OF THE URGENCY CLAUSE
AND THE CASE OF WEST BENGAL
Since independence, besides the colonial LAA 1894, there existed
another state act entitled West Bengal Land (Requisition and
Acquisition) Act, 1948, which is no more applicable in West Bengal
since 31 March 1993 by a decision of the West Bengal Legislative
Assembly. The West Bengal Land (Requisition and Acquisition)
Act, 1948, was proposed to be renewed considering the critical
situation of refugees migrated from erstwhile East Pakistan, after
independence. The claim was to provide for land for developmental
purposes, for which a stronger act was needed to acquire lands from
private landowners.
Two important confrontations in the new enactments were
that the post-independent West Bengal Act allowed for the requi-
sition of land without paying compensation unlike the LAA 1894,
where compensation was paid before acquisition. Second, under the
aforementioned West Bengal Act in its long tenure of 45 years, the
‘Public Purpose’ was not only applied to acquire land for the reha-
bilitation of refuges as first envisaged but also for other purposes
like the establishment of industries owned by private companies
(Guha 2007: 58–72; 2011: 79–98).
Appropriate Government
I will now come to the definition of the ‘Appropriate Government’
as enunciated in the LAA 1894 and RFCTLARR, 2013 Act. Under
Subsection 3(e) of the LAA 1894 and Subsection 3(e) of RFCTLARR,
2013 Act, the expression ‘Appropriate Government’ means only
the central and state governments. Ironically, both laws did not
take into consideration the 73rd and 74th Amendment Act of
the Constitution which empowered the local self-governments to
function as an independent government. The issue of ‘Appropriate
Government’ is vital to any discussion on SIA as enunciated in
the RFCTLARR, 2013 Act. In Chapter II under Section 4 and
Subsection (1) of the Act entitled ‘Determination of Social Impact
and Public Purpose’, we read
Whenever the appropriate Government intends to acquire land

for a public purpose, it shall consult the concerned Panchayat,

Municipality or Municipal Corporation, as the case may be, at
village level or ward level, in the affected area and carry out a
Social Impact Assessment study in consultation with them, in
such manner and from such date as may be specified by such
Government by notification.
In this context, it should be noted that the Lok Sabha by adopt-

ing the 73rd Amendment Act in 1992 inserted Part IX in the
Constitution which contains Articles 243–243-0. These Articles
empowered the state legislatures to confer on the panchayats such
authority as may be necessary to enable them to function as institu-
tions of self-government. The local panchayats have been conferred
with the responsibility to prepare economic developmental plans
and social justice as per the 11th Schedule (inserted by the 73rd
Amendment). It talks about the role of panchayats in irrigation,
land improvement, education, women and child development, etc.,
along with 29 additional roles.
It follows that the acquisition of land for industries or for
that matter any development work within the jurisdiction of a pan-
chayat should first be cleared by the respective panchayats. In the
RFCTLARR, 2013 Act, the expression ‘Appropriate Government’
under Subsections 3(e) (i)–(v) means:
i. in relation to acquisition of land situated within the ter-

ritory of, a State, the State Government;
ii. in relation to acquisition of land situated within a Union
territory (except Puducherry), the Central Government;
iii. in relation to acquisition of land situated within the Union
territory of Puducherry, the Government of Union terri-
tory of Puducherry;
iv. in relation to acquisition of land for public purpose in
more than one State, the Central Government, in consul-
tation with the concerned State Governments or Union
territories; and
v. in relation to the acquisition of land for the purpose of
the Union as may be specified by notification, the Central
Government. (Government of India, 2013: 4)
Curiously, the new law of 2013, like the LAA 1894, does not
define local self-governments as ‘appropriate governments’ unlike
the 73rd and 74th amendments of the Constitution.
150 Abhijit Guha

The point I am trying to make is that, if the panchayats are
not included formally under the definition of ‘appropriate govern-
ment’, ‘consultation with the Gram Sabha at habitation level or
equivalent in urban areas’ would be a mere formality.
A BASIC QUESTION
Now given these alarming lacunae in the RFCTLARR, 2013 Act,
let us raise a basic question. The question is: Why are the politi-
cal parties and their think tanks not raising the issue of the non-
recognition of the local self-government in the new law? This can
be well explained by the Nandigram example, where the locals
portrayed enough strength to prevent the creation of the special
economic zone ultimately leading to the stoppage of the project. The
fact that any opposition at the local level has a great potential to
reach the highest level of political masters, which might threaten
political and corporate interests at large, avoids the inclusion of
panchayats in the new law, beyond consultation.
Incidentally, in Nandigram, the panchayats have been won
over by the Trinamool Congress. But they have not been empowered
to act legally against future acquisition. Now, since the panchayats
do not have a strong legal recognition in land acquisition, all of
the land in Nandigram, for instance, is liable to be acquired. The
constitutional body, which is empowered to prepare plans for eco-
nomic development and social justice, will have no role under the
RFCTLARR, 2013 Act.
CONCLUSION
A critical reading of the RFCTLARR, 2013 Act reveals its serious
shortcomings as regards the urgency clause and failure to include
the Constitutional local self-governments in decision-making on
land acquisition. It is high time that the anthropologists and sociolo-
gists of the country come out of their academic shells of ‘pure and
theoretical research’ and converge their research inputs in unison
to convince the government to revise and redraft this law, which is
no less important than space and atomic research for the greater
interest of those citizens of our country.

REFERENCES
Anthropological Survey of India (AnSI). 12 November 2010. Social
Impact Assessment:
A Module. Kolkata: Anthropological Survey of India. Unpublished draft.
Government of India. 1985. The Land Acquisition Act, 1894 (as modi-
fied up to the Ist September, 1985). New Delhi: Ministry of Law
and Justice, Government of India. Available at https://dolr.gov.in/
sites/default/files/THE%20LAND%20ACQUISITION%20ACT.pdf
Government of India. 2013. “Right to Fair Compensation and Transparency
in Land Acquisition, Rehabilitation and Resettlement Act, 2013.”
The Gazette of India, Registered No. DL—(N)04/0007/2003—
13. New Delhi: Legislative Department, Ministry of Law
and Justice, Government of India.
Available at https://dolr.gov.in/sites/default/files/Right%20to%20
Fair%20Compensation%20and%20Transparency%20in%20
Land%20Acquisition%2C%20Rehabilitation%20and%20
Resettlement%20Act%2C%202013.pdf
Bryman A. 2008. Social Research Methods. 3rd edn. Oxford: Oxford
University Press.
Government of India. 2014. “The Right to Fair Compensation and
(Amendment) Ordinance, 2014.” The Gazette of India. Part
II, Section I. Registered No. DL—(N)04/0007/2003—14. New
Delhi: Legislative Department, Ministry of Law and Justice,
Government of India. Available at https://dolr.gov.in/sites/
default/files/RFCTLARR%20Act%20%28Amendment%29%20
Ordinance%2C%202014.pdf
Guha, A. 2007. Land, Law and the Left: The Saga of Disempowerment
of the Peasantry in the Era of Globalization. New Delhi: Concept
Publishing Company.
Guha, A. 2011. “Challenges to Corporate Social Responsibility: A Case
Study from Kharagpur, West Bengal.” Sociological Bulletin 60 (1):
79–98.
Guha, A. 2017. “The Empire, Its Law and the Bankruptcy of
Anthropologists.” Economic and Political Weekly 52 (36): 23–25.
Merriam S.B. 1988. Case Study Research in Education: A Qualitative
Approach. San Francisco, CA: Jossey-Bass.
152 Abhijit Guha

CHAPTER 10
JUDICIAL FAILURE ON
LAND ACQUISITION
FOR CORPORATIONS
Colin Gonsalves
INTRODUCTION
The research paper evaluates the Land Acquisition (Amendment)
Act, 1984 (LAA 1984), critically, questioning the Supreme Court
referring to some of the judgments made by it. It takes a critical
stance on ‘public purpose’ for land acquisition and provides cases
and judgments on the conflicting stance of ‘public purpose’ in the
LAA 1984. It states that with the 1984 amendment of the Land
Acquisition Act, 1894, the judiciary continued to allow farmland
to be acquired freely, with ‘public purpose’ being given the widest
possible scope. It further criticizes this stance to have promoted
private corporate interests, the state, in turn, becoming an estate
agent of the companies. This chapter focuses on land acquisition
under Part II for the state and its instrumentalities and agen-
cies and compares this with Part VII of the Act, which relates to
acquisition for a company. The way forward is for the judiciary to
compel all acquisitions for companies to follow the Part VII route.
This chapter remains important as ‘public purpose’ under Section
2(1) of the Act still stands ambiguous.
No statute in colonial India or independent India has been
used against the interests of the poor in such a systematic and wide-
spread manner, causing misery, as the Land Acquisition Act, 1894.
Judicial Failure on Land Acquisition for Corporations 153

From independence up to 1995, millions of persons were displaced
from land due to a variety of reasons, including forcible displace-
ment for public projects. The judiciary has played a significant
role in executing this statute without care for the effects of land
acquisition on small and medium landholders and on agricultural
labourers. In this chapter, we tell one part of the legal story as to
how the judiciary remained oblivious to the suffering of the rural
people. The entire story is difficult to comprehend and requires
careful research and analysis. But the part we dwell on will prob-
ably serve in indicating how blind the legal system was to the plight
of the working people.
THE FIRST PHASE: SUPREME COURT AGAINST

FARMERS
At the time of enactment of the Land Acquisition Act, 1894, the
second Select Committee in its report dated 24 January 1894,1
submitted to the Council of the Governor General of India, gave
an explanation regarding the proviso to Section 6 of the Act. The
proviso is as under: ‘Provided further that no such declaration shall
be made unless the compensation to be awarded for such property is
to be paid by a Company, or wholly or partly out of public revenues
or some fund controlled or managed by a local authority.’
The explanation given by the Select Committee was as
follows:
The object of the amendment we have suggested in the proviso

to Section 6 is to enable land to be acquired under the Bill for
the purposes of colleges, hospitals and other public institutions
which are in some cases only partly supported out of public
revenue or the funds of local authorities.
The Land Acquisition Bill was introduced by H. W. Bliss who

explained the differences between the two Parts thus:
Part VII of the Act lays down the procedure to be adopted when
it is sought to acquire land for companies. It indicates, though
1 Bombay Government Gazette, Part VI, and dated 1 February 1894, pp. 18–29:
Gazette of India, Part V, 27 January 1894, pp. 23–24.
154 Colin Gonsalve

perhaps not so clearly as desirable that it is not intended that
the law shall be put in force for the acquisition of land for all
companies. It is not intended, that is to say that the Act shall
be used for the acquisition of land for any company in which
the public has merely an indirect interest and of the works
carried out by which the public can make no direct use. The
Act cannot therefore be put into motion for the benefit of such a
company as a spinning or weaving company or an iron foundry,
for although the works of such companies are distinctly ‘likely
to prove useful to the public’ (to use the words of Section 48),
it is not possible to predicate of them ‘the terms on which the
public shall be entitled to use’ them, a condition precedent to
the acquisition of land laid down in Section 49. It is important
both that the public should understand that the Act will not be
used in furtherance of private speculations and that the local
governments should not be subject to pressure, which it might
possibly sometimes be difficult to resist, on behalf of enterprises
in which the public have no direct interest.2
Constitutional Bench decisions of the Supreme Court in 1961 and

1962 decimated this difference. These cases are Pandit Jhandu Lal
and others vs The State of Punjab and Another (AIR 1961 SC 343),
R. L. Arora vs The State of Uttar Pradesh (AIR 1962 SC 764) and
Smt Somawati and Others vs State of Gujarat (AIR 1963 SC 151).
In Pandit Jhandu Lal and others vs The State of Punjab and
Another (Air 1961 SC 343), agricultural land of farmers was taken
for the construction of houses for workers of a company under a
government-sponsored housing scheme. No attempt was made by
government to comply with the requirements of Part VII of the Act.
Holding that the construction of residential quarters for industrial
labourers is a public purpose and noticing that a large proportion
of the compensation money was to come out of public funds, the
Supreme Court began the obliteration of the difference between
Part II and Part VII in the following terms:
In the case of an acquisition for Company simpliciter, the

declaration cannot be made without satisfying the require-
ments of Part VII. But that does not necessarily mean that
an acquisition for a Company for a public purpose cannot be
2 Proceedings of the Council of the Governor General of India: Gazette of India,
Part VI, 12 March 1892, p. 28.

made otherwise than under the provisions of Part VII, if the
cost or a portion of the cost of the acquisition is to come out of
public funds. In other words, the essential condition for acqui-
sition for a public purpose is that the cost of the acquisition
should be borne, wholly or in part, out of public funds. Hence,
an acquisition for a Company may also be made for a public
purpose, within the meaning of the Act, if a part or the whole
of the cost of acquisition is met by public funds.
There was a fight back in R. L. Arora vs The State of Uttar Pradesh

(AIR 1962 SC 764). In that case, agricultural land was acquired for
an industrialist in Kanpur for the construction of a textile machin-
ery parts factory. No action was taken under Part VII. Though this
decision is generally favourable to the person opposing acquisition,
a complication was created by the observations made in paragraph
6 to the effect that the crucial determining factor was whether
‘the entire compensation’ is to be paid by the corporation. Since
the entire compensation came from the corporation, Chapter VII
was said to apply, and since the procedures were not followed, the
acquisition was set aside. It is no doubt true that there are some
progressive observations made in paragraph 13 to the following
effect:
It seems to us that it could not be the intention of the legisla-

ture that the government should be made a general agent for
companies to acquire lands for them in order that the owners
of companies may able to carry on their activities for private
profit. If that was the intention of the legislature it was
entirely unnecessary to provide for the restrictions contained
in Ss. 40 and 41 on the powers of the government to acquire
lands for companies. If we were to give the wide interpretation
contended for on behalf of the respondents on the relevant
words in Ss. 40 and 41 it would amount to holding that the
legislature intended the Government to be a sort of general
agent for companies to acquire lands for them, so that their
owners may make profits.
The Court then dealt with the submission that the acquisition
would come under Part II as the company was producing goods that
were useful to the public and that therefore the acquisition was for
a public purpose. The Court held:
156 Colin Gonsalve

It can hardly be denied that a company which will satisfy the
definition of that word in S 3(e) will be producing something
or the other which will be useful to the public and which the
public may need to purchase. So on the wide interpretation
contended for on behalf of the respondents we must come to
the conclusion that the intention of the legislature was that
the government should be an agent for acquiring land for all
companies for such purposes as they might have provided the
product intended to be produced is in general manner useful
to the public, and if that is so there would be clearly no point
in providing the restrictive provisions in Ss 40 and 41. The
very fact therefore that the power to use the machinery of the
Act for the acquisition of land for a company is conditioned by
the restrictions in Ss 40 and 41 indicates that the legislature
intended that the land should be acquired through the coercive
machinery of the Act only for the restricted purpose mentioned
in Ss 40 and 41 which would also be a public purpose for the
purpose of Section 4. We find it impossible to accept the argu-
ment that the intention of the legislature could have been that
individuals should be compelled to part with their lands for
the profit of others who might be owners of companies through
the Government simply because the company might produce
goods which would be useful to the public.
The Court concluded:
There is, in our opinion, no doubt that the intention of the

legislature was that land should be acquired only when
the work to be constructed is directly useful to the public and
the public shall be entitled to use the work as such for its own
benefit in accordance with the terms of the agreement which
under Section 42 are made to have the same effect as if they
form part of the Act.
In paragraph 21 of the decision, the Court gave the example of the

construction of hospitals and libraries as works satisfying Sections
40 and 413 and held that agreements have to be entered into so that
3 S 40. Previous enquiry: (1) such consent shall not be given unless the appropri-
ate government be satisfied, either on the report of the collector under Section
5A, Subsection (2), or by an enquiry held as hereinafter provided
(a) that the purpose of the acquisition is to obtain land for the erection of
dwelling houses for workmen employed by the Company or for the provision of
amenities directly connected therewith, or

the public may directly use such facilities. The majority decision in
Smt Somawati and others vs State of Gujarat (AIR 1963 SC 151)
put the final nail in the coffin and whatever slim chances existed
for a pro-poor orientation of the statute evaporated. This was a case
where the government sought to acquire agricultural land for the
purposes of setting up a factory for the manufacture of compres-
sors and other equipment. The Punjab government sanctioned the
unbelievable amount of `100 for the purposes of acquisition. It was
an admitted position that the requirements of Part VII were not
(aa) that such acquisition is needed for the construction of some building or
work for a Company which is engaged or is taking steps for engaging itself in
any industry or work which is for a public purpose, or
(b) that such acquisition is needed for the construction of some work and
that such work is likely to prove useful to the public.
(2) Such enquiry shall be held by such an officer and at such a time and place
as the appropriate government shall appoint.
(3) Such officer may summon and enforce the attendance of witnesses and
compel the production of documents by the same means and, as far as possible,
in the same manner as is provided by the Code of Civil Procedure, 1908 (5 of
1908) in the case of Civil Court.
S 41 Agreement with appropriate government—if the appropriate govern-
ment is satisfied after considering the report, if any, of the collector under
Section 5A, Subsection (2), or on the report of the officer making an enquiry
under Section 40 that the proposed acquisition is for any of the purpose referred
to in Clause (a) or Clause (aa) or Clause (b) of Subsection (1) of Section 40, it
shall require the company to enter into an agreement with the appropriate
government, providing to the satisfaction of the appropriate government for
the following matters, namely:
1. the payment to the appropriate government of the cost of the acquisition;
2. the transfer, on such payment, of the land to the Company;
3. the term on which the land shall be held by the Company;
4. where the acquisition is for the purpose of erecting dwelling-houses or the
provision of amenities connected therewith, the time within which, the
conditions on which the manner in which the dwelling houses or amenities
shall be erected or provided;
4A. where the acquisition is for the construction of any building or work for
a Company which is engaged or is taking steps for engaging itself in any
industry or work which is for a public purpose, the time within which
and the conditions on which, the building or work shall be constructed or
executed; and
5. where the acquisition is for the construction of any other work the time
within which and the conditions on which the work shall be executed and
maintained, and the terms on which the public shall be entitled to use the
work.
158 Colin Gonsalve

complied with. It was contended by the writ petitioners that the
token amount itself indicated that the acquisition was not for a
public purpose and that the acquisition was mainly for a company
and ought to be set aside since the procedure under Part VII was
not followed. The Constitutional Bench upheld the acquisition in
the following manner:
We would like to add that the view taken in Senga Naicken’s

case, ILR 50 Mad 308: (Air 1927 Mad 245) has been followed
by the various High Courts in India. On the basis of the cor-
rectness of that view the state governments have been acquiring
private properties all over the country contributing only token
amounts towards the cost of acquisition. Titles to many such
properties would be unsettled if we were now to take the view
that ‘partly at public expense’ means substantially at public
expense. Therefore, on the principle of stare decisis the view
taken in Senga Naicken’s case, ILR 50 Mad 308: (AIR 1927
Mad 245) should not be disturbed.
Justice Subba Rao set out a sterling dissent referring to Section

6(1).4 He held that:
4 S 6(1) Declaration that land is required for a public purpose—(1) Subject to

the provisions of Part VII of this Act, when the appropriate government is sat-
isfied after considering the report, if any, made under Section 5A, Subsection
(2), that any particular land is needed for a public purpose, or for a Company,
a declaration shall be made to that effect under the signature of a secretary to
such government or of some officer duly authorised to certify its orders, and
different declarations may be made from time to time in respect of different
parcels of any land covered by the same notification under Section 4, Subsection
(1) irrespective of whether one report or different reports has or have been made
whenever required under Section 5A, Subsection (2):
Provided that no declaration in respect of any land covered by a notification
under Section 4, Subsection (1):
i. published after the commencement of the Land Acquisition (Amendment
and Validation) Ordinance, 1967 (1 of 1967) but before the commencement
of the Land Acquisition (Amendment) Act, 1984 (68 of 1984) shall be made
after the expiry of three years from the date of the publication of the noti-
fication; or
ii. published after the commencement of the Land Acquisition (Amendment)
Act, 1984, shall be made after the expiry of one year from the date of the
publication of the notification.
Provided further that no such declaration shall be made unless the compensation
to be awarded for such property is to be paid by a Company, or wholly or partly
out of public revenues or some found controlled or managed by a local authority.

A reasonable construction of this provision uninfluenced by
decisions would be that in the case of an acquisition for a
company, the entire compensation will be paid by the com-
pany and in the case of an acquisition for a public purpose
the government will pay the whole or a substantial part of the
compensation out of public revenues. The underlying object of
the section is apparent; it is to provide for a safeguard against
abuse of power. A substantial contribution from public cof-
fers is ordinarily a guarantee that the acquisition is for a
public purpose. But it is argued that the terms of the section
are satisfied if the appropriate government contributes a
nominal sum, say a pie, even though that total compensa-
tion payable may run into lakhs. This interpretation would
lead to extraordinary results …. The idea that in one case
the compensation must come out of the company’s coffers
and in the other case the whole or some reasonable part of
it should come from public revenues. This idea excludes the
assumption that practically no compensation need come out
of public revenues. The juxtaposition of the words ‘wholly
or partly’ and the disjunctive between them emphasise the
same idea. It will be incongruous to say that public revenue
shall contribute rupees one lakh or one pie. The payment of a
part of compensation must have some rational relation to the
compensation payable in respect of the acquisition for a public
purpose. So construed ‘part’ can only mean a substantial part
of the estimated compensation.
He then concluded:
We think that the Legislature, when they passed the Land

Acquisition Act, did not intend that owners should be deprived
of their ownership by a mere device of private persons employ-
ing the Act for private ends or for the gratification of private
spite or malice.
It may be noted that at the time of enactment of the Land

Acquisition Act, 1894, the Second Select Committee in its report
dated 24 January 18945 submitted to the Council of the Governor
General of India explained the second proviso to the declaration
under Section 6(1) in the following terms:
5 See Note 1.
160 Colin Gonsalve

The object of the amendment we have suggested in the proviso
to Section 6 is to enable land to be acquired under the Bill for
the purposes of colleges, hospitals and other public institutions
which are in some cases only partly supported out of public
revenue or the funds of local authorities.
THE SECOND PHASE: LEGISLATURE FIGHTS BACK

The anguish of the legislature was immediately obvious. S. K. Patil,
speaking in the Lok Sabha 6 proposing the Land Acquisition
(Amendment) Act, 1962, complained:
What happened after this Arora case? After this Arora case
when the judgment was against those words, a similar case
arose in Punjab only last month or three or four months back,
in May. They had to acquire some land for air-conditioning.
I do not know out of the two, machinery for textile or air-
conditioning, which is a larger public purpose. According to
me the first is. The textile machinery is surely a larger public
purpose. Even then, I do not go into that but the government
saw that they were likely to be attacked if they acquired lands
under Chapter VII or Part VII. Therefore, they were wise
enough and they went to Part II. Part II puts no obligation on
the government of any type. Not only they could acquire but
they have got to pay some money. Therefore, do you know how
much they paid? They paid `100 for the land. Technically they
must pay some money. In the other Part, when it is acquired
for a company, the money is to be paid wholly by that company.
Therefore, in order to satisfy the requirement of law, they paid
`100 and acquired the land for themselves which they have
a right to do and then they gave it for the air-conditioning
plant, etc. The case went to the Court and this judgment of
Arora versus the UP Government was quoted in that court
also and the judgment of the five judges of the Supreme Court
said: ‘Whatever it might be, once the state government, in its
wisdom, acquires the land for a public purpose, its decision
is final and unchallengeable. We have no right to challenge
the decision of it because the wording of Section 4 of Chapter
II does give us any loophole that we might go through it and
change the meaning of it. They are competent and the com-
pensation is also not justiciable’. You can see. Therefore, we
are trying to prevent these, that hereafter the state governments
6 Lok Sabha Debates, 3rd Series, Vol. 7, and dated 30 August 1962, Cols 5129
and 5130.

should not go to the length of acquiring land under Part II even
for companies. Therefore, my friend opposite (sic.) will see that
I am restricting the law in order to take away the liberty of
the states to acquire lands under Part II in which the final
decision is only what they decide and not as is given here and
many other things might happen. Here I am making it under
Part VII so that all those restrictive measures that have been
put including the compensation should be applied to it and it
should not be very easy for the state government to acquire
it for anything and everything. This is the distinction that is
sought to be made.
The proposal to amend the Act did not materialise and S. K. Patil
told the Lok Sabha that a more comprehensive Bill would be placed
before the House. It took 22 years for the new amendment to be
placed before the Lok Sabha.
On 6 August 1984, Bill No. 63 of 1984 was introduced in
the Lok Sabha to amend the Land Acquisition Act, 1894. In the
Statement of Objects and Reasons it was set out that the
Promotion of public purpose has to be balanced with the

rights of the individual, whose land is acquired, thereby often
depriving of him his means of livelihood. Again, acquisition
of land for private enterprises ought not to be placed on the
same footing as acquisition for the state or an enterprise under
it …. The main proposal for amendment are as follows: … (ii)
Acquisition of land for non-government companies under the
Act will henceforth be made in pursuance of Part VII of the
Act in all cases.
Piloting the Bill through the Lok Sabha and the Rajya Sabha, the
minister Mohsina Kidwai said:
I would now like to draw the attention of the Honourable

Members to some other provisions of the Bill …. The scope
of the term ‘public purpose’ has been revised so as to provide
for acquisition of land for all socially important purposes, but
at the same time to obviate the possibility of misuse of this
provision ….7
7 Lok Sabha Debates, 7th Series, Vol. 51, No. 24, dated 25 August 1984. Rajya
Sabha Debates, Vol. 131, No. 26, dated 28 August 1984.
162 Colin Gonsalve

This is how the Act was amended and a new Section 3(cc) was
introduced and a new Section 3(e) was substituted thus separate
companies from government entities. The most important change
came in 3(f) where an exclusionary clause was introduced to the
expression public purpose making it very clear that acquisition of
land for companies was excluded from the expression public purpose
in Section 3(f).
It appears that in some publications the exclusionary rider
is shown as a continuation of clause (viii) above. However, in the
Bill8 and subsequent gazette publications of the amended Act the
exclusionary rider is set apart from clause (viii) and has a different
intent showing that it is exclusion to the entire sub-section. This is
the only way to read this exclusionary clause by reading it together
with the Statement of Objects and Reasons. The rider is correctly
set out in HMT House Building Co-operative Society vs Syed Khader
(1995 2 SCC 677) and Jnanedaya Yogam vs K. K. Pankajakshy
(1999 9 SCC 492).
THIRD PHASE: JUDICIARY IGNORES THE

AMENDMENT
There are several decisions of the Supreme Court with regard
to land acquisition done after the 1984 amendment. These may
be divided into four categories. First, where the decision relies
on pre-1984 judgments of the Supreme Court and do not notice
the critical amendment in Section 3(f). The second are those
decisions that reproduce Section 3(f) incorrectly as if the rider
is connected to Section 3(f) (viii) alone. The third are those that
correctly set out 3(f) and then proceed on the assumption that
the amended section makes no difference at all. The fourth
categories are those cases that correctly interpret the amended
section 3(f).
8Bill No. 67 of 1982: Gazette of India (Ext), Part II, Sec. 2, dated 30 April 1982,
pp. 14–23; in the Bill No. 63 of 1984: Gazette of India (Ext), Part II, Sec. 2, No.
41, dated 6 August 1984, pp. 1–14; and also the Land Acquisition (Amendment)
Act, 1984: Gazette of India (Ext), Part II, Sec. 1, No. 86, pp. 1–11, dated
24 September 1984, pp. 1–14.

Dealing with the third categories of cases, in Pratibha
Nema vs State of MP (2003 10 SCC 626) land was acquired under
Part II for the establishment of a diamond park. The Supreme
Court relied on Smt Somawanti’s vs State of Punjab,9 Jagram vs
State of Haryana,10 Manubhai Jehtala Patel vs State of Gujarat,11
Indrajit C. Parikh vs State of Gujarat,12 Bajirao T. Kote vs State of
Maharashtra,13 R. L. Arora vs State of UP,14 Srinivasa Co-op House
Building Society Ltd vs Madam Gurumurthy Sastry15 and Pandit
Jhandu Lal vs State of Punjab16 and upheld the acquisition under
Part II in the following terms:
One thing which deserves particular notice is the rider at the

end of clause (f) by which the acquisition of land for companies
is excluded from the purview of the expression ‘public purpose’.
However, notwithstanding this dichotomy, speaking from the
point of view of public purpose, the provisions of Part II and
Part VII are not mutually exclusive as elaborated later.
This observation is utterly wrong, and the decision is in utter dis-

regard of the amendment and deserves to be set aside by a larger
bench.
Every one of the decisions relied upon were in respect of
pre-amendment acquisitions though the decisions may have been
rendered after 1984. The conclusion of the Supreme Court in this
case is utterly retrogressive and is set out below:
Thus the distinction between public purpose acquisition and

Part VII acquisition has got blurred under the impact of
judicial interpretation of relevant provisions. The main and
perhaps the decisive distinction lie in the fact whether the cost
of acquisition comes out of public funds wholly or partly. Here
again, even a token or nominal contribution by the government
was held to be sufficient compliance with the second proviso
9(AIR 1963 SC 151).

10 (1971 1 SCC 671).
11 (1983 4 SCC 553).
12 (1975 1 SCC 824).
13 (1995 2 SCC 442).
14 (AIR 1964 SC 1230).
15 (1994 4 SCC 675).
16 (AIR 1961 SC 343).
164 Colin Gonsalve

to Section 6 as held in catena of decisions. The net result is
that by contributing even a trifling sum, the character and
pattern of acquisition could be changed by the government. In
the ultimate analysis, what is considered to be an acquisition
for facilitating the setting up of an industry in the private
sector could get imbued with the character of public purpose
acquisition if only the government comes forward to sanction
the payment of a nominal sum towards compensation. In the
present state of law, that seems to be the real position.
The decision in Somavanti’s case,17 to the effect that even a nominal

contribution by the government would convert an acquisition for a
company into a public purpose acquisition under Part II was taken
to absurd levels in Indrajit C. Parekh vs State of Gujarat18 where
it was held that even a nominal contribution of `1 would validate
the acquisition. Similarly, in Manubhai Jehtalal Patel vs State of
Gujarat19 the Supreme Court held that ‘the contribution of `1 from
the public exchequer cannot be dubbed as illusory so as to invali-
date the acquisition’. These utterly irrational decisions eventually
decimated the crucial difference between acquisition for companies
and acquisition for public purposes. This deplorable trend con-
tinued with Pratibha Nema’s case.20 Thus the explicit intention of
Parliament not to permit state governments becoming agents for
companies and misusing the Land Acquisition Act by pretending
that acquisition of lands for companies was for a public purpose,
was thwarted by the Supreme Court.
Dealing with the fourth categories of cases, though there
was a feeble attempt by some Benches of the Supreme Court to
restrict acquisitions for companies using the guise of public pur-
pose, these were very few and could be easily distinguished. In
Jnanedaya Yogam vs K. K. Pankajakshy,21 a registered society
sought the intervention of the government to acquire land for
a religious procession celebrating a festival in the Jagannath
Temple. The Supreme Court held that such an acquisition would
17 (1963 2 SCR 774).

18 (1975 1 SCC 824).
19 (1983 4 SCC 553).
20 (2003 10 SCC 626).
21 (1999 9 SCC 492).

be governed by Part VII and would not fall within the definition of
‘public purpose’ as set forth in Section 3(f) of the Act.
In Devinder Singh vs State of Punjab22 where the State initi-
ated Part II proceedings to acquire land for a tractor manufacturing
company, the Supreme Court after noticing the amended Section
3(f) correctly held as follows:
When a request is made by any wing of the State or a government

company for acquisition of land for a public purpose, different
procedures are adopted. Where, however, an application is filed
for acquisition of land at the instance of a ‘company’, the proce-
dures to be adopted therefore are laid down in Part VII of the Act.
Though the Court is shown the decision in Pratibha Nema’s case23

the Court declined to follow that ratio and held as under:
Expropriatory legislation, as is well known, must be strictly

construed. When the properties of a citizen is being compul-
sorily acquired by a State in exercise of its power of Eminent
Domain, the essential ingredients thereof, namely, existence
of a public purpose and payment of compensation are principal
requisites thereof. In the case of acquisition of land for a pri-
vate company, existence of a public purpose being not requisite
criteria, other statutory requirements call for strict compliance,
being imperative in character.
The Supreme Court then relied on the decision of the SC in General

Government Servants Cooperative Housing Society Ltd, Agra vs Sh
Wahab Uddin24 and concluded that Rule 4 was mandatory, and
Companies were required to negotiate with farmers and avoid the
acquisition of agricultural land. In that case, the Supreme Court held:
The above consideration shows that Rule 4 is mandatory; its

compliance is no idle formality; unless the directions enjoined
by Rule 4 are complied with, the modification under Section
6 will be invalid. A consideration of Rule 4 also shows that its
compliance precedes the notification under Section 4 as well
as compliance of Section 6 of the Act.
22 (AIR 2008 SC 261).

23 (2003 10 SCC 626).
24 (1981 2 SCC 353).
166 Colin Gonsalve

This decision however could easily be distinguished on facts as pay-
ment by the government for acquisition came after the Section 4
notification. It can therefore be argued that this was a case where
the entire contribution for acquisition was to come from a company
and that the subsequent payment by government was to cover up
for what was essentially acquisition for and paid for by a company.
In Chaitram Verma vs Land Acquisition Officer,25 acquisi-
tion was started for construction of a railway siding for a cement
plant of TISCO. The high court held:
The last part of the definition, i.e., ‘it does not include acqui-
sition of land for companies’ is important and brings out the
obvious fact that even though a ‘public purpose’ may be served
by acquiring land for companies, the expression ‘public pur-
pose’ as used in the Act does not include such acquisition ….
But the use of exclusionary sentences as the end would make
the difference and indicate that except for acquisitions for
companies which cannot be treated as acquisition for public
purpose, all other purposes are included within it …. Under
the circumstances whatever may be the extent of purpose
included within the definition of ‘public purpose’ acquisition
for company is excluded from it. Clearly therefore, an acqui-
sition for a company is to be distinguished from acquisition
for a public purpose, and an acquisition for a company even
though serving public purpose, cannot, in the context of S3(f)
of the Act, be accepted as an application for a public purpose
…. Legal position was different before the amendment of the
definition in 1984 by Act No 68 of 1984. The definition of
‘public purpose’ in S3(f) of the Act before this amendment did
not have any exclusionary clause and was inclusive. Similarly
S4(l) of the Act permitted issue of notification only for a ‘public
purpose’. It was therefore possible to then submit that if ‘public
purpose’ is served by a company, there would be no illegality
in the acquisition for a company on the basis of notification
mentioning acquisition for a public purpose.
In State of Punjab vs Raja Ram,26 land was acquired for the con-
struction of godowns for the Food Corporation of India. The acquisi-
tion was set aside in the following terms:
25 (AIR 1994 MP 74).

26 (1981 2 SCC 66).

The Corporation being a ‘company’ compliance with the pro-
vision of Part VII of the L A Act had to be made in order to
lawfully acquire any land for its purpose. It is not denied that
such compliance is completely lacking in the present case.
THE ELITIST APPROACH: ITS ARTICULATION

The tilt towards corporations and away from the poor was legally
articulated in the following way. First, it was said that public pur-
pose is incapable of being defined. Second, that benefit must come
to some part of the population (not necessarily the vast majority
of the poor: even the rich are part of the public). Third, that the
doctrine of eminent domain gives the state vast powers to take
people’s land. Fourth, the government is the best if not the only
judge of what constitutes public purpose.
This body of case law develops in a situation where the state
is only too anxious to help corporations for kickbacks. Extensive
corruption surrounds land acquisition proceedings. It is the lands
of the poor that are invariably taken. Rich farmers and others are
able to adroitly avoid acquisition by political lobbying. It is in this
situation that the courts develop a hands-off policy thus inadvert-
ently legitimising the expropriation of small farmers’ landholdings
to facilitate corporate profiteering.
One could speculate as to what direction the courts would
have gone if a government had come to power that began the
appropriation of the lands of rich farmers for genuinely socialistic
purposes such as education and health. It is entirely possible that
a new jurisdiction would have emerged.
The decision in R. L. Arora’s case27 has conveniently been
forgotten. The ratio that public purpose should be directly useful
to the public and the public shall be entitled to use the work as such
for its own benefit has never been followed thereafter. This was a
pro-people interpretation of Section 3(f) of the Act. If rich persons
and corporations wanted land for any purpose it was open to them
to buy land from the open market on the basis of negotiation with
farmers. Only if land was required for a project which was directly
useful to the public and which the public could use as of right, would
27 R L Arora vs The State of Uttar Pradesh (AIR 1962 SC 764).
168 Colin Gonsalve

the LAA come into play. But this was not to be. An interpretation
was given and followed for decades thereafter, which would allow
for corporate takeover of agricultural land with a court not inter-
vening at all.
In Somawanti’s case,28 the Supreme Court upheld acquisition
for a company manufacturing refrigeration compressors and held
such an acquisition to be for a public purpose. In Jage Ram vs State
of Haryana,29 relying on Somawanti, the Supreme Court upheld
acquisition for a factory manufacturing China-ware and porcelain-
ware. Thus, in Somawanti, in an action relating to the taking of
lands of farmers the Supreme Court set the bar so low as to make it
almost impossible to challenge acquisition proceedings. The acquisi-
tion could only be challenged if it was ‘not a public purpose but a
private purpose or no purpose at all’. Thus, the courts could not play
any balancing act between the stated public purpose and the detri-
ment to the public. Proportionality could not be assessed at all. After
that everything under the sun met the standard of public purpose.
In Sooraram Pratap Reddy vs District Collector,30 the
Supreme Court relied on the dissent in R. L. Arora’s case31 where it
was said, ‘I think it would be unduly restricting the meaning of the
word ‘useful’ to say that a work is useful to the public only when it
can directly be used by the public.’ Arora’s case was not followed by
reference to a series of American decisions on the point that public
interest need not mean that every member of the public should
benefit. The American decisions were therefore not relevant at all.
In the same decision (Sooraram) reference is made to
Motibhai Vithalbhai Patel vs State of Gujarat32 (which was for
the expansion of Sarabhai Chemicals as if this corporation could
not buy land on the open market paying market rates!) where
public purpose was seen in such a circular and indirect sense as
to include savings in foreign exchange! The Court held ‘that even
if the acquisition of land is for a private concern whose sole aim is
to make profit, the intended acquisition of land would materially
28 (1963 2 SCR 774).

29 (1971 1 SCC 671).
30 (2008 9 SCC 552).
31 (1962 SUPP (2) SCR 149).
32 (AIR 1961 Guj 93).

help in saving foreign exchange in which the public is also vitally
concerned in our economic system’. On this logic, acquisition for
a tax-paying corporation would also be in public interest, as the
corporation would pay increased taxes on the transactions.
The legal logic, by which the superior courts began to allow
all kinds of unkind acquisitions that caused untold misery to the
rural poor, was by adopting almost complete hands-off attitude in
acquisition proceedings. In Sooraram’s case, the Supreme Court
held that ‘government is the best judge’. In Daulat Singh Surana
vs Collector,33 the Supreme Court went to the extreme extent of
holding that ‘government has the sole and absolute discretion
in the matter’. In Dhampur Sugar (Kashipur) Ltd vs State of
Uttaranchal,34 the Supreme Court undercut its own role by saying
that courts were ‘ill-equipped to deal with these matters’, because
acquisition cases dealt with complex social, economic and com-
mercial matters. ‘It is not possible for courts to consider competing
claims and conflicting interests and to conclude which way the bal-
ance tilts. There is no objective, justiciable or manageable standards
to judge the issues nor can such questions be decided on a priori
considerations.’ This is a point of view that is completely untenable.
The superior courts deal with complex commercial matters day in
and day out. They draw a balance between competing interests.
They lay down justiciable standards where none exists. For the
Supreme Court to avoid adjudication of competing interests in
land acquisition matters shows that the Court was by and large in
line with the government’s policy of uncontrolled land acquisition.
At the root lay the uncritical reliance on the doctrine of ‘emi-
nent domain’ which has its origin in the colonial period and justified
colonial land grabbing all over the world. There is a sizeable and
erudite body of literature situating this doctrine in imperial ideol-
ogy and criticising it for its use as a foundation for governments’
forcible acquisitions, particularly of the lands of indigenous people.
In Sooraram’s case, the Supreme Court affirmed this obnoxious
33 (2007 1 SCC 641).

34 (2007 8 SCC 418).
170 Colin Gonsalve

doctrine by reference to Charanji Lal Chowdhury vs Union of
India35 and followed thereafter in a series of cases.36
CONCLUSIONS
The judiciary appears to have misread the mood in the country,
particularly after the 1984 amendment. Prior to that, the orienta-
tion of nation building probably made judges feel that development
was not possible unless acquisition was done freely and with public
purpose given the widest possible scope. But to continue with such
an approach in the period of globalisation where land acquisitions
were done to promote corporate interests with the state becom-
ing an estate agent of the companies is quite another thing. To
disregard, in the manner done, the intent of the 1984 amendment
indicates how powerful the urge was among industrialists to grab
the lands of farmers. As a result, large tracts of lands throughout
the country, mainly of small farmers, were forcibly acquired and
people were displaced. There were mass protests against displace-
ment everywhere, but the superior judiciary remained unmoved,
doggedly anchored to their notions of ‘development’ unresponsive
to the distress of farmers, tenants and agricultural labourers and
the decline of agriculture. During this period of globalisation,
from 1990 onwards, the union government withdrew credits from
agriculture and followed conscious anti-farmer policies rendering
agricultural production unremunerative. In this context, the com-
pulsory acquisition of lands using this draconian statute was the
cruelest blow of them all.
The way forward is for the judiciary to compel all acquisi-
tions for companies to follow the Part VII route and to reverse
the decision in Somawanti’s case and hold that irrespective of the
contribution by government, all acquisitions for companies must
follow Part VII. The reason for this approach is not difficult to
comprehend. State governments today have come under corporate
control so completely that they are only too eager to spend large
35(AIR 1951 SC 41: 1950 SCR 869).

36Commissioner and Collector vs Durganath Sarma (AIR 1968 SC 394: 1968
1 SCR 561); Coffee Board vs CCT (1988 s SCC 263: 1988 SCC (Tax) 308) and
Scindia Employees’ Union vs State of Maharashtra (1996 10 SCC 150).

sums of state funds to assist corporations in the acquisition of lands
using the Act. The judiciary must understand that there is grave
unrest in rural India, and if it is to relate to the rural poor at all,
it cannot go by the Constitutional Bench’s decision of the earlier
period. Times have changed. The rural economy is in ferment. With
rural ferment everywhere, the time has come for the Supreme
Court to heed the dissent of Justice Subba Rao in Somawanti’s
case as set out above and the observations of the SC in National
Textile Workers Union vs P. R. Ramakrishnan37: ‘We cannot allow
the dead hand of the past to stifle the growth of the living present.
Law cannot stand still; it must change with the changing social
concepts and values.’
37 (1983 1 SCC 228).
172 Colin Gonsalve

CHAPTER 11
LAND ACQUISITION
IN INDIA
The Present Scenario
Ruchika Khitta
INTRODUCTION
Men will sooner forgive the death of their relative than
the confiscation of their property.1
It is a sad but true reflection of human nature made by Nicco

Machiavelli, implying that man will work for himself and his family
as he will work for no one else. John Locke regarded the right to
property as a natural and inherent right of the individual. Leaving
out some communist countries, major democratic countries have
recognized the right of private property. Land is not only a source
of livelihood but is also central to history, culture and community
identity. Land often is acquired by the state (provincial or national
government) for development of infrastructural facilities, industri-
alization and urbanization. The concept of state to acquire private
property for public use has been termed as Eminent Domain. This
term was taken from the legal treatise of De jure belli ac pacis (On
the Law of War and Peace) written by Hugo Grotius in 1625, which
used the term dominium eminens and described its power as:
1 Nani Palkhivala, Constitution and Common Man, 1971, Freedom First.
Land Acquisition in India 173

The property of subjects is under the eminent domain of the
state, so that the state or those who act for it may use and
even alienate and destroy such property, not only in the case of
extreme necessity, in which even private persons have a right
over the property of others, but for ends of public utility, to
which ends those who founded civil society must be supposed
to have intended that private ends should give way. But, when
this is done, the state is bound to make good the loss to those
who lose their property.2
The concept of eminent domain is based on two legal maxims: (1)

salus populi supreme lex esto, which means the welfare of the people
is the supreme law, and (2) necessita public major est quan, which
means that public necessity is greater than private necessity. The
concept of depends on the superior domain of the state over all the
property within its boundaries. An incidental limitation of this
power is that the property shall not be taken without just compen-
sation.3 This concept is known as the eminent domain (in the United
States, the Philippines), land acquisition (in India), compulsory
purchase (in the United Kingdom, Ireland), resumption (in Hong
Kong), compulsory acquisition (in Australia), or expropriation (in
France, Italy, and Canada).
HISTORICAL PROSPECTIVE
British commercial interests initiated land acquisition with the
Bengal Regulation Act I of 1824 when the land for construction
of railways was acquired under the said Regulation. Later, The
Bengal Regulation Act I of 1824 was replaced by Act I of 1850, and
the provision for land acquisition was extended to Calcutta town.
By 1857, various laws on land acquisition were consolidated as Act
VI of 1857 and were made applicable to the whole of British India.
The 1857 Act was replaced by the Land Acquisition Act (Act X of
1870), and later it was repealed by the Act of 1894 for the purpose
of facilitating the acquisition of private land by the government for
public purposes. The Act of 1894 was a colonial act and deprived
landowners/persons from any opportunity to raise objection against
2 The State of Bihar v. Mahahrajadhiraja Sir Kamaeshwar, AIR 1975 SC 1083.

3 Chiranjit Lala Chaudhary v. Union of India, AIR 1967 SC 41.
174 Ruchika Khitta

the acquisition of land, which was confined to the amount of com-
pensation and matters connected therewith as was held by the
Supreme Court in Radhey Shyam (D) Through LRs and Others v.
State Of U.P. and others.4 The Act of 1894 was amended in 1923
and Section 5A was added under which an individual interested in
land notified under Section 4 of the Act to object to such notification
within 30 days from the date of its publication.5
The Land Acquisition Act of 1894 was enacted by the British
with a definite objective of building infrastructure like railways,
post telegraph lines, roads, bridges, canals, communication net-
work, and means to transfer their army and weaponry to different
parts of the country. The most appropriate way to do the same
was after acquiring the land belonging to rural landowners. After
acquiring land under this Act, the ownership and control of the
infrastructure built was to remain completely with the government
for utilization in public purpose.6 The definition of public purpose
under Section 3(f) of the Land Acquisition Act of 1984 was inclusive
leaving open the interpretation of public purpose. The acquisition of
land post independence continued by the government for the public
purpose of developing housing facilities, building roads and dams,
and development of industries and urban sector in India. The defini-
tion of public purpose by the government has been deferred by the
Supreme Court in cases involving acquisition for resettlement of
refugees7 and nationalization of road transport.8 In the successive
cases, the term public purpose was given a wider interpretation by
the Court from upholding the acquisition of land for construction
of factories9 to acquisition for private industries10 and co-operative
4 (2011) 5 SCC 553.

5 Section 5A, the Land Acquisition Act, 1894 (Act of 1894).
6 Prof. Kahkashanhan Y. Danyal, Land Acquisition in India: Past and Present,
www.manupatra.com.
7 State of West Bengal v. Bela Banergee, AIR 1954 SC 170.
8 Sagir Ahmad v. State of Uttar Pradesh, AIR 1954 SC 728.
9 Somavati v. State of Punjab (1963) 2 SCR 774 (construction of factory for
manufacturing refrigerator machine parts was upheld on the ground that was
part of compensation that had come from public revenue).
10 P. Narayanappa Corporation v. Darius Shapun Chennai (2005) 7 SCC 627
(private industrial development); Hindustan Petroleum Corporation v. Darius

Shapun Chennai (2005) 7 SCC 627 (acquisition for government Corporation).

housing societies.11 The Supreme Court in Surya Pal Singh v. State
of Uttar Pradesh12 held that ‘The expression ‘public purpose’ is not
capable of a precise definition and has not a rigid meaning. It can
only be defined by a process of judicial inclusion and exclusion. The
definition of the expression is elastic and takes its colour from the
statute in which it occurs, the concept varying with the time and
the state of society and its needs.’
DRAWBACKS IN THE LAND ACQUISITION

(AMENDMENT) ACT, 1894
• Urgency Clause: Section 17 of the Land Acquisition Act of 1894

has been misused over the years by the state governments for
acquisition of land. A major drawback was that the landowner
whose land was proposed to be acquired cannot seek justice
against it. Further under Section 17(4) of the urgency clause,
the state government may direct that provisions of Section 5A
shall not apply and the power to file objections by the landown-
ers could be taken away. The Supreme Court in Radhey Shyam
(D) Through Lrs & Ors v. State of U.P. & Ors13 held that
Section 17(1) read with Section 17(4) confers extraordinary

power upon the State to acquire private property without
complying with the mandate of Section 5-A. These provi-
sions can be invoked only when the purpose of acquisition
cannot brook the delay of even few weeks or months.
Therefore, before excluding the application of Section 5-A,
the concerned authority must be fully satisfied that time
of few weeks or months likely to be taken in conducting
inquiry under Section 5-A will, in all probability, frustrate
the public purpose for which land is proposed to be acquired.
• No comprehensive definition of ‘public purpose’: Inadequate

explanation of the term empowered the government to acquire
land for and in the name of public purpose. The lack of clear
11 Kanaka Gruha Nirmana Sahakara Sangha v. Narayanamma (2003) 1 SCC
228.
12 AIR 1975 SC 1083.
13 (2011) 5 SCC 553.
176 Ruchika Khitta

and comprehensive definition of the term public purpose had
wide potential for misuse. As explained earlier, the lack of clear
definition of ‘public purpose’ had resulted in the Apex Court
providing for broad interpretation of the term for deciding the
contours of public purpose.
• Non-requirement of consent of affected people: The deprived
individuals could not go to the Court to seek justice against the
proposed acquisition. The only provision under Section 5A was
to give in the written form and later appear before the collector
under Section 5A(2). The collector’s decision and report prepared
on the objections filed shall be submitted to the appropriate
government, and the final decision made on the appeal by the
concerned government shall be considered as final. The decision
on overruling was mostly supported by Section 6 stating public
purpose, after which the acquisition was deemed unchallenged
except for the amount of compensation that could be challenged.
Under this Act of 1894, the collector’s award of compensation
was final, unless altered by a Civil Court in a regular suit.
• No Rehabilitation or Resettlement: Under the Land Acquisition
Act of 1894, there was no provision for rehabilitation and reset-
tlement of the people displaced due to land acquisition.
• No provision for Social Impact Assessment (SIA): The Land
acquisition Act of 1894 had no provision of SIA. Therefore fac-
tors like whether the acquisition serves public purposes, estima-
tion of affected families, and the extent of land and settlement to
be affected were not taken into consideration prior to acquisition
of land. Also, the effect on communities and livelihood of the
affected families was not taken into consideration.
THE RIGHT TO FAIR COMPENSATION AND

TRANSPARENCY IN LAND ACQUISITION,
REHABILITATION AND RESETTLEMENT ACT (2013)
Land acquisition in India under the Act of 1984 caused imbalance of
power between the state and individuals with respect to the process
of land acquisition under the Land Acquisition Act.14 Thus, there
Land Acquisition in India: A Review of Supreme Court cases from 1950–-2016,

14
Centre for Policy Research. P16.

was an urgent need to have a more humane law that recognizes the
issues related to development-induced displacement. As held by the
Supreme Court in Ramji Veerji Patel v. Revenue Divisional Officer:
The provisions contained in the Act, of late, have been felt

by all concerned, do not adequately protect the interest of
the landowners/persons interested in the land. The Act does
not provide for rehabilitation of persons displaced from their
land although by such compulsory acquisition, their livelihood
gets affected. For years, the acquired land remains unused
and unutilized. To say the least, the Act has become outdated
and needs to be replaced at the earliest by fair, reasonable and
rational enactment in tune with the constitutional provisions,
particularly, Article 300A of the Constitution.15
The Right to Fair Compensation and Transparency in Land

Acquisition, Rehabilitation and Resettlement Act 2013 (LARR Act)
was enacted in September 2013. The Act enhances the compensation
payable in cases of forcible acquisition of land and also provides for
rehabilitation and resettlement awards in cases of displacement.16
The Act also seeks to restrict the definition of ‘public purpose’
by providing a much more detailed listing of public purposes.17
Consequently, the LARR Act has legislatively strengthened the
requirements of public purpose and compensation that were weak-
ened by the dilution of the right to property in the Constitution.
In order to ensure a participative, transparent and consultative
process, the LARR Act provides an elaborate mechanism, SIA, for
the acquisitions being made under the Act.18 However after coming
into force on 1 January 2014, the Act was amended by the Right
Rehabilitation and Resettlement (Amendment) Ordinance, 2014,
and was promulgated on 31 December 2014. This ordinance brought
the 13 exempted laws by the LARR Act19 under the purview of
15 (2011) 10 SCC 643.

16 Land Acquisition, Rehabilitation and Resettlement Act 2013, sections 33–35.
17 Supra note 16, Section 2(1).
18 Land Acquisition, Rehabilitation and Resettlement Act 2013, Ss 4–6.
19 The LARR Act 2013 exempted 13 laws (such as the National Highways Act,
1956, and the Railways Act, 1989) from its purview. However, the LARR Act
2013 required that the compensation, rehabilitation and resettlement provisions
of these 13 laws be brought in consonance with the LARR Act 2013, within a year
178 Ruchika Khitta

rehabilitation and compensation. However, the ordinance exempted
five special categories of land use: (i) defence, (ii) rural infrastructure,
(iii) affordable housing, (iv) industrial corridors and (v) infrastruc-
ture projects including Public–Private Partnership projects where
the central government owns the land from requirement of SIA. It
also posed restrictions on acquisition of multi-cropped land. This
Ordinance lapsed on 3 April 2015 and a fresh one was promulgated
on 30 May. Apart from reiterating the contents of the December
2014 Ordinance, some new amendments were added. For example,
Section 87 of the principal Act explains the procedure of complaints
against government departments, which proposed a prior sanc-
tion for prosecuting public officials, and Section 197 of the Code of
Criminal Procedure would be applied. On 31 August 2015, the Land
Acquisition, Rehabilitation and Resettlement (Amendment) bill
lapsed. Since ‘Acquisition and Requisitioning’ of property is under
entry 42 in List III (Concurrent list)20, several states passed amend-
ments from altering the provisions relating to SIA, by states like
Andhra Pradesh, Telangana, Jharkhand, Sikkim and Uttar Pradesh,
to removing original owners from receiving unutilized lands, by
states of Jharkhand, Orissa,21 and to diluting provisions related to
consent from landowners, by states of Gujarat22and Tamil Nadu.
JUDICIAL INTERPRETATION OF THE RIGHT TO FAIR

COMPENSATION AND TRANSPARENCY IN THE LARR
ACT (2013)
The Right to Fair Compensation and Transparency in LARR
Act (2013), also considered as a progressive law, provides fa
of its enactment, through a notification. The Ordinance brings the compensa-

tion, rehabilitation and resettlement provisions of these 13 laws in consonance
with the LARR Act 2013.
20 The Constitution of India, Seventh Schedule, List III, Concurrent List, entry
42.
21 State Governments taken to Court for Land Acquisition Amendment, available
at https://www.newsclick.in/state-governments-taken-court-land-acquisition-
amendments
22 Gujarat clears amendments in Land Acquisition Law that does away with ‘con-
sent’ clause, published in Live Mint, 31 March 2016, available at https://www.

livemint.com/Politics/P2A12l2sxjGWxoppmkarjJ/Gujarat-clears-amendments-
in-land-acquisition-law-that-does.html

comprehensive definition of public purpose unlike proposed by the
Act of 1894. It increased the compensation amount for land, intro-
duced provisions of mandatory SIA for all projects involving land
acquisition, ‘prior consent rule’ in select situations, mandatory R&R
package to all affected families and extending the same beyond emi-
nent domain acquisitions to land purchases (beyond the ‘state fixed
limits’), acquisition of multi-cropped irrigated land and acquisition
of land in the scheduled areas made last demonstrable resorts,
benefit sharing from accretion in land value of non-developed land,
restraining indiscriminate use of urgency clause, change of purpose/
ownership of acquired land, ensuring a participative, transpar-
ent and consultative process, etc. From the time of its (LARR Act
2013) enactment, there have been many cases on the retrospec-
tive applicability of the act to public purpose, people interested in
compensation, etc. In the following text, some important judicial
interpretations of the LARR Act 2013 have been discussed.
• Interpretation of Section 24:

The legislative intent of incorporating Section 24 in the LARR
ACT 2013 has been explained by the Supreme Court in DDA v.
Sukhbir Singh, i.e.,
The picture that therefore emerges on a reading of Section

24(2) is that the State has no business to expropriate from a
citizen his property if an award has been made and the neces-
sary steps to complete acquisition have not been taken for a
period of five years or more. These steps include the taking
of physical possession of land and payment of compensation.
What the legislature is in effect telling the executive is that
they ought to have put their house in order and completed the
acquisition proceedings within a reasonable time after pro-
nouncement of award. Not having done so even after a leeway
of five years is given, would cross the limits of legislative
tolerance, after which the whole proceeding would be deemed
to have lapsed. It is important to notice that the Section gets
attracted if the acquisition proceeding is not completed within
five years after pronouncement of the award.
Section 24, of the LARR Act provides the retrospective operation

of the Act to the pending acquisitions under the Land Acquisition
180 Ruchika Khitta

Act 1894. Section 24 clause (1) states that in the case of a pending
land acquisition, the proceeding where a compensation award
has not been passed under the 1894 Act, the person entitled for
compensation would be entitled for the same under the LARR
Act. Section 24(2) states that where a compensation award has
been made under the Land Acquisition Act 1894, but only one of
the two conditions has been fulfilled then the acquisition under
the 1894 Act would be deemed to have lapsed. The first condition
being that the award of compensation has been made five years
before the commencement of the LARR Act 1894, but neither the
possession of Land was taken nor the compensation was paid.
The second condition was provided by proviso to Section 24, i.e.,
where an award has been made and compensation in respect of a
majority of land holdings has not been deposited in the account of
the beneficiaries, then, all beneficiaries specified in the notifica-
tion for acquisition under Section 4 of the said Land Acquisition
Act shall be entitled to compensation in accordance with the
provisions of this Act.23 The Supreme court in Pune Municipalc
Corp.& Anr v. Harakchand Misirimal Solanki24 had held that
the term compensation not been paid under Section 24(2) has
to be read in the light of Section 31 of the Land Acquisition Act
1894. Section 31(1) of the Land Acquisition Act 1894 provides for
payment of compensation or deposit of the same in the Court. –
(1) On making an award under Section 11, the collector shall
tender the payment of the compensation awarded by him to the
persons interested and entitled thereto according to the award
and shall pay it to them unless prevented by one or more of the
contingencies mentioned in 31(2):
Simply put, Section 31 of the 1894 Act makes provision for pay-
ment of compensation or deposit of the same in the court. This
provision requires that the Collector should tender payment
of compensation as awarded by him to the persons interested
who are entitled to compensation. If due to happening of any
contingency as contemplated in Section 31(2), the compensa-
tion has not been paid, the Collector should deposit the amount
of compensation in the court.
23 The LARR Act 2013, Section 24.

24 (2014) 3 SCC 183.

Thus, Justice Lodha had concluded that since the Pune
Municipal Corporation had deposited the compensation in the
treasury and not in the Court, the acquisition proceedings would
be deemed to have lapsed under Section 24(2).
But this judgment was held to per incuriam by the three
judge bench of Supreme Court in Indore Development Authority v.
Salindera, Through LRS.25 The Court in its judgment held that:
A perusal of Section 24(2) of the Act of 2013 shows that

the expression ‘paid’ does not include deposit in it. The
expression ‘deposit’ would include deposit in terms of the
rules also. Section 24(2) does not, in any manner, lay down
that the amount cannot be said to have been ‘deposited’
even when a deposit is made in terms of the mandatory
rules, or in accordance with the applicable instructions.
‘Deposit-in-treasury’ is stipulated under the rules made
with reference to a constitutional provision, so also framed
under Section 55 of the 1894 Act, as well as under other
statutory or administrative powers.
Since the two benches had given opposing views on the interpre-
tation of Section 24, the matter was referred to a larger Bench
in Indore Development Authority v. Manohar Lal and Others26
to put to rest the controversy that arose in the interpretation
of Section 24 of the LARR Act of 2013. The Constitutional
bench has adopted the view in Indore Development Authority
v. Salindera. However, the interpretation given by the Court is
not in consonance with the objective of a beneficial legislation.
Firstly, the Court has concluded that the expression ‘paid’ under
Section 24(2) does not include the deposit of compensation in
the Court. Non-deposit of compensation in the Court would not
result in lapse of land acquisition proceedings. Thus, the Court
has adopted a selective approach towards the interpretation of
Section 31 of the Land Acquisition Act 1894, although it has
concluded that tendering of compensation to the landowner will
be as good as payment under Section 31(1) but has refused to
look into Section 31(2), i.e., what the state should do when the
25 (2018) 3 SCC 412.

26 Judgment dated 6 March 2020, Supreme Court.
182 Ruchika Khitta

compensation tendered has been refused. Secondly, it has been
held that in the case of non-deposit of majority of holdings for
five years or more, compensation has to be paid to the ‘land-
owners’ as on the date of notification for land acquisition under
Section 4 of the Land acquisition Act 1894 which would preclude
the claimants who have acquitted title through general power
or of attorney agreement to sell from the owners. Thirdly, the
Court has held that the word ‘or’ in Section 24(2) should be read
as ‘nor’ or as ‘and’; in other words, in case possession has been
taken but compensation has not been paid, there is no lapse.
Similarly, if the compensation has been paid but possession
has not been taken there is no lapse. Although such scenario is
possible,27 what this does is adds more stipulations to the condi-
tions imposed by Section 24 to determine whether the claimants’
claim falls under Section 24 of the LARR Act.
• Person Interested:
In Burdwan Development Authority v. Arifa Khatun,28 the High
Court of Calcutta has held that the ‘person interested’ in land
acquisition proceeding includes not only the persons who have
interest in the acquisition proceeding but also those who have
interest in consequential compensation proceedings.
• Right of subsequent purchasers or successors:

The Supreme Court, in GNCTD v. Manav Dharam Trust,29 has
held that subsequent purchaser, assignee, successor in inter-
est, power of attorney, etc., are all persons who are interested
in compensation/landowners/affected persons in terms of
the Right to Fair Compensation and Transparency in LARR
(RFCTLARR) Act, 2013, and such persons are entitled to file
a case for a declaration that the land acquisition proceedings
have lapsed by virtue of the operation of Section 24(2) of the
Act30. The court while discussing the purpose of the Act held
27 Land Acquisition Act 1894, Section 17.

28 CO No. 1232/2018, CAN 3282/2018, decided on 26 February 2020.
29 Civil Appeal No. 6112 of 2017, 4 May 2017.
30 https://www.livelaw.in/subsequent-purchaserssuccessors-entitled-seek-
declaration-land-acquisition-proceedings-lapsed-sc/

that ‘There is a clear indication that the Act proposes to protect
the interest of those persons, among others, who are affected by
the acquisition. The subsequent purchasers/successors, etc., in
the cases before us, are all people affected by the acquisition,
and therefore, also they are entitled to seek a declaration on
lapse under the 2013 Act.’
• Forcible Dispossession:
A Bench of Justice Indu Malhotra and justice Ajay Rastogi in
Vidya Devi v. State of Himachal Pradesh31 has held that state
cannot invoke the doctrine of adverse possession to perfect the
title over land grabbed from private citizens. It has further been
held by the Court that:
To forcibly dispossess a person of his private property,
without following dueprocess of law, would be violative of
human right as also the constitutional right under article 300A
of the Constitution.
The land of the appellant in SC, Vidya Devi, had been
forcibly taken by the government in 1967–68 for road construc-
tion. Since she was illiterate, she was not aware of the legal
remedies. In 2004, some people whose lands had also been
similarly taken by the state approached the High Court. Three
years later, the HC directed the state to acquire their lands
under the LA Act 1894 and provide compensation as per the Act.
After knowing about this order, the appellant approached the
HC in 2010 by filing a writ petition claiming compensation for
the land in accordance with the process under the LA Act. The
state opposed the petition stating that it had perfected title by
42 years of ‘adverse possession’. It further submitted that the
road had been built over the land and that the appellant should
invoke the remedy of a civil suit. Referring to Article 300A of
the Constitution, the SC said ‘To forcibly dispossess a person
of his private property, without following due process of law,
would be violative of a human right, as also the constitutional
right under Article 300 A of the Constitution.’
31 Civil Appeal Nos 60–61 of 2020, decided on 8 January 2020.

184 Ruchika Khitta
• On non-grant of Solatium: In Union of India and others v.
Tarsem Singh and others,32 the SC declared Section 3J of the
National Highway Act 1956, to the extent it excludes Solatium
and interest as per the Land Acquisition Act 1894, to acquisi-
tions done under the NH Act to be unconstitutional. The Court
has observed that ‘solatium’ is part and parcel of compensation
that is payable for compulsory acquisition of land. The Court
relied on the Judgment passed in Nagpur Improvement Trust33;
it is immaterial whether it is one Acquisition Act or another
Acquisition Act under which the land is acquired, as, if the exist-
ence of these two Acts would enable the state to give one owner
different treatment from another who is similarly situated,
Article 14 would be infracted. In the facts of these cases, it is
clear from the point of view of the landowner that it is immate-
rial that his land is acquired under the National Highways Act
and not the Land Acquisition Act, as solatium cannot be denied
on account of this fact alone. The Court thus declared that the
provisions of the Land Acquisition Act relating to solatium and
interest contained in Section 23(1A) and (2), and interest pay-
able in terms of Section 28 proviso will apply to acquisitions
made under the National Highways Act. Consequently, the
provision of Section 3J is, to this extent, violative of Article
14 of the Constitution of India and, therefore, declared to be
unconstitutional.
• Widening of roads or building of roads is not exempted under
the LARR ACT:
The High Court of Delhi in Sarita Gupta v. Municipal
Corporation of Delhi34 while answering the question as to
whether the Municipal Corporation is entitled to take over the
subject land for road widening without acquiring it or paying
any compensation, would not turn upon whether the owner-
ship of the land lies with the petitioners or with any other
person, held that what is required to be decided is whether the
Municipal Corporation can simply take over the subject land
without acquisition or payment of compensation, whether from
32 Appeal No. 7064 of 2019, judgment dated 19 September 2019.

33 1973(1) SCC500.
34 W.P. (C) 8859/2011 & CM No. 35029/2018, decided on 18 September 2019.

the petitioners or from any other person. The Court restrained
the Municipal Corporation from using part of private land for
widening of road on the basis that road widening cannot be an
excuse for summary usurpation of private land by a state entity
without acquiring the land under law and without payment of
compensation.
The courts still have to adjudicate upon provisions relating

to consent, SIA, Compensation and Rehabilitation; thus, the effi-
cacy of these provisions of the LARR Act still remains to be seen.
Also the aspect whether the Court can mitigate the land conflict
and displacement of vulnerable groups especially in the Scheduled
Areas is yet to be answered.
CONCLUSION
The process of land acquisition in India under the Land Acquisition
Act 1894 increased imbalance. Moreover, the long pendency of court
cases, litigation under the law, did not prove to be effective and sat-
isfactory for land losers, resulting as a burden on the government
system as it saw many of its legitimate projects being stalled and
delayed with a huge cost implication. The LARR Act 2013 sought to
redress this imbalance and secure more equitable outcome through
litigation.35 However, the LARR Act 2013 is not a very good exam-
ple of legal drafting; thus, various provisions of the Act provide a
wide room for interpretation and hence judicial interpretation of
the provisions will be critical. As this chapter goes to print and in
the wake of the pandemic COVID-19, the struggle one sees being
faced by migrant laborers it becomes all the more essential that
more holistic legal and administrative measures related to land
acquisition are taken so as to mitigate the land conflicts and the
displacement of the vulnerable groups for their sustainability.
35W.P. (C) 8859/2011 & CM No. 35029/2018, decided on 18 September 2019.s

1950–2016, page 38.
186 Ruchika Khitta

PART III
ANTHROPOLOGY
IN SOCIAL IMPACT
ASSESSMENT: CASE
STUDIES
CHAPTER 12
SOCIAL IMPACT
ASSESSMENT AND THE
STANDARD OF LIVING
Amlan J. Biswas
INTRODUCTION
In any country, developmental activities are an integral part of life
thereon. They reflect the ambition, aspiration and capability to face
the future in terms of a nation which may naturally include some
big developmental projects also. These big projects are initiated and
taken up with the objective to increase production and create more
employment and income according to the demand of the country’s
economy. However, these big projects always have huge impacts,
both positive and negative. They have huge impacts on natural
resources, environment, health and well-being, employment,
income, property rights and local production system which in turn
may affect environmental safety, health condition, cultural heritage
and practice, community participation, way of life, political balance
and ethnic composition along with their fears and aspirations.
Naturally, the policy- and decision-makers of the country
generally have to consider all these factors of impacts or a combina-
tion of these before taking any decision of acceptance or rejection
of certain developmental projects. Apart from the estimation of
physical impacts, such as impact on natural resources, environment,
health, so on, the likely impacts on the community, society, differ-
ent rights, and so on, should be assessed. To estimate the probable
Social Impact Assessment and the Standard of Living 189

impact of any big development project on the society and community,
the Social Impact Assessment (SIA) is considered to be an effective
tool. It helps decision-makers understand the probable volume of
the effect on employment, income, local production, cultural heritage
and practices, and ethnic composition and the resulting effect on
the political system. According to the International Association for
Impact Assessment (2003) in its SIA: International Principles men-
tions ‘social impact assessment includes the processes of analysing,
monitoring and managing the intended and unintended social conse-
quences … more sustainable and equitable biophysical and human
environment’ (AnSI Draft Module 2016). To assess, understand and
measure the likely impact of the developmental programmes, SIA
is generally being undertaken, by which the decision-makers get
an idea of whether the sectors of the projects need to be changed
or not. So it may be presumed that any big project may have effect
and impact on the standard of living of the people of the area under
coverage and beyond. It appears to be very much important to have
basic information on the present status regarding the standard of
living of the people who may be affected by it.
We may have a good idea about the quality of life through
estimation of the standard of living of any area under coverage.
The quality of life of any place is always a point of interest to those
who like to assess the basic parameters of the certain population
of the society. Quality of life may generally be reflected through
parameters of consumer expenditure of any family/families under
study. Level and pattern of consumer expenditure of the families
of villages or the area under study would indicate interesting facts
about relative dependence on the ecosystem in which they live
on and the state of the their economy they subsist on. Thus, by
extracting consumer expenditure levels of the people, before the
development project, one can effectively measure their quality of
life through the account of their standard of living and suggest
maintaining at least the same status in post project conditions.
So it appears to be very much important to have basic infor-
mation on the present status, before commencement of big project
in the area, about the standard of living of the people who may be
affected by that developmental project. By extracting consumer
expenditure levels of the people, before commencement of any
project, one can effectively measure their quality of life through
190 Amlan J. Biswas

estimation of the standard of living thereon and suggest to maintain
the same status at least in post project conditions.
THE BACKDROP
The ‘conventional way of conceptualizing social impacts is … their
future and future of their children’ (AnSI Draft Module 2016) as
envisaged by the Inter-organizational Committee on Principles and
Guidelines for Social Impact Assessment (IOCPGSIA 2003). To con-
ceptualize the social impact, it is suggested to consider the change
of any of the factors such as people’s way of life, their culture,
community, political system, environment, health and well-being,
personal and property rights, and fears and aspirations of the area
of effect by a big project (AnSI Draft Module 2016).
To get a detailed picture of these changes, a thorough mul-
tidimensional study is essential. If this study is taken up at the
earlier stages, that is, before finalization of the decision-making
process of any development project, SIA can become an important
planning instrument to get an idea about the aforesaid possible
changes. Through this study, the information about the probable
consequences of undertaking the developmental activities may
be made available in such a way that it can very well be used to
design effective mitigation measures. If SIA is executed in its proper
method, it can significantly help improve the quality of the project
proposal with reduced negative effects.
We know that the demand for environmental goods and
services is being created by the prevailing social paradigm. The
perceived value of environment function has an accountable role in
determining the social values of that society, related culture, level
of technology, and so on. One can get an indication of the quality
of life of that society from different parameters such as its social
values, prevailing social context cultural background, and so on
(Becker and Vanclay).
MORE EFFECTIVE METHODOLOGY

Before or in the early stage of decision-making initiative of any big
project, SIA and Environmental Impact Assessment (EIA) can be used
as important project planning instruments. With the help of these
instruments, information on the consequences of the project is easier

to be taken into account and can be used in the process of taking final
decision on designing mitigation measures. So, to have significant
improvement in the quality of project proposal, which may eventually
have substantial improvement in reducing negative impacts, proper
application of SIA and EIA can play an important role.
Our domain presently being economic, social and cultural
impacts of big developmental projects on the possible population,
we are eager to fathom the extent of diverse effects of it. It is spelt
out by the organizer of the Seminar that
in recent decades, the execution of developmental projects

has continued at a faster pace. These developmental projects
has evidently lead to issues related with socio-cultural and
economic impacts that urge to follow the implementation of
these projects in order to harness policy and plan decision to
minimise and mitigate adverse impact. In this context, where
the development is inevitable on one hand, the eruption of
public grievances and contradictions on the other leads to
importance of Social Impact Assessment (SIA).
Now, certainly the term ‘mitigate’ attracts to the present

status of the ‘to be affected’ population before the project may be
assessed. We also know that through the Resettlement Action Plan
(RAP) of the SIA report, the project-affected persons should be
assisted at least to restore their former living standard.
Implementation of big projects may bring substantial effect
on local production system, employment, income, environment,
health and well-being of the area as well as property rights, indi-
vidual rights and ethnic composition along with their fear and
aspirations of the affected population. It appears to be very much
important to have basic information on the present status regard-
ing the standard of living of the people who may be affected by it.
By extracting consumer expenditure levels of the people, before
any project, one can effectively measure their quality of life and
suggest the same in post-project conditions. It may be observed as
a more effective approach to have data on different parameters of
livelihood by conducting consumer expenditure survey in turn to
obtain the standard of living of the target population which may be
comparable with the relevant data published by the Government
of India.
192 Amlan J. Biswas

CONCEPTS
The quality of life, estimated in terms of standard, for any target
population may express some facts of detail of living in any place.
The general well-being of individuals and the society they belong
to with negative and positive features of life may generally be
termed as quality of life. It is very much difficult to measure the
‘emotional well-being’, which is the integral part of the personal
self, at personal level or group level. In our study, we are interested
in wealth and materialistic goods, in particular, through consumer
expenditure approach. It has long been accepted that material
well-being, as measured by GDP per person, alone cannot explain
the broader quality of life in a country. So we used the concept of
Monthly Per Capita Expenditure (MPCE), which can be obtained
by the consumer expenditure survey. Quality of life may gener-
ally be reflected, apart from other unit, through parameters of
consumer expenditure of any family under study. Therefore, such
study aims at generating estimates of average household MPCE,
its distribution over households and persons, and its break-up by
commodity groups.
We all definitely agree that quality of life of any household,
in material terms, will depend on its income. However, household
incomes are difficult to measure with accuracy because income is
a derived variable. Hence, it is important to identify and measure
each component of income accurately to derive reliable estimates of
income. Thus, income estimates from household surveys are subject
to certain limitations. The starting point for estimating any param-
eter is to define the parameter. There is no uniform definition of
household income accepted and applied in all countries in the world
(NSS Report No. 555). The households produce goods and services
for own consumption and apart from consumption the residual
part for sale to the market to monetize it. This monetized portion
is easily accountable but it is difficult to measure the other part,
i.e. non-monetized part of household incomes. It is also observed
that people belonging to the higher-income group generally show
a tendency to underreport their income. Moreover, it is difficult
to get accurate information about income from certain special-
ized activities. In India, household income is mainly studied with
respect to and in terms of data on consumption, more specifically

per capita consumer expenditure. India has a well-established
system of statistical data collection on consumer expenditure, but
there are no regular surveys on incomes, rural or urban. We can
have various average results of such indicators regarding level and
pattern of consumer expenditure through which we can observe the
quality of life of a place and compare it with the results across the
country. But the main obstacle is that, from all government data,
we can have results only up to state level and in some cases it is up
to district level. So apart from direct study of the area under refer-
ence, there is no other way of getting the figures regarding level
and pattern of consumer expenditure through which the quality of
life of the particular area may be observed.
In consumer expenditure survey, the volume of consumption
of goods and services over different periods of time by a household or
an individual is recorded. The period may differ from a shorter one
like a day to a long period as a year depending upon some impend-
ing factors. This periodicity is known as reference period or recall
period. This is dependent on the nature of the item for which data
are collected. The expenditure incurred by a household on domestic
consumption during the reference period is the household’s con-
sumer expenditure (NSS Report No. 555). If the household possesses
any productive unit and incurred expenditure for it, that portion of
expenditure is excluded from the household consumer expenditure.
If the household consumed from production of own farm or house-
hold enterprises, that portion is valued and included in household
consumer expenditure. Consumer expenditure survey aims at gen-
erating estimates of average household MPCE, its distribution over
households and persons, and its break-up commodity groups (NSS
Report No. 555). From these indicators of commodity groups and
item groups, the most important measures on the level of living and
pattern of living of the target domain population can be obtained.
METHODOLOGY ADOPTED AND THE STUDY AREA

As mentioned earlier, for this study the methodology adopted by the
National Sample Survey Office for consumer expenditure survey has
been used to avail the opportunity to compare its result with the those
across India along with state-wise results with our study results.
194 Amlan J. Biswas

Now, for example, let us see some results of the study con-
ducted in Cold Desert Biosphere Reserve (CDBR) in Lahaul and
Spiti district of Himachal Pradesh using the methodology adopted
by the National Sample Survey Office. This study was conducted in
a remote area of our country situated in furthest corner of Himachal
Pradesh. A few details, about the history and ambience of the place,
helpful to understand the situation, are stated below.
1. Himachal Pradesh, described by ancients as ‘Dev Bhoomi’

(abode to the God), is situated in the heart of the Himalayas
in the northern part of India. It has a geographical area of
55.67 lakh hectares, most of which is under forests, pastures
and grazing lands (Census of India 2011).
2. Spiti is situated on the eastern side of the district ‘Lahaul and
Spiti’ of Himachal Pradesh in India, in between Ladakh of
India and Tibet of China. Kaza is the headquarter of Spiti. In
local language Spiti (pronounced as ‘Piti’) means ‘the Middle
Country’. Spiti is also known as the ‘fossil park’ of the world.
Spiti valley is located in the Trans-Himalayan belt of Himachal
Pradesh and is called the ‘Cold Desert’.
3. The area is more desolate compared to Lahaul and barrenness
is the rule here. Spiti is generally of higher altitude and the ter-
rain here is more rugged than Lahaul. The valley is a remote
high area in the Himalayas situated on the Tibetan plateau,
with almost no rain and remains snow-covered for more than 5
months (Census of India 2011). The Spiti valley is quite narrow
with biggest width of up to 3 kilometres in places. So naturally
cultivable land in this valley is very much limited.
4. History: 600–650 A.D. was ruled by a powerful pre-Buddhist
Hindu Sen Dynasty.
7th–19th Century: Bone of contention between the then Rajas
of Chamba, Kullu, Bushehr, Ladakh and Central Asia.
8th Century: Guru Padmasambhava preached Buddhism.
11th Century: Buddhism was clearly established as a dominant
religion.
1841: Dogras took over Spiti followed by Sikh invasion.

1846: A hereditary chieftain ‘The Nono’ was entrusted for Tax
collection and primary judiciary. Dhankar village was estab-
lished as their headquarter.
1941: New tehsil in Kangra, Punjab.
1961: Lahaul and Spiti formed as a separate district.
5. Geology and soil: Geology of Lahaul and Spiti valley witnesses
a complete sequence of geological formation dating from the
Precambrian to the Cretaceous period with short brakes in
Carboniferous and Jurassic periods and by the occurrence of
the fossil of vascular plants (Census of India 2011).
6. Climate: The Spiti valley is braced with extreme climatic condi-
tions. Being part of the cold desert it receives almost no rain.
For supply of water, this valley is solely dependent on snow.
Heavy snowfall occurs in the winter. Spring comes in about in
the middle of April and stays till the end of May. It is followed
by summer up to August. The duration for agriculture is very
less. August is the hottest month with the temperature rising
up to 30°C during day time, while January is the coldest when
the temperature dips to −30°C or below. Except the periods of
rain or snowfall, the air is very dry in both summer and winter.
Strong winds blow almost throughout the year.
7. Cultivable and irrigated land: The total area of the Lahaul and
Spiti district is shown to be of 42414.59 ha of which 8.07% is
cultivable (irrigated 85.60%). For Spiti, only 4.23% is cultivable
among the total area of 30223.85 ha though 78.11% of cultiva-
ble land is under irrigation.
8. Demography and composition: The population of Himachal
Pradesh has been increasing continuously over the year.
However the growth rate of the total population shows a
decreasing trend over the last three decades. In 2011, the total
population of Himachal Pradesh was 68,64,602 out of which
34,81,873 were males (51%) and 33,82,729 were females (49%).
In the case of Spiti, the population was 12,457 out of which
6,691 were males (53.71%) and 5,766 were females (46.29%).
The sex ratio of the total population in Census 2011 for the
Lahaul and Spiti district was 903 females per 1000 males
(Census of India 2011), which shows an improvement of 101
as compared to Census 2001. Lahaul and Spiti is sporadically
196 Amlan J. Biswas

populated with a population of 2 persons per square kilometre
compared to 123 persons for the state though it is biggest in
terms of area in the state.
9. Decadal growth of population: Lahaul and Spiti comprises
entirely rural settlements with no urban component and
registered a negative growth rate of −5.0% as a whole during
2001–2011. However, interestingly the percentage of decadal
variation for Spiti alone is (+)16.65 (Census of India 2011).
10. Literacy: In Poh vill. 92% of the population is literate. Among
them, 11% is over class X and 4% is graduate and above.
11. Economic activities: The main economy of Spiti valley is agro-
pastoral, though for villages like Poh the situation is different.
A single crop is raised during summer, almost entirely based
on irrigation with only snow melt water. Traditionally, cereals
such as barley were the mainstay of the people. However, in
recent times, the commercial crop Green-Peas is also a major
component of agriculture. Horticulture, primarily dealing with
apples, has become popular in the lower panchayats. Tabo and
Gyu are the two panchayats where apples are cultivated. Apart
from this, tourism is emerging as another sector for generating
sizable income.
12. Distribution of land: A total of 1810 ha is under cultivation in
the entire Spiti tehsil. This area is held across 1339 holding
with an average of 1.35 ha per holding. For Spiti, marginal
and small holding (<2 ha) account for 77% of all land holding
constituting 46.7% of the total cultivated area. Agriculture in
Spiti valley is limited to a single crop a year and solely depend-
ent on the snow melt water. Sample villages reveal that black
pea, potato, barley (hulless and covered both) and wheat were
the important crops grown in 1980.
RESULTS AND DISCUSSION

The results drawn broadly are shown in Tables 12.1, 12.2 and
12.3. As per the NSS Report, the average MPCE of rural India is
estimated as `1430. The poorest 5% of India’s rural population has
an average MPCE of `521. The median level of MPCE was about
`1200 in rural India. The top 5% of the rural population, ranked
by MPCE, had an average MPCE of `4481 – about 8.6 times that

of the bottom 5%. Average cereal consumption per person is 11.2
kg in rural India and 9.4 kg in urban India. In rural India, average
monthly per capita cereal consumption is around 10.2 kg for the
poorest 10% of the population (NSS Report No. 555).
As per NSS Report No. 555, the poorest 5% of India’s rural
population had MPCE of `521.00. In the case of our study area,
i.e. CDBR, MPCE is much higher, e.g. `3855.14, compared to rural
India’s average MPCE of `1430.00, as can be observed in Table 12.1,
but lower than the MPCE of richest 5% of India’s rural population
which is `4481.00.
The percentage of expenditure to the total MPCE of rural
India and CDBR has been shown in Table 12.2. It is evident from the
table that the expenditure percentage on food item is less for CDBR
compared to all India average. Also, the expenditure percentage on
non-food item is much higher for CDBR which signifies a better eco-
nomic condition than the average rural economy of India (Table 12.2).
As stated earlier, the household standard is generally stud-
ied in terms of per capita expenditure. Consumer expenditure is
generally aimed at estimates of average household MPCE which is
Table 12.1 Average Monthly per Capita Consumer Expenditure (`)
Consumption Group Rural India Himachal Pradesh CDBR
Food item 756.00 962.32 1157.96
Non-food item 674.00 1071.83 2697.18
Total 1430.00 2034.15 3855.14
Source: Field study and NSS Report No. 555.
Table 12.2 Percentage of Expenditure to the Total MPCE
Item Rural India CDBR
Food 52.9% 30.1%
Non-food 47.1% 69.9%
Total 100 100
198 Amlan J. Biswas

distributed over households and individuals. During the field study,
five villages were studied and data on MPCE were generated for
about 20% of the families.
Average cereal consumption per person per month has been
calculated to be 12.7 kg for this area compared to the average cereal
consumption per person per month in rural India (considering
people of all ages) which was 11.2 kg. During the 18-year period
from 1993–94 to 2011–12, estimated monthly per capita cereal
consumption (which does not include the cereal content of processed
food) fell from 13.4 kg to 11.2 kg in rural India (Table 12.3).
Food was estimated to account for about 53% of the value of
the rural Indian’s average household consumption. This included
10.8% for cereals and cereal substitutes, 8% for milk and milk prod-
ucts, and 6.6% for vegetables. Among non-food item categories, fuel
for cooking and lighting accounted for 8%, clothing and footwear
for 7%, medical expenses for 6.7%, conveyance and other consumer
services for 4% each, and consumer durables for 4.5%.
In Table 12.3, an item-wise break-up and description of
food items gives a more detailed picture. In the case of cereals, the
average rural MPCE is `145.00 while for the CDBR it is `352.27.
Similarly, the average MPCE for egg, fish and meat for the CDBR
is `177.27 while for rural India it is only `50.00 (Table 12.3).
An item-wise break-up and description of non-food items
shows interesting patterns of MPCE in the case of a few items.
Among non-food item categories, fuel for cooking and lighting
accounted for 8%, clothing and footwear for 7%, medical expenses
for 6.7%, conveyance and other consumer services for 4% each, and
consumer durables for 4.5%. For the CDBR, average MPCE on all
the non-food items is high and especially it is much higher in the
case of education being `1205.32.
Similarly, the average MPCE on non-food items for the
CDBR is `2697.18 while the corresponding figure for rural India
is much lower, which is only `673.00. This reveals that the aver-
age MPCE for non-food items in CDBR is much higher compared
to that in rural India.
It may be noted here that the above-mentioned estimates
have their limitations for not offsetting the seasonal effect for which
it may vary to some extent.

Table 12.3 Absolute and Percentage Break-Up of MPCE by Item Group:
Rural India and CDBR
Monthly per Capita Percentage to Total

Exp. (`) MPCE
Rural Rural
Item Group India CDBR India CDBR
Cereals 154 352.27 10.8 9.1
Pulses 42 145 2.9 3.8
Milk 115 133.64 8.0 3.5
Edible oil 53 62.27 3.7 1.6
Egg, fish, meat 68 177.27 4.8 4.6
Vegetables, fruits 136 102.05 9.4 2.7
Sugar, salt and spices 76 134.55 5.3 3.5
Other food 113 50.91 7.9 1.3
Food total 756 1157.96 52.9 30.1
Pan, tobacco and 46 50.45 3.2 1.3

intoxicants
Fuel and light 114 357.77 8.0 9.3
Clothing and footwear 100 349.32 7.0 9.1
Education 50 1205.32 3.5 31.1
Medical 95 181.14 6.7 4.7
Conveyance 60 161.36 4.2 4.2
Misc. goods 57 102.27 4.0 2.7
Others 152 289.55 10.5 7.5
Non-food total 673 2697.18 47.1 69.9
Total 1430 3855.14 100.0 100.0
CONCLUSION
Economic impact of any developmental project and material well-
being of a given society relates to the wealth and prosperity of
200 Amlan J. Biswas

individuals and community as a whole. The huge magnitude of
impacts on natural resources, environment, health and well-being,
employment, income, property rights and local production system,
in turn, may affect environmental safety, health condition, cultural
heritage and practice, community participation, way of life, political
balance and ethnic composition along with the fears and aspirations
of the affected population.
Among other features of the impact, for ascertaining the
standard of living the above-mentioned method has put more light
on the level of living and pattern of living of the concerned popula-
tion. The above-mentioned study in the villages of the buffer zone
of the CDBR is an attempt to compare the level and pattern of
consumer expenditure and other socio-economic indicators of the
village with the rest of the country through the broad heads such as
household and population, level of consumer expenditure, pattern
of consumer expenditure, per capita cereal consumption, and so on.
It is interesting to note that the average MPCE of these villages is
relatively higher than the national average of the poorest section
in other parts of the country.
Level and pattern of consumer expenditure of the families
of villages or the area under study would indicate interesting facts
about relative dependence on the ecosystem which they live in
and the state of their economy they subsist on. It gives us detailed
account of almost all parameters relating to level and pattern of
living of the society. This result is comparable with the relevant
data published by the Government of India. As we discussed ear-
lier, the quality of life may generally be reflected, apart from other
unit, through parameters of consumer expenditure. Therefore, such
study aims at generating estimates of average household monthly
per capita consumer expenditure, its distribution over households
and individuals, and its break-up by commodity groups. These
indicators are amongst the most important measures of the level of
living and pattern of living of the respective domains of the popula-
tion. Therefore, by extracting consumer expenditure levels of the
people, before commencement of any project, one can effectively
measure their quality of life and suggest the same to maintain in
post-project conditions with more precision and depth. Naturally,
these methods and concepts provide us the scope of grasping actual
dimension in lieu of perceptual dimension.

REFERENCES
Anthropological Survey of India. Social Impact Assessment (A Module).
Unpublished Draft. Kolkata.
Census of India 2011, Himachal Pradesh, Series-03, Part XII-B.
Compendium on Indian Biosphere Reserves: Ministry of Environment
and Forest, Government of India.
Economic Survey of Himachal Pradesh 2015–16, Economics & Statistics
Department, Government of Himachal Pradesh.
Henk A. Becker and Frank Vanclay (Eds). 2003. The International
Handbook of Social Impact Assessment: Conceptual and
Methodological Advances.
National Sample Survey Report No. 555. Ministry of Statistics & PI,
Government of India.
202 Amlan J. Biswas

CHAPTER 13
ANTHROPOLOGICAL
COMPLEXITIES IN
SOCIAL IMPACT
ASSESSMENT
Need for Sharpening Orientation and
Redefining Methods
Vineetha Menon
This chapter attempts a close and critical examination of Social

Impact Assessment (SIA) which is mandatory under ‘the Right
Rehabilitation and Resettlement Act, 2013’ and tries to understand
the methodological implications to professional anthropologists. It
also seeks a redefinition of the notion of anthropological holism and
method of ethnography in the context of landscape mapping and
ecological sensitivity and disaster vulnerability of that mapped out
terrain in the specific context of a development initiative. For this
purpose, the chapter draws from two different kinds of case studies
of development interventions in the south Indian state Kerala that
demand a critical look at people, community and culture, the three
significant concepts that anthropologists work with to understand
social impact.
The two case studies under examination here are develop-
ment initiatives that have resulted in peoples’ agitations: first,
against a proposed highway stretch that cuts through wetland
Anthropological Complexities in Social Impact Assessment 203

paddy fields in a village in Kerala known as Keezhattur; and the
second, against black sand mining by two public enterprises, one
under the ownership of the centre and the other under the state of
Kerala, which has raised much protest as it results in a fast erod-
ing coastal stretch in the Kollam district of Kerala. Much of the
data for these two case studies are drawn from cross-checked and
verified media reports and discussions and telephonic interviews
with some key actors or stakeholders. I shall briefly sketch each
of these two cases first before discussing the implications of provi-
sions regarding the Right to Fair Compensation and Transparency
in Land Acquisition, Rehabilitation and Resettlement Act, 2013, to
anthropological SIA with reference to these cases.
The Keezhattur ‘Vayalkkili Samaram’ (The Struggle of
Paddy Field Birds) is the first case being considered here for
analysis. Keezhattur is a wetland in the South Indian state of
Kerala, surrounded by hills on three sides. The land, considered
as ideal paddy wetlands, is recognised as ecologically valuable in
preventing depletion of water table. Residents of the region say
that Keezhattur valley preserves monsoon rainfall and its ponds
and wells are good sources of water for drought-hit places; the
tanker lorries tap these water sources in summer when there is
drought in nearby areas. The proposal to build a national high-
way (NH 66) through these ecologically valuable lands had upset
some residents of Keezhattur who came together and organised a
protest movement that came to be known as vayalkkili samaram.
This protest attracted much media attention not merely for envi-
ronmental reasons but also because it provided a great political
interest story. This was because Keezhattur is an area known to be
inhabited almost exclusively by communist-party supporters and
the village is known as a communist ‘party village’ that does not
allow infiltration of people outside the left CPI(M) into this village.
This implied that it was the active party workers and sympathisers
who have now turned against the Communist-led left government
in the state. Opposition parties were keen to utilise the opportunity
this presented for mobilising public opinion against the ruling left
government. The political parties used this scenario of divided
responsibility between the union and state in a highway project to
their political advantage and the media used the potential sensa-
tionalism in the story, adding strength to the movement.
204 Vineetha Menon

As the agitation drew public attention with the extensive
media coverage it received, the Kerala Sasthra Sahithya Parishad,
well known as Peoples’ Science Movement, a peoples’ organisation
for popularising scientific knowledge, spearheaded by people with
left leanings came into the picture; the Parishad opined that of
nearly 29.1 hectares of land that will be acquired for the bypass, 21
hectares will be wetland paddy fields in Keezhattur that has to be
preserved for its great ecological significance. Based on its study,
the Parishad suggested that the state government should find a
new route for the national highway, leaving out Keezhattur paddy
fields. This stand by the peoples’ science body gave scientific legiti-
macy to the agitators. It was estimated that nearly 30 houses and
some business establishments would be destroyed in the proposed
highway construction. The agitation intensified but the state gov-
ernment refused to budge before the agitation. The vayalkkilikal
as the agitators were referred to represent the state president of
Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), the political party in power in the
centre, and this move was largely portrayed by the media and
perceived by several people as an appeal to the Union Ministry
against the state government. The political dimension of the issue
was getting greater attention in the media with such interesting
political dimensions entering the story; the agitation began to be
described as protest within a village of communists who were turn-
ing against the party they had hitherto believed in and stood by
loyally now seeking support from its main opponent party, the BJP.
The state officials responsible for land acquisition maintained that
3D Notification has already been published in the State Gazette and
therefore, no change is possible. The negative ecological impact of
demolishing the hills surrounding Keezhattur also became an issue
as environmentalists from outside Keezhattur joined the protest.
The agitators demanded an ecological impact study raising the
argument that the proposed land acquisition through the paddy
fields violates the provisions of the Kerala Paddy Land and Wetland
Conservation Act passed by the state government. They also made
representations to the union ministers and the state leaders of the
BJP. The Union Minister for Road Transport and Railways agreed
to conduct a technical feasibility study for a parallel route.
Two alternate alignment options for Taliparamba Bypass
of NH 66, leaving out Keezhattur paddy fields came up in the

discussions the minister had with the agitators. The matter was
forwarded to the state government to conduct a site visit and fur-
nish the report.
The disadvantages of both alternative route proposals were
highlighted in the state’s report. Against Option I, the negative
aspects noted were that it needs a longer alignment requiring addi-
tional land acquisition and demolition of about 113 structures/per-
manent buildings and two possible bottlenecks at the start and end
of the proposed elevated corridor. The additional financial burden
was also estimated to be `236 crores. Noise and air pollution, traffic
passing through the main habitation of the town, and likelihood of
strong protest from the people getting affected were also reported.
Negatives for Option II were that an additional 70 buildings/struc-
tures are likely to get affected endangering the livelihood of the
affected families and an earlier attempt was given up due to strong
opposition and agitations from the affected locals. There were also
remarks minimising the Keezhattur agitators’ claims. It was noted
that there was no paddy cultivation in the fields in Keezhattur in
last 20 years and that suitable compensation was being made to
those who were losing their sources of income from agriculture. It
was also noted that although the bypass alignment passes through
low lying areas of Keezhattur, the sufficient number of cross drain-
ages being provided would prevent water logging and ensure the
natural flow and drainage and that provision for rainwater harvest-
ing has been made at a regular interval of 500 m on either sides of
the proposed alignment to make sure that the surface run-off from
the road pavement is channelised into water-harvesting pits and
recharge the water table. It was also noted that the alignment has
been finalised after discussion with various public representatives
and the district collector, Kannur, after a series of meetings. The
sum and substance was that the allegation by the local public may
be considered as a common resistance against land acquisition.
The notification to the Highway was issued as per the
National Highways Act, 1956. Compensation, however, could be
given as per the LARR Act of 2013.
Following the publication of the 3D Notification, the agitat-
ing vayalkkilikal were compelled to compromise as there is a time
limit fixed to make the compensation claim. Most of the agitators
206 Vineetha Menon

gave up under this reality and put in their claim, but a few however,
filed for legal redressal. But they too felt that they were losing out
in the face of conflicting interests involved in the highway project
as they were only a small group of people against the interests of
many other groups interested in having the highway at no loss to
their own property and assets and also another group of protesters
whose agitations were already successful.
The second case taken up for analysis here is one of black
sand mining in the beaches of Sankaramangalam and nearby areas
in Kollam district of Kerala. It was in 1909 that an accidental
discovery by a German scientist revealed that the sands here con-
tain monazite as its presence was found in the sand flakes on coir
imported from there. Subsequently, the beaches have been found
to possess a wealth of rare earth minerals. This has drawn much
scientific and industrial attention. By 1932, a private entrepreneur-
ship had been established, which later was taken over by the state
government in 1956 and made into a public sector undertaking
of the Government of Kerala – The Kerala Minerals and Metals
Ltd. (KMML) for optimum utilisation of the mineral wealth of the
sea coast of Kollam-Alappuzha Districts, large-scale employment
generation in the state; and overall growth and development of the
area and the state. Within seven years, making of titanium dioxide
pigment from the ilmenite in the black sand began and it was com-
missioned in 1984. Known as the first and only integrated Titanium
Dioxide Plant in the world, its importance was appreciated by the
state and industry and the people who found employment. KMML
grew to be a major industrial establishment providing employment
to over 2000 people and producing a range of products. In 2011,
India’s first Titanium Sponge Plant at KMML was inaugurated.
According to the state government, there is an estimated
deposit of 1400 million tonnes of black sand in these beaches.
The monazite available in these black sands is said to contain
‘radioactive’ substances causing several health hazards in the
area. Compared to thorium and uranium in beach sand elsewhere
in India, those in the monazite sand in the Sankaramangalam belt
are stated to have enormous radioactivity. When the non-monazite
constituents are reduced, the radioactivity of monazite is considered
to become more pronounced. Monazite, which fetches no significant

market value now, is disposed of by burying deep under the land
and covering with unutilised sand but to increase its profits, KMML
followed the practice of selling waste sand, and as a consequence
the waste sand available for refilling the mining area from the site
was considerably reduced. This, local people believe, increases the
radioactivity in these beach sands which are already of a high level.
The employees’ risk to radiation has also raised concerns.
The company’s excessive groundwater extraction through
tube wells was also a concern due to the falling groundwater levels
in the region. As the company deepened its groundwater extrac-
tion, the water levels of the wells in the locality were falling and
the water quality was deteriorating. According to KMML, as part
of its social responsibility, it had laid pipelines and supplied water
to people in seven wards in two affected Panchayats. But the com-
plainants felt that the quantity of water supplied was insufficient
in comparison to the affected population.
The company’s effluent treatment practice also caused com-
plaints regarding the perforated old pipes and vast unroofed ponds
for effluents that do not meet up with acceptable standards. Local
people complain of the liquid sludge and effluent slurry draining
into the ground, polluting the soil and groundwater. During rainy
season, more pollutants get dissolved and are carried down to the
groundwater even in areas far away from the company.
In 2003, the Supreme Court of India issued an order that
the business units operating without authorisation or in violation
of the Hazardous Waste rules should be closed down. Following
this, the Government of India set up a Monitoring Committee to
oversee the timely compliance of the apex court order. Protestors
against the company argued that as the company had violated the
rules, it should have been closed by the Pollution Control Board
within 3 weeks from the date of the judgment. However, instead
of closing down the company as the agitators demanded, the state
government informed the Supreme Court Monitoring Committee
that it plans to set up a Common Treatment Storage and Disposal
Facility not only for KMML but also for other industries. The state’s
high unemployment rate combined with the fact that company’s
businesses were highly profitable and that it was one among the
few successful public sector undertakings providing employment
208 Vineetha Menon

persuaded the state to be fully supportive of the company. KMML
had reported a 21-crore profit. The state government declared
its proposal to set up a `3,000-crore titanium mineral complex in
Kollam district to cater to the demand for rare mineral products
vital for the country’s aerospace and defence sectors, under the
public–private partnership mode. For the defence and aerospace
sectors in the country, the demand for titanium mill products was
estimated to be very high and there is international interest in
project partnership in industries here. However, because of the
defence risk perceived in international partnership, the Cabinet
Committee on Security Affairs closely monitors the industries
proposals. A detailed mapping of the state’s mineral wealth as a
first step to expand mining operations and to identify locations with
value addition possibilities from the mining was proposed. Multi-
layered impacts, some positive and some negative, can be gleaned
in all of these interests.
While mineral processing can be left to the private sector,
mining had to remain a public sector monopoly. There are lucrative
business prospects with sand minerals and by-products indicating
the multiple influential interest groups. In mining, Indian Rare
Earths (IRE) and KMML have been engaged for many decades.
Over 160 hectares spread over Vellanathuruthu village in Alappad
panchayat and Panmana and Ayanivelikulangara villages in
Panmana panchayat were under mining. These companies had
permission to continue mining till 2020. Meanwhile, struggles
and litigations against sand mining and other activities have been
going on.
Alappad village, which had 89.5 sq. km of land, has now
shrunk to a mere 8 sq. km. Forty kilometres away from this
town, aggrieved fisherfolk of Alappad gathered at a village called
Vellanathuruthu and staged a relay hunger strike. Over 6,000
fishermen families had to vacate Alappad panchayat, due to beach
erosion, drinking water scarcity and threat to livelihood as fish
availability was much reduced. The remaining families in this
coastal region from Kollam Neendakara to Kayamkulam were
fearful that they are under the threat of eviction even without
any compensation from the authorities or the mining companies;
they have been living in fear of massive coastal erosion that could

wipe out their villages. Most of the people were already forced
to leave their houses as hamlet after hamlet was ‘disappearing’
from the map due to the mining activities by the IRE and KMML.
Kovilthottam, another village on the coastline, also was left with
only 50 families. In 2010, almost all indigenous families were
evicted from the Kovilthottam region on the promise that they can
return to the village once mining activities stop. Nearly 500 families
of this village are reported to have become homeless. Other villages
in this coastal stretch were also under the threat of coastal erosion.
It was in an effort to save their remaining villages that the people
of Alappad and nearby hamlets organised, under the banner of
Anti-mining People’s Protest Council, the relay hunger strike at
Vellanathuruthu demanding a complete halt to the mining activi-
ties. IRE and KMML still continue to do excessive mining in the
area irrespective of peoples’ protest.
DISCUSSION
The Act called the Right to Fair Compensation and Transparency
in Land Acquisition, Rehabilitation and Resettlement Act, 2013,
under reference here in this chapter stipulates a humane and
transparent process of land acquisition for industrialisation. This
has to be in consultation with institutions of local self-government
and Gram Sabhas.
Land acquisition suggests an implied loss of land. It can be
actual/material or experiential, for which compensation has to be
provided in terms of market value and or solatium and/ demurrage.
The procedure for acquiring land may directly touch upon only a few
or an entire community, or many culturally diverse communities
living and sharing an ecological space, but far reaching impacts may
be there that are not appreciable at the first instance.
In both the cases of the Keezhattur national highway and
the black sand mining in Sankaramangalam, it is evident that
deterioration of environment that creates consequences in health
and livelihoods and conflicts between people or different interest
groups is neglected. In both the cases, the different interest groups
perceive and experience different social impacts. In the Keezhattur
case, landowners, private water sellers who extracted water from
the Keezhattur paddy fields to sell, the people of Keezhattur region
210 Vineetha Menon

who benefited from wetlands in their water security, party activists
elsewhere in the state who went against their own party people
when the latter are viewed as defectors who ally with the party
opponents in approaching the centre through opposition party lead-
ers, and visual and print media that capitalised on the news value
of the developments in the protest on an ongoing everyday basis, all
are stakeholders who experience the impact of land acquisition for
the highway and the outcome of the project differently. Successful
outcome of the highway project has impacts on trade and commerce
and road travellers taking the highway also. Alternate bypasses
proposed had created protest from other groups of vested interests,
landowners, owners of built-in structures, and business establish-
ments and institutions that stood to lose if the alternate bypass
for the highway was accepted and this negatively impacted their
interests. From the report of the fact-finding officer, it is clear that
peoples’ protests had been a major factor in the decision regard-
ing the bypass and the alternative routes. So, the SIA in effect
considers social as well as political interests and peoples’ relative
capacities to mobilise in favour of their interests during various
stages of decision-making in the project that leads to land acquisi-
tion decisions. It is seen that the Keezhattur movement grew supra
locally as the Sasthra Sahithya Parishad’s involvement and study
report gave a newer scientific legitimacy to the movement against
the highway. The environmentalists gave this protest movement
of a relatively small group of rural people a larger dimension of a
social interest rather than just a vested interest of people losing
their property. With this shift in popular perception and media
coverage of that the Keezhattur agitators gained greater strength
to hold their position with greater conviction. What was perceived
as a few people standing against the public interest of having high-
way development that would help trade and commerce by enabling
fast movement of goods and people and improved road networks
became an agitation in public interest as the issue became one of
preservation of wetlands and not of protection of private ownership
rights. The counter strategy of alternate bypass interest groups
is reflected in the fact-finding report which states that although
the bypass alignment passes through low lying areas of, care has
been taken in the design to prevent water logging and ensure the
natural flow and drainage and provisions for rainwater harvesting

and recharging water table. These assurances certainly appease the
environmentalists. Similarly, in the conflicting interests of towns-
people and village people who were at loggerheads, the interests
of the townspeople won as they are numerically more in numbers
and influential. The favourable stance of the centre to the agitators
caused the state to strengthen its resolution to move forward with
the proposed alignment of the highway ignoring the vayalkkilikal;
the chief minister of the state was provoked enough to allege
that the centre is trying to sabotage the federal system. Although
the national highway comes under the centre list, it is the state
that has to acquire lands for the highway; under such a scenario,
responsibility for decisions made from time to time on emerging
issues in negotiations with the different interest groups – people
who stand to lose land in the acquisition for highway, those who
stand to gain in real-estate values with the new highway, and the
environmentalists who do not want paddy fields to be converted –
could be attributed to the centre or to the state. Assessing social
impact thus often becomes a political decision rather than realistic
calculation of losses to people, culture, localities or regions, and so
on. The sand mining case also exemplifies this.
The protestors against sand mining and the industrial by-
products from the minerals wanted the radioactivity issue in the
beach sands to be examined by expert groups, biomedical group,
Bhabha Atomic Research Centre, Mumbai, IIT Kanpur, and so on.
Similarly, in the issue of water scarcity in villages and the leeching
of effluents, The National Green Tribunal was approached. After
examining the reports of agencies like the Central Pollution Control
Board, the Kerala State Pollution Control Board and the Nagpur-
based National Environmental Engineering Research Institute,
the National Green Tribunal gave its verdict which mandated a
report every three months insisting that the company should supply
drinking water to the villages facing drinking water problem. It
also pointed out that the state Pollution Control Board could stop
the license if the company did not comply with its guidelines and
directives. But KMML and IRE and the mining of black sand and
precious minerals and other products are in favour with the gov-
ernments, both the centre and state, as noted earlier. In the state
where unemployment rate is very high, the industry that employs
many is a boon. Moreover, it is a profit-making public venture which
212 Vineetha Menon

is needed by the economy. The titanium mill products that are in
heavy demand for defence and aerospace sectors are valuable to
the country as a whole in economic and strategic terms. This case
too brings out that SIA cannot be detached from an understanding
of issues more inclusively rather than as an issue that touches an
individual, a family, culture or a location.
Mapping up a terrain in the vicinity of a project is usually
the first and foremost step for SIA. Such a mapping up may use
transect walks, exhaustive focus group discussions of diverse stake-
holders, secondary sources, transdisciplinary discourses and other
such relevant methods. The meaning of land acquisition as ‘land
loss’, and SIA as related to that loss that is being experienced, is
very minimalistic. Anthropologically, community, culture, village,
region, and so on are concepts used for delimiting space for assess-
ing impacts. The term ‘assessment’ has the unfortunate but neces-
sary connotation of quantification or understanding translatable
into monetary terms. In impact assessments, the methodology one
may adopt in the study of social movements may be more useful,
either singly or in combination with micro, in-depth ethnographies
of populations, in relation to disaggregated populations in terms
of ethnic identities, occupational groups, class, caste and gender
factor that may provide special discriminations and disadvantages,
and aggregated in terms of a population sharing loss. The term
stakeholder or interest group is seen to be more commonly used in
the development literature. The reason why the two case studies
are taken together is to highlight the complex nature of ‘loss’ in
relation to a development project and to critically reflect on the
implications of SIA to anthropological orientation/methodology, to
draw attention on how loss is being understood and to introduce a
notion of loss of ‘intangible assets’ also into the valuation.
Unlike in the Land Acquisition Act, the RFCTLARR Act
recognises in its definition different categories of people, who do not
only lose land but who also lose primary source of livelihood due to
acquisition of land. Scheduled Tribes and other traditional forest
dwellers who have lost any of their forest rights were recognised
under the Forest Rights Act, 2006; family whose primary source of
livelihood was dependent on forests or waterbodies and includes
gatherers of forest produce, hunters, fisher folk and boatmen. These

are the categories significant in anthropologists’ SIA. However,
one of the first steps for compensation is for the people to put in
a claim for compensation and establish loss. When an anthropolo-
gist intervenes in SIA, this becomes one of the first challenges – to
empower people who are losers or potential users of ‘X’ project to put
in their claim and to be able to negotiate compensation, solatium,
and so on. In the case of very marginalised communities, this slots
the anthropologist in the role of an activist although he or she may
not wish to indulge in activism. A comparative understanding of
similar existential situations gives one a foresight as to possible
happenings or impacts. Black sand mining has created certain
impacts in other areas where such sand mining has occurred. This
could provide us with a checklist to probe into the existence of
similar impact scenarios in the study context, whether people are
aware of it or not in a micro location. Culturally, the fishing com-
munity’s occupational loss and health loss of diverse populations are
experientially different and the economic ‘burdens’ go beyond objec-
tive material quantifications. Therefore, the emic/etic distinction
that Marvin Harris, following Kenneth Pike, made us conscious of
could also be fruitfully employed by an anthropologist in an SIA in
addition to using methodologies appropriate for the study of social
movements. This would enable a more holistic understanding of
social impacts. Ultimately however, the environmental impacts
have to be embedded in any SIA.
214 Vineetha Menon

CHAPTER 14
SOCIAL IMPACT
ASSESSMENT OF
EXTREME EVENTS
Methodology, Methods and Tools
P.C. Joshi and Prashant Khattri
Social impacts of extreme events have become a cause of concern

for the governments as well as development practitioners. While
health and economic impacts are seemingly visible and precursor,
social impacts are largely intangible and obscure. According to
Inter-organizational Committee on Principles and Guidelines for
Social Impact Assessment (2003), social impacts have been con-
ceptualized as outcomes of collective or individual actions that are
responsible in some way in bringing about a change in the lifestyles
of people in terms of their living, work and leisure. Social impacts
also include changes relationship between people, social norms,
values and beliefs as a result of such actions. However, a broader
framework to capture social impacts holistically is needed. In the
present paper, the social impact assessment framework used in the
European Union 6th Framework Integrated project MICRODIS has
been discussed for which the author was Asian Coordinator. The
MICRODIS project tried to understand social impacts of extreme
events within five domains, namely, socio-demographic, socio-
structural, socio-economic, socio-political and socio-psychological.
The methods and tools so adopted in the MICRODIS study to
Social Impact Assessment of Extreme Events 215

investigate the social impacts of floods, earthquakes and storms in
Asia and Europe incorporating the above-mentioned five domains
revealed quite interesting results.
INTRODUCTION
It would not be hyperbolic to state that we are living in an ‘age of
disasters.’ Events that were once considered to be distant and less
in frequency have suddenly captured the imagination of people
with an effect that it has a reflection in the popular culture narra-
tives in the form of disaster movies visualizing an apocalyptic end
to the human civilization. If we really believe that we are living in
an Anthropocene epoch, then that implies that human beings are
influencing their environment in an unprecedented way. So much
so that it has reduced the distinction between the human-made
and natural disasters. Besides disasters that emerge out of an
interface between human beings and technology, ‘natural’ disasters,
more appropriately called ‘weather-related disasters’ are occurring
more frequently globally. In their report entitled Human Cost of
Weather Related Disasters (HCWRD),1 the Center for Research
in Epidemiology of Disasters (CRED) and the United Nations
International Strategy for Disaster Reduction (UNISDR) have
reported the frequency of events and the loss associated with them
for a two-decade period beginning from 1995 up to 2015. Global
data suggest that extreme weather events such as floods, wind and
cyclonic storms show an upward trend. Floods accounted for nearly
half of all the weather-related disasters and impacted around 2.3
billion people globally, of which around 95 percent lived in Asia. The
data also showed 14 percent increase in extreme weather events
for the period between 2005 and 2014 in comparison to the decade
beginning from 1995. India stands next to China in terms of number
of people affected by extreme weather events. Globally Asia and
within Asia, India and China are the most impacted regions. This
calls for a concerted effort to reduce the vulnerabilities of people
and a better assessment of their needs in the post-disaster context.
Vulnerability reduction and disaster relief and rehabilitation are
1file:///C:/Users/Owner/Downloads/HCWRD_2015%20(1).pdf, accessed on June

15, 2020.
216 P.C. Joshi and Prashant Khattri

dependent on the anticipation and assessment of the damage in
pre-disaster and post-disaster contexts. This also suggests that
disasters are events that put tremendous demand on the popula-
tion to cope with, and in so doing they need the support of external
agencies to tide them over the crisis. Communities in most cases
run out of their resources and become dependent on external aid
to reduce sufferings.
The United Nations Office for Disaster Risk Reduction
(UNDRR)2 defines disasters in terms of human, economic and envi-
ronmental loss to the community, so much so that the community
is unable to cope with its existing resources and needs help from
outside. Besides being defined, disasters have been categorized as
events that may either occur suddenly or develop slowly. Examples
of the former are earthquakes, landslides, tornadoes and floods. On
the other hand, disasters that approach slowly or for which we have
early warning systems in place are labeled as disasters with slow
onset, for example, drought, famine, salt salination, AIDS epidemic
and river bank soil erosion.
PROBLEMATIZING THE MEASURE OF

DISASTER IMPACTS
Besides the different categories into which disasters have been
categorized, the impact of disasters on the population is also dif-
ferential. There is no unitary way in which disasters impact the
population. Depending upon the situation and the positions people
occupy in the social structure and also depending upon their spatial
locations, disasters have different impacts on different groups of
people in the society. Disasters are also considered as great levelers
in that their impact is not restricted by class nor by caste, ethnic
or gender groups. This is true to the extent of getting exposed to
the disaster. However, when it comes to coping and getting back
to the normal, the already existing social, cultural, economic and
political capital of the people that is again dependent upon their
positions in the society comes to their rescue and it is here that we
can see sharp gaps between people getting relief and rehabilitation
packages. Pre-disaster preparedness also influences the degree of
2 https://www.undrr.org/terminology/disaster, accessed on June 15, 2020.

impact. Pre-disaster financial conditions of families may help them
to absorb the impact more and for longer time.
Physical infrastructure is extensively damaged in disasters.
Damage to physical infrastructure like schools, hospitals, courts,
recreational areas, and so on has a profound influence on the
social, economic, health and psychological impacts of the crisis.
This also suggests that social impacts can not only be assessed
based on the social dimensions that are mostly intangible but can
also be gauged from the more tangible impacts that can be more
easily and accurately measured in terms of damage to property
and built spaces. No direct correlation can be observed between
the damage to physical infrastructure and social dimensions in the
early phase of the disaster. It is argued that damage to physical
infrastructure has a trickle-down effect and may take some time to
show its complete influence over the social aspects of the affected
community. Disasters generally affect the infrastructure as a whole
since the infrastructure is spread throughout the community or
country. However, some components of infrastructure are vital for
the safety of the people and they are called critical infrastructure.
Critical infrastructures like hospitals require a more immediate
response in order to rebuild it since critical infrastructure deficit
may greatly hamper disaster response and can add to the pain and
agony of the people.
The social impact assessment of disasters has also been
linked to pre-disaster preparedness and vulnerability reduction.
The more the preparedness, the less will be the social impact. Also,
more than dealing with the disaster per se, it has been argued that
we need to deal with prevalent stereotypes and inequalities that
exist in a society. Moreover, in the discipline of anthropology, dis-
asters have not been defined solely on the basis of the event, rather
they have been defined on the basis of an interface between the
hazard and vulnerabilities. Disasters occur only when hazards meet
vulnerable populations. Therefore, disasters are not only the prod-
uct of the event itself or the hazard itself, rather they are the prod-
ucts of social structures and organizations. It is also in this context
that we need to understand the social impacts and should factor-in
these domains while measuring or assessing social impacts.
Besides physical infrastructures, disasters also cost dearly
on the economic front. The Human Cost of Weather Related

Disasters report outlines the fact that a majority of the economic
damage that occurred during the 20-year period was due to
storms alone. Geophysical disasters like earthquakes and volcanic
activities were the second type of disasters that led to large-scale
economic losses after storms. This is followed by floods, droughts
and other weather-related events. In terms of absolute economic
loss, Asia is second only to the Americas with 37 percent of total
economic loss during the 20-year period that happened in Asia
alone. The report also highlights the fact that the data on economic
losses due to disasters are underreported. Only for 36 percent of
disasters recorded during the period 1995–2015, data related to the
economic losses were available. Economic losses due to disasters,
as percentage of GDP, are higher in countries with low income
than the countries with high income. The level of development
of a country is correlated with disaster risk. As per the United
Nations Environment Programme (UNEP)3 estimate, death per
disaster is around 22.5 in developed countries, 145 in countries
with medium human development, and 1052 in low human devel-
opment countries.
SOCIAL IMPACT ASSESSMENT IN DISASTER

CONTEXT
There are different kinds of approaches that one can take to under-
stand the social impacts of natural disasters. At the conceptual
level, social impacts deal with the vulnerability and the resilience
pattern of the community. These are also the dependent variables
of the social impacts (Joshi et al., 2007). The independent variables
may be best studied through the cellular approach to the study
of social impacts. This approach provides us with the necessary
areas of inquiry whose manipulative effects can be seen on the
vulnerability and resilience of the community under the scanner.
This chapter focuses on various independent variables of the social
impacts and the authors try to present a review of the kind of works
done in each area. To begin with, the first task is to identify dif-
ferent areas that can be treated as independent variables. There
3Evaluation_of_the_UNEP_Sub-programme_on_Disasters_and_Conflicts.pdf,
accessed on June 15, 2020.

are five independent variables that can be identified in order to
understand the social impacts, viz:
1. Sociodemographic
2. Socioeconomic
3. Sociopolitical
4. Sociopsychological
5. Sociostructural
These variables are capable of causing long-term impacts on the

community. It becomes even more imperative to have a thorough
understanding of the variables as this will provide a predictive
value for various mitigation and relief-providing agencies and they
will be in a better position to develop alternative plans for the safety
of people (Lindell and Prater, 2003).
Sociodemographic: The sociodemographic aspect of social
impacts focuses on issues like gender, age, religion, marital status,
and so on. There have been several studies that focus upon the issue
of gender-specific social impacts. In one such study during the 1998
floods in Bangladesh, it was found that adolescent girls had to face
problems in the relief camps that were set up after the floods. ‘A
majority of the girls experienced great shame because they had
to live in exposed conditions.’ (Rashid and Michaud, 2000; p. 59).
As most of the houses were damaged and submerged in the flood
waters, many of the girls were exposed to strangers as they had to
share the living space in the relief camps with the strangers. This
was a major problem with most of the adolescent girls as they were
uncomfortable in taking bath, going to toilet and sleeping, when
they know men are watching them (Rashid and Michaud, 2000).
The study further elaborates and points out that as most of the
houses were damaged and submerged, people were sharing the
houses and many families were staying together. In such a condi-
tion, the girls felt awkward living in such a close proximity with
other families, specially the male members of the family (Rashid
and Michaud, 2000).
Another aspect of flood that affected the life of most of the
adolescent girls relates to their literal confinement in their houses.
Since the lanes and roads were blocked due to water logging and

the parents were concerned about the safety of the girls, they were
not allowed to go out. Whenever they tried to go out for some work
or even sometimes just to have a change from their monotonous
lives, they were looked down upon and were labeled as going out for
‘romance’ This situation to a great degree affected the ‘self-respect’
of the girls (Rashid and Michaud, 2000).
It has been brought out in one study through the responses
of the girls that modesty and shame are the characteristics of ‘good
girl’ in Bangladesh (Caldwell et al., 1998; Blanchet, 1996) and any
deviation from the norm leads to societal pressures and sanctions.
The effect on the self-respect of a girl is a result of the socializa-
tion process that they undergo as being the member of the society.
However, this was not the case in the urban areas where girls and
women went out to work even when the flood water had not receded
and contributed significantly to the family income in tough times
(Rashid and Michaud, 2000).
Another gender-specific impact of the extreme event brought
out in the study is the safety issue of the girls during flood condi-
tions. It has been reported that many hoodlums and thugs roamed
around just to harass the girls and the worst part was that the
girls could do nothing except ignoring. There were also some cases
of rape and killing of the girls. This has again been linked to the
Bangladeshi culture where it is a common perception that teenage
girls are not able to resist violent males, and this weakness makes
them an easy target (Caldwell et al., 1998).
The issue of menstruation becomes a big problem during such
extreme events, especially when such issues are considered as bad
and polluting in a culture (Rashid, 1997). This made the life of girls
even more miserable as they have to hide such things from the people
as these are not socially acceptable. Also such conditions of flood
bring with them some of the diseases. It was found that water-borne
diseases like boils, itchy rashes, and so on become a big problem for
girls as due to dampness they are susceptible to such conditions near
their genital area which causes so much itching that they cannot
even walk properly. They also cannot share such experiences with
everyone as most of them feel ashamed of talking on such issues.
There have been other such studies on gender issues
and gender-specific social impacts of extreme events. One study

points out toward the gender roles that make them vulnerable
(WHO, 2002). It has been reported that during an earthquake in
Maharashtra, India, more number of females than males died.
This was attributed to gender-specific roles. It came to the notice
that since at the time of the earthquake most of the male members
were away from home as it was the harvest time and boys were in
the schools, they suffered less causality compared to the females
who were in homes that were totally damaged by the earthquake
(WHO, 2002).
Another study points toward the fact that sometimes
females are more at risk due to the patriarchal mindset. This is
shown by a study on 1991 Bangladesh floods where many women
with their children died as they waited for their husbands to return
to home to make evacuation decisions (WHO, 2002). A similar study
from Bangladesh itself (quoted in WHO report 2002) indicates
that the outlook toward women in the society could lead to lethal
effects. The study shows that lower value ascribed to the women in
the society may become fatal for their existence. This is reinforced
by the finding that during a tidal surge a helpless father who was
holding on to his son and daughter left his daughter in the water
and saved his son.
It is not true that only females suffer during the disaster due
to their gender roles, men are also a victim of it. In one such study
in the western Ethiopia, it was found that the young Sudanese men
fleeing conscription and staying in the refugee camp continued to
starve despite constant food supply as they were not accustomed to
cooking the food that has to be cooked before eating (WHO, 2002).
Also, researchers report that after hurricane Andrew in USA, men
felt inadequate as they were unable to protect and fulfil the needs
of their families. Thus, such studies show that females are more
vulnerable to disaster situations than males are although both
show different impacts depending on the stereotypes and gender
roles in the society.
Apart from gender, age is also a crucial variable that makes
populations vulnerable. In one such study on the impact of Indian
Ocean Tsunami on the elderly, some important aspects of vulnera-
bility are highlighted. It was found that the elderly were not consid-
ered as vulnerable group by the relief agencies and their attention
was more on the orphan children. In Sri Lanka, it was seen that
the elderly did not get the monetary compensation to help them
restart their livelihood. Gender discrimination also accompanied
the age discrimination. No efforts were made to study households
headed by elder women looking after orphaned grandchildren.
Elderly were also vulnerable because of their limited mobility. In
the study, it was realized that most of the elderly people lost their
lives as they were unable to run fast away from the waves or were
unable to swim. Wheelchair and other prosthesis were not provided
to the disabled in the relief camps which made their stay difficult.
They had to rely on others for help.
Not only the elderly are vulnerable to the threats posed by
a disaster, children are equally vulnerable (Joshi and Mir, 2002).
Vulnerability during the disaster may be high for children but of
equal importance is the post-disaster vulnerability of the children.
Studies conducted by Carol Toms and Heather McLeod (2004)
points toward the post-disaster vulnerability of the children. After
the disaster, the health-care facilities are the biggest casualties.
There are several diseases, most commonly diarrhea, among the
children that prove fatal to them apart from several communicable
diseases. Another impact of the disaster is related to the destruc-
tion of recreational parks and other such activities which form a
major and central part of the child’s development process. Apart
from this, damaged building, destruction of water supply system,
lack of toilets, inappropriate aid, and so on can all be risks to chil-
dren’s safety.
Children also become vulnerable to trafficking, which may
be caused by separation of the child from the family and thus no one
to take care of him/her or may be forced into it in order to earn some
money. Due to the death of parents, the children become orphans
and they need to be kept in orphanages if no one else is there to
take care of them. The kind of care that they get in their homes is
not available in the orphanages and thus it adversely affects their
development (Tolfree, 1995). The problem of early marriages in
some communities arises as a result of disasters. It was seen that
in some Tsunami-affected areas, there was a problem of early mar-
riage before the age set for marrying (Field report, Sri Lanka, 2005).
There is also some evidence that apart from gender and
age, religion can also contribute toward the vulnerability of the
group. One such study conducted in Fiji islands focused on the
impact of Hurricane Nigel (1997) on the vulnerability of three
religious groups, viz., Indians who followed Hinduism, Indians
who followed Islam, and Christian Fijians. The results of the study
indicate toward a relationship between vulnerability and religious
affiliations. It was found that the Hindu and Muslim Indian groups
experienced more disaster stress compared to the Christian Fijians.
The reason for this was because the temples and the mosques did
not provide sufficient assistance to the people of their religion as
they themselves were devoid of or lacked sufficient funds. Due
to this financial constraint, the mosques and temples instead of
providing some help to the needy at the time of disaster called for
assistance. The Hindu and Muslim religious groups found their
religious organizations making demand upon them after the dis-
aster. On the other hand, the financial stability of the Christian
Church was greater and they were in a position to provide food,
clothing, shelter, and so on to the needy. This state of affair gave a
sense of security to the Fijian Christians, and they were confident
that some help will be provided from the side of the Church (Gillard
and Paton, 1999). This study is important as it linked religion with
vulnerability and it was found that in Fiji around 95 percent people
practice one or the other religion, thus making religion a prime
factor in the vulnerability assessment exercise. Such studies need
to be carried out in the Indian context as most of the population
here is affiliated to one or the other religion and thus it would be
of great importance to know the vulnerability pattern of different
religious groups.
Socioeconomic: Whenever a hazard strikes a community
depending on the extent of vulnerability, it causes a lot of eco-
nomic damages. The direct economic damages that become quite
visible are in the form of damage to property – both movable and
immovable. Many houses get destroyed and a lot of infrastructure
gets damaged due to the impact of the disaster. Thus loss in asset
value is a result of direct economic loss (Committee on Assessing
the Cost of Natural Disaster, Washington, 1999), which is meas-
ured in terms of repair or replacement cost of the damaged assets.
If the assets damaged cannot be replaced, then it will affect the
consumption pattern of the people (Lindell and Prater, 2003). For
instance, if houses of people get damaged, then new houses will be
built which would take some time and it is quite possible that the

new house is not as good or have the same economic value as the
old one. Again, damage to non-replaceable assets will also cause a
reduction in the investment and hence will affect the productivity
(Lindell and Prater, 2003).
In a community there are people from different socioeco-
nomic strata. This difference makes some people more vulnerable
than the others. There have been studies that point out a relation
between poverty and vulnerability. It can be said with some con-
viction that people most affected in a disaster are economically
weak, but there is no direct relationship between poverty and
vulnerability (Yodmani, n.d.). Although the poor experience most
of the sufferings not all the poor suffer. Again, it cannot be said
that only the poor suffer as disaster has the capacity to produce
newly impoverished people (Cannon, 1994). A person or a group is
said to be vulnerable not on the basis of only one trait or character
but it is a combination of many traits that are a result of multiple
socioeconomic factors (Blaikie et al., 1994; Yodmani, n.d). There
is a possibility that an economically weak community has social
capital and political resources and can still face the adversaries due
to disasters. Thus, any relief work should look after the economic
aspect but must capitalize on other aspects too in order to provide
relief. Another dimension to the socioeconomic impact is that the
impact assessment is not complete as the focus remains on large-
scale losses and small-scale losses which include the informal and
subsistence sector that remains undocumented (Yodmani, n.d.).
Sociopolitical: The domain of political impacts deals with
the distribution of power and the conflicts that arise during the
disaster situation. During the disaster, people are so distressed
and frustrated that they can unite against the governing agency
to overthrow it as they perceive the existing governing bodies to be
the cause for their miseries (Lindell and Prater, 2003). This unity
can be stronger if the people of the community share the same
culture. This gives them the sense of identity that helps in the
mobilization of the masses. Here, it does not imply that disaster
produces different political behaviors, but what is meant implicitly
is that the disaster situation produces a set of victims and griev-
ances that may be different from that existed in the normal situ-
ation and this difference is responsible for the change in political
behavior (Morrow and Peacock, 1997). On the other hand, if the

people affected by disasters are culturally different, then it creates
a situation of conflict. Some may want to reestablish the conditions
that existed before the disaster while some others may want to
change radically from what they were before the disaster and they
perceive the disaster situation as the right opportunity to introduce
changes (Rubin, 1991; Dash et al., 1997). Conflicts also arise due
to difference in the cultures of the affected community and the
relief agencies. The affected community may have a culture that
values personal relationships but the relief agencies might value a
more universalistic culture based on the values of rationality and
efficiency. This difference might hinder the normal process of relief
work as this may clash with the interest of the victim community
(Bolin, 1982; Tierney et al., 2001).
The change in political behavior as described earlier is
largely based upon the public opinion of the situation and the
kind of help people get from the government agencies during the
recovery phase. The public opinion and the perception of the relief
work carried out by various government and nongovernment agen-
cies is largely formed by the mass media, that is, newspaper and
television reports of the disaster situation. In this sense, the mass
media plays a very crucial role in shaping the political environ-
ment. It is not difficult to understand that every one of us has got
some preferences that are largely shaped by our membership of a
particular group. These groups may be stratified according to the
socioeconomic and political affiliations. This assertion holds true for
various media houses as well. This implies that the news article or
a piece of news item may not be fully objective and it might carry
some element of subjectivity. This is further strengthened from the
fact that every news item goes under the scanner of the editor which
acts as a ‘gatekeeper’ for the information and thus which piece of
information will be shared and which will be withheld is prede-
termined. People with power mostly define the situation and the
media provides credibility to such definitions and visions of reality
(Becker, 1967). Media has a preference for the official information
and information from established news sources (Quarantelli, 1971,
1981). In all probabilities, it is likely that the official information
will be largely colored by the political agenda of the ruling party.
Another area of conflict is related to various plans and poli-
cies that are formulated by the government and nongovernment

agencies for disaster mitigation and relief. It is observed that there
exists a gap between the bureaucratic norms and the emergent
norms. The bureaucratic norms deal with what the government
and NGOs have planned to do in the emergency management situ-
ation and the emergent norms deal with the expectations of the
disaster victims (Schneider, 1992). The success and failure of any
relief response is dependent upon this gap between the two norms.
When the gap is more the response is largely perceived unsuccess-
ful; on the other hand, when the gap is less it is most likely that the
response and the relief work will be perceived successful.
Sociopsychological: The sociopsychological impacts of
natural disaster deal with the effect of the extreme event on the
mental state of the people which may lead to some change in the
behavior. The amount of loss and shock associated with the extreme
event may adversely affect mental well-being of the victims. There
have been several studies that focused on the impacts of disaster on
the sociopsychological aspect. It has been observed that developing
countries are affected more than the developed countries (Norris,
2002). Also, the impact is dependent upon the severity of the dis-
aster, the more severe a disaster will be the more profound will be
the impact. There are also individual differences in the extent and
nature of the impact. It has been found that people who experience
the same disaster might suffer from different consequences (Norris,
2002). This is because different people might have experienced dif-
ferent levels of severity of the disaster. In a study on flood victims,
it was found that there is a difference in the consequences of the
disaster on the individuals and on the community as a whole. The
effect on the individual is characterized by increase in the negative
affect, whereas the effect on the community as a whole is character-
ized by decrease in the positive affect. This implies that disaster
has an effect on the quality of life and this is manifested in stress
levels, although the level of stress remains subclinical (Norris et al.,
1994). There are other factors like gender, age, personality traits,
pre-disaster mental health, and post-disaster social support that
have an influence on the extent and nature of the impact of disas-
ter. In a multicultural study of Hurricanes Andrews and Paulina,
it was found that the psychological influence of the disaster varied
across culture in relation to the gender roles (Norris et al., 2001).
The study done, taking age as a dependent variable, suggested

that post-disaster psychological impairment in school-aged chil-
dren is greater than that in the adults (Norris, 2002). As far as the
older adults are concerned, it is generally believed that they are
at higher risk than the rest of the age groups but studies suggest
otherwise in terms of sociopsychological impacts. Studies show that
post-disaster symptoms associated with mental ill health are found
more in younger adults and people in their midlife (Thompson et
al., 1993). Another study of Hurricane Hugo also points out that
middle-aged persons experienced highest level of post-traumatic
stress disorder (PTSD), depression, and anxiety because of high
level of burden on them (Norris, 2002). Most of the psychological
impacts are due to limited resources in terms of social support as
it is itself vulnerable to the disaster. Kaniasty and Norris (1993)
proposed the ‘social support deterioration model’ which says that a
slump in perceived social abutment explains mental ill health and
non-well-being in natural disasters.
Sociostructural: Society can be visualized as the network
of social relationships. Every society has a structure. The structure
of the society emerges from the various statuses and roles that the
actors play. Every status has got some role associated with it. This
role is largely determined by the societal norms. This arrangement
forms the network of relationships that can also be called as the
‘social capital’ (Coleman, 1990). Social capital is different from the
human capital. The latter deals with the traits and attributes that
are present in the individual, whereas the former deals with the
resources that are present in the network and can be mobilized
when needed (Coleman, 1993). Social capital consists of relation-
ship between people occupying different social positions. It plays an
important role during collective response to disasters (Dynes, 2002).
It is observed that in a disaster situation there occurs a role conflict
among the people. This is due to the fact that an individual has got
many statuses and associated with it are many roles. During the
disaster an individual has to choose from the roles. For example,
he/she has to choose between the work role and the family role
as disaster always provides importance to some roles over others
(Dynes, 2002). It has been observed in many studies (Lechat, 1989;
Dynes et al., 1988) that people’s participation in search and rescue
efforts are not at random. It depends on the strength of relation-
ship between the victims and the fellow rescuers. Another form of

social capital emerges within the family. During a disaster situation
there occurs delegation of responsibility among the family members.
For example, while husband and wife are busy in the rescue work,
the older siblings in the household are looking after their younger
siblings (Dynes, 2002). Loss of people in a disaster is also a loss
to the social capital (Dynes, 2002). This makes a community more
vulnerable to the disaster situation.
Apart from these independent variables, there are other
dependent variables on which the manipulative effect of the inde-
pendent variable can be seen. These include vulnerability and
resilience. If vulnerability is the trait of a person then resilience is
defined in terms of his/her behavior. A person’s trait is linked and
shaped by the larger sociocultural and political environment and
thus vulnerability becomes a larger concept (Lindell and Prater
2003). Marginality is an important factor in making people vulner-
able to disasters (Blaikie et al., 1994). Marginality is determined
by one’s caste, class, race, ethnicity, age, and so on. It influences
the rights of people on resources and their entitlement to services
(Wisner, 1993; Hewitt, 1997; Watts, 1995). Social systems are
instrumental in creating vulnerable populations and places by
allocating different risks to different people and places and also
by placing pressing demands on the environment (Canon, 1994;
Wisner 1993; Hewitt 1995). This suggests that vulnerability is
structural and disasters are not just the result of the immediate
event but precipitate due to historical marginality and powerless-
ness (Blaikie et al, 1994). Poverty exemplifies this contention as it
has been imagined as a structural issue that creates a hindrance to
certain groups and people in accessing resources that are required
for insurance, relief and recovery (Mackie, 1961).
Resilience may be understood in terms of the capability and
capacity of people to avoid harm or to return back to normal after
the disaster. It may also be seen as a reaction to the event and the
resulting loss. Jon Anderson (1968) is of the view that reaction
of people to the disaster event follows a pattern that is coherent
to the culture in which the event occurred and is not random in
nature. This further implies that people just do not respond to the
event itself but to the perception and meaning of the event that are
appropriate to their culture. Dangers and threats are predefined in
any culture and people tend to respond to these cultural schemas

(Keesing, 1952). This helps in the development of the culture of
disasters. This also explains normalization of threat that cultures
do in case they perceive a particular threat as chronic in nature
and recurrent. Cultures develop resilience and coping mechanisms
for these recurrent extreme events (Johnston and Selby, 1978).
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CHAPTER 15
EXAMINING
SOCIAL IMPACT
ASSESSMENT USING
THE LENS OF SOCIAL
ANTHROPOLOGY
Manas Ranjan Kar
OVERVIEW
The relationship between human beings and nature has been criti-
cal to the evolution of society and culture. Technological develop-
ment has aided this evolution whereby societies have advanced
through exploration and exploitation of natural resources and the
physical environment. However, many a time such development
has resulted in alienating a certain section of people from their
land and livelihoods base. Most such people belong to simple socie-
ties or indigenous communities who in the process become further
marginalised. Development projects like the construction of roads,
bridges, railway lines, and dams on the one hand, have been empha-
sised by national governments, while on the other hand, they have
alienated people from their land and environment undermining
their existence, culture, and economy. To ameliorate the condition
of such displaced and alienated communities worldwide, social
impact assessment (SIA) emerged as a risk management tool in
the late 1980s. Identification, analysis, and evaluation of the social
impacts resulting from a development project are considered an
Examining Social Impact Assessment 233

integral part of SIA. In doing so, the role of social scientists, particu-
larly social anthropologists, is critical. However, the role of social
anthropologists or employing social anthropological approaches
in conducting SIA is found to be either restricted or notional. In
this context, an attempt has been made in the present chapter to
examine SIA using the lens of social anthropology.
THE INEVITABILITY OF DEVELOPMENT AND

CONCERNS
The development of physical infrastructures like roads, bridges,
railways, industries, and dams is considered inevitable for the
economic growth and overall development of a nation. Such a devel-
opment process is often associated with exploration and exploita-
tion of natural resources entailing acquisition of government land,
private land (both homestead and agricultural), and forest land. In
this process, forests are cut, rivers are diverted, and agricultural
lands are converted for non-agricultural purposes. Literature is
rife with the downside of such development processes including the
displacement of people from their home and land, depriving them
of their economic base, disintegrating their relationship with their
physical environment, and dismantling their social structure. The
most affected in this process are the indigenous people and the poor
(Mathur, n.d.). Ervin (2000) also has discussed in brief the impact
of development projects on the lives and livelihoods of indigenous
communities and the poor. Besides, because such development
processes have impacted the environment, he observes that ‘Since
the 1960s, there have been countervailing concerns about the envi-
ronmental impacts of development…’ (98).
On the one hand, development projects are necessary, but
on the other hand, they adversely impact the environment and
life and livelihoods of people. Therefore, to mitigate such adverse
impacts on the environment and people, environmental impact
assessment (EIA) and social impact assessment (SIA) have evolved
as risk management tools.1 As Western and Lynch (2000) put it:
‘The acknowledgment of the need for social impact assessment
1For discussion on risk in a risk society and its management, see Goldman and
Baum (2000, 10–12).
234 Manas Ranjan Kar

derives from a recognition of the extent to which the unanticipated
consequences of development strategies can seriously diminish the
benefits of the development’ (35).
As the impacts of development projects range from the envi-
ronment to the economic base of people and their social structure,
such impact analysis must be conducted by a team of experts drawn
from different disciplines. Whereas technical experts are preferred
to conduct EIA worldwide, social scientists including economists
and sociologists are preferred to conduct SIA. Environmental
impact indicators are often easily quantifiable whereas organisa-
tions conducting SIAs struggle to collect qualitative information,
see Pathak and Schlag (2013). Therefore, as the introduction of
Anthropological Expert Review (AER) (etnologicheskaya ekspertiza)
in Russian Law in 1999 indicates, it is prudent to involve social
anthropologists in assessing sociocultural issues, particularly those
belonging to indigenous people (Novikova and Wilson, 2017).
In this background, in the present chapter, I have tried to
highlight the criticality of inclusion of social anthropologists as
professionals and employing social anthropological approaches
in conducting SIA. The chapter is divided into five sections. The
introductory section sets the background for the chapter. The second
section deals with the definition of SIA, its genesis, and its contours.
The third section critically discusses the importance of anthro-
pologists and anthropological approaches in conducting SIA. In the
fourth section, I have examined the legal provisions for conducting
SIA in Odisha, an eastern Indian state, using the lens of social
anthropology. Finally, the fifth section summarises the chapter and
concludes by arguing for the inclusion of the social anthropological
approaches and social anthropologists in conducting SIA.
While the discussion in the second and third sections is
primarily based on literature review, the discussion in the fourth
section is based on an analysis of legal provisions under the Odisha
Right to Fair Compensation and Transparency in Land Acquisition,
Rehabilitation and Resettlement Rules, 2016 (ORFCTLARR).
SIA AND ITS GENESIS

SIA is defined as ‘the identification, analysis and evaluation of the
social impacts resulting from a particular event’ (Goldman and

Baum, 2000, 7). Following US General Services Administration,
Goldman and Baum further state that SIA is
a method of analyzing what impacts actions may have on the

social aspects of the environment. SIA involves characterizing
the existing state of such aspects of the environment, forecast-
ing how they may change if a given action or alternative is
implemented, and developing means of mitigating changes
that are likely to be adverse from the point of view of the
affected population. (7)
It is followed from these definitions that social change is a critical

part of SIA and that SIA is an integral component of the planning
process.
It is important, however, to note that though the term
SIA encompasses impact assessment, it differs from evaluation
research. Citing Burningham and Meidinger and Schnaiberg,
Goldman and Baum (2000, 8) assert: ‘social impact assessments
aim to anticipate the likely future outcomes before a project is
implemented, while evaluation research gauges the impacts of
ongoing or past projects’.
Such globally accepted definitions of SIA and its contours
have evolved over the years. In this context, it is worth noting that
the genesis of SIA can be traced back to the passing of the National
Environmental Policy Act (NEPA) 1969 by the United States.
During the 1980s, the ambit of the NEPA was broadened to include
the impact of development projects on socio-economic aspects of
humans from that on the environment (Goldman and Baum, 2000).
In India, the Right to Fair Compensation and Transparency
in Land Acquisition, Rehabilitation and Resettlement Act 2013
(RFCTLARR Act) under S4(4) mandates conducting SIA and
preparing a social impact management plan (SIMP) for land
acquisition by the government for its use, hold, and control or by
a public–private partnership or by private acquisition for public
purposes. Thus, SIA has been conceived of as a tool to ‘help assess
and determine the implications of land acquisition on the affected
community and people’ and minimise ‘the risks involved in dis-
placement, rehabilitation, compensation and resettlement’ (CSE,
2017, 4).

Finsterbusch (1980), suggests that ‘there are at least twelve
areas in which social impact assessment can be made’ (36). They are
‘population changes, employment changes, displacement and reloca-
tion, neighbourhood disruption, noise impacts, aesthetic impacts,
accessibility changes, leisure and recreation impacts, health and
safety, citizen’s reactions, community impact, land-use changes’.
In a similar line, CSE (2017, 12) identifies ‘health, education,
livelihoods, water, agricultural crop yield, soil quality, availability
of government schemes, sanitation and livelihood opportunity’ as
the indicators to be examined while conducting SIA in the Indian
context. Thus, as we see, the areas under investigation in an SIA
are primarily concerned with socio-economic and cultural aspects
of a population.
The following section deals with the methodology for con-
ducting SIA and how social anthropology as a discipline is best
suited to carry out some of the important tasks under SIA.
IMPORTANCE OF SOCIAL ANTHROPOLOGISTS

AND ANTHROPOLOGICAL APPROACHES IN
CONDUCTING SIA
To conduct SIA there is a well-laid step-by-step guide. As Ervin
(2000) and Goldman and Baum (2000) suggest, the steps involve
screening, scoping, examination of alternatives, impact analysis,
mitigation and impact management, determining the impacts that
cannot be mitigated, preparing SIA report, reviewing SIA report,
decision-making, and follow-up measures.
While screening determines whether or not a proposal
should be subject to SIA, scoping exercise is required to identify
issues and impacts that are likely to be important and accordingly
terms of reference for SIA can be prepared. Following these ini-
tial steps, impact assessment aims at identifying and predicting
the likely impact on the socio-economic structure of the affected
community. Then SIA needs to establish the measures that are
necessary to avoid or minimise the anticipated adverse impacts
and incorporate the same to the SIMP. Here, it is, however, impor-
tant that SIA also must determine those impacts that cannot be
mitigated. Following the impact assessment, an SIA report needs
to be prepared to highlight clearly and impartially the impacts

of the proposed project, the proposed mitigation measures, the
significance of effects, and the concerns of the people to be affected
by the proposed project. The report is then reviewed vis-à-vis the
terms of reference and accordingly decision is made to approve or
reject the proposal. Finally, as a follow-up measure, SIA involves
the management of implementation and its monitoring to ensure
the effectiveness of mitigation measures.
Western and Lynch (2000) while describing the example of
scoping exercise under SIA in the project World Heritage Listing
status for the Wet Tropics region of North Queensland (the timber
industries site in Fraser Island, Australia) enlisted two critical
aspects. First, they had pointed out the availability of quantita-
tive data from different sources, particularly from the government.
However, they were sceptical of the availability of any qualitative
data like what did the project mean to the local community, their
family, and those who were directly dependent on timber for their
livelihood. Second, they observed that though there was a time con-
straint and paucity of budget involving lesser manpower to execute
the SIA, ‘the researchers on the SIA had previously established
strong links with the communities affected and accordingly, were
well positioned to obtain qualitative data of a high quality’ (52).
Thus, they emphasise the need for understanding the effect of a
proposed project from an emic perspective, i.e. from the community
point of view, and underscore the need for collecting qualitative
data in this regard. And, as we all know, equipped with participa-
tory research tools like participatory rural appraisal (PRA) and
rapid rural appraisal, the discipline of anthropology is best suited
to elicit such qualitative information from a community perspective.
Similarly, Western and Lynch (2000) also point to the necessity for
researchers conducting SIA to develop rapport with the local com-
munity before eliciting qualitative information within a stipulated
time. As we know, rapport building is a staple for anthropological
fieldwork and so, anthropologists are better suited for this com-
pared to any other discipline.
At the impact analysis stage, it is believed that social
anthropologists can play an important role, as ‘this is very much
the conventional theatre of anthropological operations’ (Goldman
and Baum, 2000, 24). Ervin (2000) also advocates that at this stage,

which is ‘most crucial for estimating social costs … anthropologists
can be most useful because they can outline the important variables
and institutions…’ (104). He argues that this is akin to conduct-
ing traditional holistic ethnographies using a cultural-ecological
framework and collecting information relating to demography and
socio-economic aspects of the population including changes in family
structure and socio-economic strategies. Thus, here in this stage
too, the suitability of social anthropology and social anthropologists
is evident.
In the following stage where SIA needs to prepare SIMP,
it is worth considering the views of scholars like Giddens and
Luhmann who advocate for public engagement through ‘par-
ticipation and dialogue’ and soliciting pragmatic views from
communities ‘to reduce some of the more damaging consequences
of manufactured risk’ (Goldman and Baum, 2000, 12). As Polly
Wiessner, anthropology professor, the University of Utah, sug-
gests based on his study among the Kalahari Bushmen, discus-
sions help in collection of experiences and accumulated knowledge
of others (Gallo, 2016). Similarly, Novikova and Wilson (2017) also
advocate for consultation with communities to build trust in a pro-
ject. In this regard, they observe that AER in Russia constitutes
an expert opinion on the impact of extractive industry projects on
the socio-economic development of indigenous communities and
the preservation of indigenous peoples’ culture and traditional
way of life. They opine that AER enables the consideration of
traditional knowledge and indigenous peoples’ values in project-
related decision-making, thus creating a viable mechanism for
consultation.
Finally, as Ervin (2007, 107) suggests, while conducting SIA,
it is important ‘to see that the social, human, and environmental
considerations are nurtured rather than just the technological and
economically oriented ones’. In this context, the role of the social
anthropologists becomes critical in monitoring the outcomes of the
project vis-à-vis the agreed criteria during the last leg of SIA.
Now that the role of social anthropology and social anthro-
pologists is critical in conducting SIA is evident from the discussion
in this section, let me examine how Odisha is conducting SIAs.

IMPLEMENTATION OF SIA IN ODISHA: A
CRITICAL REVIEW USING THE LENS OF SOCIAL
ANTHROPOLOGY
Odisha is an Indian state situated in the eastern part of the coun-
try. The state is endowed with a bounty of natural resources like
iron ore and bauxite. As many as 62 different tribes inhabit Odisha
of which 13 have been classified as particularly vulnerable tribal
groups of Primarily Vulnerable Tribal Groups. Most of these tribes
reside in forest areas and mineral-rich areas like the Dongria Kondh
occupying the Niyamgiri hills in the Rayagada district. Whenever
any development project like mining activities, industries, railways,
roads, dams, or bridges was carried out or constructed the tribes and
other vulnerable communities of Odisha suffered the most. They
were ousted from their homeland and resettled and rehabilitated
somewhere else or they had to face land alienation. In short, they
were displaced from their land and occupation source, which as the
literature suggests affected their lives and livelihoods.
To strike a balance between development priority and
providing better compensation to the people who would suffer
from such development, the Government of India enacted the
RFCTLARR Act 2013. The Act strives to make land acquisition for
public purposes ‘participatory, humane, informed and transpar-
ent’ (CSE, 2017, 4). In pursuance of this, Odisha formulated the
ORFCTLARR Rules, 2016. Here I have discussed the main provi-
sions in the Odisha Rule for conducting SIA in the subsequent
paragraphs from an anthropological perspective.
Rule 6 of the ORFCTLARR Rules paves way for estab-
lishing an independent organisation as a State SIA Unit with
a responsibility to ensure that the SIA study is conducted by
such persons or bodies other than the Requiring Body as per the
provisions of the Act. Accordingly, the Revenue and Disaster
Management Department of the Government of Odisha estab-
lished the State SIA Unit at the Nabakrushna Choudhury Centre
for Development Studies (NCDS) through Resolution No. 20214/
RDM-RRC-Policy-005-2014, dated 11.07.2014. NCDS is an ICSSR
institute located in Bhubaneswar and is functioning since 2014 as
an independent organisation to conduct SIAs in the state. As man-
dated in Rule 6 of the ORFCTLARR Rules, NCDS has empanelled

42 agencies to carry out SIA studies for land acquisition, reha-
bilitation, and resettlement. Besides, it also carries out capacity-
building training programmes for the SIA team and prepares tools
and manuals for conducting SIAs. As mentioned on its website
(http://ncds.nic.in/?q=node/24), by 2018 it had taken up 95 SIA studies.
About the choice of the type of organisation to conduct
SIA, Rule 10(1) of the ORFCTLARR Rules specifies that ‘The
authority conducting SIA study shall be responsible for selecting
the SIA team for each project from the individuals and institu-
tions registered or empanelled in the State database or qualified
SIA Resource Partners and Practitioners’. However, it does not
necessarily mandate SIA to be conducted by anthropologists like
the AER in Russia does. It may be noted here that the AER is
based on anthropological fieldwork, is carried out by experienced
anthropologists, and aims at evaluating the impacts of industrial
projects on indigenous communities, their culture, and traditional
livelihoods (Novikova and Wilson, 2017). This gap in Odisha Rule
is worth highlighting for the mere fact that the state is home to
a substantial tribal or indigenous population constituting nearly
22% of the state population.
Further, Rule 10(4)(a) of the ORFCTLARR Rules suggests
that the SIA team may include ‘a combination of independent prac-
titioners, qualified social activists, academics, technical experts…’
It has been clearly established through discussion in the previous
section that the role of social anthropologists and the application
of anthropological approaches are critical to the effective conduct of
SIA. In this context, the suggested team composition for conduct-
ing SIA in Odisha appears more academic than professional, as it
does not mandate the inclusion of anthropologists in the SIA team.
Similarly, if we consider Rule 11(1)—which specifies collection and
analysis of a range of quantitative and qualitative data, undertak-
ing detailed site visits and employing participatory methods such
as PRA, focused group discussions and informant interviews in
conjunction with Rule 10(4)—it is apparent that the quality of data,
particularly concerning social and cultural aspects of a community,
will suffer in the absence of social anthropologists in SIA team as
evident from the discussion in the previous section. The lack of
an anthropological perspective is obvious in preparing SIMP as
mandated under Rule 11(1).

Examination of standardised socio-economic and cul-
tural parameters outlined in Form-F and key impact areas
in Form-G of the OFFCTLARR Rules indicates that the list
is comprehensive. However, as the case of Timber Island in
Australia points out, the collection of qualitative information is
key to understanding people’s perspectives or understanding of
a project (Western and Lynch, 2000). In this context, it is worth
mentioning that informal discussion with team members of two
different agencies that conducted SIA in Odisha revealed that
their team did not have the luxury of establishing rapport with
the community to be affected by proposed projects, and thus, the
reliability and validity of the qualitative information collected
were compromised to a certain extent. It is therefore imperative
in this context that though the collection of such qualitative
information is not rocket science and can be elicited by other
social scientists and consulting agencies, it will, however, be
prudent to have anthropologists on board who are trained in the
collection of qualitative information.

That development is inevitable and it begets adverse effects on the
environment and life and livelihoods of people, SIA evolved as a risk
management tool to mitigate the unwelcoming impacts of develop-
ment. SIA has now become an integral component of development
planning. Though its genesis can be traced back to the passing of
the NEPA in 1969, India mandated SIA very recently through the
enactment of the RFLTLARR Act in 2013. SIA’s scope ranges from
assessing impacts on population changes to displacement and relo-
cation to impacts on various socio-economic indicators.
Worldwide, SIA follows a standard step-by-step methodol-
ogy. Citing the studies by different scholars, I have discussed how
the inclusion of social anthropologists and employing anthropologi-
cal approaches are critical to conducting SIA benefiting communi-
ties to be affected by proposed development projects.
Examination of different provisions of the ORFLTLARR
Rules, 2016, reveals that the state of Odisha accords least priority
to include social anthropologists in an SIA team even though it

intends to collect a comprehensive set of qualitative data on many
pertinent social and cultural issues.
Based on this critical review, this chapter concludes that
SIA can be an effective tool in mitigating the adverse impacts of
development projects provided anthropological approaches are
adopted and anthropologists are taken on board as the global
experience suggests.
REFERENCES
Centre for Science and Environment. Social impact assess-
ment (SIA) and social impact management plan (SIMP): An
indicative structure. Retrieved from http://cdn.cseindia.org/
attachments/0.36377600_1530769847_SIA-and-Social-Impact-
Management-Plan-(SIMP).pdf, 2017.
Ervin, A. M. Applied anthropology: Tools and perspectives for contem-
porary practices. Boston: Allyn and Bacon, 2000.
Finsterbusch, K. Understanding social impacts. Beverly Hills, CA:
Sage Publications, 1980. Quoted in L. Goldman and S. Baum,
Introduction. In L. R. Goldman (Eds.) Social impact analysis: An
applied anthropology manual. Oxford: Berg, 2000, 36.
Gallo, C. The storyteller’s secret. London: Macmillan, 2016.
Goldman, L. & Baum, S. Introduction. In L. R. Goldman (Eds.), Social
impact analysis: An applied anthropology manual. Oxford: Berg,
2000, 1–31.
Government of Odisha. The Odisha Right to Fair Compensation and
Rules, 2016. Retrieved from http://revenueodisha.gov.in/sites/default/
files/Acts_Rules/Rules/ORTFCTLARR_Rules_2016.pdf, 2016.
Mathur, H. M. Social impact assessment: A tool for planning better
resettlement. Retrieved from http://iced.cag.gov.in/wp-content/
uploads/HCM-presentation.pdf, n.d.
Novikova, N. & Wilson, E. Anthropological expert review: Socio-cultural
impact assessment for the Russian North. ARRAN. Retrieved from
https://arran.no/sites/a/arran.no/files/arran_lule_anthro_expert_
review_paper8_web.pdf, 2017.
Pathak, P. & Schlag, Z. Measuring social impact: Lessons from India.
The Guardian. Retrieved from https://www.theguardian.com/
social-enterprise-network/2013/apr/22/measuring-social-impact-
lessons-india, 2013.
Western, J. & Lynch, M. Overview of the social impact assessment
process. In L. R. Goldman (Eds.), Social impact analysis: An applied
anthropology manual. Oxford: Berg, 2000, 35–59.

CHAPTER 16
SOCIAL IMPACT
ASSESSMENT, AND
POVERTY AMONG
VULNERABLE TRIBAL
COMMUNITIES
A Case Study
Premananda Panda
Social Impact Assessment (SIA) is used to identify and manage

the social impacts of extractive industrial projects. The aim is to
enhance positive benefits as well as to mitigate negative effects
caused due to development activities by the state and/or the cor-
porate. In India, SIA is a pre-investment strategic understanding
of impact on human and nonhuman resources. It has assumed the
status of a regulatory tool in planning developmental projects since
2013. No importance was given to SIA till recent decades. It has
become mandatory for any major project to have SIA much before
it starts functioning. It directs that the findings of the study must
be publicly displayed and made available in local languages that
are easily accessible and intelligible to the likely affected persons.
The history of colonial construct in defining subjects (tribes) and
formulation of acts and operating rules remained unabated. As the
doctrine of development is polymorphic due to its dissimilar shades
of meaning and significances, in almost all development-induced
244 Premananda Panda

displacements, that exploited the environment and habitat of the
forest dwellers, speak volumes of pitiable stories and loss of identi-
ties of the displaced across generations.
With the emergence of economic globalization, there has
been new ways of invades on livelihood patterns of the marginal-
ized, especially in resource-rich areas, where vulnerable tribal
communities inhabit. There is no parallel to historical equivalent of
global reach and consequence cultural estrangement of the forest-
dependent people. Since decades, in the name of development, the
historical injustice has made to the forest inhabitants by state
authorities and the consequent menace of the displaced demand a
fresh and alternative evaluation process from the perspective of the
internally colonized and evacuated. In India, conversion of forest
for the purpose of non-forest use led to tribal de-peasantization.
It displaced the tangibles and intangibles forcing tribal people to
migrate in search of living. Impoverishment has distanced the pro-
ject affected people from their hither to rights, freedom and necessi-
ties. Based on a few reported case studies from Odisha, this chapter
tries to interpret the data and offers a few alternative methods of
understanding the realities from the decolonized methodological
perspective that upholds democratic values and social justice.
INTRODUCTION
Conceptually, SIA is an important tool to assess the social, economic
and cultural impacts of state and/or corporate activities on indigenous
communities. This is particularly relevant for extractive industrial
activities that frequently encroach local resources like land, forest,
water to extract minerals and transport the raw materials to
manufacturing sites and construct corporate units that contribute
in reduction of biodiversity, increase in health hazards and decline
livelihood resources and weakening social solidarity and security of
the natives. Where state takes the responsibility for the well-being of
its citizens, the SIAs are considered to be good practice for managing
and mitigating the social impacts caused due to huge projects. Based
on the findings of SIA, the policies are expected to protect peoples’
interest and incorporate the priorities of the affected mass. For some,
the popular notion is that development without displacement is
unthinkable. Global data reveal that Asia has the highest number of
Social Impact Assessment, and Poverty 245

displaced people whose whereabouts are not recorded. Theoretically,
the SIA intends toward betterment of displaced in changing situation
(Becker and Vanclay 2003, Burdge 2004 and Vanclay 2004).
In India, for instance, around 21 million people were
affected during the last four decades. Of them, illiterate and tribal
people and Dalits are the worst hit. As observed from various
reports, welfare government and the corporate respond only to
those issues that are easily addressed by the administration and
that suits to political party in power. Agitations are responded by
state and/or corporate depending upon their intensity. Often the
state takes measures to suppress the sporadic agitation launched
by aggrieved people and set aside the organized protests, if any,
with the plea of law-and-order situation. The rehabilitation and
compensation in favor of resource-losers were hardly bothered. In
such contexts, the social commitment of the state and the corporate
as an integral part of societal development remains questionable.
Therefore, SIA is viewed as a process that seeks clarification on
accessing resources that alters quality of life of displaced. History
reveals that benefits are being accrued by a small section of upper
rung of the society – the winners, who have close ties with the cor-
porate and the state administration. The victims of development
are the losers who have been alienated from traditional livelihood
resources. Proximal to industries also affect the natural resources.
For example, in Odisha, the agricultural fields located near the
cement industries and surface mines get polluted and hardened due
to oozed out dust blown into air. The matter brought to the notice
of pollution board authorities regarding the polluting industries
are taken into deaf ear. To save expenditure, many industries do
not install electrostatic preceptors to disallow dust particles blown
into air. Grassroots people are timid and voiceless. Therefore,
there is a need to examine the grassroots realities unbiased by a
third party not connected either to corporate or the government to
evaluate impacts. A balanced development planning is supposed to
take into account the environmental, sociocultural and biodiversity
aspects. With the invitations extended by the state to corporate
and apprehensions of adverse impact on natives make SIA assume
greater relevance in growing economy. In the era of globalization,
the cultural dimension discloses essentially dialectical tenets (Sen
2000). Thus, popular slogan ‘think globally and act locally’ suggests

the political strategy of corporate interest coupled with crony capi-
tal of the state. SIA is expected to ensure that the needs are met
and voices of deserved are heard. Such impacts include changes in
people’s way of life, mindset, their tangible and intangible cultural
heritages, community bases of security and safety, self-sustained
political systems, biodiversity of environment, physical and mental
health well-being, personal and property rights, and fears and aspi-
rations. Social impacts caused due to development projects may be
grouped under five overlapping categories:
• Lifestyle impacts that refer to the impact on the way people

behave and relate to family, lineages and village members for
everyday life and living.
• Cultural impacts imply to the shared customs, obligations,
values, language, religious belief and other intangible elements
that make a social system operative in an ethnic group.
• Community impacts refer to the village/community commons
and include infrastructure, services, voluntary organizations,
activity networks and community solidarity.
• Health impacts cover affected members’ mental, physical and
social well-being.
• Quality-of-life impacts stretch weightage on ongoing relatively
harmonious productive interactions among members that
contribute for creation of perception of belongingness, esthetic
values, security and congenial environment, aspirations for
future and offers freedom from fear.
REVIEW OF LITERATURE
A few studies on SIA and its implication would help us to understand
the theoretical dimensions of contextuality of events. Eccleston
(2011), Morgan (1998) and Willigen (2002) addressed a wide range
of problem-solving practices in both development action and applied
research in the areas of SIA. Becker (1997) discussed the state-
of-the-art techniques in SIA. Barrow’s (2000) work explained the
practical and theoretical approaches, tools and techniques used
to examine the relationships of SIA with forecasting corporate/
government planning and policy-making. Vanclay and Bronstein
(1995) addressed the major issues and controversies in the field of

Environmental Impact Assessment (EIA) and SIA. Leistritz and
Ekstrom (1986) abridged the existing knowledge in the field of
SIA and focused on change in demographic structure, sources and
opportunities of earnings, displacement and relocation, neighbor-
hood disruption due to sharing of resources, noise impacts, leisure-
recreation impacts, stress etc. Abaza and Sadler (2004) and Ekins
and Voituriez (2009) provided information and guidance on EIA good
practice with particular reference to its application in developing
countries and countries in transition to global market economies.
Colombo (1991) discussed on some sociological aspects connected
with EIA and focused on the field of SIA and its relation with EIA
on the sociological implications of different EIA models. Gartner
and Lime (2000) explained the current status of impact research in
recreation and tourism highlighting the social, economic, cultural,
political and environmental concerns upon tourism and recreation.
Erickson (1994) discussed various issues of assessment process that
will help ecologists, environmental scientists, and civil engineers to
identify the conceptual foundation of the assessments. Morris and
Therivel (2009) emphasized the workforce involved in the construc-
tion and operation of any major project. It is observed that previous
studies emphasized on various issues and concerns of impact caused
by large number of ongoing development projects. Some studies
highlighted the entire dynamics of displacement, resettlement and
rehabilitation. Most of the works focused on understanding the
impact assessment in a wider context. Some studies examined the
relationship of SIA with planning and policy-making and tried to
address the major issues and controversies in the field of environ-
mental and SIA. Finally, a few works pointed out a wide range of
problem-solving practices in both development actions and applied
research in the areas of SIA. Bizer et al. (2010) pointed out genuine
need for further investments in data collection – to identify and col-
lect the relevant data needed for impact analysis. The basic objective
of the study is to locate the gap between policy and implementation
of SIA with a focus on Odisha’s situation.
LEGAL DIMENSION OF SIA

Many countries use SIAs as a regulatory tool in planning develop-
mental projects. In India, SIAs got mandated in 2013 by the Right

Rehabilitation and Resettlement Act. The government and corporate
are to prepare a Social Impact Management Plan for acquisition of
land by government for its own use, hold and control or by public–pri-
vate partnership (PPP) or by private acquisition for public purposes.
On the basis of SIAs and an overture of corporate social
responsibility (CSR) normally holds good as a make-believe solace
for the poor displaced tribal communities and Dalits who speak a
lot on their unbroken history of exploitation and marginalization
and broken promises of corporate and the government many a time.
The current ideology of ruling capital in India does not seem to put
any emphasis on forest protection and protection of livelihood of the
forest dwellers and tribal people. The prevailing view of the ruling
elites, corporate and of course, the state machinery to make the
tangible and intangible forest products as future safety measures
to the biodiversity including humankinds. The tribal people and
forest dwellers as protectors of forest have never been recognized
for certain ulterior intensions. State prefers investors and invites
to install their industries at the environmental cost and cost of the
marginalized section of people. The rational explanations offered
by the unmindful natural resources exploiting corporate that the
industries would generate revenue and employment for the people
so that nation will develop. But the food gatherers, hunters, shifting
cultivators, artisans and tribal peasants whose subsistence economy
is met through seasonally conditioned multiple activities are jeopard-
ized. The traditional framework of community ownership has been
undermined. The policy-makers often ignore the peoples’ knowledge
system and set aside the local needs. They advise the government,
to absorb the affected in upcoming industries and other nonagricul-
tural activities. The long gestation period did not allow the displaced
to become beneficiaries. However, this approach has got further
impetus with the onset of structural adjustment program in order
to achieve more productive output and assume global competitive
status; however, this went against labor-intensive strategies.
METHODS ADOPTED
Data regarding the field area was collected both from primary as
well as secondary sources. Primary sources include data collection

through direct field observations based on interview, schedules and
case studies. Observation method was widely used for the current
study to pay close attention, watch and listen carefully. Interview
guide as a method was used for the study where researcher pre-
pared various questions to extract information to the best of their
knowledge, covering every aspect of the problems and issues related
to SIA. A comprehensive questionnaire schedule format was devel-
oped in which required information were filled by the researcher
through personal interaction. Through case study method, the
required information regarding details loss of biodiversity and
household coping mechanism was elicited. The secondary informa-
tion was collected from books, journals, reports, records and other
documents.
Earlier, Indian Government resolved to build an egalitar-
ian social order within our diverse Indian hierarchical society.
The path of planned economic development was to be plotted that
weaker section of the community were not at a disadvantage. A
clear policy of ‘positive discrimination’ was to be pursued with
specific provisions in constitution. To our dismay, since 1991, the
welfare measures have been given lesser weightage compared to
the development measures. The benign idealism of the panchsheel
of state policy enunciated by the then Prime Minister Jawaharlal
Nehru was projected as harmonious with peoples’ own perception
of life wherein it was clearly indicated that tribal rights in land
and forest should be respected; they be allowed to develop in their
own genius and administration should work through their cultural
institutions and help them develop since some technical personnel
be needed, but the tribal area should restrict entry of too many
outsiders. In view of this SIA, besides other acts and amendments
of the constitution, the most prominent acts have been commenced
such as Land Acquisition Act of 1984, Panchayat (Extension to
Scheduled Areas) (PESA Act) of 1996 and Forest Right Act of 2006
which protect the tribal and forest dwellers.
The old Land Acquisition Act of 1894 of British India did not
have a clause that looked out for the resettlement and rehabilitation
of the people displaced by land acquisition; this was replaced a new
Act. ‘The Right to Fair Compensation and Transparency in Land
Acquisition, Rehabilitation and Resettlement Bill (RFCT-LARR),
2013 has received the assent of the President of India,’ said in a

press release by the law ministry. This new piece of legislation,
also known as the LARR Act of 2013, is supposed to ensure that
no land is acquired forcibly and that every landowner receives fair
compensation. Even with such Acts and safeguards, the delaying
process of rehabilitation and compensation force the displaced move
away to distant areas to sale their labor for survival. Neither the
governments nor the corporate have ever kept any record of the
displaced whose migration pushed them to many kinds of vulner-
ability. The gap between the commitments made by corporate and
the governments to the displaced have proved to be never pro-people
orientated and promises to be forgotten.
CASE STUDY FROM ODISHA

The tribal area in Odisha comes under the fifth schedule almost
corresponding to scheduled area (SA). The governor being the
highest authority of the state is empowered under paragraph 5(2)
of fifth schedule of the constitution to become an ultimate change-
maker in governing SAs after due consultation with the Tribal
Advisory Council subject to assent of the president. The year 1996
brought benign promises 73rd amendment in favor of the tribal
people what is popularly known as the Panchyati raj Extension
to Scheduled Areas (PESA). This pro-people act like Forest Rights
Act of 2006 intended to address the historical injustice made to
the tribal people and other forest dwellers to assure them as active
players and partners in planning process for self-governance.
Some of the constitutional mandates have been taken for a ride to
accommodate the corporate. As such, more than 78% of household
belong to small peasants and landless. The flawed facets of such
an approach may remain indifferent at the non-accessibility to
nation’s productive asset. The corporate would not absorb the vast
majority of unskilled labor force. The make-in-India and make-
in-Odisha call by the governments may face negative response of
the people and may create constitutional problems. Data revealed
that in Odisha neither the land reform nor the industrial develop-
ment could bring any change in the quality of life of the people.
The latest world inequality report flags India as a poor and very
unequal country with top 10% holding 57% of national wealth in
2021 and bottom 50% holding just 13% and this is tightly connected
to ecological inequalities (The Indian Express, 8 December 2021).
However, one observes the rise of new rich – the bureaucrats, gave
a signal of control over fund flow and meandering of the existing
acts and rules. In order to safeguard the interest of the new rich
and the corporates, the law and order acts on selective issues and
events. The forest areas are increasingly getting used for non-forest
purposes. The open cast mining has eaten away the forest leading
to decline in biodiversity and food and nutritional scarcity due to
widespread deforestation, soil erosion and degradation and drying
up of water sources. Finding no alternatives for subsistence, some
section of forest-dependent population has started migrating to
urban centers in search of living.
Mining is one of the major reasons for the displacement of
tribals. Realizing the painful events of recent history of displace-
ment and pauperization of the neighboring communities, the tribal
people of Odisha had sporadic as well as organized resistance
against mining in Niyamgiri, Deomali, Khandadhar, Kashipur and
Keonjhar. A young agitator from Niyamgiri stated that ‘becoming
rootless in one’s own ancestral land and forest is leading to a plight
of lifelessness.’ The unbroken suffering history of marginalization
and broken promises of the government and the corporate made
many tribals apprehensive over their future. However, the recent
act of RFCT-LARR Act of 2013, and the rule of Odisha to RFCT-
LARR Act of 2016, is an improvement over the amended Land
Acquisition Act of 1894. In this rule 6, it is clearly mentioned that
for land acquisition state/corporate must have a SIA unit. In rules 8
and 9, the state government is to certify for carrying out SIA study
in consultation with the concerned panchayats/wards. Similarly,
rules 10, 11 and 12 indicate the selection of SIA team, process of
conducting study and cover the entitlement matrix, respectively.
Rules 14 and 15 specify the procedure of public hearing and publi-
cation of report of SIA so that the transparency is maintained and
proper safeguard strategies can be arranged. The SIA unit has
to engage a credible agency to conduct the study and suggest the
government for appropriate action.
MINES AND MINERALS IN ODISHA

Odisha is a mineral- and ore-rich state and almost 44% of its land
area come under fifth schedule. It was expected that suitable

institutional frame is built under the stewardship of the gover-
nor on the foundations of the traditional system so that conflict
between the traditional system and formal state system can
amicably resolved. Almost all mines and minerals are in tribal
habitat area. Apart from mines owned by the government, there
are a little more than 638 registered mines owned by others in
Odisha. The state has 60% bauxite, 25% coal, 28% iron, 92%
nickel, and 28% of manganese reserve in India. On the basis of
intensity of mining impact on environment, the State Pollution
Board has divided all 30 districts into 16 mining zones as follows.
Zone 1: Keonjhar, Sundergarh Iron and Manganese ore area; Zone
2: Angul Talcher coalfield area; Zone 3: Sambalpur, Jharsuguda
coalfield area; Zone 4: Jajpur, Dhenkanal and Keonjhar Chromite
area; Zone 5: Koraput Rayagada Kalahandi Bauxite area; Zone 6:
Biramitrapur Limestone and Dolomite belt; Zone 7: Baula-Nuasahi
chromite belt of Keonjhar and adjacent Balasore district; Zone 8:
Gandhamardhan and adjacent areas of iron ore in Keonjhar; Zone 9:
Mayurbhanj district, Iron ore and China clay area; Zone 10: Beach
sand mining area of Ganjam district and adjacent Puri district;
Zone 11: Tumudibandh (Gangam, Gajapati and adjacent areas) –
Graphite area; Zone 12: Bolangir-Baragarh areas – Bauxite and
Graphite; Zone 13: Kalahandi district around Titlagarh – Graphite,
Quartzite and Gemsstones; Zone 14: Boudh, Sonepur and Phulbani
area – Small deposits of bauxite and graphite, but potential area
for coal, diamond, gold, gemstones and dimensional stones; Zone
15: Cuttack adjacent Dhenkanal areas and Khurda district; Zone
16: Western Orissa, Malkalgiri and Nawarangapur, Nuapara dis-
trict – Good potential for limestone and dolomite, China clay, iron
ore, tin ores, bauxite, besides gold, diamond, graphite, gemstones
and dimensional stones. Now the state invites global investors to
start their companies in Odisha. According to former tribal com-
missioner, Ministry of Tribal affairs, Government of India, Prof.
B. D. Sharma, with globalization, the new economic policy and free
market will be the last phase of assault to the tribals where there
will be rejection of the tribal system and the habitat and commu-
nity concepts finally spurned (1995). There were many attempts
made by the forest officials of the state to stop traditional podu
cultivation. The common blame inflicted upon the tribals as forest
destroyers although they never cut the fruit-bearing trees or plants.

Their traditional practice positively contributed to rich biodiver-
sity and provided the food security across seasons. It is a fact that
where there is rich biodiversity there is food security. Evidences
are there to show that the state fails to protect the forest and the
tribals took over to maintain the forest (there are cases as seen
among the Ka’apor tribe in Maranho State of Brazil who took law
into their hand and protected the forest from illegal cut) as seen
in many parts of Odisha. In real sense, the tribal people are the
protectors of forest. Five decades back, Odisha had more than 60%
of forest area and now it has come down to less than 37%. Land
alienation in SA of Odisha is being controlled by regulation II/1956
that deals with transfer of immovable property in Scheduled Areas
and the Amendment Act 1975 prior to the enactment of regula-
tion of 1956. Koraput being one of the tribal-dominated districts,
covered by the Agency Tracts Interests and Land Transfers Act of
1977. There were ambiguous interpretation on transfer of tribal
land, the forest land for non-forest use. A large patch of tribal
land in Koraput was lost to non-tribal money lenders and other
land grabbers who adopted various mechanism to dupe the tribals
through usery. Lack of financial institutions, delay in response and
bureaucratic nepotism added to misery of the tribal households.
The Odisha Land Reforms Act of 1960 indicated that any transfer
of holding or part thereof by a raiyat belonging to scheduled tribe
shall be void except where it is in favor of a tribe. The land held by
a tribal needs to be approved for transfer by a competent revenue
authorities. Ashok Vardhan in one of his recommendations made
it clear that the Forest Conservation Act of 1980 need suitable
amendment to enable the administration to allot actual land of
forest area of the tribals during settlement (2006). Yet, the tribal
land continues to move to non-tribals. The customary rights of the
community have often overlooked. The common property of the
community was never honored till the enactment of Forest Right
Act of 2006. Mining sector is a matter of the centre, in terms of its
profit, for which the states are only entitled to get royalty.
The paradox is that Odisha has the lowest per capita
income and very high below poverty level amounting to about 50%
of its population. Odisha’s Human Development Index when com-
pared with the other states is positioned at 27. The clarion call of
the prime minister is to exploit the minerals and mines in eastern

states and projected it to generate ‘huge employment’ for the poor.
When the nonrenewal resources are extracted through open cast
mining what happens to the environment and the livelihood of
tribal can be imagined. The available mines and ores are being
used for industrial establishment in the name of development. To
have it in favor of corporate often the politicians during election
and bureaucrats during file movement for sanction the project are
being pleased. However, this is difficult to prove and can only be
derived when the norms that are violated and rationalized. Of late
the tribal elites are getting aware of the tactics of the outsiders.
In a way, when the campaigning politician addresses tribal as
brother, it is being viewed as an act of hypocrisy and looks behind
the façade of symbolic friendliness for the hidden interest (2012).
While proclaiming Odisha, a land with rich forests, fertile
agricultural land and a long coastline with the most beautiful
beaches like Chandipur, the purpose is to invite outsiders for rev-
enue generation. The most important thing is that Odisha is a state
where all types of natural resources are available, so the State can
be used and developed for tourists and it can earn huge amount
of money from tourism, but regretfully the tourism side has been
neglected by the government for a long time. At the national level,
while ‘The National Infrastructure Index was 107, for Odisha it
was 75. The development policy pursued by Odisha government
till date produced massive poverty and displacement in the state.
The recent back migration of labor force in Odisha due to covid-19
indicate that the State is incapable of using the human resources
and in search of living mostly the poor tribals and Dalits desert
their homeland. The menace of the small peasants, tribals and
other forest dwellers caused due to involuntary displacement has
not stopped even today. Recent study undertaken by ACS/NCDS
of SIA of NTPC located in Himgiri block of Sundargarh district for
land acquisition in order to have construction of Railway line. The
Ardra Consulting Services Pvt. Ltd., Bhubaneswar, Odisha, was
given the responsibility to evaluate the impact. As per the report
submitted to NTPC the following are the features: The targeted
geographical area comes under SA and the Chuabahal village had
1121 hectares of land inhabited numerically by Scheduled caste and
Scheduled tribe families. The project area comprises 278 households
with a total population of 1092 (554 males and 538 females). With

regard to ethnic composition, it has 88 scheduled caste households
with male and female numbered 49 and 39, respectively. The tribal
population was 766 with male and female population 383 and
383. Similarly, the other backward caste members were 238 with
male and female122. The SC and ST population constitutes about
78.20% of the total affected population. The total literacy rate was
65.10%, out of which male literacy is 58.08% and female literacy
was 41.91%. The children below 6 years constitute less than 10%
of the total population, mostly malnourished. For basic amenities
like grocery, medicine, building materials, housing equipment was
available within a radius 20 km of the village.
The total area of NTPC Railway Siding at Darlipalli was
about 149 acres with a road stretch of 12 km extending from Laikera
to Keshubahal to Basundhara coal mines. For supply of electricity
from Keshubhal to Darlipalli as well as for oil transportation to
Darlipalli project, the need of railway line was essential for which
NTPC project for laying the railway line at Darlipalli required 60.84
acre of land distributed in villages namely Chuabahal, Laikera,
Kalamegha and Kanaktura of Hemagiri Blocks of Sundergarh
District. For this, 59.34-acre land has already been acquired of
which 45.05 acres was private land and 14.29 government land.
During previous land acquisition process, NTPC had left out 2
acres of land in Chauabahal village considering that it was owned
by the government. However, on detail verification of the total
stretch of land, it was identified that 2-acre land in Chuabahal
village was owned by Mr. Brundaban Majhi S/o Late. Mr. Sovaran
Majhi. Therefore, in lieu of the contiguous land for the railway line
extension project, 1.5 acres out of this 2 acres was essential. The
rest of the earlier acquired private land has already undergone the
land acquisition process as per Section 7 of Land Act. As NTPC is a
Public Sector Enterprise, there is a demand for power for Odisha,
Jharkhand and Bihar, hence the completion of this project was a
priority. Thereby an expedited acquisition vide Section 2(1) of the
R&R Act of 2013 was initiated to complete the project meant for
‘public purpose.’ As per the provisions of RFCT-LARR Act of 2013,
it is a mandate to conduct a SIA Study with fare and transparent
method for rightful compensation to the land losers and project-
affected families.

The new land acquisition law came into force on 1 January
2014. The RFCT-LARR Act of 2013, replaces the Land Acquisition
Act of 1894, which existed for centuries since colonial era. The
new RFCT-LARR Act is an attempt to revamp and make the land
acquisition process more effective by addressing the major lacunae
in previous Act. The Act seeks to harmonize the interests of land
owners, corporate interest/growth of real estate and infrastructure
industries and bring transparency in the process of land acquisition.
The objective of the Act was to meet the requirements of modern
times. The Act, inter alia, contains provisions pertaining to man-
datory rehabilitation and resettlement of those whose lands are
acquired and payment of fair compensation to them. Significantly,
the Act provides for enhanced compensation to land owners where
government acquires land for public purposes or for PPP projects.
In an average, the monetary value aggregates almost four times the
market value in rural areas. The Act has been hailed as beneficial
and necessary to protect the interest of land holders and other
affected persons.
The rehabilitation and resettlement to be undertaken as
per act and rules for every acquisition. Once the preliminary noti-
fication for acquisition is published, an administrator is appointed
who shall conduct a survey and prepare the scheme. To keep it
transparent, the blueprint of the scheme shall then be discussed
in the local bodies and encourage objections, if any; to be heard
by the administrator who shall prepare a report and submit it to
the collector. The collector shall review the scheme and submit it
to the commissioner appointed for R&R. Once the commissioner
approves the R&R scheme, the government shall issue a declaration
identifying the areas required for the purpose of R&R. The admin-
istrator shall then be responsible to execute of the scheme. The
commissioner shall supervise the implementation of the scheme.
As per the terms of reference, the research team comprising of one
team leader, one research supervisor, and one field investigator
was engaged for the study within a time frame. The concerned
evaluating organization claimed to have adapted the tools for the
study that include (a) coordination and consultation with various
stakeholders; (b) assessment of the study area; (c) orientation and
training for the research team; (d) collection of information/facts/
data pertaining to the project; (e) collection of primary data through

questionnaire, interview schedules, personal interview of PAPs and
FGD; (f) computation and statistical analysis of data and (g) data
representation and report preparation.
AN INDIVIDUAL CASE
The total land is 2.00 acres owned by Late Mr. Brundaban Majhi
S/o. Late Mr. Sovran Majhi out of this 1.50 acres was proposed
to be acquired, the plot no: 983/2646, Khata no: 145/39 catego-
rized as ‘Goda-2’ land classification. Khata no: 145/39, plot no
983/2646 was owned by Late Mr. Brundaban Majhi, S/o Late
Mr. Sovran Majhi of Mouza – Chuabahal, Block/PS-Hemgir,
District, Sundargarh. The total area is 2 acres of land out of which
1.5 acres of land to be acquired. Late Brundaban Majhi had one
son Mr. Deabarchan Majhi aged around 60 years and four married
daughters namely Sushma Dhurua, Dusila Bhoi, Sukanti Bhue
and Sauki Majhi. Mr. Deabarchan Majhi’s wife Jayamani Majhi, a
house wife, had three married sons. All adult members of the family
work as labors in informal sector.
The monetary compensation for land shall be done as men-
tioned in the official sales statistics maintained as per registration
of sale deeds under Indian Stamp Act of 1899 or the market value
of land considered as per approved benchmark valuation whichever
is higher. The evaluating organization with a rider suggested that
the compensation of acquired land for around to be `6.00 lakhs per
acre. As per Section 26, the market value of the land, estimated by
the Chuabahal, Sanaghumuda Revenue Inspector (RI) Office under
the GSR Hemgir (4.5 lakhs). Further, it is said that in case of deter-
mination of the market value, the last three years of average selling
or acquiring price may be considered with a calculated additional
market value @12% per annum as per the provisions u/s 30(3) of the
act. The additional assets may be included in the compensation and
solarium shall be calculated as per the statute to derive the final
compensatory amount for each land looser. However, no evidence
was collected for the aforesaid market valuation for the said area.
Vocational or skill training has to be indoctrinated into
the affected family to help them sustain life and living. It is an
inseparable part of compensation as the land loser not only lost the
land but all identities and honor associated with land is also lost.

To engage the vocationally trained affected family members in the
project or other ancillary units for earning income. More focus may
be given to engage the BPL families. Training and market linkage
support to the women affected family members through Self-Help
Groups (SHGs). ACS/NCDS/Social Impact Assessment Study for
Land Acquisition (left out) in Chuabahal village of Hemgiri Tahasil
of Sundargarh District for construction of railway line by NTPC,
Darlipali. The revolving fund supports to the WSHGs or link them
with the financial institutions for availing loan to start individual or
group income generating activities. Facilitate or provide agriculture
extension services for adoption of improved agriculture practices,
which would increase the productivity and income from agricul-
ture. It will help agriculture carried out by the affected families
more remuneratively. The fruit- or non-fruit-bearing trees may be
provided to the affected families for plantation to compensate the
loss of trees owned by the families. Community plantation drive
may be initiated in the affected villages. The training on NTFPs
product processing and value addition of products may be provided
to sell and earn income. Market linkage support for selling forest
produces may be provided. Effort may be made to link the Madhu
Babu Pension Yojana (MBPY) providing financial assistance to the
destitute elderly and destitute differently disabled persons and
widows. Awareness generation program may be conducted in the
affected villages to improve maternal and child health and nutrition
status, on construction of toilets and stopping open defecation and
on appropriate hand washing and hygiene practices. Efforts must
be taken not only to create adequate water sources but also for the
maintenance and upkeep of the water sources created in the project
villages. Attempts must be made to provide better facilities for edu-
cation and health care through constant persuasion. Health-care
delivery through the ICDS schemes, which has gained acceptance
by the community, should be strengthened. Along with it, better
diagnostic and treatment facilities must be provided. Similarly,
there are cases like the implementation of the 38-km-long Jeypore–
Nabarangpur new broad-gauge railway line, in undivided Koraput
district the state government possibly has conducted SIA study for
the project. Revenue and Disaster Management Department has
issued a notification for conduct of SIA study, which is mandatory
prior to land acquisition for the project.

In the eve of development project, it is expected that com-
munities likely to be affected are informed sufficient ahead and
the grievances be recorded for justice to be offered to them for their
sacrifice. The notification and announcement through drum beating
give the psychological bombardment to the community. The fear
psychosis often makes the mum and appeal to the supernatural dei-
ties to save them and the resources they have been given by their
ancestors. What is the gap between the policy and practice can be
examined from the empirical research-based papers already pub-
lished? For the present purpose, recently published empirical study
conducted by Srinivas and Nayak (2016) on SIA in a village called
Chikapar of Semliguda Block of Koraput in response to Hindustan
Aeronautics Limited (HAL) government undertaking organization
acquired 11733.18 acres for establishment has been chosen. For
this, the state government was the acquiring body and HAL was a
requiring body. The study revealed the following:
HISTORY OF CHIKAPAR VILLAGE

People of Chikapar village, which is one of the core villages, have
an experience of thrice displaced since the 1960s from their habi-
tat. It was twice due to Kolab Dam project and recently by HAL.
This village was a part of tribal sub-plan area and comes under
fifth schedule of our constitution. It is a fact that a tribal never
begs. After displacement, they work as construction labors. At
present, people of Chikapar are recognized as members of colony
no. 9 covered under Sunabeda municipality and local revenue
authorities. The land acquisition process for establishment of HAL
to manufacture MIG engines started in the year 1962. Of total
acquired land, state government has given 3500 acres to HAL
and rest surplus acquired land was given to various developmen-
tal activities like mixed farming, dairy farm, sericulture, Naval
Armament Depot (NAD) and Commando Battalion for Resolute
Action (COBRA). During the process of land acquisition for HAL,
the state government displaced 22 villages that housed nearly
5000 households. A very few households were employed in HAL
and rest were left without proper resettlement and compensation
(Srinivas and Nayak 2016). The displaced villages settled outside
the boundary wall of HAL and a few within the boundary of HAL

and lead a life without any assurance and security measures. HAL
came into operation since 1966 and subsequent authorities forgot
the sacrifice of the local inhabitants. As regard, HAL/government
did not have the accountability as there was no Act or rules and
polices for rehabilitation and resettlement then. The corporate took
the issue for a smooth ride; however, expressed humanitarian com-
mitment for the displaced to forget. Even the organized agitations
of the victims were hardly bothered. To pacify the issue and avoid
future disturbances, the HAL authorities provided employment to
a few displaced as unskilled laborers. The displaced who lost land
and village were treated as fully displaced. The partially displaced
were those who lost either cultivable land or village and finally
the villages who do not fall in the limits of HAL but their land was
acquired by state government. The last category of people falls in
the peripheral limits of HAL and they were demanding for proper
compensation/employment or return of acquired land. There are
demands from the entire peripheral villages for return of acquired
land but state government and HAL authorities are not addressing
their problem. This is different problem where the HAL authorities
are saying that the acquired surplus land is in the name of state
government which is being used for various developmental activi-
ties like mixed farming, dairy farm, sericulture, NAD and COBRA
battalion. Hence, HAL is little concerned about the land issue. The
existing rule indicates that if the acquired land remained fellow, it
automatically goes back to the previous land owner. Then the state
government did not have the idea of creating a land bank for future
use. Decade back, government once initiated to give back the sur-
plus acquired land to all previous peasants inhabiting in peripheral
villages of HAL but in vain. The displaced Chikapar village settled
in the present habitation since 1985 as no authorities ever bothered
to resettle them. The revenue authorities treat them as encroachers
for the last three to four decades. Once the owners of the land and
forest as per their customary law are now leveled as encroachers
by the government. In this situation, the government must provide
title deed (patta) for their homestead land to protect and safeguard
their lives. HAL authorities should revise the compensation which
they gave was a meagre and must engage in various developmental
activities through CSR in displaced villages to improve the living
standards of people.

FEATURES OF CHIKAPAR VILLAGE
It was a heterogeneous village comprising of diverse cultural com-
munities belonging to scheduled tribe, scheduled caste and general
caste members like Gadaba, Domb and other socially and economi-
cally backward caste groups. These villagers were living together
sharing the same ecology, culture and technology having relative
integrity and harmony. The demographic composition of the village
refers to total population of 1428 of 319 households with a sex ration
of 1037. This predominantly labor-supplying village is represented
by Doms (SC), Gadabas (ST) and other castes (OC). Sharing with
sex ratio of 1037 and ethnic composition wise represents 72%, 20%
and 7%, respectively. The household assets from sample revealed
that 63% have ceiling fans, 74% households possess televisions, 52%
households have domestic gas connection, 26% using pressure cook-
ers, 24% have bicycles and 19% own motor bikes. The influence of
cell phone technology is with above 86% of households of their earn-
ings. Due to low level of income, only a few households own some
assets like refrigerators (9%), dug well (8%) and hand pump (6%).
None of the households have tractors or four wheelers. Majority of
the households (78%) live in semi-pucca houses. A few of them have
asbestos sheets roofed. People with very low level of income, that
is, less than `1000 per month, dwell in thatched houses, which are
made up of locally available grass, leaves, clay, mud and bamboos
account to 8%. The slight better income households have pucca
houses with RCC roof accounts for 12%. Occupational distribution
of households is as follows: 68% labors sale their labor in local
informal labor market, skill workers 21% government employees
3%, small grocery shop owners 4% and old-age pension holders 3%.
The culture of savings is almost nonexistent.
The social cohesion among the displaced is diluted to a
large extent. Older generation are engaged earning by involving
themselves in various new and hither to unknown occupations.
Low literacy level restricts them to get into any job available in
the area. Unemployed youths are inclined to antisocial activities.
The people of this village face an imminent risk of food insecurity
after involuntarily moved to present settlement. Food insecurity
and undernourishment occurred among them due to the results
of inadequate purchasing power and no agricultural land. Elderly

members of the village informed that social stress, food insecurity
and psychological trauma associated with displacement contributed
to deterioration in health. Unhygienic living conditions in village,
such as unsafe drinking water and poor sewerage gave rise to diar-
rhea, cholera and malaria as per local hospital report. The women,
infants, children and the elderly are affected mostly. The state acted
as a land acquiring body and forest in favor of corporate as requiring
bodies. In Odisha, there has been a close connection between ruling
political members and the corporate. The corporate either directly
get benefitted through leasing in mines or by taking the work
contracts of public sector organization like the HAL of Koraput.
Crony capitalism is an economic system in which businesses
thrive not as a result of risk, but rather as a return on monetary
benefits through a nexus between a business class and the politi-
cal class. This is often achieved by using state power rather than
competing in managing permits, government grants, tax breaks,
or other forms of state intervention over resources where the state
exercises monopolist control over public goods, for example, mining
concessions for primary commodities or contracts for public works.
Displacement cannot restore their previous standard of living
The amount of compensation to the resource losers till
recently has never been transparent. The crime and corruption
during disseverment of compensation amount were at height and
the victims were taken to the make-believe world of future security.
The major portion of the compensation amount were exhausted soon
due to consumer culture. The time gap between the project proposal
and implementation the state administration and/or concerned
corporate could have surveyed to get the exact the skill mapping
of the potentially affected and appropriate measures could have
taken to generate skilled human resources. At least in PPP model,
the training could have been imparted to the affected villages youth
who would have been self-reliant. Due to lack of opportunity they
used to migrate outside and get trapped to the exploitative labor
contractors. The resources rich and people poor state like Odisha
yet to have an effective pro-people approach to safe guard the inter-
est who sacrificed their livelihood resources for the public purposes.
Different issues and concerns revolving development and displace-
ment in Chikapar village of Semliguda block in Koraput district
of Odisha revealed similar negative social impact (Srinivas 2016).

It shows that dislocation of people’s life and livelihood has been a
perennial problem since ages which got intensified after independ-
ence and further intensified because of globalization. Establishment
of HAL in Koraput district during the 1960s is one such glaring
example of development. Displacement caused by large develop-
ment initiatives has actually resulted in transfer of resources from
poor to privileged ones. Like many other cases of displacement and
cultural degradation, this village also suffered from the menace
of India’s development model. As observed from village data the
impoverished has been the outcome of involuntary displacement.
The process of human right violation reached to its zenith.
SUGGESTIONS
The people who sacrificed their age-old livelihood resources must
be treated on priority basis such that the government and the
corporate must keep track of the movement of the displaced and
their problems be expeditiously addressed. The displaced could
have been made as the shareholder of the corporate and the gov-
ernment should be the guarantee. The victims of development
need to be groomed in an environment where they will be capable
of availing opportunity of development process. The role of the
state should be justifiable and transparent in action. Enactment
of compensatory policies should not be delayed in providing a fair
environment, employment opportunities, access to education and
health-care facilities for the displaced in the new settlement. This
requires strong political will and concrete efforts. Michael Cernea
in responding to the concept of ‘financing for development’ opined
that a fraction of rent earned by the state could be shared with
the disposed for long-term reconstruction of their livelihood that
got damaged by development projects. Guha also tells in favor of
Michael Cernea’s concept of ‘financing for development’ and argued
in favor of profit sharing of resource exploiters and the displaced
people (2018). The SIA approach has shown favor to the state-
sponsored corporate rather than the displaced tribal households.
The voiceless tribal victims need to remain aware of the legal and
constitutional rights extended to their favor. The legal literacy mis-
sion must reach the people in their own understandable language.
They must have some legal control over the benefit-sharing accrued

by the corporate and/or the state administration. Care should be
taken to addressed to manage consequent difficulties emerged due
to market force intervention. The tall claims of the state and the
corporate must not lead to cultural genocide of displaced tribal
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CHAPTER 17
SOCIAL IMPACT
ASSESSMENT AND
EVALUATION WITH A
VULNERABLE TRIBE
R. P. Mitra
The method of Social Impact Assessment (SIA) in recent times has

emerged as a concomitant to any development programme to access
the impact of any intervention on people’s life. It was being widely
felt since the 1980s that development was not addressing the issues
of poverty and deprivation of the masses in the Third-World nations
and still far from its stated goals of all around progress and prosper-
ity. The writings of Illich (1981), Escobar (1991), Rehanama (1997)
among others highlighted how development has failed to bring in
desired changes and in many instances led to new kinds of depriva-
tion, inequalities, subjugations, discriminations and marginaliza-
tion adding to the miseries of the under-privileged. They critically
looked at inherent biases in this externally driven exogenous
process of planned economic growth led by technology, scientific
knowledge, industrialization rural migration and urbanization. It
is around this time that SIA emerged a heuristic device to offset
these unintended negative consequences of development. It was
felt that social disruption because of development can be avoided
by policymaker if there is a clear picture of how development is
going to impact the local community. The concept itself originated
from Environment Impact Assessment, which aimed at assessing
268 R. P. Mitra
how any intervention can impact the bio-physical environment. In
the beginning, SIA like its counterpart, emerged as an analytical
tool, as an aid to planners, implementers and policymakers so as
to take remedial measures to offset the negative consequences of
any external intervention. But over the course of years, it went on
to become a monitoring and more action-oriented tool, involved not
just in analyses of possible consequences but also managing these
outcomes. Thus, we can make a distinction between SIA as a tech-
nique and as a method. As a technique, it has a limited scope. It
is narrowly focused, restricted and regulated tool used as a part of
regulatory framework. As a method, it moves beyond the confines
of calculating potential cost with respect to perceived benefits of
project to a much wider consideration of the processes and design
of a project. The present chapter looks at SIA as a wider method
to evaluate the process as well as the objective of any development
programme in a relatively isolated what in administrative term are
called a Primarily Vulnerable Tribal Groups (PVTGs).
SIA in a relatively isolated community like the PVTG pos-
sesses a unique challenge to a researcher. Unlike in any other
SIA where the researcher begins with simple blueprint of a pro-
gramme and then try to see how its implementation would have
consequences. The situation is much more complex here. Studies
have shown that there is a wide gap between actual working of a
programme and its design on the paper (Mitra 2012). This gap is
both on account process as well as flawed objectives of programmes.
Therefore, SIA to be meaningful have to be a comprehensive exer-
cise which should include assessment of impact as well as goals
and processes also. Impact assessment can be carried out not only
prior to an implementation of a programme it is also carried out in
the middle of the programme so as to make possible mid-term cor-
rection to the implementation if the need be. SIA can also be done
when a project is closed down. With closing down, many people who
were dependent on the programme may lose their livelihood. Large
part of landscape may be transformed because of the project activi-
ties. It is needed to be restored back. All these are part of impact
assessment. The present chapter deals with SIA of centrally funded
Conservation-cum-Development (CCD) programme for Bharias of
Patalkot, Madhya Pradesh. It is divided into three sections. The first
section describes the community and the context. The second section,
Social Impact Assessment and Evaluation with a Vulnerable Tribe 269

critically examines the programme and its impact on the community.
The chapter concludes with a discussion on the issues relating to
impact assessment related to development and conservation
I
Bharias are one of the three PVTG communities of Madhya Pradesh
(others are the Sahariyas and the Baigas). They live in a place
called Patalkot in the Tamia Block of Chhindwara district of the
state. The place is like a huge crater, shaped like a bowl. Its maxi-
mum depth reaches up to 1600 meters, and it is stretched across
an area of 70 square kilometres. The tall Satpura ranges and thick
forest surrounds the area, thereby making it nearly impregnable
to outsiders. The place is home to Bharias, who have been staying
here for many generations.
The area is a mix of dense forested areas, forested areas
with less than 70% crown cover with patches of barren land. The
surface has many undulations. Bharia settlements are located on
the patches of land which are relatively plain, with tall Satpura
ranges separating them from one another. There are 20 Bharia set-
tlements locally called as Dhana divided into 12 revenue villages.
Their total number is 2575 with 1303 males and 1272 females. Most
of the land is rocky and uncultivable. Cultivable land is sparse and
water resources are few. As a result, agricultural productivity is
low and only few local varieties were cultivated in the entire area
till recently. The conditions are difficult even for the animals to
survive because of absence of pasture land and scarcity of water.
As a result, pastoralism, even in a small scale, as an alternative,
is not possible. Till few years back Bharias used to grow maize,
millets and a local variety of lentil called Balhar. Wheat cultiva-
tion was introduced few years back and become widespread with
government subsidy and encouragement to cultivators. Other than
this people are completely dependent upon collection and sale of
minor forest produces place for them. Some Bharias in patalkot
have also been able to find government jobs as peons, primary
school teacher, Anganwari helpers. Whenever needed, Bharia also
supplement their income working as casual labourer, in nearby
towns like Tamia, Piparia and Parasia. The poor connectivity, the
uneven terrain and poor quality of soil unsuitable for cultivation
270 R. P. Mitra
and problem, unavailability of water for irrigation and other uses
are some the problems Bharias like the government to intervene. I
begin my assessment with whether these problems are addressed
through various programmes.
II
In 1974–1975, a group of communities within the scheduled tribes
were identified as ‘primitive’ tribes on the basis of three features,
viz. pre agricultural level of technology, low level of literacy and
declining and stagnant population. This sub-categorization within
the scheduled tribe list was done as it was felt that the gains of
development have failed to reach these smaller tribes and to accord
priority to their development to bring them at par with other tribal
communities. There are a total of 75 such communities who receive
special attention from the government. It has been more than 35
years since then and in spite of government taking efforts to resolve,
the results on the ground have not been very satisfactory. The par-
liamentary standing committee on labour and welfare 2002, in their
report on the status of development among the Primitive Tribal
Group (PTG) reported that the progress made in the development
of the PTG is negligible. The committee noted that benefits of tribal
development schemes have not been percolating to these smaller
tribes and called for a greater attention towards the plight of these
communities. In 2008, government initiated a new programme
called as conservation and development to bring about a holistic
socio-economic development through focusing on development of
their habitat, economy and culture simultaneously. It is a five-year
programme funded by the centre but managed by the respective
state governments. Under this, various development programmes
in the fields of education, health, livelihood, agriculture, housing,
conservation of culture and traditional knowledge have been initi-
ated among the Bharias, with a total outlay of `48.63 lakhs for
2007–2008 and `161.98 lakhs for 2008–2009. Presented below are
the details of the various programmes analysed in terms of the
text, context, act and its impact on the community. The impact
here is seen primarily in terms of Sen’s capability approach where
development is evaluated in terms of contributing to well-being of
people, measured in terms of enhancement of peoples’ capability,

the potential he or she has to convert entitlements over goods and
services into a range of functioning or all the various things a
person may value doing or being (Sen 1993, 2000).
Text of Education: Education of Bharias has been an
important focus of government development effort right from the
beginning. The Bijori Ashram, the residential school for the Bharias
was built in the 1980s in Tamia town and ever since students of
the community from distant villages of Patalkot have been staying
studying and staying in the residential school. Other than this,
eleven more residential schools up to primary have been set up in
different villages in this area. Education is very popular among
the Bharia and now all Bharia children attend schools. Problem
however has been the quality of education. The quality of education
has been so poor that Bharia children find it difficult to compete
with others when they move out of primary schools. In this context,
the programme of education was started with three objectives,
viz. encouragement to education of Bharia girls by providing mon-
etary reward for their parents, assisting Bharia students through
arrangement of coaching in a Bharia hotel and appointment of
nine Bharia teachers in primary and nursery schools in Patalkot
to improve the quality of teaching. The first two programmes had
little impact on the community because it suffered from the problem
of ‘intervention at wrong place’, the act not been in synch with the
context. The analysis is as follows.
To encourage education among girl students, a scholarship
scheme was instituted for the students of fifth and eighth stand-
ards. Parents of fifth and eighth standard girls were given a sum
of `100 and `200 per month, respectively, for sending their girl to
school. The scheme was devised to encourage parents of girl stu-
dents to continue with their education, by compensating any loss
of income they may suffer on account of educating their girls. The
scheme was only meant for the day students, who are not staying
in any hostel. The total target of the scheme was 60 beneficiaries
per year. There was problem with the objective of the scheme as
demographic analysis reveal most Bharia girls in the fifth and the
eighth standards are residing in hostels thus making them ineligi-
ble for the scheme. Interviews with the beneficiaries indicate that
most of them were already regular in attending school.
272 R. P. Mitra
Analysis of data shows that bulk of students drop out after
the fifth grade. Therefore, intervention is required after this stage,
that is in the sixth grade and not earlier, to encourage parents to
continue with daughters’ education. There is a high dropout rate
after the fifth grade because it is at this stage, students for the first
time appear for an external examination. Before that there are only
in-house evaluations. The students find difficult to clear it and go
to higher standards. Secondly, most schools in Bharia villages are
up to fifth grade only. Bharia students have to change their school
after that, and in some cases, they have to travel a long distance.
This again causes many Bharia girls to dropout after the fifth grade.
My assessment shows that more than the dropout it is the
pullout which is the cause of concern for the continuity of girls’
education. On the basis of reasons for discontinuity of education,
we can differentiate between those cases where the girls have
to discontinue because she could not make to the higher grades,
from those where the education is discontinued because of social
reasons. The first we can refer to as ‘dropout’ and the second as
‘pullout’. An example of pullout is, not allowing girls from studying
beyond tenth standard, as parents do not favour higher education
for girls. In cases of pullouts, monetary compensation alone may
not suffice. It also requires change of mindset of parents through
counselling to create a positive environment for the education of
girl children. Under the second programme, coaching is to be organ-
ized for Bharia children in two hostels located in the town. Again,
here the place chosen for the programme is not very appropriate.
The Bharia students who stay in these hostels are among the best.
They attend regular schools like Bijori Ashram, well known in the
area for the good quality of their teachers. The coaching would have
made greater impact had it been organized in some other hostel
in Patalkot, or extended to those Bharia students from Patalkot
who are not staying in any hostel. They are the ones who are in
real need of coaching and should have been made part of the hostel
coaching study group.
It is the third programme which really benefited both the
students, as well as the Bharia youth who were able to find employ-
ment through this. Under this programme, twelfth qualified nine
Bharia youths have been appointed to teach in primary schools.

Although there is much to be desired regarding the teaching abili-
ties of these teachers for example many of them did not know the
meaning of the abbreviation BA, which they were pursuing but still
under the circumstances their employment has proved quite benefi-
cial for the students. Being a member of the community, they are
able to communicate better with the students as compared to any
outsider. Further, they understand students’ problem better than
any outside teacher. Students also feel more comfortable in their
presence. Most of these schools had only one permanent teacher,
teaching all the standards from the first to fifth. Appointment of an
extra teacher has been of a great help as they are able to share the
workload of the lone teacher. Earlier whenever the teacher could
not come to school for some reasons, the school had to be shut down.
Now with these new appointees the school can function normally
even when the main teacher was away. The only drawback of this
programme was that in many of the schools, we found it was only
these young teachers who were managing the school and conduct-
ing classes while the permanent staff was away. In fact, some of
the people were in the opinion that with the appointment of these
teachers, the permanent staff is staying more frequently away
from the school.
AGRICULTURE DEVELOPMENT
Under this scheme, Bharia families received high yielding varieties
of wheat, peas and grams along with fertilizers and insecticide. Of
all the programmes, this has been the most successful in terms of its
impact on the community. Although this is the programme where
we come across many anomalies but it is this programme which
directly benefited the community by building up the inner strength
of people and giving them confidence and belief in them. The impact
is not because of higher productivity. In fact, the productivity was
fairly in fact less than two quintals in 95% of the beneficiaries The
average production of peas and gram was around 1 to 2 quintals
and in the case of wheat slightly above 2 quintals. It is barely suf-
ficient to fulfil their requirements. There is no scope for selling it
in the market. Only eight Bharia families surveyed could produce
enough to sell it in the open market. Thus, in monetary terms, the
cultivation of wheat may not have added to their income directly
274 R. P. Mitra
but indirectly it has benefited the Bharias a great deal. Bharias
themselves feel it has contributed to improving their quality of life.
The cultivation of wheat along with the wheat supplied from the
Public Distribution System (PDS), have enabled the Bharia families
to avoid buying wheat from the open market. It has thus contrib-
uted to the food security and the Bharias do not have to go hungry
as they did earlier. It has also provided them with an additional
source of nutrition. This has a positive effect in terms of improving
their nutritional status. The study did not come across many cases
of malnutrition in the area. Few families were also able to save
some wheat seeds for the next year. Difference in the standard of
living between those who cultivated wheat and those who do not is
gradually becoming apparent. All those who cultivate wheat have
started spending in things like a water pumps, pipes, etc., what is
known as incremental investment, that is, in objects that can help
in increasing production later. This is a new development in Bharia
society. It shows that the Bharias are not only merely satisfied by
meeting their immediate needs but they have also started thinking
of future. This is an important change in the cognitive process of the
Patalkot Bharias. Cultivation of wheat has added a new impetus
to their agriculture. Before taking up cultivation of wheat, there
was no significant Rabi crop in the area except for the few local
varieties. The introduction of the high yielding variety has provided
them with a steady Rabi crop to depend upon.
An Important Milestone for the Community

Production of wheat has been a significant landmark in integration
of the Bharias with other communities. The significance of wheat
production should not be seen merely in terms of improvement in
agricultural system and economic gains. It had far-reaching effects
in providing them the confidence and the self-belief to integrate
themselves with the other communities. Earlier, only the Gonds
used to cultivate wheat in Patalkot. The culture of wheat cultiva-
tion was alien to the Bharias. Its cultivation was restricted only to
a few Bharia families. They were dependent upon either the wheat
supplied through the PDS system, or had to buy from the open
market. The PDS wheat was of poor quality and the supply was
irregular and erratic The Bharias did not grow wheat because they

lacked the essential requirements like sources of irrigation, seeds,
pesticide and fertilizers needed for cultivation of wheat. This always
made them feel inferior to Gonds. More so, because puris which
are a favourite bread of Bharias, can be made from wheat only.
The maize, barley and mango kernels cannot be used for making
puris. The Gonds used to serve puris to their guests during mar-
riages and festivals. But the Bharias could not, as traditionally they
were maize cultivators. All this changed with the Bharias taking
up to wheat cultivation. Nowadays, the Bharias have also started
making puris during festivals and marriage feasts from the wheat
produced in their fields. This has given them the confidence and
mental strength to interact with the outsiders. They no longer feel
they are inferior to the Gonds in any respect.
CONSERVATION AND PROMOTION OF CULTURE

Under this programme, financial assistance was provided to
Bharia to form cultural groups and buy equipment and dress for
their traditional dance known as, Sevam. The dance is performed
through use of sticks known as sela. Six cultural groups were pro-
vided with financial assistance of ten thousand rupees for promo-
tion of cultural activities. There was lot of dissatisfaction among
the Bharias regarding the selection of the members. Although the
Sarpanch claim that decision was taken on the basis of consensus
of the village members. But people said the decision was not taken
in consultation with few selected people. They allege that those who
are not regular members of the village dance troupe, their names
have been included in the list while those who actually performed,
their names have been left out.
HEALTH SECTOR
Under this heading, a special study was undertaken in CCD
2007–2008 to determine the (a) nutrition status, (b) monitoring of
schemes and (c) enhancing of access to government health facilities.
Based on the study report, an intervention programme was started
and four health workers visit different households and provide iron
supplements and basic treatment for skin diseases like scabies. The
study was mainly epidemiological contributing to the first objective.
276 R. P. Mitra
No attention was paid to the healthcare practices, availability of
health infrastructure and illness and disease management by the
people. No information was made available to the people regarding
availability of government schemes.
The Context of Health

The treatment of ailment is a major issue for the Bharias. Nearly
every Bharia family has to take loan to deal with any episode of
illness. The loan taken for illness constitutes a major economic
burden for the families. The household survey indicates that in
80% of cases, the reason for taking loan was cited as expenditure
incurred on treatment. The studies undertaken by the principal
investigator indicate the healthcare management system of the
Bharia operates at five levels.
• Block level: General hospital at Tamia and PHC at place called

Chindi.
• Local private doctors in nearby towns, Chindi and Tamia
• Auxiliary health service available at village level, for example,
visit by the Auxiliary Nursing Midwifery (ANM).
• Local quakes providing door-to-door health services to the
people.
• Ethno-medical practices of the Bharias.
Of these five levels, the most popular are the last two, viz. the
ethno-medical practices and the quakes who provide door-to-door
services to the people. Because of its familiarity and accessibility,
these two systems are most commonly used by the people in manag-
ing any incidence of ill-health. Therefore, any health programme
which is devised for the Bharias should involve them.
Ethno-Medical Practices of Bharias

The Bharias have their own system of medicine, which include
treatment with herbs and using magico-religious supernatural
cure. The local healers are of two types, Parihaar and Bhumka.
While the Parihaar prescribes herbal medicine along with the

use of magical rites for the treatment. The Bhopa primarily uses
magical rites locally known as dana-binna (picking of grains) for
curing. The Bharias have a firm belief that many illnesses may be
because of supernatural causes. For example, they believe when
children do not take milk, it is because of the displeasure of one of
their ancestors. So, when this happens, they take grains of wheat
to the Bhumka and he diagnoses it through a process known as
reading of the grain to determine which of the ancestors the child
is an incarnation. The name of that ancestor is remembered and a
small ceremony is performed acknowledging the fact. Every month,
Bharias take grains to the Bumka to read, this way the children
remain healthy and free of ailments. The Bharias take recourse to
this type ethno-medical system for many chronic diseases for they
believe like that other systems of medicine like the allopath cannot
effectuate a cure in this case.
Local Quakes Providing Door-to-Door Service

There are some local quakes, who go around different villages of
Patalkot, providing treatment to Bharias at their home. These
local quakes are the first one to be consulted by the Bharias for
any ailment. The reason is, their easy availability. Bharias do
no always have ready cash available to them. These local quakes
provide them medicines and treatment at credit. Ramesh and
Sundar are two such quakes who are very active in the area. Both
of them earlier used to work for a local NGO, assisting the medical
doctor. It is here they learnt the basis of primary health care. It is
very important that they should be included in any health-related
programme being drafted by the government. It is strongly recom-
mended that they should be given some kind of training about pri-
mary healthcare system and their role should be defined in terms
of primary health care level in consultation with the doctors. A tool
kit containing basic equipment should be made available to them.
Some basic equipment like a stethoscope, malaria testing tool kit
and sphygmomanometer should be made available to them. It has
been seen that even in those tribal areas where primary healthcare
system are available doctors are often off duty, medicines are not
available and even when they are present, patients are treated so
shabbily that they would not like to go.
278 R. P. Mitra
Bio-Medical Health Services at the Village
The bio-medical health services at the village level are very poor.
Doctor and the ANM seldom visit the PHC. Let us take the case of
Sumia Bai of the village Koria, she was suffering from a lesion (boil)
in the armpit. She was receiving treatment from a local quake. She
complained that there is a PHC in the village but the ANM and
the doctor never visits it. Mostly medicines are not available in the
PHC. Same was the story from other villages.
Hospital Treatment at Tamia

This is the least preferred form of treatment availed by the people.
They go to hospital as a last resort. This is because of the long dis-
tance from Patalkot. The general hospital at Tamia is at a distance
of 35–40 kilometre from Patalkot. Some of the villages like Jar
Madal are so far away that it is not possible for them to bring every
sick individual to hospital. The Bharias say that by the time they
reach hospital it is time for the hospital to shut down. Moreover,
they say the government hospital is crowded. They have to spent
a lot of time waiting for the doctor. As a result, they miss the only
return bus back to Patalkot. The Bharias find themselves com-
pletely out of place in the hospital. They feel scared talking to the
doctors, nurses and other hospital staff. in hospital. I have myself
witnesses the humiliating way in which the Bharias are treated,
for example, they have to remove their shoes before they enter the
clinic or the doctor’s room.
LIVELIHOOD: TRAINING PROGRAMMES

Under this programme, 106 Bharias were trained in various occupa-
tions so as to make them self-sufficient. They were given training in
various skills like tailoring, driving, cooking, paper plate making,
managing a merry go around and adventure sport. The interviews
with the Bharias who underwent training indicate that most of
them failed to utilize their training into something fruitful, as it
failed to generate any employment opportunity for them. Let us
take the garment stitching training. Out of 40 Bharias, who under-
went training only two have taken it up as profession. Other 38
were making no use of it when the fieldwork was conducted. They

say they have not been able to learn much in one-month training.
None of them could make cloth independently because they were
not taught the basic requirement for making cloth that is of cutting
cloth. Although the training institute offered the 40 Bharias an
opportunity to come and work in the Apparel Institute at Parasia.
Chindwarra to further hone their skills, only six of them decided to
avail this opportunity. Of these six, four dropped out within the first
week leaving only two Bharias in the institute. Following reasons
were cited by the Bharias for dropping out:
• The trainer did not pay any attention to them. He only cared
for the others, while they were just ignored.
• Women felt very uncomfortable as they have to stay in the same
room as men.
• They were not paid any money. What they were going to be paid
was also not made clear to them.
• People ridiculed for our slow pace. While we could make only 1
to 2 collars a day, the others were able to make 15 to 16 collars
in a day.
The training given to the Bharias under the livelihood programme

has not made any difference to their income or earning. The reason
behind this is the training programmes were alien to their culture
and society. Tailoring, go round are all very far removed from what
Bharias do and have been doing traditionally. It is very difficult for
anybody to be trained for a month in a completely new occupation
and begin earning a livelihood.
Let us go back to the issues raised in the introduction to this
chapter regarding the problems and challenges of development and
the place of conservation in it. It is clear from the discussion above
that there is disconnect between the text, act, and the context in
most programmes under the CCD. As a result, the programmes
have only a limited impact. Bharias think there are three important
issues where the government should do some think for them, viz.
the problem of connectivity and road, land improvement and water
storage and supply. The CCD is presently not focusing upon any
of these directly only. The local administration responsible for the
act of development is aware of it but cannot do anything about it,
280 R. P. Mitra
as it is hemmed by its own constraints. The principles of bureau-
cracy, imposes many limitations on the ways the programmes are
implemented. Let us take the example of livelihood training to
illustrate this. The Bharias were trained in occupations like apparel
designing, cooking or adventure sports, which are far removed from
Bharia culture because these are areas where recognized training
institute exists. The training was organized not keeping in mind
the interest of Bharias, but it was administrative convenience that
decided the occupations where Bharias would receive training. But
what could have proved beneficial for the Bharias; if their skills in
those professions, which they are familiar with are upgraded. For
example, it would be immensely beneficial for the Bharias if their
skills in construction activities are upgraded. Many Bharias work in
construction sites during off seasons as unskilled labourers. If they
are made skilled this would benefit them a lot. Another area where
Bharias can excel is bamboo art. They can make beautiful baskets
and other objects using bamboo. If further value addition is done
that can be of great use to them. But they were not trained in these
occupations because that would have required lot of effort from
administration to organize it. The local administration chooses the
path of least effort and gives primacy to bureaucratically suitable
activities rather the interest of the people in the act of development.
CONCLUSION
The SIA and evaluation of five programmes relating to education,
livelihood, agriculture health and cultural promotion indicate that
wheat cultivation programme has been very successful and will ben-
efit Bharias the most in days to come. This was the programme that
really made a difference to the capability of Bharias by strengthen-
ing their belief in self and aiding in their quest for seeking a more
equal relationship with the Gonds. One of the conclusions of the
assessment was that the development approach of the govern-
ment focuses more towards benefit of the individual rather than
the group or the community. Those benefiting say from livelihood
approach or government job is most likely to settle outside the area.
This goes against the very idea of conservation. As the Bharia cul-
ture is closely linked to the social space, any out migration from the
area may also lead to disruption of culture. The CCD programme

looks at conservation and development as two separate spheres.
Conservation being limited to certain spheres like dance and
indigenous knowledge mainly about medicinal herbs. But on the
other hand, if the objective of conservation is built in development
and it should be seen as part of all development programme. For
example, in cultivation, the CCD programme completely overlooks
the potentiality of promotion and development of various traditional
varieties of cereals like millets and lentils, which are unique to
the area. The relationship between development and conservation
become contradictory when they are seen as two different spheres.
However, if the goal of development is empowerment than conserva-
tion has to be part of development. As communities come together
and exchange becomes central to the relationship between them,
the culture of a community becomes its asset, a capital in linking
up with others. It puts the community at a vantage point in its
relationship with others. In Bharias, their real strength lies in
their knowledge of forest and the forest produce. Collection of minor
forest produce constitutes a very important component of Bharias’
economy. There is urgent need for the administration to organize
the Bharias in a cooperative society for marketing of these forest
produce. Value addition through facilities for processing should be
set up in different villages and the processed material should be
sold in the market. The administration has to help the Bharias in
marketing their forest produce. Development should not mean only
introduction of exogenous thing it may also involve strengthening
and promotion of those endogenous things which can give a com-
munity an edge over others. The contradiction is more theoretical
than in reality. People know what give up and what take in. It is
only non-availability of opportunity structure that people find it
difficult to strike a balance. If empowerment is the goal of develop-
ment than conservation should be the leading players.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Appadurai, Arjuna. 2004. The Capacity to Aspire: Culture and the
Terms of Recognition. In Culture and Public Action: A Cross
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Braidotti, R. et al. 2004. Women, the Environmental and Sustainable
Development. London: Zed Books and INSTRAW.
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Illich, Ivan. 1981. Development: Its Three Dimensions. Bulletin of
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Press.

CHAPTER 18
SOCIAL IMPACT
ASSESSMENT WITH
SPECIAL REFERENCE
TO PROJECT-AFFECTED
POPULATIONS AND
RFCTLARR ACT, 2013
M. Mohan and P. Sudhakara Reddy
The Right to Fair Compensation and Transparency in Land

Acquisition, Rehabilitation and Resettlement Act promoted by
Government of India in 2013 is a great milestone in the process
of development projects and a coveted unique national legal pro-
tection for rehabilitation. Social Impact Assessment (SIA) is one
of the key components in the Act which many of the social activ-
ists, social scientists, development workers, and government and
non-governmental organizations involved in the displacement
and rehabilitation of the project-affected populations (PAPs). The
process of displacement and rehabilitation needs understanding of
the social-cultural fabric woven among the PAPs.
SIA as per the RFCTLARR Act of 2013 is a prerequisite for
safeguarding the interests of the PAPs with fair compensation as
well proper resettlement and rehabilitation is a welcoming step at
the national policy level. Understanding the social-cultural fabric
284 M. Mohan and P. Sudhakara Reddy

and assessing the impact of displacement on the PAPs need broader
understanding by the Project Implementing Agencies (PIAs). The
processes of displacement and rehabilitation vary based on the
nature of the projects and affected populations.
The irrigation dams are one of the major reasons for mas-
sive displacement as they require huge tracts of lands. Thus, the
present learning and observations provide insights for undertaking
proper SIA of the development projects. Our experience has shown
that until people organize themselves into a strong political lobby
they will never be heard.
The chapter describes the issues in the implementation of
the RFCTLARR Act of 2013 with the experiences observed among
the PAPs of Somasila Irrigation Project in SPSR Nellore district
in Andhra Pradesh. The PAPs belong to the YSR Kadapa District,
where as the Dam is located in neighbouring SPSR Nellore district.
The dam has been constructed across the river Penna, which is a
lifeline for the drought hit Rayalaseema region of Andhra Pradesh.
The displacement has been undertaken as per the contour levels
and as per the storage capacity requirements of the dam. Most
of the PAPs in the first phase are from the villages adjacent to
the dam site, where as the second phase continues at the distant
villages. It is very much observed that the first-phase PAPs are
ignorant of the displacement, rehabilitation and its consequences
as the second-phase members are able to observe and learn much
from the first-phase PAPs. Thus, the second-phase PAPs are able
to demand much more and got better support, though they also
faced a lot of hardships.
As the RFCTLARR Act of 2013 reflects the assessment of
social impact and its management plans in local language with
considering the PAPs, it is a welcome move as it provides a larger
framework for better rehabilitation at the possible earliest. The
sub-section (5) of section 4 reflects those components that will affect
due to the project are both private and public including individual,
family and community assets, which influence development. Most
of the PAPs hope they will regain their original living standards
in a shorter time gap between actual displacement and relocation
as the RFCTLARR Act of 2013 paves the road map.
Social Impact Assessment with Special Reference 285

DISPLACEMENT TRAUMA
There is a need for accepting professional skills that match for reha-
bilitation process. However, there is a need for incorporating of such
skills at various levels of project cycle and also in ensuring participa-
tion of displaced in rehabilitation policies (Alagh 1998). The analysis
indicates many risks are due with involuntary migration and process
of avoiding them as below (Sah 1994): These are fragmentation of
land and family, risks of investment, information and yields, less or
no access to markets and food as well technology stagnation.
The fragmentation risks due to planning and the risks
of investment, information and yields are dependent on process.
Access to markets and food and technology stagnation are the con-
sequences. It is also learnt that the conflicts between in-migrants
and the host families due to sharing of the resources and the public
services. The less social harmony causes bitter experiences and
groupism among the hosts and the PAPs.
A close look at the composition of the displaced population
in India reveals that, not surprisingly, the most are from weaker
sections. Studies show that 48% of the displaced by 110 projects
are from scheduled tribals.
Once the notification is issued, all the public investments
and development in that area are stopped. Since the gestation
period of the dams is much larger than that of the other projects,
the suffering of the people is more intense. Similar situation is being
observed in the case of Somasila Irrigation Project.
The psychological preparedness for displacement has to
give more consideration. In the case of PAPs of Srisailam, Sriram
Sagar, Koyna and Rihand projects, the PAPs are forcefully evacu-
ated by army or by uninformed sudden release of water or sudden
rise of backwaters. Similar instances also observed under Somasila
Irrigation Project especially at the II-phase evacuation, when the
floods came to the river Pennar. The relocation of the PAPs of Pong
Dam is an example of wrongful resettlement. There are several such
examples in India and abroad.
In many cases, the project authorities have failed to evalu-
ate the social and environmental costs. The social losses are higher
in projects that relocate people in a dispersed manner rather than

► Loss of Social Network
► Lower Social Status
► Family Defragmentation
► Loss of Resources ► Changes in Preferential Marriages ► Cropping Pattern
► Cash Compensation ► Less Community Check ► Environment
► Increased Bad Habits ► Changed Neighbourhood ► Coping
► Increased Dependency ► Loss in Jajmani system Mechanism
► New Ecosystem ► Social Networks
► Less Reinvestment ► Practices
► Occupational Mobility Loss of
Social
Impoverishment Disarticulation Traditional
Knowledge
► Weakening of
Factions
► Born of Elite
► Caste Dynamics ► Environment
Displacement
► Emergence of new Political ► Social Milieu
Re-enculturation
leadership Organization ► Social Networks
► Changed Political ► Neighbourhood
Groupings ► Cultural change
► Host influences
Joblessness
Agriculture Health
► Market Forces
► Fragile Ecology ► Less Resources
► Host–Relocate Conflict ► Less Resources
► Changed Cropping
► Changed Cropping Pattern ► New Clientele
► Changed Social Relations
► Landlord–Tenant Relationships ► Requirement of Capacities
► Food Insecurity
► Decreased Land Holdings ► Host–Relocate Relationship
► Illiteracy
► Loss of Supporting Networks
Figure 18.1 Consequences of Displacement

in-groups and social units such as weakening the control on the
interpersonal behaviour and lower cohesion in family structures
(Roli 1996). In the case of Somasila Project, cash compensation for
land, structures and immovables with smaller rehabilitation grant
policy has been adopted.
Since the magnitude and nature of displacement differs
from project to project and region to region, depending on the host
of prevailing physical, economic, social and technological conditions,
it is neither possible to assess the impacts of dislocation on a nor-
mative basis nor will it be wise to prescribe standard measures of
rehabilitation for the affected communities. Though there is scope
for generalization of policy measures, it is necessary that project
specific analysis of the problem be made for better understanding
of the issues. Thus, there is a scope under RFCTLARR Act of 2013,
before the actual displacement is taking place. The destination can
also be discussed and it paves a road map for the PAPs as well as
the government administration.
The preference of the PAPs for resettlement is the livelihood
and the social relationships, it may be landlord–tenant, relatives,
friends, and infrastructure availability, etc. Table 18.1 reflects
the study findings in opting the resettlement area by the PAPs of
Somasila Irrigation Project.
Various factors have influenced the selection of area for
resettlement. At the time of resettlement, many PAPs preferred
command areas development (CAD) for resettlement as it pro-
vided better sources of agriculture. Among the resettled 48% of
the families preferred the project site, Somasila as they have
been assured sources of income like construction labour, business,
fishing opportunities and civil contracts. The sources like trans-
portation, business opportunities, potential for diversified occupa-
tions, continuation of traditional occupation (weaving) and other
infrastructural facilities attracted 40% of the families to resettle
in non-command areas development (NCAD). Because of factional
affiliations, 20% of the families resettled in NCAD. Only 9.30% of
the families preferred areas for resettlement because of house sites
provided by the government. Earlier relationship with the host
populations influenced in the case of 9.40% of the families. It has
been proved that source of better livelihood was the major factor in
decision-making in the selection of area for resettlement.

Table 18.1 Factors Considered in the Selection of Area for Resettlement
CAD* NCAD*
S. No. of No. of
No. Factors Families % Families %
1 Availability of land 3 4.00 1 1.30
2 Availability of house sites 0 0.00 7 9.30
3 Availability of water 3 4.00 0 0.00

resources
4 Relatives/friends 28 37.40 15 20.00
5 Better livelihood options 36 48.00 30 40.00
6 Relationship with host 3 4.00 4 5.40

community
7 Government service 1 1.30 3 4.00
8 Factional group 1 1.30 15 20.00
Total 75 100.00 75 100.00
Source: Author.
* CAD, command areas development; NCAD, non-command areas development.
Thus, we have to keep focus on the livelihood options open

through SIA. Besides, the researcher has to conduct Focus Group
Discussions (FGDs) with selective community leaders can also
provide valuable data for SIA. In addition to the research tools
such as interview, questionnaire, schedule, case study method and
observation, FGD also can provide several facts and insights for
SIA. This needs proper training of investigators and research inputs
before taking up SIA among the PAPs of any development project.
The SIA is key and basis for SIMP. Thus, it is very much
required that the SIA has to focus on micro level, either at family
or at individual level, in few cases, may be required for better
rehabilitation. It provides an outer look rather than the micro
level rehabilitation package. With the loss of resources and new
occupations, it is very much required that the personnel involved
in the SIA have to be more cautious in assessing the social-cultural
milieu including economic relations. It is pre-requisite that the
personnel involved in the SIA has proper understanding of the

whole processes of present status and social fabric as well as the
consequences of displacement (Figure 18.1) and the ways of resil-
ience to the hardships and loss of resources.
OCCUPATIONAL PATTERN
Changes in occupational patterns will mean the acquisition of new
skills and for which Dhagamwar (1989) says, the only solution
is education. The PAPs are beginning to realize that the scarce
natural resources are not going to be able to sustain them. They
will have to acquire new skills that would better equip them to
face the future.
Resettlement in NCAD led diminished agriculture, in case
of Somasila Project. There was occupational diversification in both
primary and secondary sources in NCAD due to displacement. Due
to area being rainfed and requirement of high investments for
irrigation facilities, resettlers were unable to continue with agricul-
ture alone. The displaced populations got major income from their
primary occupation. There were many changes in the patterns of
primary occupations due to decrease in size of land holdings, quality
of land, cropping pattern, employment, family size, exposure to new
opportunities, investment capability and occupational resources.
There was clear mobility from traditional to non-traditional and
other income generating occupations.
Table 18.2 shows that around one-fourth of families left
agriculture as their primary sources of income. This indicates that,
these families lost their land and did not invest their compensation
on land in the new environment due to lack of cultivable land, high
costs of land and availability of new opportunities.
It was also observed that there was a clear decrease in
the number of tenants, share and lease croppers. Lack of suffi-
cient land, irrigation and other sources of agriculture forced the
displaced to adopt new opportunities in new environment. There
was a significant increase in business and other self-employment
opportunities like shop keeping, tailoring, auto-driving, cycle shops,
civil construction contractors, animal husbandry and cart hiring as
they have resettled adjacent to the National Highway. One family
depended on the income, which was being earned in one of the Gulf
countries as its family member went to that country in search of

Table 18.2 Distribution of Primary Occupations
Before
Displacement After Displacement
Primary No. of No. of

S. No Occupation Families % Families %
1 Agriculture 61 81.36 43 57.36
2 Weaving 1 1.33 1 1.33
3 Business 2 2.66 7 9.33
4 Labour 2 2.66 4 5.33
5 Animal 4 5.33 6 8.00

husbandry
6 Cart hiring 0 0.00 1 1.33
7 Govt. Service 4 5.33 5 6.66
8 Civil Contractor 0 0.00 1 1.33
9 Self-Employed 0 0.00 6 8.00
10 Emigration 0 0.00 1 1.33
11 Masonry 1 1.33 0 0.00
Total 75 100.00 75 100.00
Source: Author.
livelihood. There was occupational diversification in both primary

and secondary sources in NCAD due to displacement.
Occupational Changes
Due to displacement, considerable changes have been occurred in
occupational patterns of the PAPs. The decrease in number and size
of land holdings made the displaced to seek new occupations in the
new environment. The cost of cultivation has also been increased
due to the decreased family labour. Many affected families also
sold away bullocks and other livestock at the time of eviction.
Hence, lack of bullocks and livestock resulted in incurring addi-
tional expenditure in agriculture at the new place. Mechanization,
increased usage of chemical fertilizers and pesticides resulted in the

hike in cost of cultivation. Besides, increase in educational levels,
less employment opportunities and contact with wider society
made few people to resort to self-employment opportunities and
various income generation methods. New vistas of occupations like
business, civil contracts and fishing are opened at the township
developed near the dam site.
In the case of NCAD, small land holdings, lack of proper
irrigation facilities and less profitable agriculture have led to occu-
pational diversification. As the resettlements are located adjacent
to National highway and railway stations, some of the displaced
opted service sector like repair shops, providing vehicles on hire,
tailoring etc.
Occupational distribution of the sample households before
displacement (BD) and after displacement (AD) is shown in
(Table 18.3). The data indicate that in the old villages there were
71 families who depended on agriculture. In the new village, under
CAD 47 families are practicing agriculture. In case of NCAD, there
were 61 (81.33%) farmers in the old villages and this has reduced to
43 (57.33%) farmers in the new villages. The remaining respondents
adapted several new occupations like weaving, business, contractor,
self-employment, government employment etc.
There are considerable changes in secondary occupations of
the displaced. Increase in number of families adapting secondary
occupations indicates that there is not enough income from the
primary occupation in new villages. Table 18.4 explains about the
distribution of secondary occupations among the PAPs resettled in
command and non-command area.
Agriculture as secondary occupation has been increased
in number in command area than in non-command area. Fishing
and business as secondary sources of income provide subsistence
to 42.64% of the resettlers in command area followed by animal
husbandry (21.33%). In non-command area animal husbandry, agri-
culture, weaving, casual labour and business constitute secondary
sources of income for 88.68% of the resettlers. Masonry, cart driv-
ing, government service and working in gulf countries as emigrants
are some of the secondary sources of income among the resettlers.
Thus, the major factor for rehabilitation is the sources of
income from the traditional or non-traditional resources. Thus, the

Table 18.3 Distribution of Primary Occupations among the PAPS
CAD* NCAD*
S. No Primary Occupation BD+ % AD+ % BD+ % AD+ %
1 Agriculture 71 94.66 47 62.65 61 81.36 43 57.34
2 Fishing 0 0.00 1 1.34 0 0.00 0 0.00

3 Weaving 0 0.00 0 0.00 1 1.33 1 1.33
4 Business 0 0.00 4 5.33 2 2.66 7 9.34
5 Labour 3 4.00 19 25.32 2 2.66 4 5.33
6 Animal Husbandry 0 0.00 1 1.34 4 5.33 6 8.00
7 Priesthood 0 0.00 1 1.34 0 0.00 0 0.00
8 Cart Driving 0 0.00 0 0.00 0 0.00 1 1.33
9 Contract Works 0 0.00 0 0.00 0 0.00 1 1.33
10 Gone to Gulf 0 0.00 0 0.00 0 0.00 1 1.33
11 Self-Employment 0 0.00 1 1.34 0 0.00 6 8.00
12 Government Employment 1 1.34 1 1.34 4 5.33 5 6.67
13 Masonry 0 0.00 0 0.00 1 1.33 0 0.00
Total 75 100.00 75 100.00 75 100.00 75 100.00
Source: Author.
* CAD, command area development; NCAD, non-command area development.
+ BD, before displacement; AD, after displacement.
Table 18.4 Distribution of Secondary Occupations among the PAPS
CAD* NCAD*
S. Secondary
No. Occupation BD+ % AD+ % BD+ % AD+ %
1 Agriculture 4 6.78 7 11.48 13 22.42 10 15.38
2 Fishing 1 1.69 12 19.68 0 0.00 0 0.00
3 Business 12 20.34 14 22.96 5 8.62 5 7.69
4 Casual 7 11.87 6 8.20 12 20.69 9 13.85

Labour
5 Animal 26 40.68 13 21.33 19 32.76 27 41.53

Husbandry
6 Priesthood 2 3.39 0 0.00 1 1.72 1 1.54
7 Masonry 1 1.69 1 1.63 0 0.00 0 0.00
8 Cart Driver 1 1.69 1 1.63 1 1.72 0 0.00
9 Government 3 5.09 2 3.27 0 0.00 0 0.00

Service
10 Contractor 1 1.69 2 3.27 0 0.00 0 0.00
11 Self- 3 5.09 0 0.00 1 1.72 2 3.08

Employed
12 Gone to Gulf 0 0.00 0 0.00 0 0.00 2 3.08
13 Sarpanch 0 0.00 1 1.63 0 0.00 0 0.00
14 Agent 0 0.00 3 4.92 0 0.00 1 1.54

Dealing
Court Cases
15 Private 0 0.00 0 0.00 2 3.45 2 3.08

Employee
16 Weaving 0 0.00 0 0.00 4 6.90 6 9.23
Total 61 100.00 62 100.00 58 100.00 65 100.00
Source: Author.
CAD, command area development; NCAD, non-command area development.
+ BD, before displacement; AD, after displacement.
SIA and SIMP teams have to look with caution. As the Act provides
an opportunity, it is imperative to deliver at the field level.
Section 5 explains that there is an open discussion with
the project-affected families and the personnel involved have to be

sensitive towards the lower strata families and also less resourceful
families. The social capital is one of the crucial aspects that provide
better options for faster rehabilitation.
Sub-section 2 of section 6 of Chapter II says that SIA is not
required for irrigation projects. There is both environmental impact
and SIAs, the parameters and components for rehabilitation are
still valid. Thus, though technically it may be a part or may not be
directly considered, the components of SIA stand good even in the
irrigation projects.
In most cases, compensation itself was extremely inadequate
and the rehabilitation scheme lacked an integrated approach. Most
of the displaced unwillingly fell victims to the culture shock. Even
after 30 years, the revenue department refuses to recognize those vil-
lages in which the displaced persons have rehabilitated themselves.
There is a need for assessment of these families after some timeline.
As many are unable to reinvest the compensation and adopt the
new livelihoods in a profitable way. They lost their resources due
to various incapacities and inability to suit in the new livelihood.
In such cases, it is necessary to track the displaced after a timeline.
The SIA has to identify the need to sensitize the communities on the
patterns of income, expenditure and savings. It is very much critical,
as observed, all the assets are converted in to cash and given to the
families in instalments, many of them could not handle the finances
and convert them as earning resources, which led to impoverishment.
PATTERNS OF EXPENDITURE
When compared with expenditure levels (Table 18.4), these also
registered rise with income levels due to inflation. Dynamics in
livelihood options, cropping pattern, income levels, social net-
works affected more expenditure levels even though the family
size decreased from 6.24 to 4.99. Expenditure on essentials, viz.
food, clothing, education, health and other such items increased
tremendously. It was due to purchase of food stuffs, changed food
habits, dependency on market instead of own farm yields, cultivat-
ing cash crops instead of subsistence crops, decreased extent under
cultivation led to rise in expenditure for food. Changes in dressing
pattern, especially younger generation, with increased literacy and
expenditure on clothing increased.

The expenditure on education and health varied depending
on economic status, size and composition of family, accessibility
and necessity. After displacement, the accessibility to education
and health facilities has been increased and everybody tried to
avail himself of modern facilities depending on his necessity and
economic permissibility. Due to fluorine content in drinking water,
sound and dust pollution because of highway, changes in food
habits caused more expenditure on health. Thus, the expenditure
on essentials was increased to 152.43%.
Most of the families (97.34%) have spent below `3,000 only
on non-essential items, viz. recreation, religion, drinking, smoking
and other such items. In earlier villages, recreation was through
traditional and contextual, whereas at resettlement area intru-
sion of television, two-in-ones, mobiles, easy and round the clock
accessibility to movies, other attractions at nearby urban centres
caused more expenditure on recreation. Cash compensation and
transition period led to more drinking and smoking habits. These
habits caused the escalation of expenditure. However, lowest strata
people controlled over the expenditure on non-essential items. The
minimum expenditure on essential items also decreased due to
decrease in income level in a family.
The data (Table 18.4) show that the number of families
at the lowest strata of income has increased. Even after years of
resettlement the total minimum earnings had grown up only 22%,
whereas at maximum it has grown up by 300%. This caused the
mean income to grow up by 169.26%. Nevertheless, the number of
families below mean increased from 51 to 53. If we calculate the
inflation rate, the average income has to rise three times. However,
it registered only 1.6 times. Thus, most of the families faced impov-
erishment. However, the high-income groups managed to achieve
better income levels. This was due to high volume of compensa-
tion, reinvestment capabilities, capacity to mobilize officers, good
social networks and easy adoptability of new environment and
opportunities.
BUTTERFLY EFFECT
The human capital gains, the increase in physical assets and
the acquisition of bargaining strength in the form of collective

organization set the PAP community on a take-off path. In this con-
nection, it is important to note that even small investments (borne
of course by the project authorities) at the stage of displacement
have large returns. Roche (1994) defines this as the ‘butterfly effect’,
which has been observed in the sub-Saharan African context where
small investments at times brought forth large returns.
Rehabilitation Allowances
The Somasila Project considers all married males as separate
family and provides rehabilitation allowance to them. The first-
phase evictees did not have any rehabilitation allowance except
an amount of `250 and 12 kilograms of rice per family with free
transport to their selected destination through lorries/trucks. This
was to the selected destination within the reach and it should not
be far away, that is, below 200 kilometres. In the second phase,
`5,000 has been paid as rehabilitation allowance to each undivided
Hindu family or married male, treated as a separate family before
eviction.
Transport Allowance
In the first phase, free transport by lorry or truck, an amount of
`250 and 12 kilograms of rice have been provided and the PAPs
were left to their choice of already existing villages in command
area. Under free transport facilities, the PIA has provided transport
to their cattle, fodder, various housing material and furniture to
the destination. Free food has also been provided to the PAPs at
the time of transportation.
As in case of the second-phase eviction, because of heavy
rains and mis-calculation of contour levels, it forced people to run
literally in the night. It has occurred in the affected villages, viz.
Madhavaram and Boyanapalli. With the intervention of the then
district collector, various sites with probable extent to accommo-
date large number of people were selected and transportation was
provided to the PAPs with free food on the way.
Thus, it is much needed that the small support at the time
of displacement is of great help to the PAPs. However, most of the
regular departments are not sensitized and properly understood
the effects of displacement and they treat it as common ‘migration’.

Thus, the personnel involved in rehabilitation could not treat the
process of resettlement as a ‘housing programme with all facilities
to weaker sections’.
SENSITIVITY OF THE PERSONNEL

DOING SIA AND SIMP
An examination of rehabilitation effort indicates that they are
more often than not ad hoc and project-specific. Demographic
projections have to be made while preparing rehabilitation plans
so that increase in population during the gestation period of the
project is accounted for and also for drawing the requirements at
the resettlement area.
As the development of PAPs is left to the regular develop-
ment agencies at Mandal (a unit of administration, consisting of
15–20 village panchayats in Andhra Pradesh) level, no rehabilita-
tion package has been established by the project, except cash com-
pensation. These PAPs were forced to share general development
programmes. As the officials are unaware about the rehabilitation
processes and to reconstruct various socio-cultural networks,
they failed to reconstruct them. They never thought how to recon-
struct their income generations, human resources and rebuild
the socio-cultural institutions, but shown little interest in basic
infrastructure. Thus, many ‘Master-Weavers’ at Madhavaram and
Boyanapalli were resettled at various places tearing major social
fabric. Their dependents were left to their fate. As a result, the old
Madhavaram and Boyanapalli, which were famous for dhotis and
saris, were left with only saris. Those people with enough expertise
could only sustain in weaving these saris.
CONFLICT RESOLUTION MECHANISM

The conflict between various families within the caste were resolved
with the help of the caste panchayat consisting of elders of the caste.
The role of the middlemen is important in the resolution between
the inter caste families. The conflict within the family was resolved
with the kin groups especially lineage and affinal relative’s decision.
Displacement had given an opportunity to them to minimize the
tensions between the groups.

At ‘Bhavanrushi’ temple, which plays an important role in
dispute resolution and regulation over Padmasali community, the
project officials have not taken any action to re-establish. But, with
the initiative of the people, they themselves have reconstructed
the temple.
Thus, it is imperative to have a wider understanding about
the communities, area of origin and area of destination, as well as
their socio-economic milieus is so important for those involved in
SIA and SIMP.
CONCLUSIONS
SIA is widely used by international development agencies in their
development projects being implemented in various countries.
Developmental workers and anthropologists in many international
development agencies are already in the practice of application of
SIA in development projects in various countries.
With the personal experience during my fieldwork among
the PAPs of Somasila Irrigation Project and the existing relevant
literature, it is felt that the RFCTLARR Act of 2013 with SIA as a
prerequisite in the process of displacement and rehabilitation. The
key success factors in rehabilitation of PAPs lie in proper under-
standing of social-cultural milieu before their actual displacement.
The socio-economic loss and other problems that would happen due
to the displacement have to be properly assessed and addressed
with an effective action plan, probably in SIMP. In the absence of
such plans, the PAPs would face a lot of hardships and it requires
another development plan for uplifting those PAPs. SIA is to be
conducted with the trained professional research teams as a part
of the process of displacement and rehabilitation.
The following guide points are suggested for better
implementation of the Act in the process of displacement and
rehabilitation.
• Information relating to all possible options of choosing liveli-

hoods, area of resettlement, infrastructure facilities, etc., have
to be included in SIA.
• Priority should be given to more open-ended and interactive
information-seeking tools for SIA.
• Key informants across the sections are to be identified among
the PAPs and interviewed to get information for preparing
research tools for SIA.
• FGDs are to be conducted among the selected community lead-
ers with qualified and trained monitors to collect information
before taking decisions on major issues in the process of dis-
placement and rehabilitation.
• The plan of rehabilitation should be made by the qualified team
instead of the existing regular development mechanism and the
members are to be sensitized.
• Awareness on reinvestment strategies has to be created before
payment of compensation in case of cash compensation.
• Capacity building should be given to PAPs in the identified
occupations, to staff dealing with evacuation and resettlement
and the host communities to share the resources.
• Selection of area for resettlement shall be based on the liveli-
hood resources. Thus, SIA and SIMP have to take care of liveli-
hood opportunities and challenges, either at individual and or
at family level. Entrepreneurship can also be supported.
• Concerning individual and family as a basic unit to plan reset-
tlement programme provides more fruitful results.
• Instead of depending exclusively on agriculture other livelihood
options have to be explored.
• Convergence should be practiced in preparation and implemen-
tation of rehabilitation programmes.
• The timely implementation of resettlement plan is important
and the adherence to the timelines is so important.
• Potential and interested PAPs have to be trained to compete
with other profitable livelihoods, especially for small and mar-
ginal farmer families.
The department should be trained in understanding multi-facets of

the PAPs and try its best to rehabilitate them properly.
REFERENCES
Alagh, Y. K. 1998. Rehabilitation and Relocation Analysis: Comments
from an Indian Perspective. Sociological Bulletin 47(2).

Dhagamwar, V. 1989. Rehabilitation Policy and Institutional Changes
Required. In Development, Displacement and Rehabilitation, edited
by Walter Fernandes and E. G. Thukral. New Delhi: Indian Social
Institute.
Ministry of Home Affairs. 1984. Report of the Working Group on
Development of Scheduled Tribes during the Seventh Five-Year
Plan (1985–90). New Delhi: Government of India.
Roche, Chris. 1994. Operationality in Turbulence: The Need for
Change. Development in Practices 4(3), October 1994.
Roli, Asthana. 1996. Involuntary Resettlement Survey of International
Experience. Economic and Political Weekly, June 15.
Sah, D. C. 1994. ‘Avoiding Impoverishment Risk: Towards a Policy
Frame for R&R of Dam Affected People’, Paper Presented in the
Seminar on Development Displacement and Rehabilitation. Surat:
Centre for Social Studies, May 10–13.

CHAPTER 19
HEALTH AND
NUTRITIONAL STATUS
FOR SOCIAL IMPACT
ASSESSMENT
Study of Achanakmar-Amarkantak
Biosphere Reserve
Ramesh Sahani
INTRODUCTION
Good health is essential for human well-being and happiness.
Health is an asset which enables human to develop and strengthen
their potential for their whole lives. Healthy people have a good
lifespan and work more productively. Good health cut produc-
tion losses due to worker illness, it increases the productivity of a
person of working age due to better nutrition. Better health also
decreased absenteeism rates and improves learning among stu-
dents. Therefore, it makes an important contribution to economic
progress. Improvement of the health of citizen of any country
directly related with economic growth. This is because more people
will be able to perform better effective activities in the workforce.
It is believed that better health has an impact on poverty
reduction. Illness hampers people to use natural resources to some
extent, due to ailments, whereas better health improves the access
to the resources and its utilizations. On the other hand, the financial
302 Ramesh Sahani

resources, allocated for the treatment of ill health, definitely will be
used for the economic improvement. The outcome will be poverty
reduction of any nation. When a family is healthy, both the mother
and the father can work to their full potential and earn more liveli-
hood. Good health which gave better access for earning and more
potential time, which are utilized by them to provide better nutri-
tion to their kids. Besides, they spent more time for caring and
send their kids for schooling. Healthy and well-nourished children
perform better in education as well as in terms of physical perfor-
mance. The better performance has positive impact for their future
income. It may be well understood that ‘health is indeed wealth’.
A poor person with good health can improve the financial status
of the family as well as the country. Hence, health has paramount
importance. More budgetary allocation in health sector indicates
that health has priority within overall economic and development
plans by the government. The prevailing social environment is an
important factor to determine the health of people and individual.
Public cleanliness is important for individual health. Good quality
food is required for better health condition. To acquire better food,
we need better economic condition. Hence, ample opportunity for
better earning is essential.
Besides, unbalanced diet, our health is also affected by many
diseases, infections, poverty, larger family, overcrowded houses,
etc. Nutrition is the fundamental pillar of life, health and devel-
opment throughout the lifespan. Balanced nutrition is essential
for survival, physical growth, mental development, performance
and productivity, health and well-being. Nutrition includes the
biological actions and interactions of food with body and their con-
sequences for health and disease. It also includes the psychological,
social, cultural, economic and technological factors that influence
which food we eat. The biological importance of food is dictated by
the nutrients it contains. The other aspects of food such as taste,
color, smell and texture determine its psychological, cultural, social
and personal values.
Kreuter (1980) describes nutrition as a process and as a
science. It is the process by which human utilize food to meet the
requirements of biological and behavioral functioning and is that
science which studies the body’s ‘chemical process and biological
use of food’. That being the case, nutritional anthropology is that
Health and Nutritional Status for Social Impact Assessment 303

branch of anthropology which deals with nutrition as process and
as a science. The anthropological perspective is one which seeks to
understand human biological and cultural variability by analyzing
the differences within and among human groups, past and present.
Nutritional status is the interpretation of information gathered from
dietary, biochemical, anthropometric or clinical studies for the deter-
mination of health status of an individual or the population which was
influenced by their intake and utilization of nutrients (Gibson 1990).
Amongst the nutrition-related questions that are of interest

of biological anthropologists are the following: undernutrition,
specific nutrient deficiencies, or obesity in relation to between -
population differences in the utilization of specific nutrient,
socio-economic status, modernization, and subsistence and
disease ecology. In addition, there is considerable interest
in the relationship between food intake, nutritional status,
susceptibility to infectious disease, and the physical growth
of children. (Lasker and Mascie-Taylor 1993: 108)
The present study is an attempt to explore the role of health and

nutritional status for social impact assessment.
MATERIALS AND METHOD

This study is based on the socio-cultural impact assessment of
people of Achanakmar-Amarkantak Biosphere Reserve conducted by
Anthropological Survey of India on the request of Forest Department,
Government of Chhattisgarh. The author was one of the team mem-
bers of this impact assessment work. The author was solely assigned
to assess the health and nutritional impact as one of the component
of the above said work. The field work was conducted in the years
2008–2009. Nutritional status was assessed by anthropometry and
dietary survey. But, here only nutritional anthropometry was con-
sidered. Data pertaining to health status was also collected and to
estimate the menarche age and reproductive history 50 adult females
were interviewed for the required information.
AREA AND PEOPLE

On 30 March 2005, a biosphere reserved was added in the list
by Government of India with the nomenclature ‘Achanakmar-
304 Ramesh Sahani

Amarkantak’ Biosphere Reserve (AABR) vide notification no.
9/16/99 CS/BR. Achanakmar-Amarkantak Biosphere Reserve is
named after Achanakmar forest village and Amarkantak, a holy
place from where the rivers Narmada and Sone emerge. The total
geographical area of BR is 3835.51 sq. km (Anon 2007). The core
area of the BR is 551.55 sq. km, falls in Chhattisgarh state, whereas
buffer and transition zones have an area of 1955.875 sq. km and
1328.09 sq. km, respectively. The Biaspur and Marwahi forest
division of Chhattisgarh state have contribution of an area 2058.98
sq. km for these zones, whereas 1224.98 sq. km only comes under
the Madhya Pradesh state from the Dindori and Anuppur forest
division (Roychoudhury et al. 2016).
In terms of development, the Achanakmar-Amarkantak
Biosphere Reserve stand very poor, whereas it shows better condi-
tion in terms of disturbances by external forces, within both the
state, that is, Chhattisgarh and Madhya Pradesh. It retained
most of the original and natural, besides maintaining the cultural
features of the people inhabiting the area. It is located at the junc-
tion of hill ranges, with topography ranging from high mountains,
shallow valleys and plains and moist deciduous forests constitute
63% of the area (Maurya et al. 2013). It is very rich in flora and
fauna due to its tropical moist deciduous vegetation which covers
the majority of the area and tropical dry deciduous vegetation to
its southern part, minimum disturbed landscapes, endemism and
genetic variation.
The total human population of the area belonging to 27
communities was 436128 (census 2001). Twenty-seven tribal and
non-tribal communities inhabit in 418 villages of this biosphere
reserve. The core area had 22 villages with a population of around
7617 persons. The rest of populations were residing in buffer and
transition zones of the biosphere. The Baigas were the numerically
dominating tribal population of the core zones. Along with Baiga,
Gond, Kol, Kanwar and Pradhan were the tribal groups residing in
the core zone of the biosphere. Some pastoral group, viz. Dahiyan
or Rawat were frequently seen in the core area grazing their cattle.
Migration of Oraon from Sarguja district was also noticed during
our field visit in the years 2008–2009.

THE POPULATION AND PREVAILING CONDITIONS
Now, the resettled six villages were situated in the core zone
of AABR were dominated by the Baiga community: out of 161
households, 111 households belonged to the Baiga. It constituted
about 979 persons in six villages of which 494 were males and 485
females. The average sex ratio of these villages was 982 per 1000
males which was higher than the national average.
The age and sex structure of population was reflected in
a pyramid structure, which has a broad base, and gradually nar-
rows to the upper age groups. Generally, such pyramid structure
of population is indicative of high birth rate, and a growing popula-
tion. There was presence of higher number of children and young
in comparison to old age person (AABR Report of AnSI).
The literacy rate was very poor to only 43%, which was
well lower than the national average. Remoteness, non-existence
of school in close proximity, poor management system and poverty
were some determinant factors for low literacy rate. With high
inter village variation, one of the remote villages, viz. Kuba had
just 8% literacy rate.
There were about 192 persons out of the total population (979
persons) of studied villages, who attended schools. Out of 192 persons,
54.17% were education up to primary level, 43.75% up to middle school
and 6.38% up to secondary level. The reason for such a low percentage
at secondary level was attributed to non-existence of secondary schools
in these villages. The students either went to Lamini or Achanakmar
for secondary education, which were distant for some villages.
Bankal is the only village where three of its persons have
attended school up to secondary level. Considering the situation of
the village and socio-economic condition of the people, it was not
surprising that there was no one in all the six villages who received
any kind of vocational training (AnSI Report).
SOCIO-ECONOMIC STATUS
Ecology is the major determinant of economy among the subsist-
ence society. The Baigas were the gatherer population traditionally,
and, they practiced it to a great extent. Depletion of forest resources
badly shattered their gathering activities. It is worth to say that the
306 Ramesh Sahani

economy of the people roams around the forest and its related activi-
ties. The land is not fertile and almost absence of irrigation facility.
Even, soil condition and hilly tract does not favor agriculture. Hence,
completely dependent on rains for food production by means of
agriculture. Still jhum is practiced, of course to a very small extent.
Still they are more dependent on gathering of wild foods
and other minor forest produce, including medical plants. They sell
their produce and earn part of their economy through it also. The
MNREGA is one of the good schemes of government, which provide
them opportunity to earn, besides other developmental schemes
to generate livelihood of the people. During study periods, it is
reported that they earn their major part of economy by engaging
themselves as laborer in forest and other related activities. They are
also engaging themselves for basket making and other handicraft
items. There is also some mutual benefit sharing is noticed between
the Baigas and the Yadav. Baiga lease their cattle to Yadav, Yadav
looking after the cattle and get milk, whereas Baigas returned back
their cattle and sell for cash. The ultimate destiny of their economy
is decided by the forest and forest authority; hence, it can be said
that they are the people, controlled by the forest and forest author-
ity to a great extent in terms of their economy.
The socio-economic status of the people is very poor. Except
few families, all the families of the studied villages were below
poverty line.
Health and Nutritional Status

Health status is one of the development indicators and especially,
the reproductive health is one of the important health indicators
of any population or nation. Generally, the girls get married by age
of 21 years. The age of menarche is very much important aspects of
nutrition and health condition. It shows much unfavorable situa-
tion among the Baigas. The mean menarcheal age is 16.27 years,
whereas the mean age at first birth for the mother is 19.50 years.
This mean value of menarche is found to be highest recorded value
still. The reported mean values of menarche are between 12.76
years to 14.76 (Lakshmi, Rao and Veerraju 2006). The earlier
study among the Baigas also reported highest menarcheal age of
15.2 years. It is worth to mention here that four girls experienced

menarche after 19 years of age. The age at marriage was reported
18.5 years for males and 16.6 for females. This age of marriage
of the females just after menarche gave a prolonged reproductive
period. It is worth to mention here that there is no significant
change in age at marriage between the year 1960 and 1991 had
taken place (Reddy and Modell 1997). The same trend is maintained
by the females, but there is increase of age at marriage since 1960
to 2008 among the males.
Data of the reproductive history shows that among the total

reported conception of 232, five miscarriage/abortion have
happened while 227 live births have taken place. Of the total
reported live birth, the infant mortality is 25, whereas 123
(54.18%) person did not survive up to reproductive age (i.e.
dies below the 15 years of age) AABR Report.
Only 62.04% of the population are able to reach the reproductive

age, that is, survive after 15 years of age and females outnumber
the males in terms of death. The infant mortality rate is very much
high: 147.1) which is more than Madhya Pradesh and national aver-
age. Beyond doubt it is a strong indicator of a poor health status.
Pneumonia, diarrhea and malaria is still the major killer for infant
and child. The causal factor of infant mortality is still replicating the
prevailing condition of the 1990s of that area (field observation of
the year 1991–1992, MCH Project by USAID). In a nutshell, it can
be said that high level of infection is prevalent in these area. The
vaccination status is also very grim, and it is only about 28.04%.
Nutrition can be considered a major pillar of life, health and
development throughout the lifespan. Balanced nutrition is essen-
tial for survival, physical growth, mental development, performance
and productivity, health and well-being.
The easiest and popular index of nutritional status, that is,
body mass index (BMI) shows very grim situation. It was only 18.30
kg/m2 among males and 17.92 kg/m2 among the females (Sahani
2016). The situation was so worse that both the mean values of
BMI do not even reach up to the value of normal category (18.50
kg/m2). Nutritional status category based on BMI showed that only
39.66% males and 36.99% females were normal. Even not a single
individual showed overweight and obesity. The Baigas of AABR
308 Ramesh Sahani

area were better than the Baiga of Baigachak area where only
23.6% people were under the normal category (Chakma et al. 2009).
The mid-upper-arm circumference (MUAC) is another
indicator of nutritional status. The WHO in 1995 suggested to
use MUAC for nutritional status, if BMI is showing more under-
nutrition category. A MUAC value of 23 cm is a good indicator of
normal individual, even, the BMI is below 18.5 kg/m2 among the
females. This value of MUAC indicates thin but healthy population.
Using the cut-off value of MUAC, suggest, even, worst scenario of
under nutrition among the Baiga females and 76% women comes
under the category of undernutrition. The derived indices from
the skinfold and MUAC which is used to see the fat deposition and
muscularity of upper arm, that is, arm fat area and arm muscle
area also confirm the undernutrition category as their mean value,
with their range is less, indicating very low level of muscularity.
DISCUSSION
Number of studies whether earlier or recent (Ferro-Luzzi et al. 1992,
Khongsdier 1997, Adak et al. 2006) show very alarming and grim
figure of the tribal people in terms of their nutritional and health
status (Sahani and Nandy 2013). It is observed that the burden of
undernutrition appears particularly high among rural and indig-
enous tribal populations (Nandy et al. 2005, Kuklina et al. 2006).
The present study shows that only 36.99% females were
normal, that is, without the indication of malnutrition, while the
remaining were under the category of severe to mild thinness or
chronic energy deficient category. The situation was almost worse
as the 13.56% people fell under the category of severe chronic
energy deficiency, that is, their BMI is below 16 kg/m2 (Sahani
2016). Arm muscle circumference is of greater significance in clini-
cal studies, since it is directly related to the severity of diseases.
Heymsfield et al. (1984) showed, if bone corrected arm muscle area
is reduced to 10 cm2 death invariably occurs. The Baiga women
show the minimum value of triceps (2.4 mm), arm muscle area
(20.99 cm2), the bone corrected arm muscle area is almost close to
10 cm2, conforming their critical undernutrition situations.
The present study showed the highest age at menarche
(16.27) and it is worth to mention here that all the subject were

completed their reproductive cycles, that is, all the women had
experienced their menopause. The observed menarcheal age is
similar to that of European populations in the 1860s (Tanner 1989)
and is high compared to other rural and urban populations in India
(Bhalla and Srivastava 1974). Known reasons for late menarcheal
age are low level of nutritional, high prevalence of infections.
Malaria is one of the endemic diseases of this area, whereas diar-
rheal diseases, pneumonia, tuberculosis is also rampant.
The present study shows higher mortality and morbidity,
either in children or adult. Even, the present study shows highest
infant mortality rate of 147 (AABR report 2009). Rao et al. (1998)
reported 15.4 years menarcheal age among the girls of lower socio-
economic group in western India. This extreme delay in menarche
is likely to reflect malnutrition and its effects on delaying puberty.
CONCLUSION
Human migration is taking place since their evolution. Major factor
for migration was food, and food is the integral and basic component
of nutrition. The great famine of Europe (commonly known as potato
famine) was the major determinant of American colonization, that
is, Europeans forced to migrate to America. Nutrition and health
are intimately related to each other and moreover, we can say these
are complementary for each other. The past epidemic also forced
people to migrate. Though the present COVID-19 pandemic restrict
our movement, but it is the impact of modern scientific medical
knowledge about the etiology of the disease. Still, hunter-gatherer
people move from one place to another and we had witnessed the
abandonment of camp by the Jarawas in Andaman Islands during
any health emergency. Besides, so many factors are responsible for
human migration such as warfare, political unrest and ecological
condition. In other words, we can say that migration is also one
of the components of life. The main aim of social impact is lawful
resettlement and rehabilitation and sometimes the situations are
favorable and sometimes very much resistant.
The core area of AABR villages has unique favorable con-
dition for resettlement as their health and nutritional condition
is not good. Health facility is not available in their vicinity. The
nutritional status is also facing the same condition due to forest
310 Ramesh Sahani

depletion, population increase and imposition of AABR law in core
zone. Moreover, the gathering activities are not beneficial in respect
of time and labor spent on it.
Besides, the continuous negotiations between the forest
officials and the villagers in a positive manner boost the resettle-
ment. The people compare their situation with the other villages
situated in the buffer zone of the biosphere and reach about the
conclusion of betterment. Of course, the situations are better than
their earlier settlement. So, they themselves enthusiastically opted
for resettlement of choice of area.
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
The author acknowledges anthropological Survey of India and all
the members of SIA project. The present author is one of the mem-
bers of the team and conducted work in AABR.
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312 Ramesh Sahani

CHAPTER 20
REHABILITATION
AND RESETTLEMENT
IN CONTEXT OF
THE ACHANAKMAR-
AMARKANTAK
BIOSPHERE RESERVE
Umesh Kumar
INTRODUCTION
Biosphere reserves (BRs) are areas comprising terrestrial, marine
and coastal ecosystems. It strives for context-specific conservation
and sustainable development. The UNESCO’s framework stipulates
that BRs should have an appropriate zoning system, namely core,
buffer and transition. Ideally, the core zone should be undisturbed
and must contain suitable habitats for plant and animal species,
including higher order predators. It is to be kept free from all
human pressure external to the system.
Government of India launched the Biosphere Reserve
Programme in the year 1986. In the present day, there are 18
notified BRs in India. The human population living within BRs
has always been a matter of conflicting interests and debate,
particularly in the Indian context. To facilitate the conservation
of biodiversity, in some of the BRs, the human settlements have
Rehabilitation and Resettlement in Context 313

been shifted out of the core area, while in some cases it is under
consideration. However, previous experiences have shown that
displacement and resettlement are always a painful experience
for the concerned population. If it is involuntary and unplanned, it
simply has a devastating impact on the people in question. It may
lead to landlessness, joblessness, food insecurity, homelessness, loss
of access to common property resources, community disarticulation
and marginalization (Cernea, 2000).
The Achanakmar-Amarkantak Biosphere Reserve (AABR) is
one of the BRs of India. It not only harbours many of the endangered
wild plants and animals but is also the habitat of the Baiga tribe
along with other caste group populations. Like many BRs, the core
zone of AABR has human settlements. The forest department took
the decision of shifting some of the villages out of the core area with
the motive to resettle and rehabilitate them in transition/peripheral
zones. Considering the fact that unplanned shifting of the human
habitation entails a lot of hardship to the people, a social impact
assessment (SIA) study of the people to be affected was conducted
in six villages of AABR. The aim of the study was to assess the
socio-economic status of the affected villages and understand the
people’s perception regarding resettlement and rehabilitation. The
fieldwork for the present study was conducted before the displace-
ment of these villages between 1 and 27 December 2008. Thereafter
a visit to the area was made for about two weeks in the year 2014.
The said study helped suggest ways to lessen and ameliorate many
of the negative impacts of rehabilitation and resettlement (R&R).
ETHNOSCAPE OF THE ACHANAKMAR-

AMARKANTAK BIOSPHERE RESERVE
AABR is the 14th BR of India. It falls in two different states, that is,
Madhya Pradesh and Chhattisgarh. It was notified as the BR in the
year 2005. Achanakmar Sanctuary forms the core of AABR. In the
year 2009, the core area of AABR has been brought under the Tiger
Reserve Project and is known as the Achanakmar Tiger Reserve.
Like other BRs of India, AABR has also zonation, namely
core, buffer and periphery. There are 24 villages in the core zone of
AABR, and both tribal and non-tribal communities inhabit there.
The core area of AABR is mostly inhabited by tribal communities,
314 Umesh Kumar

namely the Baiga, Gond, Oraon, Kol, Kawar and Dhanwar. In
addition, there are other caste communities such as Brahman,
Yadav, Rajput, Dhobi, Dhimar, Lohar and Lonia. Interestingly,
none of the communities is indigenous to the BR. The history of
peopling of the core zone of AABR does not date back beyond 1880.
It means that all the population groups arrived AABR after 1880,
including the Baiga who dominate the ethnoscape of AABR. The
Baiga were brought in this area by the British between 1893 and
1938 from the surrounding regions for timber extraction. Later,
the administration gave them patta (title deeds) for their houses
and homestead along with the right for extraction of minor forest
produce (MFP). Hence, the Baiga are not the owners of the land.
In the post-independence period, the other communities migrated
in search of livelihoods and settled in AABR. Like the Baiga, they
too do not have the ownership of the land vested with them.
Immediately after the notification of the Achanakmar
Sanctuary and its adjoining area as AABR in 2005, the process
for shifting of the villages falling in the core region of the BR was
initiated with a view to reducing anthropogenic pressure in the
core zone. In the first spell, out of 24 villages, 6 villages namely
Samardhasan, Jalda, Kuba, Bokrakachhar, Bankal and Bahaud
were identified and earmarked for shifting. The reason behind
selecting these villages for shifting in the first spell was that they
lay in the core zone. These villages were Baiga villages with the
exception of one or two families who were from other communities.
At present, all these six villages have been rehabilitated and reset-
tled in the buffer/periphery zone of AABR.
VILLAGE PROFILE
All the six villages, namely Bankal, Samardhasan, Bokrakachhar,
Bahaud, Jalda and Kuba, are forest villages established by the
colonial administrators and were notified between 1893 and 1938.
As such, these villages were primarily uni-ethnic and inhabited
by the Baiga. The Baiga tribesmen, presently listed as one of the
Particularly Vulnerable Tribal Groups, were brought from their
original homeland in central Madhya Pradesh and were resettled
in this hilly and densely forested area as labour force. The location
analysis of these villages showed that these villages were located

deep inside the forest away from the state highway. Further, it was
found that except Bahaud and Bokrakachhar, other villages were
roughly located at a distance of 10–18 km from the main road. Of
all the villages, the location of Kuba was farthest from the main
road. These villages were connected to the main road through a
motorable kachcha road (unpaved road).
Topographically, these villages were on hilly and undulat-
ing terrain. As such, despite the location of two villages, namely
Bankal and Kuba alongside the rivers, the villagers were unable to
use the river water for irrigation. Consequently, the agriculture was
entirely rain-fed, and only one crop was grown. The production too
was also very meagre. Thus, agriculture was never a viable option.
Besides, whatever little grew was always prone to damages from
wildlife. People were dependent on forest resources and daily wage
labour to meet both ends. They had been given non-transferable
patta rights of the village land and Nistar facilities on the forest
(freedom of gathering non-wood forest products/MFP from the
forest). After the declaration of the Achanakmar Sanctuary under
the Indian Forest Act, they gradually lost their rights except col-
lection and selling MFP for their sustenance. Over the decades,
the growth in population (Table 20.1) led to the fragmentation of
already restricted agricultural land. Thus, the overall condition of
these villages was far from satisfactory.
Table 20.1 Population in Studied Villages 1961–2008
S. No. Village 1961 1971 1981 1991 2001 2008
1. Bankal 28 45 62 73 138 136
2. Samardhasan NA 72 73 55 45 55
3. Bokrakachhar 41 32 38 61 103 152
4. Bahaud 57 86 82 169 197 259
5. Jalda 85 174 143 176 187 287
6. Kuba 71 70 38 51 49 90
Total 282 479 436 585 719 979
Source: Census of India from 1961 to 2001, 2008 and present study.
316 Umesh Kumar

Basic demographic data (Table 20.1) demonstrate that, as
per the 2001 Census, Bahaud is the largest village, followed closely
by Jalda. However, the 2008 field data on demographic trends
show that Jalda is the largest village with a total population of
287. Samardhasan is the smallest village with a total population
of 55 only. If the total population of the six villages is considered
together, there is a moderate upward trend in population growth. It
also depicts that all the villages have experienced negative growth
at some point of time. The underlying reason for negative growth in
population is mainly outmigration of population. The total popula-
tion in the year 2008 was 979, of which 494 were males and 485
were females (Table 20.2).
Table 20.2. presents the basic information about various
public amenities and utilities available in the six villages. With
respect to the types of the houses, it needs to be mentioned that
all houses in six villages were kachcha houses with mud walls and
thatched roofs. The main sources of water were wells, ponds and
hand pumps.
As regards the availability of schools (Table 20.2), it was
found that there were only four middle-level schools imparting
education till class VII. Of six villages, Samardhasan and Kuba
had no schools. The case of Kuba needs a special mention. It was a
remote village, and the nearest school from this village was about
18 km away at Lamini village. Besides, after passing class VII, it
was very difficult for children to continue their studies.
Agonies of villagers were compounded due to the absence of
an all-weather fair road. The inter-village roads and roads which
connected them with the nearest market were kachcha roads.
During the rainy season, villages were cut off and the movement
of villagers was restricted. Besides, the studied villages lacked
some basic amenities and facilities such as a public health centre
(PHC), a post office, a bank, a bus stop and a market. In addi-
tion, there were no postal and bank facilities in these villages. In
the absence of these two facilities, the villagers had to travel to
Kota for postal and bank-related needs. The absence of many of
the basic facilities and amenities had made the life of the people
miserable.

Table 20.2 Existing Village Amenities and Utilities
S. No. Village Bankal Samardhasan Bokrakachhar Bahaud Jalda Kuba
A. Population 136 55 152 259 287 90
Male 66 28 81 136 139 44
Female 70 27 71 123 148 46
B. No. of houses 20 9 27 39 49 17
C. No. of wells 1 0 2 2 2 2
D. No. of ponds 0 2 1 2 2 0
E. No. of hand pumps 1 1 2 2 2 2
F. No. of schools 1 0 1 1 1 0
G. Solar power 14 2 11 18 26 6
H. Village road Kachcha road
Source: The author.

ECONOMIC STATUS OF THE VILLAGERS
It is important to understand the status of land ownership of the
villagers who were going to be displaced. Out of the total sampled
families, about 82 per cent of the families had pattas in their names,
while 18 per cent of the families were landless. It also included the
later migrants to these villages. It was found that the majority of
households (55.45%) had land between 1 and 3 acres. There were
only 12 households having land above three acres.
Most of the households (78.18%) followed self-cultivation.
Of the total households, only 1.82 per cent practised sharecropping,
while 16.36 per cent of household were landless. Both landowners
and landless villagers supplemented their income through wage
earning. In fact, wage earning was as important as the primary
occupation (agriculture) for almost all the Baigas (both landholders
and landless) of studied villages.
After land, the forest was the biggest resource for the Baiga.
Fruits, flowers, leaves, roots and tubers were the edible items col-
lected from the forest. These items supplemented and balanced
their cereal diet. Animals played an important role in the life of
villagers. For them, animals were both an asset and a means of live-
lihood. Livestock comprised cow, goat, ox, pig and buffalo. Besides,
they also reared poultry birds.
Nearly all the villagers (98.18%) of studied villages were
below poverty line (BPL) and as such were BPL cardholders. Of
the total households, only 1.82 per cent (4 families) were above
the poverty line, but they were not the Baiga. Of the total families,
about 54.55 per cent of the families were found to be in debt in 2008.
Jalda had the maximum number of families under debt (68.75%),
followed by Kuba (54.55%) and Bahaud (40%). In the absence of
banking and micro-financing facilities, the villagers had to take a
loan from money lenders. They often sought a loan to meet extra
expenditure incurred towards observing some rites and rituals,
marriages, festivals, etc. The debt amount was usually not very
large. It varied between `100 and 1,500.

COMMUNITY PERCEPTION ABOUT DISPLACEMENT
AND PROPOSED R&R SITES
Displacement refers to the experience of the people who are going to
be affected by a project. It includes both physical and economic dis-
placement. Physical displacement occurs when people’s dwellings
are directly affected, while economic displacement happens when
their livelihoods are negatively affected either directly or indirectly
(IFC, 2012a, 2012b). Ideally, where the potential for physical or
economic displacement exists, people should be informed about it
and thereafter, by involving people who are going to be affected,
a proper process of resettlement and/or compensation should be
initiated. Against this backdrop, a household survey was conducted
which covered all the families.
During the survey, the villagers informed that they had been
intimated by the Forest Department about the proposed relocation
of their villages out of the core zone of AABR to some new sites.
However, the serious exercise in this direction began only since
2007 when their consents were obtained in writing. Nearly all the
households (99.09%) were aware of the fact that sooner or later
they would be displaced.
Knowledge about R&R Sites

In response to the question of whether they had knowledge about
the proposed R&R sites in general, about 78.18 per cent households
informed that they were aware as well as had seen the new R&R
sites (Table 20.3). Of the remaining households, 12.73 per cent
informed that they only had little knowledge about new R&R sites,
while 9.09 per cent had no knowledge about new sites. The village-
wise response about knowledge about new R&R sites shows that
about five families of Bahaud, three of Bokrakachhar and two of
Samardhasan had no idea about it.
Suitability of R&R Sites

As regards the suitability of the R&R sites, the villagers gave
mixed responses. Opinions of villagers were put into three cat-
egories: (a) suitable, (b) somewhat suitable and (C) not suitable.
Only 32.73 per cent of the total sample households had opined that
320 Umesh Kumar

Table 20.3 Location of R&R Sites
S. No. Village Name Place of Relocation (R&R Sites)
1. Jalda Near Kathmura, Camp No. 550
2. Bahaud Near Khuria Dam, Camp No. 498 & 499
3. Samardhasan Near Khuria Dam, Camp No. 498 & 499
4. Bokrakachhar Near Khuria Dam, Camp No. 498 & 499
5. Bankal Near Khuria Dam, Camp No. 498 & 499
6. Kuba Near Amadov
Source: The author.
the new R&R sites were suitable for them, while 45.45 per cent
households found it somehow suitable for them. More importantly,
one-fifth of households (21.82 per cent) did not consider the pro-
posed sites suitable. The uneven undulating nature of lands and
encroachments at proposed R&R sites were the two prime reasons
which made the villagers reluctant to accept it. One major point of
concern for the villagers was the effect on social networking. About
11.54 per cent households of Bahaud, Samardhasan, Bokrakachhar
and Bankal villages considered the proposed site to be quite far
from those villages where their kith and kin reside. While settling
the villages, the social networking of people of the village should
also be considered as one of the important parameters.
On being queried as to whether they had any alternative
sites in mind, 57.27 per cent households of five villages except
Jalda responded affirmatively and gave the information related to
alternative sites.
Acceptance at R&R Sites

The opinion of villagers was also sought at the proposed R&R
regarding their acceptance of other communities. Since the pro-
posed sites were located in the peripheral of AABR, about 67 per
cent of households had opined that neighbouring communities had
gladly accepted them. However, about 28 per cent households were
apprehensive as neighbouring communities as had already done
some encroachments at many of the proposed R&R sites. There was

a fear that those communities might resent the presence of the vil-
lagers and would not accept them happily. Field visits to the sites
revealed that there were encroachments at some of the proposed
sites. It was therefore necessary that prior to resettling them at the
proposed sites, encroachment should have been removed.
Impact on Living Conditions

Despite having apprehensions and reservations about the proposed
R&R sites, when the villagers were asked that if confronted with
only one option, that is, if they were faced with no choice but to move
to the proposed sites, what impact it would have on their living
conditions; the replies received to this were startling. Surprisingly,
97 per cent households opined that it would improve their living
conditions. The underlying reason was the push factors operating
at present locations in terms of infertile lands, absence of medical
facility, absence of high schools, non-availability of work round the
year, etc. Only three households of Bankal village considered the
impact of shifting to a new site to be bad.
Perceived Loss Due to Displacement

Displacement in its wake entails the loss of property. When the
people were asked to share their views on the aspect related to the
loss of property, 51.82 per cent households considered the loss of
land as the most important loss, 35.45 per cent households reported
the loss of house as the most important loss. As regards the second
important loss, the result was just the opposite. The loss of house
was the second most important loss for 71.82 per cent households.
The loss of livelihood was identified as the third important loss
due to displacement. People’s opinion helped in preparing recom-
mendations which suggested that people should be adequately
compensated for such losses which they considered very important,
namely land, house and means of livelihood.
Use of Compensation Money

The R&R package also had the provision of some cash compensa-
tion. Keeping in mind the fact that many of the villagers were
illiterate, and almost all of them were poor, opinions of villagers
322 Umesh Kumar

were solicited about how they would use the compensation money.
It was enquired as to on which item(s) they would spend a large
share of their compensation money. The responses showed that a
large number of them (76.36 per cent) wanted to spend money on
purchasing good agricultural lands, while a sizeable number of
them wanted to spend the money on the construction of or renova-
tion of their houses. Only two households, who were from Jalda
village, wanted to invest the compensation money for initiating
some kind of business. It was observed that the lack of skill was the
main reason that people were not able to identify the other areas
for investing the compensation money.
Ability to Spend Money on Productive Assets

People were further asked whether they considered themselves
to be capable enough to wisely spend or invest the compensation
money on enhancing their assets. Of the total sampled house-
holds, 56.36 per cent households gave an affirmative answer,
20.91 per cent expressed their inability to spend it wisely and
22.73 per cent were uncertain. However, it was realized during the
conversation with the villagers that they might not be able to use
compensation money properly because all through their genera-
tions, they only knew how to toil in the field and forest. Moreover,
presently, they did not have the necessary skills to begin any busi-
ness or s elf-employment-related work.
Construction of House at a New Site

More than half of the Baiga (58.18%) were willing to construct
their houses by themselves because they thought that the govern-
ment construction might not take into account their needs. Among
those who desired that the government/Forest Department should
construct their houses (41.82 per cent), Jalda ranks first among six
villages, followed by Samardhasan, Bahaud and Bankal. People
of Kuba was the only village who wanted to construct houses on
their own provided separate/extra compensation money for house
building provided to them.
Further, the people opinions were gathered on the subject
pertaining to which department/local bodies should assist them in
the construction of houses. Nearly all the Baiga (91.82%), barring

a few, desired that the Forest Department should help them in this
matter. The reason behind such expectation was the long associa-
tion of the villagers with the Forest Department and subsequent
faith building.
Can Villagers Operate a Cooperative?

More than half of the households (59.09%) expressed that villagers
could successfully operate a cooperative in their villages. Villagers
of Jalda, Bankal and Kuba appeared much interested in forming a
cooperative. Since maximum numbers of families were interested
in forming a co-operative, they should be provided necessary help
and training in forming and running a cooperative so that they
could sell their agroforestry products in the market.
Awareness about Compensation

The Forest Department has prepared a compensation package for
the people who are to be relocated. It was found that the majority
of the villagers were aware (62.73%) of the compensation package
offered to them by the Forest Department, while a third of them
were only partially aware of it.
Perceived Benefit
As regards the most important benefit perceived by the villagers,
it was found that nearly all households (97.28%) considered the
land offered by the Forest Department to be the most benefit.
They apparently looked very much interested in pursuing inten-
sive agriculture at new sites. However, few households considered
infrastructure and houses to be important benefits accruing from
the compensation package. Surprisingly, none of the households
considered cash in lieu of land to be a better option.
Most Important Expectation from the Government/

Forest Department
The proposed shifting of the six villages had raised both apprehen-
sion and expectation of the people. As regards the most important
expectation of the villagers from the forest department, the data
324 Umesh Kumar

reveal that of the total households, about 66.36 per cent desired
that the compensation package should be adequate enough to
take care of their needs related to land, house, potable water,
irrigation facility, schools, electricity and primary health facility.
About 17.27 per cent households wanted a better compensation
package than the present one in terms of the enhancement of the
compensation package, while a few expected the guarantee of a
job for a secured life.
COMMON OPINION OF VILLAGERS EMERGING

FROM SURVEY AND FOCUS GROUP DISCUSSION
In order to ascertain the community’s perception towards R&R, in
each village, a Focus Group Discussion had been conducted, and
the following were people’s opinions and expectations:
1. Primarily for the development of land and infrastructure (crea-

tion/construction of water tank, irrigation canal, road, commu-
nity centre, school, etc.), the affected peoples should be engaged
as a wage labourer. They also opined that cultivation at new
sites was possible only after two years as the topsoil was hard
and not so fit for a crop. Thus, during the period of R&R, the
government should have guaranteed the wage labour. Further,
they should have been allowed to agriculture at old sites.
2. People genuinely felt that they lacked skills for employment
in sectors other than agriculture. Villagers, therefore, put the
demand for training of their youths for skill creation.
3. The provision of electricity at the new site was one of the major
demands of the villagers. They opined that it would enable them
to carry some of the works after sunset. Second, school going
children would be able to study for some time during the night.
If giving the electricity was not possible, then each household
should have been given sufficient numbers of solar lamps with
few big centralized solar panels.
4. Villagers wanted that proper drainage facility and subsidiary
canals should be created by the Forest Department for irrigation
of the land. The provision of this facility would enable them to
raise two crops a year.

5. Since agriculture would not be possible at the new site for about
two to three years, the villagers demanded that some kind of job
guarantee scheme or programme needed to be created where
they could get work as daily wage labourers for about two to
three years.
6. The provision of a Health Sub-Centre at the R&R site was one
of the most important demands of the villagers. It was because,
the nearest PHC was about 25 km from the village and that too
without a doctor. Villagers had to suffer a lot due to the lack of
health facilities.
7. Except for Kuba village, other villages had schools. But the
teacher–student ratio was abysmally low. Only one or two
teachers took care of all classes up to fifth standards. Second,
they were regular in attending the school. At the new site, they
wanted a school with proper facilities and sufficient numbers of
teachers.
8. At the new site, there should be provisions for sufficient num-
bers of hand pumps and a well and a pond. While the hand
pumps and well were to be used for drinking and bathing pur-
poses, the ponds would be used for animals and if necessary for
irrigation too.
9. Youth of the villages demanded the provision of a playground
at the new site where they could play in the evening.

Displacement is an unsettling experience. Despite following the
world’s best practice, it is likely to create some degree of stress and
anxiety in the people being relocated (Bisht, 2009). It was noticed
that the people who are going to be resettled experience multi-
dimensional stress, that is, stress in physiological, psychological
and socio-economic terms. Much of their worries are related to the
disruption of their lives and livelihoods. They appeared concerned
about the adequate restoration of the livelihoods and/or income-
earning activities at new places. Further, the compensation alone
does not ensure that people can re-establish their lives and liveli-
hoods in their new location. This is why resettlement has generally
resulted in suboptimal outcomes. There is arguably an inverse rela-
tionship between the extent of involvement of the affected people
326 Umesh Kumar

in resettlement decision-making and the level of stress they expe-
rience (Patel et al., 2002; Reddy et al., 2015; Wilmsen & Webber,
2015). To safeguard against the possibility of negative outcomes,
it is imperative that sufficient attention is paid to ensuring that
people have participated throughout the process of R&R.
Instead of treating the resettlement simply as a process
of relocation, it should be treated as an opportunity by the R&R
agency to create sufficient conditions to enhance the quality of life
of the people who are to be rehabilitated and resettled. The idea
that resettlement can and should be an opportunity for development
has been explicitly stated for over a decade (Cernea, 1999, 2003,
2007; Perera, 2014; World Bank, 2004).
No matter how well intentioned and planned a resettlement
may be, it causes a huge impact on people and communities. The
magnitude of the social impacts and the enormity of it are such that
the resettlement process typically dominates the life of the people
and their community for many years. It is therefore imperative that
the discourse related to R&R moves away from the current focus on
compliance with minimum requirements and minimizing immedi-
ate cost towards a strong commitment to effectively managing the
social risks experienced by communities.
REFERENCES
Bisht T. 2009. Development-induced displacement and women: the case
of the Tehri Dam, India. The Asia Pacific Journal of Anthropology,
10:301–317.
Cernea M. 1999. Why economic analysis is essential to resettlement:
a sociologist’s view. Economic and Political Weekly, 34:2149–2158.
Cernea M. 2000. Risks, safeguards and reconstruction: a model for
population displacement and resettlement. Economic and Political
Weekly, 35:3659–3678.
Cernea M. 2003. For a new economics of resettlement: a sociological
critique of the compensation principle. International Social Science
Journal, 55:37–45.
Cernea M. 2007. Financing for development: benefit-sharing mecha-
nisms in population resettlement. Economic and Political Weekly,
42:1033–1046.
IFC. 2012a. Performance standard 5 land acquisition and involuntary
resettlement. Available at http://www.ifc.org/wps/wcm/connect/

topics_ext_content/ifc_external_corporate_site/ifc+sustainability/
our+approach/risk+management/performance+standards/envir
onmental+and+social+performance+standards+and+guidance+
notes
IFC. 2012b. Guidance note 5: land acquisition and involuntary reset-
tlement performance guidance 5 [Internet]. Available at http://
www.ifc.org/wps/wcm/connect/topics_ext_content/ifc_external_cor-
porate_site/ifc+sustainability/our+approach/risk+management/
performance+standards/environmental+and+social+performance
+standards+and+guidance+notes
Patel S., d’Cruz C., Burra S. 2002. Beyond evictions in a global city:
people-managed resettlement in Mumbai. Environment and
Urbanization, 14:159–172.
Perera J., editor. 2014. Lose to gain: is involuntary resettlement a devel-
opment opportunity? Manilla: Asian Development Bank.
Reddy G., Smyth E., Steyn M. 2015. Land access and resettlement: a
guide to best practice. Sheffield: Greenleaf.
Wilmsen B., Webber M. 2015. What can we learn from the practice of
development-forced displacement and resettlement for organised
resettlements in response to climate change? Geoforum, 58:76–85.
World Bank. 2004. Involuntary resettlement sourcebook: planning and
implementation in development projects [Internet]. Washington
DC: World Bank.
328 Umesh Kumar

CHAPTER 21
SOCIAL IMPACT
ASSESSMENT OF LAND
ACQUISITION
Three Projects in Punjab
Mehar Singh and Sukhvinder Singh
INTRODUCTION
At present, land acquisition for any infrastructural project, new
township, industrial estate, etc. is done under the new land
acquisition Act which is called the Right to Fair Compensation
and Transparency in the Land Acquisition, Rehabilitation and
Resettlement Act, 2013. This Act ensures fair compensation to
landowners for the acquired land and transparency in the pro-
cess of land acquisition. The rehabilitation and resettlement of
uprooted/displaced persons, if any, is also ensured under this Act.
It is also mandatory to conduct a social impact assessment (SIA) of
the affected population within six months of the publication of the
land acquisition notification. The purpose of conducting SIA is: to
know how the life of the people in the project area will be affected
positively and negatively by the project in the short and long terms.
OBJECTIVES
The main objective of this chapter is to share the methodology used
and findings of three SIA studies from Punjab state. These studies
were conducted by Centre for Research in Rural and Industrial
Social Impact Assessment of Land Acquisition 329

Development (CRRID), Chandigarh, between November 2017
and December 2019. The authors of this chapter were part of the
CRRID research team in the capacity of Consultant and Principal
Investigator, respectively. Two of these projects were related to rail
lines and the third to a road. These projects were located in differ-
ent parts of the state. As these projects were linear in nature, the
acquired/notified land was in a narrow strip form. The brief outline
of these projects is provided below.
BRIEF OUTLINE OF THE PROJECTS
1. SIA in connection with Bhanupali–Bilaspur–Beri New

Rail Link Project
It is an interstate project between Punjab and Himachal
Pradesh. A new broad gauge (BG) rail line is being laid from the
Bhanupali station (near Anandpur Sahib, district Roopnagar,
Punjab) to Beri (district Bilaspur, Himachal Pradesh) to provide
the BG rail line link to Himachal Pradesh. It is the first phase
of a much larger project that intends to provide the BG rail
line link to Leh through Kullu-Manali in Himachal Pradesh.
The total length of this line is 63.10 km. Out of this, only about
14 km of rail line will pass through the Punjab territory. Out
of these 14 km, land needed for 3.5 km length was acquired in
2012. The process of acquiring land for another about 6.5 km
length was in progress at the time of survey for the present pro-
ject (from November 2017 to January 2018). Thus, this project is
related to the acquisition of land for the remaining 4 km length
in two villages (Samlah and Paharpur) of the Anandpur Sahib
subdivision. In addition to that, the project also includes some
land in five other villages from where land was acquired in 2012
or which were notified earlier for acquisition. This notification
was to meet the additional land requirement of railways in these
villages.
2. SIA Study of the Rajpura–Bathinda Rail Line Doubling
Project
This project is located in the southern part of Punjab. The
Rajpura–Bathinda rail line is a very important BG rail link as
it connects two army cantonments (Patiala and Bathinda) and
330 Mehar Singh and Sukhvinder Singh

many towns of south Punjab, such as Patiala, Nabha, Dhuri,
Barnala, Handiaya, Tapa, Rampura Phul and Bathinda, with
the linking of the Delhi–Ambala–Ludhiana–Amritsar main line.
Many trains linking important towns of Rajasthan like Barmer,
Sri Ganga Nagar, etc., with Ambala (Haryana), Haridwar,
Rishikesh (Uttarakhand), etc., also pass through this route.
Most importantly, there are many important food grain loading
points on this route between Rajpura and Bathinda. At present,
it is a single-line BG track which has exhausted its capacity
completely. Realising the strategic as well as economic impor-
tance of this route, Northern Railway has decided to upgrade
this route between Rajpura and Bathinda. The upgradation has
two components. First is the doubling of the rail line between
Rajpura and Bathinda. Second, creation of loading/uploading
of goods (mainly food grains) facility for goods trains at six new
locations. These locations are slightly away from the existing
railway stations of Dhuri, Handiaya, Tapa, Rampura Phul,
Lehra Mohabat and Bhucho. The total area of the notified land
at six locations is 42.775 acres, and it spreads across 7 villages
and 3 towns. The SIA study in the case of this project has
been done in 9 out of 10 affected villages/towns because there
is no affected household in one of the towns (Rampura Phul).
The entire land notified in this town belongs to the Municipal
Committee.
3. SIA Study of Improvement of the Landran Junction
Project
This is a road project which is located in the vicinity of
Chandigarh to its south–west at a distance of about 14 km from
the city centre. The main objective of this project is to improve
the flow of traffic at the Landran road junction. Two state high-
ways, No. 12A (Chandigarh–Chunni–Fatehgarh Sahib–Sirhind
road) and No. 205A (Kharar–Banur road), intersect at village
Landran. Over the years, this road junction has become a major
bottleneck for the smooth flow of traffic. Long traffic jams have
become a very common feature of this road junction.
Although the Chandigarh–Sirhind road was upgraded in 2009
under the Punjab State Road Sector Project, road widening from
RD 13.600 to RD 15.750 could not be undertaken at that time

as the landowners of village Landran, because of certain issues,
did not allow the acquisition of land needed for that purpose.
After many rounds of negotiations and persuasions with the
landowners, the administration finally succeeded in acquiring
this land in 2019–2020. The total acquired land area of this
project is only 7.338 acres.
METHODOLOGY
The SIA studies of the affected population in the project areas have
been done as per the guidelines provided in the Land Acquisition
Act of 2013. Primary and secondary data have been used in these
studies. In addition to that, regular meetings were organised with
the project implementing authorities and SDMs of the project areas
for understanding certain aspects of the project or for clarification
on certain issues as well as for seeking their help for conducting
public meetings in the affected villages/towns. To assess the socio-
economic status of the affected families and to know the size of
land notified for the acquisition of each family, a household survey
of affected families in each village/town, using a pre-structured
questionnaire, was carried out. The survey teams were able to cover
more than 80% of the affected households in the two rail project
areas, and only about 19% in the road project area. The low cover-
age in the road project area was due to the fact that most affected
persons were not residents of the project area. These persons were
outsiders who had invested money in the real estate business in the
project area. The numbers of households surveyed in each project
area were as follows:
1. Bhanupali–Bilaspur–Beri rail line project area: 211

2. Rajpura–Bathinda rail line project area: 98
3. Landran junction road project area: 72
To assess the impact of these projects on commercial activity, 55

shopkeepers on railway platforms and near the railway stations in
the Rajpura–Bathinda rail project area and 45 shopkeepers along
the road in Landran junction project area were also interviewed
using the pre-structural questionnaire. In the case of Bhanupali–
Beri rail line project area, a few road-side shopkeepers at the

Bhanupali bus stand were informally interviewed as there are no
shops at or near the railway station.
SOCIAL IMPACT ASSESSMENT

The SIA of these projects has been done in two parts. In the first
part, mandatory tasks which are suggested in the guidelines for
conducting the SIA have been done. These tasks are as follows:
1. To examine whether the proposed land acquisition serve the

public purpose for which it is acquired.
2. To estimate the number of affected families, magnitude of their
land loss or loss of house, shop or other property.
3. To estimate the number of families and shopkeepers likely to
be displaced from their homes, lands, shops.
4. To examine whether the extent of land proposed for acquisi-
tion is the bare minimum necessity for commissioning of the
proposed project.
5. To examine that the proposed site for creating separate facility
of loading/unloading for goods trains at each station is the best
choice than any other location (in the Rajpura–Bathinda rail
line project).
In the second part, the social impact of these three projects on the
affected landowners, general public and the project areas has been
assessed at three different stages, that is,
1. at the land acquisition stage of the project,

2. during the construction stage of the project and
3. during operational stage of the project after its completion.
PART I: DOES LAND ACQUISITION SERVE THE

PUBLIC PURPOSE?
The detailed study of the DPRs of these projects shows that these
projects have been undertaken in the larger public interest.
The Bhanupali–Bilaspur–Beri new rail line project aims to
provide BG rail line connectivity to Himachal Pradesh. This rail line

will benefit cement factory at Barmana and many other industrial
units in the vicinity of Bilaspur, Barmana and Beri. It will also
promote tourism and industrialisation in this part of Himachal
Pradesh. This shows that the land acquisition for this project is
going to serve the public purpose.
In the Rajpura–Bathinda rail line doubling project area,
the main purpose of land acquisition in the vicinity of six stations,
namely, Dhuri, Handiaya, Tapa, Rampura Phul, Lehra Mohabat
and Bhucho is to reduce congestion at these stations due to goods
trains. The six selected stations are important food grain loading
points. At present, the food grain loading platforms are located at
the existing stations and for loading food grains, goods train remain
in stationary position at the station for a number of days. Thus one
track remains blocked for a number of days. As a result, the mobility
of passenger trains is hindered on this route. As per the new plan,
the loading/unloading facility is now being created at new locations,
away from the existing stations. Loading/unloading activity at the
new locations will not hamper mobility of the passenger trains.
Thus, land acquisition will very much serve the public purpose.
The main purpose of land acquisition in Landran village is
to improve traffic flow at the Landran junction. One can find long
queues of vehicles on all the roads at this junction from morning
to late evening. Crossing this road junction is time consuming
and vehicles are highly prone to accidents. The offset alignment
of Landran–Chandigarh and Landran–Chunni roads at this junc-
tion and non-availability of slip roads are the main causes of traf-
fic jams at this junction. Narrow width of the existing road from
RD.13.500 to RD.15.750 also adds to the traffic jams. The proposed
road alignment and slip roads will significantly improve the flow of
traffic at this junction. Thus, the proposed land acquisition for the
improvement of the Landran road junction will very much serve
the public purpose.
NUMBER OF AFFECTED FAMILIES AND MAGNITUDE

OF THEIR LANDLESS
Assessing the exact number of projects, the affected families in the
project areas, was the most difficult task. In the two rail line project
areas, notifications for land acquisition in many villages did not

carry the names of the affected landowners. Only Khasra numbers
(field identification numbers) of the notified land were provided in
these notifications. In the Rajpura–Bathinda rail line project area,
the identification of landowners for each Khasra number was done
with the help of records of the Revenue Department. In the case of
Bhanupali–Beri rail line project area, the identification of affected
farmers was done mostly with the help of village elders in each
village. Notification for land acquisition for the Landran junction
road project area however carried name/names of landowners for
each Khasra number. In this case another difficulty was faced;
many Khasra numbers were having names of more than one person
and names of many landowners appeared in more than one Khasra
number. Another problem which was faced in all the project areas
was that at many places the notified land in revenue records is
shown as joint property, but on the ground it is in the possession
of only one person. The division of the joint property which the
shareholders had done at their own level some time back is not
recorded in the revenue records. In such situations, it was very dif-
ficult to decide whether all shareholders are considered as affected
families or only the one in whose possession that land was at the
time of notification. In these studies, the latter was considered as
the affected family. Village-wise details of notified land and the
number of affected households in each project area are as follows:
Project 1
The total area of the notified land in the Bhanupali–Bilaspur–Beri
new rail line project area in the seven villages of Punjab was 1,068
Kanal and 15 Marla. The village-wise break-up of this land is as
follows: Bhanupali 2K–17M, Behlu 7K–16M, Daroli 15K–14M,
Jindwari 16K–6M, Nangali 77K–1M, Samlah 221K–1M and
Paharpur 725K–0M. The total Khasra numbers of the notified land
are 231. The exact number of affected families in this project area
could not be determined. It was estimated to be between 225 and 250.
Out of these, 211 families were interviewed personally. Table 21.1
shows the size of their land notified for acquisition. It shows that in
about 27.5% of the cases, the size of the notified land was less than
5 Marla. In another, about 16.1% of the cases, this size of the noti-
fied land was in the range of 5–19 Marla. This shows that in about
43.6% of the cases, the size of the notified land was less than 1 Kanal.
Table 21.1 Distribution of Affected Farmers as Per the Size of Their Land Notified for Acquisition
5–9 10–19 1–2 2–4 4–8 8–20 20–40 >40

Village 0–4 Marla Marla Marla Kanal Kanal Kanal Kanal Kanal Kanal Total
Behlu 11 1 2 0 0 0 1 0 0 15
Bhanupali 2 2 0 1 0 0 0 0 0 5
Daroli 6 2 4 0 0 0 1 0 0 13
Jindwari 27 5 2 0 1 1 0 0 0 36
Nangali 8 2 4 6 1 0 0 0 0 21
Paharpur 3 2 4 9 6 17 19 5 11 76
Samloh 1 1 3 6 13 7 14 0 0 45
Total 58 15 19 22 21 25 35 5 11 211
27.49% 7.11% 9.00% 10.43% 9.95% 11.85% 16.59% 2.37% 5.21% 100.0%
Source: The authors.

In about one-third (32.2%) of the cases, the size of the notified land
was between 1 Kanal and 8 Kanal (1 acre). In about 16.6% of the
cases, this size was between 8 and 20 Kanals (1 hectare). Only in
about 7.6% of the cases, the size of the notified land was more than
20 Kanal. All these cases were from Paharpur village.
Project 2
The total number of affected families in the Rajpura–Bathinda rail
line doubling project area was between 120 and 150. In some of the
villages, where the number of affected families was in a single digit,
CRRID team was able to identify all. But in other villages/towns,
where their numbers were comparatively large, some affected
households could not be identified. CRRID team interviewed 98
households from this project area.
The total area of the notified land for this project at six
locations, falling in the territory of three towns and seven villages
is 42.775 acres or about 17.31 hectares. The station (location)- and
village-wise distribution of this land is provided in Table 21.2.
The magnitude of landlessness at the level of individual
farmers in this project area is relatively large. In more than four-
fifths of the cases, this size is above 1 Kanal; in fact, in nearly one-
third of the cases this size is 5 Kanal or above. Table 21.3 shows
that out of 98 surveyed households, the size of the notified land for
acquisition in 18 (18.37%) cases is less than 1 Kanal. In 19 cases
(19.39%), it is between 1 and 2.9 Kanals and in 29 (29.59%) cases,
it is between 3 and 4.9 Kanals. The highest number 32 (32.65%)
is recorded in the 5 Kanals and above category. The table shows
that there is a linear correlation between the size of the notified
land and its frequency. However, at the station level, there is no
such correlation in the size of the notified land and its frequency.
Project 3
In the Landran junction road project area, the size of the notified
land is only about 7.338 acres or about 35,516 sq. yards.
As per the notification for land acquisition, the total affected
landowners were 421. Since most of the affected landowners in this
project area were outsiders, only 72 households, who resided in

Table 21.2 Station-wise and Village/Town-wise Size of the Notified Land
Land Notified Land Notified

S. Name of for Acquisition Name of the for Acquisition
No. the Station (in acres) Village (in acres)
1. Dhuri 8.3125 Dohla 4.6250
Harchandpur 3.6875
2. Handiaya 5.6625 Handiaya 0.9375
Khudi Kalan 4.7250
3. Tapa 8.7250 Tapa 8.7250
4. Rampura 7.7625 Gill Kalan 1.7750

Phul
Rampura Phul 2.00625
Lehra Dhulkot 3.98125
5. Lehra 3.3875 Lehra Mohabat 3.3875

Mohabat
6. Bhucho 8.9250 Lehra Khana 8.9250
Total 42.775 Total 42.775
Table 21.3 Size of the Notified Land (in Kanals)
Station <1 1–2.9 3–4.9 5+ Total
Dhuri 0 9 10 7 26
Handiaya 6 1 2 3 12
Tapa 2 5 2 4 13
Rampura Phul 9 4 2 11 26
Lehra Mohabat 1 0 7 0 8
Bhucho 0 0 6 7 13
Total 18 19 29 32 98
18.37% 19.39% 29.59% 32.65% 100.00%

Table 21.4 Size of the Land to be Acquired (in Biswas)
Acquired Land Number Percentage
1 biswa or less 8 11.11
1–2 biswa 15 20.83
2–5 biswa 26 36.11
5–10 biswa 17 23.61
10–20 biswa 6 8.33
Total 72 100.00

Note: 1 biswa = 50.417 sq. yards.
Landran village were interviewed. The magnitude of their landless-

ness to the project is shown in Table 21.4.
Table 21.4 shows that the size of the land to be acquired
in 72 surveyed households varies from less than 1 biswa to about
16 biswa. In about 11% cases, the size of the notified land for acqui-
sition is 1 biswa or less. In fact, in about 68% of the total cases, the
size of the notified land is up to 5 biswa, and if this limit is extended
to 10 biswa, then 91.6% of the cases will be covered. There are only
6 (8.33%) cases where the size of the notified land is more than
10 biswa.
NATURE OF NOTIFIED LAND

Project 1
In the Bhanupali–Bilaspur–Beri new rail line project area, most
of the notified land in Paharpur, Samlah and Behlu villages was
classified as Gair Mumkin (uncultivable). The uncultivable land
had been further divided into various subcategories such as Abadi
(settlement), Beed (forest), Cho (seasonal stream), Pahar (Hills),
Rasta (passage/road), Charand (Pasture) and Toilets.
The land records of the affected villages show that more
than 99% of the notified land in Samlah and about 93.4% in
Paharpur was uncultivable.

In Behlu village also, nearly half of the notified land was
uncultivable. By contrast, in the remaining four villages, most of
the land was cultivable and irrigated.
Project 2
In the Rajpura–Bathinda rail line project area, the entire notified
land at Rampura Phul was Government/MC land, while at other
locations, it was a private land. Most of the private land was a fertile
irrigated agricultural land. Wheat, rice, cotton and sugarcane were
the main crops cultivated on this land. Some uncultivable land in the
form of watercourses, roads, etc. was also notified at some places.
Project 3
In the Landran junction road project area, some part of this land
was under cultivation, some under shops or other commercial activ-
ity and substantial part of it was lying vacant.
NUMBER OF FAMILIES AND SHOPKEEPERS

LIKELY TO BE DISPLACED FROM THEIR HOMES,
LANDS AND SHOPS
Since all these project were linear, the requirement of land was not
very large in any of these projects, and this land was in a narrow
strip form. Therefore, there was hardly any dislocation of popula-
tion from their homes, lands and shops.
In the Bhanupali–Bilaspur–Beri rail line project area,
the proposed rail line, for major part of its length, had alignment
through uncultivable hilly land. Thus, there was no major loss of
income to most of the landowners. However, one house in Behlu vil-
lage, which was located too close to the existing rail line, had come in
the project area. This person had to shift his house to a new location.
In the Rajpura–Bathinda rail line project area, the selection
of six sites for creating loading–unloading facility for goods trains
was done very carefully, keeping in mind that those sites were free
from any built-up structures. However, at one site, that is, Lehra
Mohabat, it could not be avoided. There were four houses on the
notified land which had to be removed. These houses were built

some time back on the village common land which was allotted to
the four families by the Village Panchayat.
In the Landran junction road project area, there was only
one family which was likely to be displaced from the present loca-
tion as their home as well as a shop (which is located in the home
itself) had come in the proposed new road alignment.
One shop on the Landran–Banur road had come in the
road alignment. The person running that shop was to be displaced
from his location. Another person running a plant nursery on the
Chandigarh–Landran road too was likely to be displaced.
About two or three shops on the Chandigarh–Landran road
had to be demolished for the construction of the slip road and road
widening. These shops at present are lying vacant, and thus there
will be no displacement of any person. The shop owners in this case
as well as those mentioned above are going to lose their commercial
property forever. However, they will be adequately compensated
for their loss of property.
IS THE LAND PROPOSED FOR ACQUISITION THE

BARE MINIMUM NECESSITY FOR COMMISSIONING
OF THE PROJECT?
It has been observed that the project implementing authorities
in all the three project areas had tried to acquire only that much
land which was bare minimum necessity for commissioning of the
projects.
In the Bhanupali–Beri rail line project area, the demarca-
tion of notified land in Samlah and Paharpur Villages was mostly
in a strip form with a uniform width. Some additional land, other
than the above-mentioned strip, was demarcated in Paharpur for
the construction of a railway station. Similarly, additional need
for land was identified in Bhanupali and some other villages after
reassessment.
In the Rajpura–Bathinda rail line project area, no land was
being acquired for laying the second track. Land was being acquired
only at six locations where the facility for loading/unloading of goods
for goods trains was being created. The perusal of the engineering
drawings of these sites show that at each site only that much land

was notified which was the bare minimum necessity to create the
above-mentioned facility at that site.
In the Landran junction road project area, the land was
being acquired for three main purposes: (a) to increase the width
of the existing road from RD 13.600 to RD 15.750, (b) to construct a
new road in a straight-line alignment to the Chandigarh–Landran
road and (c) to construct two slip roads at the intersection point.
Only that much land was being acquired which fell within the
specified width of the ROW in different sections of the Chandigarh–
Sirhind road between RD 13.600 and 15.750, as well as for the
construction of the new road and the slip roads.
WAS THE PROPOSED ALIGNMENT FOR THE

BHANUPALI–BERI NEW RAIL LINE AND THE
ROAD AT LANDRAN THE BEST CHOICE?
In the case of the Bhanupali–Beri new rail line project, the geom-
etry of the project alignment had limitations in terms of technical
parameters such as the stability of strata, obligatory locations like
stations, and bridges and tunnels; the final alignment had been
designed after detailed study and investigations of the area for
which satellite imageries were utilised to work out the most suit-
able alignment.
In the case of the Landran junction project, for most part of
its length, there was no change in the alignments of the road. The
alignment of the existing road at the junction was faulty. Thus, a
new road was planned for a distance of about 450 m.
WAS THE PROPOSED SITE FOR CREATING A

SEPARATE FACILITY OF LOADING/UNLOADING FOR
GOODS TRAINS AT SIX STATIONS THE BEST CHOICE
THAN ANY OTHER LOCATION FOR THE RAJPURA–
BATHINDA DOUBLING PROJECT?
The project implementing authority had selected those sites after
considering all other options available to them in each case. The six
stations were selected for creating this facility because those were
very important foodgrain-loading points. While selecting the site at
each station, a number of factors were taken into account such as

the distance from the railway station, road accessibility and land
free from built-up structures.
PART II. SIA OF THE PROJECTS AT DIFFERENT

STAGES
Each project had three stages. These are as follows:
1. Land acquisition stage

2. Construction stage
3. Operation stage (after the completion of the project).
The social impact of these projects at the above-mentioned stages

had been assessed on various categories of stakeholders, such as
land losers, daily wagers, skilled and unskilled workers, tractor–
trolley owners, transporters, shopkeepers, students and other train
and road users.
SOCIAL IMPACT OF THE PROJECT AT LAND

ACQUISITION STAGE
This is the most difficult stage of any project and in many projects,
the main cause of delay in the completion of the project. It took
about 10 years to acquire a little over 7 acres of land for widening
the road at the Landran junction. As per the Land Acquisition Act,
2013, taking consent of 70% of the landowners in case of public
interest projects and 80% of the landowners in case of private
projects is a must for land acquisition. The main stakeholders at
this stage are the landholders. The major issue at this stage is the
compensation rate for land to be acquired. The following situations
can create resentment among landholders and delay the process
of land acquisition:
1. If the compensation rate is less than the prevailing market rates

of the land. It was very common earlier, and most landholders
used to approach courts for the enhancement of compensation.
But under the new Act, landowners are provided fair compensa-
tions for their acquired land.

2. If the compensation rate offered for the same category of land
is markedly less than the one offered in the adjacent villages
within the same project area. This situation was experienced
in the Bhanupali–Beri rail line project area. Farmers in most
villages, particularly in Paharpur and Samloh, reported that
they were being offered a much lower rate of compensation
than the one offered to farmers in the adjoining villages falling
in Himachal Pradesh for the same category of land.
3. If the compensation rate offered for a new project is less than the
one offered earlier for some other project in the same or adjoin-
ing villages. In Harchandpur village, near Dhuri station in the
Rajpura–Bathinda rail line project area, people reported that some
farmers in the adjoining villages received a very high rate of com-
pensation for their land acquired for some road project. They were
expecting the same rate of compensation for their lands notified
for acquisition for the rail project. They would be disappointed if
they were offered compensation rates less than their expectations.
Public meetings with affected farmers in different villages in the

Bhanupali–Beri rail line project area revealed that they were
unhappy about the compensation rates offered to them for the
notified land. The resentment was higher among the farmers in
Paharpur and Samlah villages.
Since the land compensation rates in the Rajpura–Bathinda
rail line project were not yet decided at the time of survey, peo-
ple’s reaction to land acquisition could not be assessed. The state
administration however assured the farmers that they will get fair
compensation for their lands.
In the Landran junction road project area, the compensation
rate for land acquisition was fixed through negotiations with the
landowners. It was quite high (`24,000,000 per acre). Thus, most
farmers were happy with the compensation offered to them.
Another important problem which the landholders appre-
hended at this stage was about the distribution of the compensation
amount. As pointed out earlier that the notified land in many cases
in all the project areas was shown as joint property in the records
of the Revenue Department, on the ground, this land fell in the
share of one shareholder. The person in whose share that notified

land fell had apprehensions that the compensation amount would
go to all the shareholders, and he would neither get the full com-
pensation for the lost land nor the land from other shareholders to
compensate him for the lost land. The apprehension of the farmers
was not without a reason. In fact, many of them were going to face
this problem, particularly in those situations where the relations
between the co-shareholders of such property were not cordial,
which was not uncommon among the farming families in Punjab.
Farmers in the Bhanupali–Beri rail line project area were
also upset because lands of many farmers will get divided after
lying of the new rail track. In many cases, one portion of their land
may become inaccessible.
SOCIAL IMPACT OF THE PROJECT DURING THE

CONSTRUCTION STAGE
The construction stage of any infrastructural project is a stage
during which a lot of employment and business opportunities are
created, both for the local population and outsiders. It is expected
that employment opportunities for unskilled, semi-skilled and
skilled workers will emerge both in the rail line project areas and in
the road project area during the construction stage of these projects.
Apart from workers, these projects will also create busi-
ness opportunities for persons who have tractor and trolley, water
tanker, goods transport vehicles, JCB machines, taxi, etc.
The presence of a large number of workers and other persons
at the construction site will attract many vendors to provide them
meals, snacks, tea, cigarette, bidi, etc. An increase in the income of
workers and other persons associated with the project will enhance
their purchasing power. Thus, local shopkeepers can expect some
increase in their sales. This was confirmed by shopkeepers and
vendors in the project area.
The construction stage has some negative aspects also.
Construction activity creates a lot of air and noise pollution in the
area. Movement of traffic on road near construction sites also slows
down. The movement of heavy vehicles engaged in the construction
activity contributes very significantly to the wear and tear of the
existing roads.

SIA AT THE OPERATION STAGE
The operation stage of the project starts after its completion. The
benefits of the project start accruing to the public after the project
starts operating. While the road project at Landran is near com-
pletion, the two rail line projects will take some time to complete.
While some of the benefits of these projects are common, others
are different.
Project 1
The Bhanupali–Beri rail line has been planned mainly to provide
BG rail line connectivity to Himachal Pradesh. This region of
Himachal Pradesh is going to benefit from this line immensely.
Some other benefits of this project will be as follows:
1. Along with Himachal Pradesh, this rail route is also going to

benefit those Punjab villages through which the rail line will
pass. It is likely to usher in economic development in this region.
Bhanupali station, which will become a junction, is likely to
emerge as an important centre of economic activity. Land prices
at and around Bhanupali has already started increasing.
2. It is expected that commuting for work or for attending school/
college, particularly for the people living in the foot-hill zone,
will become less time consuming and cheaper.
3. Long-distance travelling by train will also become more conveni-
ent for them. Their connectivity with Himachal Pradesh will
also improve.
4. The project will promote religious tourism in the Anandpur
Sahib–Naina Devi circuit.
This project however may hit the business interests of some trans-
porters who operate between Punjab and Himachal Pradesh. The
transport hub at Kiratpur Sahib may shift to Bhanupali.
Project 2
Doubling of the rail line between Rajpura and Bathinda and
shifting of the loading/unloading activity of goods trains from the

existing railway platforms to new locations, away from the railway
stations, will result in many fold increase in the capacity of this
route. Northern Railway can utilise the enhanced capacity of this
route for introducing some new passenger and goods trains. Other
benefits of the project will be as follows:
1. After the completion of the project, the travel time between

Rajpura and Bathinda will be reduced very significantly. That
will benefit all train users. Reduction in travel time will also
attract more passengers to trains.
2. Increased footfall of passengers at railway stations will increase
the sale proceeds of vendors at the railway platforms as well as
outside the railway stations.
3. The six sites selected for creating loading/unloading facility for
goods trains are likely to emerge as centres of economic activity.
Many kinds of businesses related to storage and transport of
goods are likely to emerge in the vicinity of these centres. These
businesses will attract many other related economic activities
near these sites.
4. The economic activity near these sites will generate demand
for land. Thus land prices in the vicinity of these six sites will
increase significantly.
5. Increase in train traffic on this route, however, may cause some
inconvenience to the public at manned railway crossings as the
gates will remain closed more frequently and sometimes for
much longer durations.
Project 3
The road project at Landran has been undertaken to improve the
flow of traffic at this junction. Road users have to spend a lot of time
to cross this junction. The project at present is near completion. It
is likely to become operational very soon. The impact of this project
on the road users and the surrounding area will be as follows:
1. It is expected that upgradation of the state highway No. 12A

(Chandigarh–Fatehgarh Sahib–Sirhind road) from RD 13.600
to RD 15.750, improvement in road alignment and provision of

slip roads at the new crossing point will significantly improve
the flow of traffic at this junction and reduce road accidents.
2. It will significantly reduce travel time of vehicles between
Chandigarh and Fatehgarh Sahib/Sirhind. Similarly,
travel time between Kharar and Banur will also be reduced
significantly.
3. It will have a positive impact on the business of marriage pal-
aces and amusement park located at the Landran–Fatehgarh
Sahib Road and Landran–Kharar Roads. Even the educational
institutes located on the Landran–Fatehgarh Sahib Road (at
Jhanjheri and Chunni) and the Landran Banur road are going
to be the beneficiaries of this project.
4. Many shopkeepers, especially those located on the Chandigarh–
Landran Road, who are dealing in building material, reported
that their sales will increase after the completion of the project.
5. Land prices in Landran will experience further increase.
CONCLUSION
From the discussion above, the following conclusions can be drawn:
1. All these projects have been undertaken in the larger public

interest. The stated benefits of each project will start accruing
as soon as a project is completed.
2. The proposed Bhanupali–Beri new rail line will improve
accessibility, promote tourism and invigorate the development
process in the project area.
3. The doubling of the rail line from Rajpura to Bathinda and
creation of loading/unloading facility for goods trains at six new
locations will result in many fold increase in the capacity of this
route, reduce travel time between Rajpura and Bathinda and
promote socio-economic development in this region, especially
in the vicinity of the above mentioned six locations.
4. Similarly, the upgradation of the left out portion (RD 13.600
to RD 15.750) of the Chandigarh–Sirhind road and improve-
ment in its alignment at the Landran junction will improve the
flow of traffic at this junction and boost commercial activity
along this road as well as along Kharar–Banur road. Prices of

commercial and residential properties as well as of agricultural
land in the area will increase further.
5. The best possible alignments have been selected for the
Bhanupali–Beri new rail line as well as for the new road at
the Landran junction.
6. In the Rajpura–Bathinda rail line project area, only those sites
have been selected for creating loading/unloading facility which
fulfilled the requisite conditions.
7. The projects being linear, their land requirement is not very
large. The land notified for acquisition for each project is in
a narrow strip form and is bare minimum necessity for the
commissioning of the proposed project.
8. Acquisition of land will cause displacement/dislocation of a
maximum of four families in these projects.
9. Though the land notified for acquisition is not very large, yet
the number of affected households in each project area is quite
large.
10. While the land notified for acquisition for the Bhanupali–Beri
new rail line project is mostly uncultivable, that for Rajpura–
Bathinda rail line project is mostly fertile irrigated land. The
land notified for the Landran junction road project is mostly
vacant land which had been earmarked for commercial or
residential purpose. Even the agricultural land notified for
this project has very high commercial or residential potential.
11. The severance of the land as a result of the land acquisition
process is not only an economic issue, but also an emotional
issue. The minimum one can expect from the government for
the mitigation of the economic loss and emotional pain of the
landowners is a fair compensation for the acquired land.
SUGGESTED READINGS
Government of India. “Right to Fair Compensation and Transparency
in Land Acquisition, Rehabilitation and Resettlement Act, 2013.”
New Delhi: Ministry of Law, Government of India. Available at
http://www.legislative.gov.in/sites/default/files/A2013-30.pdf
Milat, Andrew J., Adrian E. Bauman and Sally Redman. “A Narrative
Review of Research Impact Assessment Models and Methods.”
Health Research Policy and Systems 13, No. 1 (2015): 1–7.

OECD. “Approaches to Impact Assessment, the Document Based on
OECD Directorate of Science Technology and Innovation, Assessing
the Impact of State Intervention in Research – Techniques, Issues
and Solutions.” Unpublished manuscript, 2014. Available at https://
www.oecd.org/sti/inno/Approaches-OECDImpact.pdf
SIA Team. “Social Impact Assessment for Bhanupali–Bilaspur–Beri
New BG Rail Line District Roopnagar.” Unpublished Project
Report. Punjab: Department of Anthropology, Panjab University,
2018. Available at https://rupnagar.nic.in/document/social-impact-
assessment-for-bhanupali-bilaspur-beri-new-bg-rail-line-district-
rupnagar-punjab/
Singh Sukhvinder and Mehar Singh. “Social Impact Assessment in
Connection with Bhanupali–Bilaspur–Beri New Rail Link Project.”
Unpublished Project Report. Chandigarh: CRRID, 2019a.
Singh Sukhvinder and Mehar Singh. “Social Impact Assessment Study
on Work of Improvement of Landran Junction on Chandigarh–
Landran–Chunni–Sirhind Road.” Unpublished Project Report.
Chandigarh: CRRID, 2019b.
Singh Sukhvinder, Mehar Singh and Hans Lal. “Social Impact
Assessment Study of Rajpura – Bathinda Rail Line Doubling
Project.” Unpublished Project Report. Chandigarh: CRRID, 2019.

ABOUT THE EDITORS
AND CONTRIBUTORS
EDITORS
A. K. Sinha (Anil Kishore Sinha) is a professor of social anthro-
pology in the Department of Anthropology, Panjab University,
Chandigarh. His research interests include social anthropology,
tribal studies, Gender Studies, anthropology of food, medical
anthropology and impact assessment studies. He has over 35 years
of experience in academics and research with over 140 research
articles (published in national and international journals, including
chapters in edited books), 14 books (co-authored and edited) and has
contributed in different areas of research with two major research
projects funded by organizations like UGC and alike. Intrigued by
the influx of anthropology in development, he took special interest
in SIA studies in the north Indian region and conducted four SIA
studies as a PI and was appointed as a team member for two more
projects. He has conducted extensive fieldwork in states/union
territories of undivided Bihar, Madhya Pradesh, Andaman and
Nicobar Islands, Himachal Pradesh, Haryana and Punjab. He has
supervised over 25 PhDs and has been a mentor of 4 post-doctoral
fellows.
Ratika Thakur is currently working as a Sr research associate

at the Centre of Excellence in Management in Land Acquisition
Rehabilitation and Resettlement, Administrative Staff College
of India, Hyderabad. She is a PhD in anthropology from Panjab
University, Chandigarh. Her research interests are gender stud-
ies, impact assessment, impact evaluation and policy analysis.
She has conducted and has been a part of different SIA and
About the Editors and Contributors 351

impact evaluation programs across India. She is also a member of
International Association of Impact Assessment.
Avanee Khatri is currently working as a guest faculty in the

Department of Anthropology, Panjab University, Chandigarh,
Punjab. She completed her Indian Council of Social Science
Research (ICSSR) post-doctoral research in February 2022. She
is a PhD in anthropology from Panjab University, Chandigarh.
Over the years, she has done in-depth anthropological research in
the domains of medical anthropology and applied/developmental
anthropology. She has also worked as a research associate in SIA
project funded by Indian Railways. By far, she has published 14
research papers, 1 chapter in an edited book, authored 1 book and
organized a national workshop.
CONTRIBUTORS
Amlan Biswas studied in the University of Kalyani, West Bengal,
Kolkata. She has the working experience of the National Sample
Survey Office and the Anthropological Survey of India. She took
part in various national projects, namely Man in Biosphere Reserve;
Development and Sustainability; and Anthropological Study on
Denotified, Nomadic and Semi-Nomadic Communities. Presently
Dr Biswas is in charge of the study of standard of living of the
communities under the national project ‘Anthropological Study on
Denotified, Nomadic and Semi-Nomadic Communities’.
K. K. Das (Kunal Kumar Das) is a professor and Sr scientist

(retd.). He did his doctoral research from the University of Twente
(Faculty of Geo-information Science and Earth Observation
[ITC]), Enschede, The Netherlands, under ‘Inverted Sandwich
PhD Programme’ and was awarded PhD from Hemvati Nandan
Bahuguna Garhwal University, Srinagar, Garhwal, Uttarakhand.
He is a former adjunct professor, Centre for Space Science and
Technology Education in Asia and the Pacific (Affiliated to the
United Nations), Dehradun, India (1996–2012). He has 40 years
of experience in the field of research. He was associated with
India’s premier institutes, including the Indian Institute of Remote
Sensing and Indian Space Research Organisation (ISRO). Besides
352 Social Impact Assessment in India

this, he has an experience of 32 years as a faculty in the forestry
and ecology division. He is a visiting faculty both in India and
abroad. He is the first to develop the baseline mapping protocol
for the protected area in India—a World Bank project. He has
done pioneering work in developing the modelling technique for
anthropogenic pressure assessment. He has been a consultant to
20 important projects nationwide. He has published 60 scientific
papers in national and international journals, and contributed 12
chapters in edited books.
Abhik Ghosh is a professor in the Department of Anthropology,

Panjab University, Chandigarh, Punjab. He has over 100 national
and international research publications to his credit, along with
6 books and 22 book reviews. He supervised and successfully
completed two social impact assessment (SIA) projects at the
Department of Anthropology, Panjab University.
Colin Gonsalves is a designated senior advocate of the Supreme

Court of India and the founder of Human Rights Law Network
(HRLN). He is a BTech (1975) from the Department of Civil
Engineering, IIT Bombay, Maharashtra, and LLB from University
of Mumbai, Maharashtra. Mr Gonsalves is considered a pioneer in
the field of public interest litigation in India. He has fought several
cases dealing with economic, social and cultural rights. Most of
these cases, decided by the Supreme Court, have been set as prec-
edents. He has openly criticized the repealed Land Acquisition Law,
1894, before the Right to Fair Compensation and Transparency
in Land Acquisition, Rehabilitation and Resettlement Act, 2013
came into practice. He has written, edited and co-edited numer-
ous articles and books on a range of human rights law issues. He
is also a recipient of the Right Livelihood Award for the year 2017
for his tireless and innovative use of public interest litigation over
three decades to secure fundamental human rights for India’s most
marginalized and vulnerable citizens.
Abhijit Guha is a senior fellow working with the Institute of

Development Studies Kolkata. He was a faculty in the Department
of Anthropology from 1985 to 2016 and retired from there as a

professor. He was a University Grant Commission (UGC) visiting
fellow at the Department of Sociology, Delhi School of Economics,
Delhi University, from August to September 2006. He was
also invited to give suggestions as an expert on the 2007 Land
Acquisition and Resettlement Amendment Bills by the Standing
Committee on Rural Development of the Lok Sabha. He acted as
a peer reviewer in many journals, including Current Anthropology
(Chicago), Journal of the Indian Anthropological Society (Kolkata)
and Development and Change (The Hague), The Journal of
Anthropology (New York), Anthropological Forum (Perth) and The
European Journal of Development Research (Palgrave). Presently
he is an associate editor of Journal of the Indian Anthropological
Society (Kolkata). He has published more than 100 articles, com-
ments and book reviews in various international- and national-level
peer-reviewed journals and edited volumes.
P. C. Joshi (Pooran Chand Joshi) is a former professor and pro

vice-chancellor of University of Delhi, Delhi. He did his PhD in
medical anthropology from University of Delhi, and in his academic
career, he served as a head of the department of anthropology in
various institutions. He was nominated as Asia coordinator of
the European Union 6th Framework Microdis Integrated Project,
2007, and was a delegate of the European Union to Poznan,
Poland, in United Nations Framework Climate Change Conference
in 2008. He is a recipient of many prestigious awards such as
Indira Priyadarshini Vriksha Mitra National Award, 1987; Inter-
University Centre Associateship Award in Humanities and Social
Sciences, 1996–1999 and Plaque of Appreciation from Department
of Sociology and Anthropology, Xavier University Ateneo de
Cagayan de Oro City, Philippines, 2008, among other honours and
distinctions.
Manas Ranjan Kar is presently working as the monitoring and

evaluation specialist at Programme Performance and Outcome
Monitoring Unit of the Finance Department, Government of
Odisha, Bhubaneswar. He did his PhD in anthropology from Utkal
University, Bhubaneswar. His domain of expertise includes liveli-
hood development and governance, including social accountability,

social audit, transparency, Right to Information and account-
ability. He has worked as a senior knowledge manager with the
Centre for Good Governance, Hyderabad; as a consultant to Adam
Smith International, Hyderabad for Department for International
Development (DFID)-sponsored Delivery of Improved Services in
Administration of Government of Andhra Pradesh Project; as a
consultant to UNICEF, Bhubaneswar and Centre for Youth and
Social Development (CYSD), Bhubaneswar; as a programme officer
with Knowledge Consultancy Services, Bhubaneswar; and as a
social researcher with CYSD, Bhubaneswar (a grassroots-level
development NGO).
Prashant Khattri is presently working as an assistant profes-

sor in the Department of Anthropology, University of Allahabad,
Prayagraj, Uttar Pradesh. He is a PhD from the Department of
Anthropology, University of Delhi, Delhi. His research areas include
social impacts of disasters, livelihood issues in disaster context,
and sustainability and people’s movements in environmental crisis.
More recently, he has worked on Gandhian ideas related to the
environment and health as a theoretical paradigm to understand
ethnographic realities. He is a Charles Wallace fellow in social
anthropology at Queen’s University, Belfast, United Kingdom, for
the 2023 session. He is also presently working as a deputy direc-
tor, UGC-Human Resource Development Center, University of
Allahabad, Prayagraj.
Ruchika Khitta is currently working as an assistant district

attorney, Government of Himachal Pradesh, Shimla. She completed
her LLB from Panjab University, Chandigarh, and LLM in disaster
management from Himachal Pradesh University. She has contrib-
uted to researching and preparing legislation along with advising
government on state and legal matters.
Umesh Kumar is a geographer by training. He did his post-

graduation from the University of Delhi, Delhi, and PhD from
North-Eastern Hill University, Shillong, Meghalaya. After a brief
stint as a lecturer in K. M. College, University of Delhi, he joined
the Anthropological Survey of India in 1997 as a human ecologist.

He has worked in the different areas of human geography and com-
pleted a number of projects; important among them are the study of
tribes of Andaman and Nicobar Islands, impact assessment of tsu-
nami in little Andaman and man–nature interaction in biosphere
reserves. He is presently engaged in the project ‘Ethnographic
Study of De-notified, Semi-nomadic and Nomadic Communities
of India’. He has published about 23 research papers in different
journals and books.
Vineetha Menon is a former professor and head of anthropology

and dean, faculty of humanities, Kannur University. She did her
PhD in social anthropology from York University, Canada. She has
31 years of the university-level teaching experience and currently
is serving as a member of the Think Tank, Anthropological Survey
of India; a member of the executive committee of Kerala Council
of Historical Research; a member of Malayalam Sarvakalasala;
is in the editorial advisory board of the various reputed journals;
and is a life member of Institute of Social and Economic Change,
Indian Association of Women’s Studies, among others. She has
been awarded various awards for her outstanding contribution to
anthropology. She is also a recipient of Commonwealth Scholarship
(1990–1995). She has served in various academic and administra-
tive bodies for state and national universities in India and was
a visiting professor in the Centre for the Study of Social System,
Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi, and in Kerala Research
Programme on Local Level Development, Centre for Development
Studies in Thiruvananthapuram. Her publications comprise 6
edited books and over 30 research papers, including many special
articles in national- and international-level peer-reviewed journals,
chapters in books and book reviews.
R. P. Mitra (Ram Prasad Mitra) has been an assistant profes-

sor in the Department of Anthropology, University of Delhi since
2003. Prior to this, he worked as a researcher in the Institute of
Human Behaviour and Allied Sciences, New Delhi. He was the
principal investigator for the evaluation of the conservation and
the development programme for the Department of Tribal Affairs,
Government of Madhya Pradesh. He has served as the programme

director for the Status of Crime against Women in Eastern India,
for the Bureau of Police Research and Development, Ministry of
Home Affairs. He has published articles and books relating to ecol-
ogy, Tribal development and resettlement of refugees.
M. Mohan (Mavuloori Mohan) graduated from mathematics and

sciences and turned towards anthropology in his post-graduation.
He is a PhD from Sri Venkateswara University, Tirupati. He has
special interest in development anthropology and working in vari-
ous development sectors. He has worked in four research projects at
the national level and has been associated with community-based
organizations under National Bank for Agriculture and Rural
Development from many years.
Sumit Mukherjee works in the Anthropological Survey of India,

Kolkata, and was a research associate (ecology) in the human ecol-
ogy section from 1983 to 2017 there. He did his PhD in geography
from North-Eastern Hill University, Shillong, in 2005 among the
tribes of Meghalaya. His expertise includes remote sensing and geo-
graphic information system and is trained from ISRO, Dehradun.
His major research work has been on human ecology which includes
SIA of rehabilitation of the six core villages of the Achankmar-
Amarkantak Biosphere Reserve, Chhattisgarh, and formulation of
the manual of SIA by Anthropological Survey of India. He published
several research papers in national and international journals and
has co-authored five books (2002–2015).
P. K. Nayak (Prasanna Kumar Nayak) is the chairman of

LIIS (Labanya Institute of Indian Studies, Bhubaneswar). He
was a former chairman of Nabakrushna Choudhury Centre for
Development Studies, Bhubaneswar, an ICSSR Research Institute.
He has 36 years of teaching experience and has been a member of
various education and administrative bodies. He is a recipient of
several international awards such as the Alexander von Humboldt
Fellowship, Germany (1987–1989, 1994), Europe fellowship of AvH
(1988), Baden-Wuertemberg Fellowship, Germany (1997–1998) and
Indian Council for Cultural Relations Fellowship (awarded by the
Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Government of India), 2012–2013. And

for his distinctions, he is a visiting professor and a fellow/lecturer
in various international universities of Heidelberg (Germany),
Potenza (Italy), Vienna (Austria), Oxford (England) and Leiden
(the Netherlands). He is an honorary fellow (for life) in Wolfson
College, Oxford, and Member of Steering Committee, Consultative
and Working Group Committees on Schedule Tribes, Planning
Commission, NITI Aayog, Government of India, New Delhi (2000–
present). He has 67 research papers and 5 books to his credit.
Premananda Panda is an executive member of Development

Research Institute and Gabeshana Chakra, Odisha; vice president
of Vasundhara, Odisha; former consultant of a national project on
Particular Vulnerable Tribe Groups; former director of Human
Development Foundation center for Development Action and
Research School of Management; a former member secretary of
Academy of Tribal Language and Culture; and a former director
Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes Research and Training
Institute, Government of Odisha, Bhubaneswar; a former pro-
fessor and head of the department of anthropology, Sambalpur
University, Sambalpur, Odisha; and a life achievement award
winner for Tribal Studies from Dr Harisingh Gour University
2018. He has a teaching experience of more than three decades and
two decades, respectively, of the post-graduate level students of
anthropology and post-graduate- and MTI-level students of man-
agement. He is a PhD from Sambalpur University. He acquired
one-year diploma in adult and non-formal education from the
Institute of Social Science and Research, Vellore, India in 1990
and a three-year diploma in HRD from NIHRD, Chennai in 1997.
He has published 7 books mostly on tribal communities and more
than 70 papers in books and journals of national and international
repute.
A. K. Pandey (Alok Kumar Pandey) teaches anthropol-

ogy at the University of Hyderabad. He was a recipient of the
Dr S Radhakrishnan Postdoctoral Fellowship by UGC in humani-
ties and social sciences in 2016. His research interests include
ecology, biodiversity conservation, natural resource management,
Nomadic and Pastoral Societies. He has carried out fieldwork with

the nomadic pastoral Van Gujjar in the Himalayas and the pastoral
Toda of the Nilgiri Hills of South India. He has also worked as a
consultant to the National Commission for Denotified, Nomadic and
Semi-nomadic Tribes (NCDNT&SNT), Ministry of Social Justice
and Empowerment, Government of India.
R. Siva Prasad is working as an honorary professor in e-Learning

Centre, University of Hyderabad. He did his PhD in anthropology
from the University of Mysore (through the Institute for Social
and Economic Change, Bangaluru). He was a former professor
of anthropology and head of the department of Education and
Education Technology (November 2016–February 2018), School
of Social Sciences, University of Hyderabad, Hyderabad. He was
formerly head of the department of anthropology (April 2011–April
2014). He has both teaching and research experience for more
than 35 years. He undertook more than 25 research projects of
multi-disciplinary nature in the areas of education, irrigation,
forestry, rural and tribal development, agriculture, public health,
etc. Presently he is involved in Erasmus+ and Commonwealth
of Learning research projects. Also, Dr Prasad undertook sev-
eral consultancy projects for various research institutions and
organizations, including multilateral organizations such as DFID,
the World Bank, Danish International Development Agency,
Canadian International Development Agency and United Nations
Development Programme.
P. Venkata Rao obtained his PhD in 1983 in anthropology

from Andhra University, Visakhapatnam. He has been teaching
anthropology at the University of Hyderabad since 1985. Dr Rao
functioned as a head, and as a coordinator, UGC Special Assistance
Programme of the Department of Anthropology. Presently, he is
a senior professor in the department and is also the dean, School
of Social Sciences, University of Hyderabad. He has 5 books and
over 50 research publications to his credit. He also carried out
research projects and consultancies for organizations such as UGC,
ICSSR, ISRO and United States Agency for International Aid. He
is presently associated with the journal The Eastern Anthropologist
(Lucknow) as the editor.

P. Sudhakara Reddy was retired as a professor of anthropology
in May 2010 from Sri Venkateswara University, Tirupati. During
his academic tenure, he had undertaken 21 major research projects
funded by 13 different agencies covering 12 states in India. Besides,
he has published 3 books and 36 research papers, and guided 3
MPhils and 6 PhDs. After retirement, he was awarded UGC emeri-
tus and ICSSR senior fellowships. He has served as a national-level
monitor, Ministry of Rural Development, Government of India.
Currently, he is the Hon. Secretary, Bharatiya Vidya Bhavan,
Tirupati.
Ramesh Sahani is a PhD from Gauhati University, Assam,

India. He has been engaged in research work and joined the
Anthropological Survey of India in the year 1993. He served at
different places, including Andaman and Nicobar Islands and
Shillong. He joined Panjab University as an assistant professor
in the year 2013. He has recently completed three social impact
assessment studies as one of the team members of the Department
of Anthropology, Panjab University. Prior to that, he was associated
with the dream project of Anthropological Survey of India ‘Socio-
cultural impact assessment study of Achanakmar-Amarkantak
Biosphere Reserve’; on the basis of that work, SIA manuals were
drafted. He published his works in reputed journals with the
number of citations crossing more than 240, including citations in
Current Anthropology, the highest reputed journal in the field of
anthropology.
J. S. Sehrawat (Jagmahender Singh Sehrawat) pursued his

doctorate from Panjab University, Chandigarh. Major areas of
his research specializations are forensic anthropology, odontology
and osteology, forensic biology, ancient DNA and stable isotope
analysis studies. He has supervised more than 35 students for
their MSc/MPH dissertations in anthropology, forensic science
and public health departments of PU, Chandigarh. Presently,
eight scholars are pursuing their PhD degree in diverse fields of
forensic anthropology under his supervision. He has published a
total of 47 research papers in reputed journals (international: 39;
national: 08). He has also presented research papers in more than

40 national and international conferences at home and in countries
such as England, Portugal, Spain, USA and Canada.
Mehar Singh has done MA in economics and geography and

post-graduate diploma in cartography. He retired as a map cura-
tor/teacher from Panjab University, Chandigarh. He is associated
with more than 25 research projects at Centre for Research in
Rural and industrial Development (CRRID) and Panjab University,
Chandigarh. He has published in many reputed journals. He also
attended various national and regional conferences and presented
papers on various issues of developments.
Sukhvinder Singh is a PhD in economics. He is currently an

associated professor at CRRID, Chandigarh. He is the author of
seven books which are on different themes such as agriculture,
functioning of Panchayati Raj institutions and health. He also
published 17 research papers in reputed journals and books. He has
completed more than 115 research projects. He was a part of col-
laborative prestigious research project on ‘Fiscal Decentralization
and Resource Mobilization’ with Stanford University, USA. He
has specialization in rural development and Panchayati Raj, and
in this context, he is regularly conducting training programme for
members of Panchayati Raj institutions. So far, he has organized
322 training programmes on the theme of rural development.

INDEX
Achnakmar Amarkantak Appropriate Government,

Biosphere Reserves 149–151
(AABR), SIA study on, 2
ethnoscape of, 3 Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP),
health and nutritional status, 205
304–311 Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP)-
profile of villages, 3–7 led National Democratic
rehabilitation and resettle- Alliance government, 144
ment sites, perception of Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP)
community on proposed, led-National Democratic
7–13 Alliance (NDA) govern-
villagers economic status, 7 ment, 10
villagers opinion from survey Bharias community in Madhya
and FGDs on rehability Pradesh, 270–272, 281–282
and resettlement, 13–14 agriculture development,
villages resettlement, 274–275
119–127 and health care system,
affected people, 5, 10, 16, 24, 276–279
111, 112, 114 conservation-cum-
Affected people, 26 development (CCD) for, 270
agricultural modernization and education of, 272–274
mechanization, 24 financial assistance for
Anthropological Expert Review conservation and culture
(AER), 235 promotion, 276
Anthropological Survey of India livelihood training programs,
(AnSI), Kolkata, 27–28, 51, 279–281
114, 145 wheat production as land-
SIA module of, 145–147 mark achievement of, 276
anthropologists, 57–59, 72 Biosphere Reserve Programme
on public policy, 83 (1986), 2
role of, 77–79 biosphere reserves (BRs), 1
anthropology, 57–59
applied, 75 Center for Research in
development, 22, 75, 80 Epidemiology of Disasters
international development, 80 (CRED), 216

Comprehensive Social Impact Geographic Information System
Assessment (CSIA), 27 (GIS), 95, 127–128
Congress-led United Progressive medical anthropology
Alliance government, 144 through, 95
cooperative discourse, 47 geospatial technology for applied
COVID-19 pandemic, 186 anthropological research,
95
dams construction, security and anthropogenic pressure
maintenance of, 72 assessment, 97–98
development of physical infra- importance and use of,
structures, as inevitable for 107–109
economic growth, 234–235 Light Detection and Ranging
development projects, 3, 6, 23, (LiDAR), 96
72, 146, 233, 234, 242, 247, mapping wildlife habitat and
284 species, 96
displacement due to develop- Ranthambhore National Park
ment projects (Rajasthan), case study,
and resettlement and reha- 98–107
bilitation, 15 wildlife corridor study, 97
forcible, 57, 154 globalisation, 18
involuntary, 146 good health, importance of,
Dongria Kondh Development 303
Agency (DKDA), 55–57, green revolution, 24
59–64 Grotius, Hugo, 173
group learning, 47
eminent domain, 174
Environment Protection Act of human beings and nature, rela-
1986, 113 tionship between, 234
Environmental Impact Human Cost of Weather Related
Assessment (EIA), 191– Disasters (HCWRD), 216
193, 234, 248, 268
Environmental Impact Indian Rare Earth (IRE), 209
Assessment Notification of Initial Social Impact assessment
1994, 113 (ISIA), 27
Environmental Impact Inter-organizational Committee
Statements (EISs), 7 on Principles and
ethical considerations in social Guidelines for Social
research, aim of, 132 Impact Assessment (2003),
ethical issues in social sciences, 215
130 Inter-organizational Committee
ethics in social impact assess- on Principles and
ment, 130–132 Guidelines for Social
Impact Assessment
financing for development, con- (IOCPGSIA 2003), 191
cept of, 264 interaction analysis, 57
Index 363
International Association for Life Cycle Assessment, 40
Impact Assessment (IAIA), Locke, John
38 on right to property, 173
Involuntary Resettlement and
Development, 57 Machiavelli, Nicco, 173
irrigations dams, major source of mental mapping, 115
displacement, 285 MICRODIS project, 215
monitoring-management pro-
Keezattoor village, agitations cess, 83
against cutting of wetland monthly per capita expenditure
paddy fields and black sand (MPCE), 193, 194, 197–200
mining, 203–210 methods adopted by National
Kerala Minerals and Metals Ltd. Sample Survey, 194–197
(KMML), 210 results of the survey, 197–200
Kerala Sasthra Sahitya
Parishad (Peoples’ Science National Environmental
Movement), 205–206 Engineering Research
Kerala State Pollution Control Institute, 212
Board, 212 National Environmental Policy
Act of 1969 (NEPA), 6, 40,
Land Acquisition (Amendment) 82
Act, 1962, 161 National Green Tribunal, 212
Land Acquisition Act (LAA) of National Rehabilitation and
1894, 154, 257 Resettlement Policy, 2007,
Land Acquisition Act of 1894, 26, 114
149 natural disasters
Land Acquisition Act of 1894 defined, 217
(LAA 1894), 143 impacts, measurement of,
land acquisition for three pro- 217–219
jects in Punjab, SIA study social impact assessment of,
of, 330–333, 336 219–230
affected families and magni- weather related disasters, 216
tude of landless, 334–339 Niyamgiri hills bauxite project of
at land acquisition stage, Vedanta, 6, 14
343–345 non timber forest products
at operation stage, 346–348 (NTFPs), 97
displacement of families and nutrition, defined, 304
shopkeepers, 340–341
during construction stage, 345 Odisha
nature of notified land, 340 Chikapar village, case study,
serve public purpose, 333–334 260–264
serving bare minimum neces- individual case study of land
sity, 341–342 acquisition, 258–260
land acquisition in India mining of minerals, 251–258
doldrums in, 112 Odisha Right to Fair
history of, 174–177 Compensation and

Transparency in Land Tribal Communities of
Acquisition, Rehabilitation India (Xaxa Committee
and Resettlement Rules, Report, 2014), 16
2016 (ORFCTLARR), 235, research ethics
240–243 defined, 130
social, 136
paired resource ranking (PRR), Right to Fair Compensation
115, 116 and Transparency in Land
Panchayats (Extension to Acquisition, Rehabilitation
Scheduled Areas) Act 1996 and Resettlement Act,
(PESA Act, 1996), 114 2013 (RFCTLARR) (Land
participatory rural appraisal Acquisition, Rehabilitation
(PRA), 115, 238 and Resettlement Act
participatory social impact 2013), 30, 90, 111, 112,
assessment, 13 132–134, 177–179, 203,
Particularly Vulnerable Tribal 210, 236, 256–257
Groups (PVTGs), 24, 269 and Land Acquisition Act
Peace and Conflict Impact (LAA) of 1894, difference
Assessment (PCIA), 48 between, 148
policy judicial interpretation of,
defined, 83 179–186
process of, 83 project affected populations
public involvement (PI), 13 (PAPs), 285
public policy urgency clause, 148
defined, 83 Right to Fair Compensation
in USA, history of, 82 and Transparency in Land
Acquisition, Rehabilitation
Quality Adjusted Life Years and Resettlement Act,
(QALYs), 40 2013 (RFCTLARR) (Land
quality of life, 193–194 Acquisition, Rehabilitation
and Resettlement Act,
remote sensing, 95 2013), 9–12, 144, 151
Rengali Multipurpose Dam public purpose, defined,
Project (Odisha), problems 148
due to, 57
displacement and develop- Satellite Navigation System, 95
ments, alternatives of, Scheduled Tribes and Other
70–71 Traditional Forest Dwellers
psychological, 69–70 (Recognition of Forest
resettlement, 64–68 Rights Act), 2006 (Forest
structural and cultural prem- Rights Act 2006), 114, 213,
ise of, 68–69 251
Report of the High Level Scheduled Tribes and Other
Committee on Socio- Traditional Forest Dwellers
Economic, Health and (Recognition of Forest
Educational Status of Rights) Act, 2006, 11
Index 365
social anthropologists, impor- issues and obligations to carry
tance in conducting SIA, studies on, 136–139
237–240 legal dimensions of, 248–249
social impact assessment (SIA), methods adopted to collect
22, 75, 80, 83, 112, 144, field data, 249–251
189–191, 191–193, 203, need for, 3–5
247–248 objective of, 3
aim of, 236 origin of, 3, 5, 6–9
and enactment of compensa- plan of action, 84–87
tory policies, 265 practioner role in, 90
and land acquisition policy of present scenario of, 25
government, 139 process of, 76–77
anthropological approaches in purpose of, 26–28
conducting, 237–240 role of social scientists, 234
applied and development social scientists role in, 55
anthropologists role in, spatial dimensions of,
34–36 116–117
as public welfare, 51 use of, 245
case study of irrigation project various areanas of, 23–24
in Andhra Pradesh, 28–34 vs NGO, 5
challenges for, 90 social impact management plan
components of, 88 (SIMP), 236, 239
contemporary professionals, social impacts of extreme events,
contributions of, 134–136 216
defined, 5, 38, 80–81, 236 social learning, 47
effectiveness of, factors for, Social Life Cycle Assessment
15–18 (SLCA), 50
ethical dimensions of, 26 Somasila Irrigation Project in
for indigenous communities, Andhra Pradesh, displace-
15 ment due to, 285, 299–300
future of, 46–50 and expenditure patterns, 296
geographic information and occupational pattern,
system role in study of, 290–291
117–119 butterfly effect, 297
history of, 38–43 conflict resolution mechanism,
importance of, 87–90, 246 299
in India, assessment of, occupational changes,
43–46, 246–247 290–295
in Odisha, implementation of, rehabilitation and transport
240–242 allowances, 298
Interorganizational sensitivity of personnel doing
Committee on Principles SIA and SIMP, 298
and Guidelines for Social trauma and consequences,
Impact Assessment 286–290
(IOCGP), 8–9 Supreme Court of India

and Land Acquisition United Nations International
(Amendment) Act of 1962, Strategy for Disaster
161–163 Reduction (UNISDR),
land acquisition post 1984 216
amendment, categories, United Nations Office for
163–168 Disaster Risk Reduction
Niyamgiri judgment, 11 (UNDRR), 217
on land acquisition, 154–161, USAID, 78
168–171, 171–172
West Bengal Land (Requisition
transect walk, 115 and Acquisition) Act, 1948,
149
UNESCO, 78 WHO, 78
Index 367

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Social Impact

Los Angeles | London | New Delhi | Singapore | Washington DC | Melbourne

This book is an open access publication. It can be downloaded from www.sagespectrum.com.

First published in 2023 by

SAGE Publications India Pvt Ltd

Library of Congress Control Number: 2022917314

ISBN: 978-93-5479-538-1 (PB)

PART I: ANTHROPOLOGY IN SOCIAL IMPACT

PART II: ANTHROPOLOGY IN SOCIAL IMPACT

PART III: ANTHROPOLOGY IN SOCIAL IMPACT

viii Social Impact Assessment in India

About the Editors and Contributors351

AABR Achanakmar-Amarkantak Biosphere Reserve

xii Social Impact Assessment in India

List of Abbreviations xiii

xiv Social Impact Assessment in India

5.1 Situating SIA in Anthropology 76

7.1 The Core and Eco-fragile Zone of AABR with Six

18.1 Consequences of Displacement 287

5.1 SIA Plan of Action 85

6.1 Cattle Grazing Pressure 104

12.1 Average Monthly per Capita Consumer

18.1 Factors Considered in the Selection of Area for

20.1 Population in Studied Villages 1961–2008 316

21.1 Distribution of Affected Farmers as Per the Size of

List of Tables xvii

xviii Social Impact Assessment in India

The thought to turn an idea into a book is challenging and reward-

xx Social Impact Assessment in India

Development, as a word, encompasses a wide range of mean-

xxii Social Impact Assessment in India

PART I. ANTHROPOLOGY IN SOCIAL IMPACT

xxiv Social Impact Assessment in India

PART II. ANTHROPOLOGY IN SOCIAL IMPACT

PART III. ANTHROPOLOGY IN SOCIAL IMPACT

xxvi Social Impact Assessment in India

It is not accidental that social impact assessment (SIA) started

Is Social Impact Assessment a Panacea? 3

4 R. Siva Prasad and Alok Kumar Pandey

Is Social Impact Assessment a Panacea? 5

6 R. Siva Prasad and Alok Kumar Pandey

Is Social Impact Assessment a Panacea? 7

8 R. Siva Prasad and Alok Kumar Pandey

Is Social Impact Assessment a Panacea? 9

The National Democratic Alliance (NDA) government pro-

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Is Social Impact Assessment a Panacea? 11

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Is Social Impact Assessment a Panacea? 13

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… the values and perspectives of indigenous people where

Therefore, some indigenous communities have justifiably ques-

Is Social Impact Assessment a Panacea? 15

Many lack human and citizenship rights, access to markets,

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As a part of the nation-building process, tribal areas have

People in a resource-rich area, particularly indigenous, eke out

Is Social Impact Assessment a Panacea? 17

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Is Social Impact Assessment a Panacea? 19

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Is Social Impact Assessment a Panacea? 21

About the Editors and Contributors351

5.1 Situating SIA in Anthropology 76

18.1 Consequences of Displacement 287

5.1 SIA Plan of Action 85

6.1 Cattle Grazing Pressure 104

20.1 Population in Studied Villages 1961–2008 316