Professional Documents
Culture Documents
8 Evaluating Cognition
• Evaluation Approaches
• Cognitive Screening Measure for the Assessment of Mental Functions
• Evaluating Foundational Cognitive Processes
◦ Evaluating Level of Arousal
◦ Evaluating Levels and Types of Attention
◦ Evaluating Memory
• Higher-Order Cognitive Function
◦ Evaluating Executive Functioning
◦ Self-Awareness
• Resources
• Case Study
• Review Questions
Chapter 4
4-1 Case Formulating for Occupational Therapy at the Referral Stage
4-2 Semistructure Interview Tools for Initial Interviews
Chapter 5
5-1 Guidelines for Interpreting Kappa Coefficients (κ)
Chapter 6
6-1 Assessment of Roles and Responsibilities
6-2 Comprehensive Assessments of Occupational Performance (Including ADLs, IADLs, and Other
Areas of Occupation)
6-3 ADL Assessments
6-4 Instrumental Activities of Daily Living Assessments
6-5 Work Assessments
6-6 Social Participation Assessments
6-7 Leisure Assessments
Chapter 7
7-1 General Terminology Associated with Motor Function
7-2 MMT Grading Systems
7-3 Postural Control
7-4 Motor Reflex Grading Scale
7-5 Motor Movement
7-6 Muscle Tone
7-7 Motor Recovery/Control
7-8 Balance
7-9 Client Factors—Dexterity/Fine Motor Coordination
7-10 Met Values for Some Occupational Performance Areas
7-11 Blood Pressure Categories
7-12 Client Factor—Sensation
7-13 Client Factor—Pain
7-14 Client Factor—Endurance
Chapter 8
8-1 Cognitive Screening Measures
8-2 Assessments for Arousal
8-3 Assessments for Attention
8-4 Assessments for Memory
8-5 Executive Functioning Assessments
8-6 Assessments for Self-Awareness of Cognitive Dysfunction
Chapter 9
9-1 Visual-Perceptual Hierarchy Terms
9-2 Common Visual Field Loss Deficits
9-3 Oculomotor Function
9-4 Oculomotor Disorders
9-5 Types of Agnosia
9-6 Types of Visual Discrimination
9-7 Types of Apraxia
9-8 Body Scheme Disorders
9-9 Vision and Perception Assessments
Chapter 10
10-1 Home Assessments
10-2 Work Assessments
10-3 Community Assessments
Chapter 1
1-1 American Occupational Therapy Practice Standards: Standard II
Chapter 2
2-1 The Types of Intervention Approaches
2-2 Intervention Methods
2-3 Outcomes Identified in the Occupational Therapy Practice Framework
2-4 Roles of Occupational Therapy Practitioner
Chapter 4
4-1 Common Precautions Related to Client Health and Safety
Chapter 5
5-1 Correlation Coefficients
5-2 Checklist of Useful Questions to Ask When Considering an Assessment
Chapter 6
6-1 Terminology and Abbreviations Used in Determining Levels of Assistance
Chapter 7
7-1 Upper Extremity (UE) AROM Screen
7-2 General Precautions when Evaluating ROM
7-3 Procedures for Measuring PROM and AROM
7-4 General MMT Precautions
7-5 Procedure for MMT
7-6 Procedures for Testing Muscle Tone
7-7 Modified Ashworth Scale
7-8 Description of Synergy Patterns
7-9 Common Deep Tendon Reflexes Assessed
7-10 Procedure for Sensory Testing
7-11 Common Questions to Ask Clients About Pain During an Assessment
7-12 Measuring Resting HR at the Radial Artery
7-13 Measuring BP (Manually)
7-14 Procedure to Measure Hand Edema Using a Volumeter
7-15 General Precautions in Assessing Edema
7-16 Procedure in Assessing Hand Edema Using the Figure-of-Eight Technique
Chapter 8
8-1 Mental Functions
8-2 Types of Attention
8-3 Types of Memory
Chapter 9
9-1 Procedure for Confrontation Testing Using One Examiner
9-2 Procedure for Screening Convergence
9-3 Procedure for Screening Saccades
9-4 Procedure for Screening Visual Tracking/Pursuits
Chapter 10
10-1 Principles of Universal Design
10-2 Components of ADA
10-3 Risk Factors for Musculoskeletal Disorders
10-4 Resources
Chapter 11
11-1 The Occupational Therapy Evaluation Process Top–Down Occupation-Based Approach
Chapter 1
1-1 Integrated Representation of the AOTA Process of Service Delivery and the Canadian Practice
Process Framework
1-2 Steps of the Initial Evaluation Process from a Top–Down Approach
Chapter 2
2-1 AOTA OTPF: Domain of OT
2-2 The AOTA OTPF Process of Service Delivery Model
Chapter 5
5-1 The Normal Distribution and Associated Standard Scores
Chapter 6
6-1 ADL-Lower Extremity Dressing Using a Sock Aid
6-2 ADL-Lower Extremity Dressing Using a Long-Handled Shoehorn
6-3 ADL-Bed Transfer with Assistance
6-4 ADL-Toilet Transfer with Supervision
6-5 ADL-Tub Transfer with Assistance
6-6 IADL-Home Management
6-7 IADL-Driving a Modified Vehicle
Chapter 7
7-1 Goniometer
7-2 Sample ROM Recording Form
7-3 Washington ROM Sheet
7-4 Starting Position of Shoulder Flexion
7-5 Shoulder Flexion
7-6 Shoulder Abduction
7-7 Elbow Flexion
7-8 Elbow Extension
7-9 Forearm Pronation
7-10 Forearm Supination
7-11 Wrist Extension
7-12 Wrist Flexion
7-13 Starting Position for Wrist Deviation
7-14 Wrist Radial Deviation
7-15 Wrist Ulnar Deviation
7-16 Thumb IP Flexion
7-17 Thumb MP Flexion
7-18 Thumb Abduction
7-19 Thumb Extension
7-20 Clinical Reasoning Process of ROM Assessment
7-21 Dynamometer and Pinch Gauge
7-22 MMT for Shoulder Flexion
7-23 MMT for Shoulder Abduction
7-24 MMT for Elbow Flexion
7-25 MMT for Elbow Extension
7-26 MMT for Forearm Supination
7-27 MMT for Forearm Pronation
7-28 MMT for Wrist Extension (Gravity-Eliminated Plane)
7-29 MMT for Thumb Extension
7-30 Clinical Reasoning of Upper Extremity Muscle Strength
7-31 Grip Test
7-32 Lateral Pinch
7-33 Two-Point Pinch
7-34 Three-Point Pinch (Palmer Pinch)
7-35 Dermatome Chart
7-36 Semmes-Weinstien Filaments
7-37 Radial Pulse Testing
7-38 Blood Pressure Testing
7-39 Hand Volumeter
Chapter 8
8-1 Hierarchy of Cognitive Processing
8-2 Rancho Levels of Cognitive Functioning
Chapter 9
9-1 Visual-Perceptual Hierarchy
9-2 Visual Field Deficits with Associated Lesion Sites
Chapter 10
10-1 Computer Workstation Evaluation. Parkland Medical Center Computer Workstation Evaluation
10-2 General Work Evaluation. Parkland Medical Center Computer Workstation Evaluation
10-3 Follow-Up Job-Site Evaluation. Parkland Medical Center Computer Workstation Evaluation
Chapter 11
11-1 Pathway One: Based on Provisional Planning for Sophia Lord to be Discharged Home
11-2 Pathway Two: Initial Discharge Planning for Sophia Lord to be Discharged Home is Revised
when Sophia’s Evaluation Indicates Mild Cognitive Impairment Making It Unsafe for Her to
Live Independently
THE EVALUATION PROCESS IN
OCCUPATIONAL THERAPY
American Occupational Therapy Practice Standards: Standard II. Screening, Evaluation, and
Reevaluation (American Occupational Therapy Association Commission on Practice
[AOTACP], 2010).
1. An occupational therapist is responsible for all aspects of the screening, evaluation, and
reevaluation process.
2. An occupational therapist accepts and responds to referrals in compliance with state or
federal laws, other regulatory and payer requirements, and AOTA documents.
3. An occupational therapist, in collaboration with the client, evaluates the client’s ability to
participate in daily life by considering the client’s history, goals, capacities, and needs; the
activities and occupations the client wants and needs to perform; and the environments
and context in which these activities and occupations occur.
4. An occupational therapist initiates and directs the screening, evaluation, and reevaluation
process and analyzes and interprets the data in accordance with federal and state law,
other regulatory and payer requirements, and AOTA documents.
5. An OT assistant contributes to the screening, evaluation, and reevaluation process by
implementing delegated assessments and by providing verbal and written reports of
observations and client capacities to the occupational therapist in accordance with federal
and state laws, other regulatory and payer requirements, and AOTA documents.
6. An OT practitioner uses current assessments and assessment procedures and follows
defined protocols of standardized assessments during the screening, evaluation, and
reevaluation process.
7. An occupational therapist completes and documents OT evaluation results. An OT
assistantcontributes to the documentation of evaluation results. An OT practitioner abides
by the time frames, formats, and standards established by practice settings, federal and
state law, other regulatory and payer requirements, external accreditation programs, and
AOTA documents.
8. An OT practitioner communicates screening, evaluation, and reevaluation results within
the boundaries of client confidentiality and privacy regulations to the appropriate person,
group, organization, or population.
9. An occupational therapist recommends additional consultations or refers clients to
appropriate resources when the needs of the client can be best served by the expertise of
other professionals or services.
10. An OT practitioner educates current and potential referral sources about the scope of OT
services and the process of initiating OT services.
FIGURE 1-1 Integrated Representation of the AOTA Process of Service Delivery and the
Canadian Practice Process Framework.2,5
Most OT professional associations throughout the world outline an OT
process for their members. The American Occupational Therapy Association
has incorporated the Framework for Process of Delivery within the AOTA
Occupational Therapy Practice Framework (2008) (OTPF)2 (see Chapter 2).
The Canadian Association for Occupational Therapists (CAOT) has the
comprehensive Occupational Performance Process Model (OPPM), which
incorporates the core concepts of occupational performance and client-
centered practice.4,6 More recently, in 2007, the CAOT published the
Canadian Practice Process Framework (CPPF).5 Similarly, there are a
number of process models proposed by OT scholars. Fisher (2009)7 offers the
Occupational Therapy Intervention Process Model (OTIPM) as a way for
practitioners to think and practice OT from an occupational perspective. The
OT process, as outlined in any of these frameworks/models, is fundamental to
the integrity of the profession, as they structure and organize the form of
practice and bring uniformity to the implementation as well as incorporate
common language/documentation to be utilized in practice.
The OT evaluation process has two core steps. The first is developing an
occupational profile of clients, and the second is the analysis of
occupational performance. The occupational profile is a description of a
client’s occupational history, patterns of living, roles, interests, values, needs,
priorities, support systems, challenges, strengths, and goals.2 The analysis of
occupational performance integrates data gained about a client using a variety
of evaluation strategies and assessments such as direct observation of a client
performing occupational tasks or the administration of standardized and
nonstandardized assessments to measure specific impairments of body
functions and structures. The occupational therapist, the client, and others
whom the client identifies as his/her significant support/care providers (i.e.,
spouse, partner, parents, or adult children) use this information to understand
what supports and hinders the client’s ability to perform his/her desired and
required daily tasks and occupations. The sum of the evaluative process is
used to define the client’s strengths and problems, prioritize client’s needs,
and establish measurable goals that are meaningful to the client. The overall
goal is always an achievable client-driven outcome that promotes the client’s
ability to engage in occupations.2
The evaluation process is often depicted as linear (Figure 1-2), whereas
often in practice, a client’s evaluation process is blended, and steps occur
concurrently. For example, at an initial interview to obtain a client’s
occupational profile, functional assessments, interventions, and discharge
planning may be conducted at the same time. This is common in settings such
as an acute inpatient hospital where the patients’ stay is short term. In
contrast, in health care/community facilities in which the therapy relationship
with the client is likely to be weeks or months, the evaluation process may be
more sequential (i.e., linear).
FIGURE 1-2 Steps of the Initial Evaluation Process from a Top–Down Approach.
5. Are the assessments that are congruent with a frame of reference(s) used
to guide the client’s therapy? Frames of reference are defined and
discussed in Chapter 3.
Clinical Tip
Pre and posttest use of assessments that have been shown to have a high
degree of sensitivity can identify change and can be beneficial in providing
the client with tangible feedback and for documenting efficacy of therapy.
The terminology in this text is consistent with the AOTA OTPF (2008)
promoting consensus around language use in the profession.
• Client: The OT profession uses the term client to broadly refer to a person,
family, or people who live, work, and/or have significant relationships with
the person referred to OT. The client can also be an organization, a
community, or population who is the recipient of OT services. It is
anticipated that in the 3rd edition of the AOTA practice Framework the
term client will not include an organization. In this textbook, we have
chosen to mainly refer to the person who is receiving OT services as the
client.
• Patient: In the predominant medical model culture of a hospital setting, the
health care team typically refers to the individual receiving care as a
patient. We follow this usage for recipients of inpatient treatment, but in
all other contexts we will refer to a person receiving OT as a client.
• Evaluation and Assessment: The term evaluation is used to define the
comprehensive process of gathering information about a client through
multiple methods such as an interview, direct observation, and the
administering of qualitative and quantitative assessments to measure a
client’s performance, deficits, and impairments. The evaluation process
includes interpretation of the assessments and information collected to
formulate client goals, plan and implement interventions, and monitor
progress. The term assessment is used to describe specific instruments,
tools, or strategies that the occupational therapist uses to determine
occupational performance skills or measure client factors; for example,
impairments in body functions or structures. The International
Classification of Functioning, Disability and Health (ICF)13 includes
deficits in sensation, muscle strength, and/or memory as impairments in
body functions.
Assessment may be paired with terms such as instrument or tool for
added clarity and often are defined or categorized further by psychometric
properties, for example, standardized or nonstandardized, and criterion
referenced or norm referenced. In Chapter 5, the terminology associated
with the psychometric properties of assessments is explained.
• World Health Organization and the ICF terminology: The OT
profession uses terminology that is consistent with the World Health
Organization’s (WHO) ICF.13 Designed as an international framework and
classification system to describe function and disability using a
biopsychosocial client-centered perspective, the ICF provides a framework
and offers a common language to define health and health-related
conditions concerning human functioning and the restrictions in activities
and participation due to impairments in body structures and functions. The
ICF system complements the International Classification of Diseases
(ICD-10)12 diagnostic system. The ICD-10 is used to code illness/disease
often in conjunction with the use of Current Procedural Terminology
(CPT) codes for diagnostic services and reimbursement.1 OT practitioners
will encounter both systems in their work, but it is the ICF that is
philosophically consistent and most closely aligned with the profession’s
view of health, participation, and function and disabilities within a context.
Concepts of the ICF are congruent with terminology of the AOTA
OTPF. The ICF incorporates interrelated concepts from the perspectives of
Functioning and Disability and Contextual Factors. Functioning and
disability is comprised of Body Functions and Structures, and Activity and
Participation, while the contextual factors encompass an individual’s
Environment and Personal Factors.13 Functioning is the integrity of body
functions and body structures to perform tasks (i.e., activity) in life
situations (participation). Disability refers to a negative outcome of a
health condition that compromises an individual’s ability to participate in
life situations.13 This term, disability, is widely misused as an illness or a
person’s medical diagnosis, whereas the preferred usage pertains to an
individual’s inability to perform tasks and participate in life.13 Two
concepts of the ICF that parallel OTs occupation-based, top–down
approach to client evaluation are:
◦ Capacity is a person’s ability to execute tasks in a controlled environment
and is measured when a client is asked to perform a variety of simulated
tasks in the OT clinical setting.
◦ Performance is the person’s functional engagement when executing tasks
in his/her natural environment. This is measured when a client is
observed, preferably in a naturalistic environment, performing his/her
typical occupational tasks.
These ICF constructs explain how two people who have the same
diagnosis, severity of disorder, and a similar capacity to perform tasks in
a controlled environment demonstrate different functional abilities in
their occupational performance. This difference is attributed to the
influence of their personal factors and the characteristics of their
environment. OT aims to reduce the variance between capacity and
performance to optimize a person’s participation.
• Evidence-based practice: An OT practitioner demonstrates evidence-based
practice when he or she integrates evidence gained through research (e.g.,
studies related to the effectiveness of therapy) with his/her clinical
knowledge to make informed decisions about a client’s OT evaluation and
interventions. Evidence-based practice assumes that a practitioner engages
in ongoing self-directed learning to remain current with the clinical
evidence and that he or she critically evaluates the source and quality of
the research and information used. Evidence derived from all research
methods (e.g., naturalistic, qualitative, or positivistic quantitative design)
has value to the profession. Rigorous, positivistic research yields the most
reliable data and is the gold standard for research measuring the
effectiveness of therapy.
There are rarely right decisions or actions in practice; more often, there are
best decisions and/or actions.10 This pocket guide is designed as a resource to
assist student occupational therapists, as well as novice and experienced
occupational therapists, in understanding the evaluation process. The
information provided in this pocket guide to evaluation supports OT
practitioners when they are evaluating and working with adult clients to make
optimal clinical decisions and to explain these clinical decisions to clients
using the current scientific knowledge and evidence.
Since the original pocket guide in 2000, there have been many
developments and changes in the profession. In this revised edition, we
present how these developments influence the evaluation process and provide
the reader with an updated comprehensive review of evaluation strategies,
procedures, and the assessments that currently support client evaluation in
OT. The overall organization of the pocket guide models a top–down
occupation-based process within the AOTA OTPF, while individual chapters
are structured using bottom–up and top–down approaches in the presentation
of assessments. The pocket guide is intended to be inclusive and presents
international perspectives, and we have identified when assessments are
available in other languages. Chapters 2 and 3 provide a reader with
information and principles that are germane to the evaluation of adults and
the practice of OT, since optimal use in an evaluation procedure, strategy,
and/or assessment requires a practitioner to explain clearly how and why he
or she will use an assessment/procedure and to identify the expected
outcomes. This requires a conceptual basis (model of practice) to formulate
and inform clinical reasoning. Furthermore, the rationale for choosing actual
assessments is based on observations and knowledge of an individual client,
knowledge of his/her condition, and frames of reference being applied to
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DANCE ON STILTS AT THE GIRLS’ UNYAGO, NIUCHI
I see increasing reason to believe that the view formed some time
back as to the origin of the Makonde bush is the correct one. I have
no doubt that it is not a natural product, but the result of human
occupation. Those parts of the high country where man—as a very
slight amount of practice enables the eye to perceive at once—has not
yet penetrated with axe and hoe, are still occupied by a splendid
timber forest quite able to sustain a comparison with our mixed
forests in Germany. But wherever man has once built his hut or tilled
his field, this horrible bush springs up. Every phase of this process
may be seen in the course of a couple of hours’ walk along the main
road. From the bush to right or left, one hears the sound of the axe—
not from one spot only, but from several directions at once. A few
steps further on, we can see what is taking place. The brush has been
cut down and piled up in heaps to the height of a yard or more,
between which the trunks of the large trees stand up like the last
pillars of a magnificent ruined building. These, too, present a
melancholy spectacle: the destructive Makonde have ringed them—
cut a broad strip of bark all round to ensure their dying off—and also
piled up pyramids of brush round them. Father and son, mother and
son-in-law, are chopping away perseveringly in the background—too
busy, almost, to look round at the white stranger, who usually excites
so much interest. If you pass by the same place a week later, the piles
of brushwood have disappeared and a thick layer of ashes has taken
the place of the green forest. The large trees stretch their
smouldering trunks and branches in dumb accusation to heaven—if
they have not already fallen and been more or less reduced to ashes,
perhaps only showing as a white stripe on the dark ground.
This work of destruction is carried out by the Makonde alike on the
virgin forest and on the bush which has sprung up on sites already
cultivated and deserted. In the second case they are saved the trouble
of burning the large trees, these being entirely absent in the
secondary bush.
After burning this piece of forest ground and loosening it with the
hoe, the native sows his corn and plants his vegetables. All over the
country, he goes in for bed-culture, which requires, and, in fact,
receives, the most careful attention. Weeds are nowhere tolerated in
the south of German East Africa. The crops may fail on the plains,
where droughts are frequent, but never on the plateau with its
abundant rains and heavy dews. Its fortunate inhabitants even have
the satisfaction of seeing the proud Wayao and Wamakua working
for them as labourers, driven by hunger to serve where they were
accustomed to rule.
But the light, sandy soil is soon exhausted, and would yield no
harvest the second year if cultivated twice running. This fact has
been familiar to the native for ages; consequently he provides in
time, and, while his crop is growing, prepares the next plot with axe
and firebrand. Next year he plants this with his various crops and
lets the first piece lie fallow. For a short time it remains waste and
desolate; then nature steps in to repair the destruction wrought by
man; a thousand new growths spring out of the exhausted soil, and
even the old stumps put forth fresh shoots. Next year the new growth
is up to one’s knees, and in a few years more it is that terrible,
impenetrable bush, which maintains its position till the black
occupier of the land has made the round of all the available sites and
come back to his starting point.
The Makonde are, body and soul, so to speak, one with this bush.
According to my Yao informants, indeed, their name means nothing
else but “bush people.” Their own tradition says that they have been
settled up here for a very long time, but to my surprise they laid great
stress on an original immigration. Their old homes were in the
south-east, near Mikindani and the mouth of the Rovuma, whence
their peaceful forefathers were driven by the continual raids of the
Sakalavas from Madagascar and the warlike Shirazis[47] of the coast,
to take refuge on the almost inaccessible plateau. I have studied
African ethnology for twenty years, but the fact that changes of
population in this apparently quiet and peaceable corner of the earth
could have been occasioned by outside enterprises taking place on
the high seas, was completely new to me. It is, no doubt, however,
correct.
The charming tribal legend of the Makonde—besides informing us
of other interesting matters—explains why they have to live in the
thickest of the bush and a long way from the edge of the plateau,
instead of making their permanent homes beside the purling brooks
and springs of the low country.
“The place where the tribe originated is Mahuta, on the southern
side of the plateau towards the Rovuma, where of old time there was
nothing but thick bush. Out of this bush came a man who never
washed himself or shaved his head, and who ate and drank but little.
He went out and made a human figure from the wood of a tree
growing in the open country, which he took home to his abode in the
bush and there set it upright. In the night this image came to life and
was a woman. The man and woman went down together to the
Rovuma to wash themselves. Here the woman gave birth to a still-
born child. They left that place and passed over the high land into the
valley of the Mbemkuru, where the woman had another child, which
was also born dead. Then they returned to the high bush country of
Mahuta, where the third child was born, which lived and grew up. In
course of time, the couple had many more children, and called
themselves Wamatanda. These were the ancestral stock of the
Makonde, also called Wamakonde,[48] i.e., aborigines. Their
forefather, the man from the bush, gave his children the command to
bury their dead upright, in memory of the mother of their race who
was cut out of wood and awoke to life when standing upright. He also
warned them against settling in the valleys and near large streams,
for sickness and death dwelt there. They were to make it a rule to
have their huts at least an hour’s walk from the nearest watering-
place; then their children would thrive and escape illness.”
The explanation of the name Makonde given by my informants is
somewhat different from that contained in the above legend, which I
extract from a little book (small, but packed with information), by
Pater Adams, entitled Lindi und sein Hinterland. Otherwise, my
results agree exactly with the statements of the legend. Washing?
Hapana—there is no such thing. Why should they do so? As it is, the
supply of water scarcely suffices for cooking and drinking; other
people do not wash, so why should the Makonde distinguish himself
by such needless eccentricity? As for shaving the head, the short,
woolly crop scarcely needs it,[49] so the second ancestral precept is
likewise easy enough to follow. Beyond this, however, there is
nothing ridiculous in the ancestor’s advice. I have obtained from
various local artists a fairly large number of figures carved in wood,
ranging from fifteen to twenty-three inches in height, and
representing women belonging to the great group of the Mavia,
Makonde, and Matambwe tribes. The carving is remarkably well
done and renders the female type with great accuracy, especially the
keloid ornamentation, to be described later on. As to the object and
meaning of their works the sculptors either could or (more probably)
would tell me nothing, and I was forced to content myself with the
scanty information vouchsafed by one man, who said that the figures
were merely intended to represent the nembo—the artificial
deformations of pelele, ear-discs, and keloids. The legend recorded
by Pater Adams places these figures in a new light. They must surely
be more than mere dolls; and we may even venture to assume that
they are—though the majority of present-day Makonde are probably
unaware of the fact—representations of the tribal ancestress.
The references in the legend to the descent from Mahuta to the
Rovuma, and to a journey across the highlands into the Mbekuru
valley, undoubtedly indicate the previous history of the tribe, the
travels of the ancestral pair typifying the migrations of their
descendants. The descent to the neighbouring Rovuma valley, with
its extraordinary fertility and great abundance of game, is intelligible
at a glance—but the crossing of the Lukuledi depression, the ascent
to the Rondo Plateau and the descent to the Mbemkuru, also lie
within the bounds of probability, for all these districts have exactly
the same character as the extreme south. Now, however, comes a
point of especial interest for our bacteriological age. The primitive
Makonde did not enjoy their lives in the marshy river-valleys.
Disease raged among them, and many died. It was only after they
had returned to their original home near Mahuta, that the health
conditions of these people improved. We are very apt to think of the
African as a stupid person whose ignorance of nature is only equalled
by his fear of it, and who looks on all mishaps as caused by evil
spirits and malignant natural powers. It is much more correct to
assume in this case that the people very early learnt to distinguish
districts infested with malaria from those where it is absent.
This knowledge is crystallized in the
ancestral warning against settling in the
valleys and near the great waters, the
dwelling-places of disease and death. At the
same time, for security against the hostile
Mavia south of the Rovuma, it was enacted
that every settlement must be not less than a
certain distance from the southern edge of the
plateau. Such in fact is their mode of life at the
present day. It is not such a bad one, and
certainly they are both safer and more
comfortable than the Makua, the recent
intruders from the south, who have made USUAL METHOD OF
good their footing on the western edge of the CLOSING HUT-DOOR
plateau, extending over a fairly wide belt of
country. Neither Makua nor Makonde show in their dwellings
anything of the size and comeliness of the Yao houses in the plain,
especially at Masasi, Chingulungulu and Zuza’s. Jumbe Chauro, a
Makonde hamlet not far from Newala, on the road to Mahuta, is the
most important settlement of the tribe I have yet seen, and has fairly
spacious huts. But how slovenly is their construction compared with
the palatial residences of the elephant-hunters living in the plain.
The roofs are still more untidy than in the general run of huts during
the dry season, the walls show here and there the scanty beginnings
or the lamentable remains of the mud plastering, and the interior is a
veritable dog-kennel; dirt, dust and disorder everywhere. A few huts
only show any attempt at division into rooms, and this consists
merely of very roughly-made bamboo partitions. In one point alone
have I noticed any indication of progress—in the method of fastening
the door. Houses all over the south are secured in a simple but
ingenious manner. The door consists of a set of stout pieces of wood
or bamboo, tied with bark-string to two cross-pieces, and moving in
two grooves round one of the door-posts, so as to open inwards. If
the owner wishes to leave home, he takes two logs as thick as a man’s
upper arm and about a yard long. One of these is placed obliquely
against the middle of the door from the inside, so as to form an angle
of from 60° to 75° with the ground. He then places the second piece
horizontally across the first, pressing it downward with all his might.
It is kept in place by two strong posts planted in the ground a few
inches inside the door. This fastening is absolutely safe, but of course
cannot be applied to both doors at once, otherwise how could the
owner leave or enter his house? I have not yet succeeded in finding
out how the back door is fastened.