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Theories of NINTH EDITION
PERSONALITY
Jess Feist
Gregory J. Feist
Tomi-Ann Roberts
Contents vii
Persona 113 CHAPTER 5 Klein: Object Relations

Shadow 114 Theory 142
Anima 115
Overview of Object Relations Theory 143
Animus 116
Great Mother 116
Biography of Melanie Klein 144
Wise Old Man 117 Introduction to Object Relations
Hero 117 Theory 146
Self 118 Psychic Life of the Infant 147
Dynamics of Personality 121 Phantasies 147
Causality and Teleology 121 Objects 148
Progression and Regression 121 Positions 148
Psychological Types 122 Paranoid-Schizoid Position 148
Attitudes 122 Depressive Position 150
Introversion 122 Psychic Defense Mechanisms 150
Extraversion 123 Introjection 150
Functions 124 Projection 151
Thinking 124 Splitting 151
Feeling 124 Projective Identification 152
Sensing 125 Internalizations 152
Intuiting 125
Ego 152
Development of Personality 127 Superego 153
Stages of Development 127 Oedipus Complex 154
Childhood 127 Female Oedipal Development 154
Youth 128 Male Oedipal Development 155
Middle Life 128
Later Views on Object Relations 155
Old Age 129
Margaret Mahler’s View 156
Self-Realization 129
Heinz Kohut’s View 158
Jung’s Methods of
John Bowlby’s Attachment Theory 159
Investigation 130
Mary Ainsworth and the Strange Situation 160
Word Association Test 130
Dream Analysis 131
Psychotherapy 162
Active Imagination 133 Related Research 162
Psychotherapy 134 Childhood Trauma and Adult Object
Relations 162
Related Research 135
Attachment Theory and Adult Relationships 163
Personality Type and
Leadership 135 Critique of Object Relations Theory 166
Personality Type Among Clergy and Concept of Humanity 167
Churchgoers 136
A Critical Look at the Myers-Briggs Type CHAPTER 6 Horney: Psychoanalytic
Indicator (MBTI) 138 Social Theory 170
Critique of Jung 138 Overview of Psychoanalytic Social
Concept of Humanity 140 Theory 171
viii Contents
Biography of Karen Horney 172 Early Childhood 206

Introduction to Psychoanalytic Social Anal-Urethral-Muscular Mode 206
Theory 174 Autonomy Versus Shame and Doubt 207
Horney and Freud Compared 174 Will: The Basic Strength of Early Childhood 207
The Impact of Culture 174 Play Age 208
The Importance of Childhood Experiences 175 Genital-Locomotor Mode 208
Initiative Versus Guilt 208
Basic Hostility and Basic Anxiety 175
Purpose: The Basic Strength
Compulsive Drives 177 of the Play Age 209
Neurotic Needs 177 School Age 209
Neurotic Trends 178 Latency 209
Moving Toward People 180 Industry Versus Inferiority 209
Moving Against People 180 Competence: The Basic Strength of
Moving Away From People 181 the School Age 210
Intrapsychic Conflicts 182 Adolescence 210
The Idealized Self-Image 183 Puberty 210
The Neurotic Search for Glory 183 Identity Versus Identity Confusion 210
Neurotic Claims 184 Fidelity: The Basic Strength
of Adolescence 212
Neurotic Pride 185
Young Adulthood 212
Self-Hatred 185
Genitality 213
Feminine Psychology 186 Intimacy Versus Isolation 213
Psychotherapy 189 Love: The Basic Strength
Related Research 190 of Young Adulthood 213
Developing and Validating a New Measure Adulthood 214
of Horney’s Neurotic Trends 190 Procreativity 214
Can Neuroticism Ever Be a Good Thing? 191 Generativity Versus Stagnation 214
Critique of Horney 193 Care: The Basic Strength of Adulthood 215
Concept of Humanity 194 Old Age 215

Generalized Sensuality 216
Integrity Versus Despair 216
CHAPTER 7 Erikson: Post-Freudian Wisdom: The Basic Strength
Theory 196 of Old Age 216
Overview of Post-Freudian Theory 197 Summary of the Life Cycle 217
Biography of Erik Erikson 198 Erikson’s Methods of Investigation 218

The Ego in Post-Freudian Theory 200 Anthropological Studies 218
Society’s Influence 201 Psychohistory 218
Epigenetic Principle 201 Related Research 221

Stages of Psychosocial Development 203 Ego Identity Status in Adolescents
Across Cultures 221
Infancy 205
Does Identity Precede Intimacy? 222
Oral-Sensory Mode 205
Basic Trust Versus Basic Mistrust 205 Critique of Erikson 223
Hope: The Basic Strength of Infancy 206 Concept of Humanity 224
Contents ix
CHAPTER 8 Fromm: Humanistic PART III Humanistic/Existential

Psychoanalysis 227 Theories 255
Overview of Humanistic Psychoanalysis 228
Biography of Erich Fromm 229
CHAPTER 9 Maslow: Holistic-Dynamic
Theory 256
Fromm’s Basic Assumptions 231
Overview of Holistic-Dynamic Theory 257
Human Needs 232
Relatedness 232 Biography of Abraham H. Maslow 258
Transcendence 233 Maslow’s View of Motivation 261
Rootedness 234 Hierarchy of Needs 262
Sense of Identity 235 Physiological Needs 263
Safety Needs 263
Frame of Orientation 235
Love and Belongingness Needs 264
Summary of Human Needs 236
Esteem Needs 265
The Burden of Freedom 236 Self-Actualization Needs 265
Mechanisms of Escape 237
Aesthetic Needs 266
Authoritarianism 237
Cognitive Needs 266
Destructiveness 237
Neurotic Needs 267
Conformity 238
General Discussion of Needs 267
Positive Freedom 238
Reversed Order of Needs 267
Character Orientations 238 Unmotivated Behavior 268
Nonproductive Orientations 239 Expressive and Coping Behavior 268
Receptive 239 Deprivation of Needs 268
Exploitative 239 Instinctoid Nature of Needs 268
Hoarding 239 Comparison of Higher and Lower Needs 269
Marketing 240
Self-Actualization 270
The Productive Orientation 241
Maslow’s Quest for the Self-Actualizing
Personality Disorders 241 Person 270
Necrophilia 242 Criteria for Self-Actualization 271
Malignant Narcissism 242 Values of Self-Actualizers 272
Incestuous Symbiosis 242 Characteristics of Self-Actualizing People 273
Psychotherapy 244 More Efficient Perception of Reality 273
Fromm’s Methods of Investigation 244 Acceptance of Self, Others, and Nature 273
Social Character in a Mexican Village 244 Spontaneity, Simplicity, and Naturalness 273
A Psychohistorical Study of Hitler 246 Problem-Centering 274
The Need for Privacy 274
Autonomy 274
Testing the Assumptions of Fromm’s
Continued Freshness of Appreciation 275
Marketing Character 247
The Peak Experience 275
Estrangement From Culture and Well-Being 248
Gemeinschaftsgefühl 276
Authoritarianism and Fear 249
Profound Interpersonal Relations 276
Critique of Fromm 251 The Democratic Character Structure 277
Concept of Humanity 252 Discrimination Between Means and Ends 277
x Contents
Philosophical Sense of Humor 277 Process 307

Creativeness 277 Stages of Therapeutic Change 307
Resistance to Enculturation 278 Theoretical Explanation for Therapeutic
Love, Sex, and Self-Actualization 278 Change 308
Outcomes 308
Maslow’s Psychology and Philosophy
of Science 279 The Person of Tomorrow 309
Measuring Self-Actualization 280 Philosophy of Science 311
The Jonah Complex 281 The Chicago Studies 312
Psychotherapy 282 Hypotheses 312
Related Research 283 Method 312
Mindfulness and Self-Actualization 283 Findings 313
Positive Psychology 284 Summary of Results 315
Critique of Maslow 286 Related Research 315

Self-Discrepancy Theory 315
Concept of Humanity 287
Motivation and Pursuing
One’s Goals 316
CHAPTER 10 Rogers: Person-Centered
Theory 290 Critique of Rogers 319
Overview of Client-Centered Theory 291
Biography of Carl Rogers 292
CHAPTER 11 May: Existential
Person-Centered Theory 295 Psychology 323
Basic Assumptions 295
Formative Tendency 295 Overview of Existential Psychology 324
Actualizing Tendency 296 Biography of Rollo May 325
The Self and Self-Actualization 297 Background of Existentialism 328
The Self-Concept 297 What Is Existentialism? 328
The Ideal Self 298 Basic Concepts 329
Awareness 298 Being-in-the-World 329
Levels of Awareness 299 Nonbeing 330
Denial of Positive Experiences 299 The Case of Philip 332
Becoming a Person 299 Anxiety 332
Barriers to Psychological Health 300 Normal Anxiety 333
Conditions of Worth 300 Neurotic Anxiety 333
Incongruence 301
Guilt 334
Vulnerability 301
Intentionality 335
Anxiety and Threat 301
Defensiveness 302 Care, Love, and Will 336
Disorganization 302 Union of Love and Will 336
Psychotherapy 303 Forms of Love 337
Conditions 303 Sex 337
Counselor Congruence 304 Eros 337
Unconditional Positive Regard 305 Philia 337
Empathic Listening 306 Agape 338
Contents xi
Freedom and Destiny 338 Motivation 364

Freedom Defined 338 A Theory of Motivation 364
Forms of Freedom 339 Functional Autonomy 365
Existential Freedom 339 Perseverative Functional Autonomy 366
Essential Freedom 339 Propriate Functional Autonomy 367
What Is Destiny? 339 Criterion for Functional Autonomy 367
Philip’s Destiny 340 Processes That Are Not Functionally
Autonomous 368
The Power of Myth 340
The Study of the Individual 368
Psychopathology 342
Morphogenic Science 368
Psychotherapy 342
The Diaries of Marion Taylor 369
Related Research 344 Letters From Jenny 370
Threats in the Umwelt: Mortality Salience and
Denial of Our Animal Nature 345
Understanding and Reducing Prejudice 372
Finding Meaning in the Mitwelt: Attachment
and Close Relationships 346 Intrinsic and Extrinsic Religious Orientation 375
Growth in the Eigenwelt: There Is an Upside Religious Motivation and Mental Health 376
to Mortality Awareness 348 Religious Motivation and Physical Health 377
Critique of May 349 Critique of Allport 378
Concept of Humanity 350 Concept of Humanity 379
CHAPTER 13 McCrae and Costa’s

PART IV Dispositional Theories 353 Five-Factor Trait Theory 382
CHAPTER 12 Allport: Psychology Overview of Trait and Factor Theories 383

of the Individual 354 The Pioneering Work of Raymond
B. Cattell 384
Overview of Allport’s Psychology
of the Individual 355 Basics of Factor Analysis 385
Biography of Gordon Allport 356 The Big Five: Taxonomy or Theory? 387
Allport’s Approach to Biographies of Robert R. McCrae and
Personality Theory 358 Paul T. Costa, Jr. 387
What Is Personality? 358 In Search of the Big Five 389
What Is the Role of Conscious Five Factors Found 389
Motivation? 359 Description of the Five Factors 390
What Are the Characteristics of Evolution of the Five-Factor Theory 392
a Healthy Person? 359
Units of the Five-Factor Theory 393
Structure of Personality 361 Core Components of Personality 393
Personal Dispositions 361 Basic Tendencies 393
Levels of Personal Dispositions 362 Characteristic Adaptations 394
Cardinal Dispositions 362 Self-Concept 395
Central Dispositions 362 Peripheral Components 395
Secondary Dispositions 362 Biological Bases 395
Motivational and Stylistic Dispositions 363 Objective Biography 396
Proprium 363 External Influences 396
xii Contents
Basic Postulates 396 Biography of David Buss 433

Postulates for Basic Tendencies 396 Principles of Evolutionary Psychology 435
Postulates for Characteristic Adaptations 398
Evolutionary Theory of Personality 435
Related Research 398 The Nature and Nurture of Personality 437
Personality and Academic Performance 398 Adaptive Problems and their Solutions
Traits, Internet Use, and Well-Being 400 (Mechanisms) 437
Traits and Emotions 401 Evolved Mechanisms 439
Critique of Trait and Factor Theories 404 Motivation and Emotion as Evolved
Mechanisms 440
Personality Traits as Evolved Mechanisms 440
Origins of Individual Differences 442
PART V Biological/Evolutionary Environmental Sources 443
Theories 407 Heritable/Genetic Sources 443
Nonadapative Sources 444
CHAPTER 14 Eysenck’s Biologically Maladaptive Sources 444
Based Factor Theory 408
Neo-Bussian Evolutionary Theories
Overview of Biologically Based of Personality 444
Trait Theory 409 Common Misunderstandings
Biography of Hans J. Eysenck 411 in Evolutionary Theory 446
Eysenck’s Factor Theory 413 Evolution Implies Genetic Determinism
(Behavior as Set in Stone and Void of
Criteria for Identifying Factors 414
Influence From the Environment) 446
Hierarchy of Behavior Organization 414
Executing Adaptations Requires Conscious
Dimensions of Personality 415 Mechanisms 446
Extraversion 417 Mechanisms Are Optimally Designed 447
Neuroticism 418 Related Research 447
Psychoticism 419 Temperament and the Pre- and Post-Natal
Measuring Personality 421 Environment 447
Biological Bases of Personality 421 Genetics and Personality 449
Personality as a Predictor 422 Animal Personality 450
Personality and Behavior 422 Critique of Evolutionary Theory
Personality and Disease 423 of Personality 453
Related Research 424 Concept of Humanity 454
The Biological Basis of Extraversion 424
The Biological Basis of Neuroticism 426 PART VI Learning-Cognitive Theories 457
Critique of Eysenck’s Biologically
Based Theory 428 CHAPTER 16 Skinner: Behavioral
Analysis 458
Overview of Behavioral Analysis 459
CHAPTER 15 Buss: Evolutionary Theory Biography of B. F. Skinner 460
of Personality 430
Precursors to Skinner’s Scientific
Overview of Evolutionary Theory 431 Behaviorism 463
Contents xiii
Scientific Behaviorism 464 How Conditioning Affects Personality 485

Philosophy of Science 465 How Personality Affects Conditioning 486
Characteristics of Science 465 Mutual Influence Between Personality
and Conditioning 487
Conditioning 466
Classical Conditioning 467 Critique of Skinner 489
Operant Conditioning 468 Concept of Humanity 490
Shaping 468
CHAPTER 17 Bandura: Social Cognitive
Reinforcement 470
Theory 494
Positive Reinforcement 470
Negative Reinforcement 470 Overview of Social Cognitive Theory 495
Punishment 471 Biography of Albert Bandura 496
Effects of Punishment 471 Learning 497
Punishment and Reinforcement Compared 472 Observational Learning 498
Conditioned and Generalized Reinforcers 472 Modeling 498
Schedules of Reinforcement 473 Processes Governing Observational
Fixed-Ratio 473 Learning 499
Variable-Ratio 473 Attention 499
Fixed-Interval 474 Representation 499
Variable-Interval 474 Behavioral Production 499
Extinction 475 Motivation 500
The Human Organism 475 Enactive Learning 500
Natural Selection 476 Triadic Reciprocal Causation 501
Cultural Evolution 476 An Example of Triadic Reciprocal
Inner States 477 Causation 502
Self-Awareness 477 Chance Encounters and Fortuitous Events 503
Drives 478 Human Agency 504
Emotions 478 Core Features of Human Agency 504
Purpose and Intention 478 Self-Efficacy 505
Complex Behavior 479 What Is Self-Efficacy? 505
Higher Mental Processes 479 What Contributes to Self-Efficacy? 507
Creativity 479 Mastery Experiences 507
Unconscious Behavior 480 Social Modeling 507
Dreams 480 Social Persuasion 508
Social Behavior 481 Physical and Emotional States 508
Control of Human Behavior 481 Proxy Agency 509
Social Control 481 Collective Efficacy 509
Self-Control 482
Self-Regulation 510
The Unhealthy Personality 483 External Factors in Self-Regulation 511
Counteracting Strategies 483 Internal Factors in Self-Regulation 511
Inappropriate Behaviors 484 Self-Observation 511
Psychotherapy 484 Judgmental Process 512
Related Research 485 Self-Reaction 513
xiv Contents
Self-Regulation Through Moral Agency 513 Need Components 538

Redefine the Behavior 514 Need Potential 538
Disregard or Distort the Consequences Freedom of Movement 539
of Behavior 515 Need Value 539
Dehumanize or Blame the Victims 515 General Prediction Formula 539
Displace or Diffuse Responsibility 516
Internal and External Control
Dysfunctional Behavior 516 of Reinforcement 541
Depression 516 Interpersonal Trust Scale 543
Phobias 516 Maladaptive Behavior 544
Aggression 517 Psychotherapy 545
Therapy 519 Changing Goals 545
Related Research 520 Eliminating Low Expectancies 546
Self-Efficacy and Diabetes 520 Introduction to Mischel’s Personality
Moral Disengagement and Bullying 521 Theory 548
Social Cognitive Theory “Goes Global” 523 Biography of Walter Mischel 548
Critique of Bandura 523 Background of the Cognitive-Affective
Concept of Humanity 524 Personality System 550
Consistency Paradox 550
CHAPTER 18 Rotter and Mischel: Person-Situation Interaction 551
Cognitive Social Learning Theory 528 Cognitive-Affective Personality System 552
Overview of Cognitive Social Learning Behavior Prediction 553
Theory 529 Situation Variables 553
Biography of Julian Rotter 530 Cognitive-Affective Units 555
Introduction to Rotter’s Social Learning Encoding Strategies 555
Theory 531 Competencies and Self-Regulatory
Strategies 555
Predicting Specific Behaviors 532
Expectancies and Beliefs 556
Behavior Potential 532
Goals and Values 557
Expectancy 533
Affective Responses 558
Reinforcement Value 533
Psychological Situation 534
Locus of Control and Holocaust Heroes 559
Basic Prediction Formula 535
Person-Situation Interaction 560
Predicting General Behaviors 536 Marshmallows and Self-Regulation
Generalized Expectancies 536 Across the Lifespan 561
Needs 536 Critique of Cognitive Social Learning
Categories of Needs 537 Theory 563
Recognition-Status 537 Concept of Humanity 564
Dominance 537
Independence 537
Protection-Dependency 538 CHAPTER 19 Kelly: Psychology
Love and Affection 538 of Personal Constructs 567
Physical Comfort 538 Overview of Personal Construct Theory 568
Contents xv
Biography of George Kelly 569 Anxiety 582

Kelly’s Philosophical Position 570 Guilt 583
Person as Scientist 571 Psychotherapy 583
Scientist as Person 571 The Rep Test 584
Constructive Alternativism 571 Related Research 586
Personal Constructs 572 Gender as a Personal Construct 586
Basic Postulate 573 Applying Personal Construct Theory to
Intra-Personal Questions of Identity 587
Supporting Corollaries 574
Understanding Internalized Prejudice
Similarities Among Events 574 Through Personal Construct Theory 588
Differences Among People 575 Reducing the Threat to Feminist
Relationships Among Constructs 575 Identification 589
Dichotomy of Constructs 576 Personal Constructs and the Big Five 590
Choice Between Dichotomies 577 Critique of Kelly 591
Range of Convenience 577
Experience and Learning 578
Adaptation to Experience 578 Glossary G-1
Incompatible Constructs 579 References R-1
Similarities Among People 579
Name Index N-1
Social Processes 580
Subject Index S-1
Applications of Personal Construct
Theory 581
Abnormal Development 581
Threat 582
Fear 582
Preface
What makes people behave as they do? Are people ordinarily aware of what they are doing, or are their
behaviors the result of hidden, unconscious motives? Are some people naturally good and others basically
evil? Or do all people have potential to be either good or evil? Is human conduct largely a product of
nature, or is it shaped mostly by environmental influences? Can people freely choose to mold their per-
sonality, or are their lives determined by forces beyond their control? Are people best described by their
similarities, or is uniqueness the dominant characteristic of humans? What causes some people to develop
disordered personalities whereas others seem to grow toward psychological health?
These questions have been asked and debated by philosophers, scholars, and religious thinkers for
several thousand years; but most of these discussions were based on personal opinions that were colored
by political, economic, religious, and social considerations. Then, near the end of the 19th century, some
progress was made in humanity’s ability to organize, explain, and predict its own actions. The emergence
of psychology as the scientific study of human behavior marked the beginning of a more systematic ap-
proach to the study of human personality.
Early personality theorists, such as Sigmund Freud, Alfred Adler, and Carl Jung, relied mostly on
clinical observations to construct models of human behavior. Although their data were more systematic
and reliable than those of earlier observers, these theorists continued to rely on their own individualized
way of looking at things, and thus they arrived at different conceptions of the nature of humanity.
Later personality theorists tended to use more empirical studies to learn about human behavior. These
theorists developed tentative models, tested hypotheses, and then reformulated their models. In other words, they
applied the tools of scientific inquiry and scientific theory to the area of human personality. Science, of course,
is not divorced from speculation, imagination, and creativity, all of which are needed to formulate theories. Each
of the personality theorists discussed in this book has evolved a theory based both on empirical observations
and on imaginative speculation. Moreover, each theory is a reflection of the personality of its creator.
Thus, the different theories discussed in these pages are a reflection of the unique cultural back-
ground, family experiences, and professional training of their originators. The usefulness of each theory,
however, is not evaluated on the personality of its author but on its ability to (1) generate research, (2) offer
itself to falsification, (3) integrate existing empirical knowledge, and (4) suggest practical answers to
everyday problems. Therefore, we evaluate each of the theories discussed in this book on the basis of
these four criteria as well as on (5) its internal consistency and (6) its simplicity. In addition, some per-
sonality theories have fertilized other fields, such as sociology, education, psychotherapy, advertising,
management, mythology, counseling, art, literature, and religion.
The Ninth Edition

The ninth edition of Theories of Personality continues to emphasize the strong and unique features of
earlier editions, namely the overviews near the beginning of each chapter, a lively writing style, the
thought-provoking concepts of humanity as seen by each theorist, and the structured evaluations of each
theory. Annotated suggested readings are now available online with Connect®, McGraw-Hill Education’s
integrated assignment and assessment platform. As were the previous editions, the ninth edition is based
on original sources and the most recent formulation of each theory. Early concepts and models are included
only if they retained their importance in the later theory or if they provided vital groundwork for
understanding the final theory.
For select chapters, we have developed a Web-enhanced feature titled Beyond Biography, which
is available through Connect.
xvi
Preface xvii
The ninth edition of Theories of Personality uses clear, concise, and comprehensible language as
well as an informal writing style. The book is designed for undergraduate students and should be under-
stood by those with a minimum background in psychology. However, we have tried not to oversimplify
or violate the theorist’s original meaning. We have made ample comparisons between and among theorists
where appropriate and have included many examples to illustrate how the different theories can be applied
to ordinary day-to-day situations. A glossary at the end of the book contains definitions of technical terms.
These same terms also appear in boldface within the text.
The present edition continues to provide comprehensive coverage of the most influential theorists of
personality. It emphasizes normal personality, although we have also included brief discussions on abnor-
mality, as well as methods of psychotherapy, when appropriate. Because each theory is an e xpression of its
builder’s unique view of the world and of humanity, we include ample biographical information of each
theorist so that readers will have an opportunity to become acquainted with both the theory and the theorist.
What’s New?
In the ninth edition, we have made changes that both add to and build upon previous editions. In order to
provide a more integrative and broad overview of the book, we have added a new section in Chapter 1 that
describes and summarizes the five major theoretical perspectives: psychodynamic, humanistic-existential,
dispositional, biological-evolutionary, and learning (social)-cognitive. This overview provides a roadmap
for the book but also helps students with the “big picture” of what theories of personality are and how they
differ on fundamental assumptions. The psychodynamic theorists are Freud, Adler, Jung, Klein, Horney,
Fromm, and Erikson. Humanistic-existential theorists include Maslow, Rogers, and May. Next, the dispo-
sitional theorists covered are Allport, and McCrae and Costa, followed by the biological-evolutionary the-
orists Eysenck and Buss. Finally, the last perspective is the learning (social)-cognitive theorists Skinner,
Bandura, Rotter, Mischel, and Kelly. We arrange the five perspectives in this sequence for historical reasons,
moving generally from the oldest to the newest to also provide students with a sense of change and pro-
gression in personality theory.
As with each new edition, we have also up-dated the “Recent Research” sections of each of the
theories. For example, one study examined whether the Buddhist concept of mindfulness is associated
with self-actualization and found that the ability to be nonjudgmental and non-self-critical (components
of mindfulness) predicted scores on self-actualization. Moreover, recent research has lent support to
Eysenck’s theory that there are systematic differences in the limbic system (especially the amygdala)
between people who are high compared to low in neuroticism. Finally, Bandura’s theory has stimulated
research reporting that children who bully are most likely to engage in “moral disengagement”—that
is, they minimize the consequences of their actions and do not consider what they are doing as harmful.
The ninth edition of Theories of Personality is now available online with Connect, McGraw-Hill
Education’s integrated assignment and assessment platform. Connect also offers SmartBook for the
new edition, which is the first adaptive reading experience proven to improve grades and help students
study more effectively. All of the title’s website and ancillary content is also available through Con-
nect, including:
∙ A full Test Bank of multiple choice questions that test students on central concepts and ideas in
each chapter.
∙ An Instructor’s Manual for each chapter with full chapter outlines, sample test questions, and
discussion topics.
∙ A Study Guide which includes learning objectives and chapter summaries. In addition, it
contains a variety of test items, including fill-in-the-blanks, true-false, multiple-choice, and
short-answer questions.
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xx Preface
Acknowledgments
Finally, we wish to acknowledge our gratitude to the many people who have contributed to the completion
of this book. First of all, we are grateful for the valuable help given by those people who reviewed earlier
editions of Theories of Personality. Their evaluations and suggestions helped greatly in the preparation of
this new edition. These reviewers include the following: Robert J. Drummond, University of North Florida;
Lena K. Ericksen, Western Washington University; Charles S. Johnson, William Rainey Harper College; Alan
Lipman, George Washington University; John Phelan, Eric Rettinger, Elizabeth Rellinger, Evert C ommunity
College; Linda Sayers, Richard Stockton College of New Jersey; Mark E. Sibicky, Marietta College; C onnie
Veldink, Illinois College; Dennis Wanamaker; Kevin Simpson, Concordia University; Lisa Lockhart, Texas
A&M University–Kingsville; Natalie Denburg, University of Iowa Hospitals and Clinics; Kristine Anthis,
Southern Connecticut State University; Eros DeSouza, Illinois State University; Yozan D. Mosig, University
of Nebraska–Kearney; Angie Fournier, Virginia Wesleyan College; Atara Mcnamara, Boise State University;
Randi Smith, Metro State College of Denver; and Myra Spindel, Florida International University–Miami.
Carrie Hall, Miami University of Ohio; Kenneth Walters, State University of New York at Oneonta; and
Melissa Wright, Northwest Vista College. Thanks also to Colorado College students Jenny Wool and Emma
Agnew for their help with the updated related research sections on the humanist theorists.
In addition we are also grateful to the following reviewers whose feedback helped to shape the ninth
edition: Jennifer Cosgrove, Concordia University–CA; Kylie G. Cole, University of Maine; David Devonis,
Graceland University–Iowa; William Bradley Goeltz, Young Harris College–Georgia; Prof. John Hays,
Southside Virginia Community College; Cameron John, Utah Valley University; Stephen P. Joy, Albertus
Magnus College–Connecticut; William Price, North Country Community College–New York; Grace Srigley,
North Carolina State University; William G. Vasquez, Palo Alto College–Texas; Christopher VerWys,
Rensselaer Polytechnic Institute–New York.
We appreciate the strong support we have had from our publisher. We would like to express our
special thanks to Jamie Laferrera, brand manager; Jasmine Staton, editorial coordinator; and the ansrsource
developmental editing team led by Anne Sheroff and Reshmi Rajeesh.
We are also indebted to Albert Bandura for his helpful comments on the chapter dealing with social
cognitive theory. We also wish to thank these other personality theorists for taking time to discuss ap-
propriate sections of earlier editions of this book: Albert Bandura, Hans J. Eysenck (deceased), Robert
McCrae, Paul T. Costa, Jr., Carl R. Rogers (deceased), Julian B. Rotter (deceased), and B. F. Skinner
(deceased).
Finally, JJF and GJF thank Mary Jo Feist (deceased), Linda Brannon, and Erika Rosenberg, and
T-AR thanks Annika and Mia Davis for their emotional support and other important contributions.
As always, we welcome and appreciate comments from readers, which help us continue to improve
Theories of Personality.
Jess Feist
Lake Charles, LA
Gregory J. Feist
Oakland, CA
Tomi-Ann Roberts
Colorado Springs, CO
PART ONE
Introduction
C h a p t e r 1 Introduction to Personality
Theory 2
1
CHAPTER 1
Introduction to
Personality Theory
⬥ What Is Personality?
⬥ What Is a Theory?
Theory Defined
Theory and Its Relatives
Why Different Theories?
Theorists’ Personalities and Their Theories
of Personality © Purestock/SuperStock
What Makes a Theory Useful?
⬥ Dimensions for a Concept of Humanity
⬥ Research in Personality Theory
⬥ Key Terms and Concepts
2
Chapter 1 Introduction to Personality Theory 3
W hy do people behave as they do? Do people have some choice in shaping

their own personality? What accounts for similarities and differences among
people? What makes people act in predictable ways? Why are they unpredictable?
Do hidden, unconscious forces control people’s behavior? What causes mental
disturbances? Is human behavior shaped more by heredity or by environment?
For centuries, philosophers, theologians, and other thinkers have asked these
questions as they pondered the nature of human nature—or even wondered
whether humans have a basic nature. Until relatively recent times, great thinkers
made little progress in finding satisfactory answers to these questions. More than
100 years ago, however, Sigmund Freud began to combine philosophical specula-
tions with a primitive scientific method. As a neurologist trained in science, Freud
began to listen to his patients to find out what hidden conflicts lay behind their
assortment of symptoms. “Listening became, for Freud, more than an art; it
became a method, a privileged road to knowledge that his patients mapped out
for him” (Gay, 1988, p. 70).
Freud, in fact, was the first to develop a truly modern theory of personality,
based mostly on his clinical observations. He developed a “Grand Theory,” that is,
one that attempted to explain all personality for all people. As we see throughout the
course of this book, many other theorists from different points of view have devel-
oped alternative grand theories. The general trend over the course of the 20th century
was to base theories more and more on scientific observations rather than on clinical
ones. Both sources, however, are valid foundations for theories of personality.
What Is Personality?
Humans are not alone in their uniqueness of and variability between individual
members of the species. Individuals within every living species exhibit differ-
ences or variability. Indeed, animals such as octopi, birds, pigs, horses, cats, and
dogs have consistent individual differences in behavior, otherwise known as per-
sonality, within their species (Dingemanse, Both, Drent, Van Oers, & Van Noord-
wijk, 2002; Gosling & John, 1999; Weinstein, Capitanio, & Gosling, 2008). But
the degree to which individual humans vary from one another, both physically
and psychologically, is quite astonishing and somewhat unique among species.
Some of us are quiet and introverted, others crave social contact and stimulation;
some of us are calm and even-keeled, whereas others are high-strung and per-
sistently anxious. In this book, we explore the explanations and ideas that various
men and women have had concerning how these differences in human personal-
ity come about.
Psychologists differ among themselves as to the meaning of personality.
Most agree that the word “personality” originated from the Latin persona, which
referred to a theatrical mask worn by Roman actors in Greek dramas. These ancient
Roman actors wore a mask (persona) to project a role or false appearance. This
surface view of personality, of course, is not an acceptable definition. When psy-
chologists use the term “personality,” they are referring to something more than
the role people play.
4 Part I Introduction
No two people, not even identical twins, have exactly the same personalities.
© by golf9c9333/Getty Images
However, personality theorists have not agreed on a single definition of person-

ality. Indeed, they evolved unique and vital theories because they lacked agreement
as to the nature of humanity, and because each saw personality from an individual
reference point. The personality theorists discussed in this book have had a variety of
backgrounds. Some were born in Europe and lived their entire lives there; others were
born in Europe, but migrated to other parts of the world, especially the United States;
still others were born in North America and remained there. Many were influenced
by early religious experiences; others were not. Most, but not all, have been trained
in either psychiatry or psychology. Many have drawn on their experiences as psycho-
therapists; others have relied more on empirical research to gather data on human
personality. Although they have all dealt in some way with what we call personality,
each has approached this global concept from a different perspective. Some have tried
to construct a comprehensive theory; others have been less ambitious and have dealt
with only a few aspects of personality. Few personality theorists have formally defined
personality, but all have had their own view of it.
Although no single definition is acceptable to all personality theorists, we
can say that personality is a pattern of relatively permanent traits and unique
characteristics that give both consistency and individuality to a person’s behavior
(Roberts & Mroczek, 2008). Traits contribute to individual differences in behavior,
consistency of behavior over time, and stability of behavior across situations. Traits
may be unique, common to some group, or shared by the entire species, but their
pattern is different for each individual. Thus each person, though like others in
some ways, has a unique personality. Characteristics are unique qualities of an
individual that include such attributes as temperament, physique, and intelligence.
What Is a Theory?
The word “theory” has the dubious distinction of being one of the most misused and
misunderstood words in the English language. Some people contrast theory to truth
or fact, but such an antithesis demonstrates a fundamental lack of understanding of
all three terms. In science, theories are tools used to generate research and organize
observations, but neither “truth” nor “fact” has a place in scientific terminology.
Theory Defined
A scientific theory is a set of related assumptions that allows scientists to use logical
deductive reasoning to formulate testable hypotheses. This definition needs further
explanation. First, a theory is a set of assumptions. A single assumption can never fill
all the requirements of an adequate theory. A single assumption, for example, could
not serve to integrate several observations, something a useful theory should do.
Second, a theory is a set of related assumptions. Isolated assumptions can
neither generate meaningful hypotheses nor possess internal consistency—two cri-
teria of a useful theory.
A third key word in the definition is assumptions. The components of a
theory are not proven facts in the sense that their validity has been absolutely
established. They are, however, accepted as if they were true. This is a practical
step, taken so that scientists can conduct useful research, the results of which
continue to build and reshape the original theory.
Fourth, logical deductive reasoning is used by the researcher to formulate
hypotheses. The tenets of a theory must be stated with sufficient precision and
logical consistency to permit scientists to deduce clearly stated hypotheses. The
hypotheses are not components of the theory, but flow from it. It is the job of an
imaginative scientist to begin with the general theory and, through deductive rea-
soning, arrive at a particular hypothesis that can be tested. If the general theoreti-
cal propositions are illogical, they remain sterile and incapable of generating
hypotheses. Moreover, if a researcher uses faulty logic in deducing hypotheses, the
resulting research will be meaningless and will make no contribution to the ongo-
ing process of theory construction.
The final part of the definition includes the qualifier testable. Unless a
hypothesis can be tested in some way, it is worthless. The hypothesis need not be
tested immediately, but it must suggest the possibility that scientists in the future
might develop the necessary means to test it.
Theory and Its Relatives

People sometimes confuse theory with philosophy, or speculation, or hypothesis,
or taxonomy. Although theory is related to each of these concepts, it is not the
same as any of them.
Philosophy
First, theory is related to philosophy, but it is a much narrower term. Philosophy
means love of wisdom, and philosophers are people who pursue wisdom through
thinking and reasoning. Philosophers are not scientists; they do not ordinarily con-
duct controlled studies in their pursuit of wisdom. Philosophy encompasses several
branches, one of which is epistemology, or the nature of knowledge. Theory relates
most closely to this branch of philosophy, because it is a tool used by scientists
in their pursuit of knowledge.
Theories do not deal with “oughts” and “shoulds.” Therefore, a set of prin-
ciples about how one should live one’s life cannot be a theory. Such principles
involve values and are the proper concern of philosophy. Although theories are not
free of values, they are built on scientific evidence that has been obtained in a
relatively unbiased fashion. Thus, there are no theories on why society should help
homeless people or on what constitutes great art.
Philosophy deals with what ought to be or what should be; theory does not.
Theory deals with broad sets of if-then statements, but the goodness or badness of
the outcomes of these statements is beyond the realm of theory. For example, a
theory might tell us that if children are brought up in isolation, completely sepa-
rated from human contact, then they will not develop human language, exhibit
parenting behavior, and so on. But this statement says nothing about the morality
of such a method of child rearing.
Speculation
Second, theories rely on speculation, but they are much more than mere armchair
speculation. They do not flow forth from the mind of a great thinker isolated from
empirical observations. They are closely tied to empirically gathered data and to
science.
What is the relationship between theory and science? Science is the branch
of study concerned with observation and classification of data and with the veri-
fication of general laws through the testing of hypotheses. Theories are useful tools
employed by scientists to give meaning and organization to observations. In addi-
tion, theories provide fertile ground for producing testable hypotheses. Without
some kind of theory to hold observations together and to point to directions of
possible research, science would be greatly handicapped.
Theories are not useless fantasies fabricated by impractical scholars fearful
of soiling their hands in the machinery of scientific investigation. In fact, theo-
ries themselves are quite practical and are essential to the advancement of any
science. Speculation and empirical observation are the two essential cornerstones
of theory building, but speculation must not run rampantly in advance of con-
trolled observation.
Hypothesis
Although theory is a narrower concept than philosophy, it is a broader term than
hypothesis. A good theory is capable of generating many hypotheses. A hypothesis
is an educated guess or prediction specific enough for its validity to be tested through
the use of the scientific method. A theory is too general to lend itself to direct
verification, but a single comprehensive theory is capable of generating thousands
of hypotheses. Hypotheses, then, are more specific than the theories that give them
birth. The offspring, however, should not be confused with the parent.
Of course, a close relationship exists between a theory and a hypothesis.

Using deductive reasoning (going from the general to the specific), a scientific
investigator can derive testable hypotheses from a useful theory and then test these
hypotheses. The results of these tests-whether they support or contradict the
hypotheses-feed back into the theory. Using inductive reasoning (going from
the specific to the general), the investigator then alters the theory to reflect these
results. As the theory grows and changes, other hypotheses can be drawn from it,
and when tested they in turn reshape the theory.
Taxonomy
A taxonomy is a classification of things according to their natural relationships.
Taxonomies are essential to the development of a science because without clas-
sification of data science could not grow. Mere classification, however, does not
constitute a theory. However, taxonomies can evolve into theories when they begin
to generate testable hypotheses and to explain research findings. For exanwl~,
Robert McCrae and Paul Costa began their research by classifying people into five
stable personality traits. Eventually, this research on the Big Bi e taxonom ed to
more than a mere classification; it became a theory, capable of suggesting hypoth-
eses and offering explanations for research results.
Why Different Theories?

If theories of personality are truly scientific, why de we have so many different
ones? Alternate theories exist because the very nature of a theory allows the theo-
rist to make speculations from a particular point of view. Theorists must be as
objective as possible when gathering data, but tneir decisions as to what data are
collected and how these data are inte reted are personal ones. Theories are not
immutable laws; they are built, not on proven facts, but on assumptions that are
subject to individual interpreta ion.
All theories are a reflection of r eir authors' personal backgrounds, childhood
experiences, philosophy 0£ life, interpersonal relationships, and unique manner of
looking at the world. BeGause observations are colored by the individual observer's
frame of reference, it follows that there may be many diverse theories. Nevertheless,
divergent theories can be useful. The usefulness of a theory does not depend on its
commonsense value or on its agreement with other theories; rather, it depends on
its ability to generate research and to explain research data and other observations.
Perspectives in Theories of Personality

One of the primary functions of scientific theory is to describe and explain how
the world works. Psychologists attempt to explain how human thought, emotion,
motivation, and behavior work. Yet human personality is so complex that many
different perspectives have developed on how to best explain it. These perspectives
make different assumptions and focus on different aspects of behavior. In psychol-
ogy, there are at least five major theoretical perspectives on what personality is
and how it develops. We have organized the book around these five perspectives,
one for each section of the book (see Table 1.1).
Psychodynamic Theories
Beginning with Freud, psychoanalytic and then the more general psychodynamic
approaches have focused on the importance of early childhood experience and on
relationships with parents as guiding forces that shape personality development.
Additionally, this view sees the unconscious mind and motives as much more pow-
erful than the conscious awareness. Psychoanalysis traditionally used dream inter-
pretation to uncover the unconscious thoughts, feelings, and impulses as a main
form of treatment of neurosis and mental illness. After Freud, these theorists moved
away from the importance of sexuality and more toward social and cultural forces.
Humanistic-Existential Theories
The primary assumption of the humanistic (currently known as “positive psychol-
ogy”) approach is that people strive toward meaning, growth, well-being, happi-
ness, and psychological health. States of positive emotion and happiness foster
psychological health and pro-social behavior. Understanding these evolved positive
aspects of human behavior provides just as much insight into human nature as does
understanding the pathological aspects. Existential theorists assume that not only
are we driven by a search for meaning, but also that negative experiences such as
failure, awareness of death, death of a loved one, and anxiety, are part of the human
condition and can foster psychological growth.
Dispositional Theories
Dispositional theorists argue that the unique and long-term tendencies to behave
in particular ways are the essence of our personality. These unique dispositions,
such as extraversion or anxiety, are called traits. The field has converged on the
understanding that there are five main trait dimensions in human personality. Traits
serve the function of making certain behaviors more likely in some people.
Biological-Evolutionary Theories
Behavior, thought, feelings, and personality are influenced by differences in basic
genetic, epigenetic, and neurological systems between individuals. The reason
some people have different traits, dispositions, and ways of thinking stems from
differences in their genotype and central nervous system (brain structures and
neurochemistry).
Because they are based on evolved brain systems, human thought, behavior,
and personality have been shaped by forces of evolution (natural and sexual selec-
tion) over millions of years. The body, brain, and environment co-exist and co-
evolve, and so more than any other psychological perspective, this one emphasizes
that what we think, feel, and do is always an interaction between nature (biological)
and nurture (environment).
Learning-(Social) Cognitive Theories

If you want to understand behavior, then focus only on behavior, not on hypo-
thetical and unobservable internal states such as thoughts, feelings, drives, or
motives. All behaviors are learned through association and/or its consequences
(whether it is reinforced or punished). To shape desired behavior we have to

understand and then establish the conditions that bring about those particular
behaviors.
The cognitive perspective argues that how we think about ourselves and other
people, as well as the assumptions we make and the strategies we use for solving
problems, are the keys to understanding differences between people. Whether we
believe we can do something successfully or not influences our behavior as well as
our personality. In short, what personality we have is shaped by how we think and
perceive the world.
TABLE 1.1
Overview of Five Major Theoretical Perspectives in Personality Psychology
Perspective Primary Assumptions Focus/Key Terms Key Figures

Psychodynamic ∙ First 5 years of life most shape Unconscious Freud
personality Early recollections Adler
∙ Unconscious forces are most Collective unconscious Jung
important Archetypes Klein
∙ Neurosis results from Object-relations Horney
unhealthy moving toward, Identity crises Erikson
against, or away from others Relatedness Fromm
Humanistic- ∙ People strive to live Meaningful life, Maslow

Existential meaningful, happy lives psychological well-being Rogers
∙ People are motivated by growth and growth
and psychological health
∙ Personality is shaped by May
freedom of choice, response
to anxiety, and awareness
of death
Dispositional ∙ People are predisposed to Traits Allport

behave in unique and Motives
consistent ways; they have
unique traits
∙ There are five trait dimensions McCrae & Costa
in human personality
Biological- ∙ The foundation for thought Brain structures, Eysenck

Evolutionary and behavior is biological and neurochemicals, and
genetic forces genes
∙ Human thought and behavior Adaptive mechanisms Buss
have been shaped by
evolutionary forces (natural
and sexual selection)
(Continued)
TABLE 1.1 Continued

Perspective Primary Assumptions Focus/Key Terms Key Figures
Learning- ∙ Only explanation for behavior Conditioned responses Skinner
(Social) Cognitive is the conditions that create Shaping
behavior Reinforcement
∙ Learning occurs through Observational learning
association and consequences
of our behavior
∙ Learning also occurs through Modeling Bandura
succeeding or failing and Self-efficacy
watching other people succeed
or fail at tasks
∙ Personality develops as an Cognitive-affective units Rotter
interaction between internal Mischel
and external characteristics of
the person
∙ The cognitive constructs we Constructs Kelly
develop to perceive the world
and others mold our
personalities
Theorists’ Personalities and Their Theories of Personality

Because personality theories grow from theorists’ own personalities, a study of
those personalities is appropriate. In recent years a subdiscipline of psychology
called psychology of science has begun to look at personal traits of scientists. The
psychology of science studies both science and the behavior of scientists; that is,
it investigates the impact of an individual scientist’s psychological processes and
personal characteristics on the development of her or his scientific theories and
research (Feist, 1993, 1994, 2006; Feist & Gorman, 1998; Gholson, Shadish,
Neimeyer, & Houts, 1989). In other words, the psychology of science examines
how scientists’ personalities, cognitive processes, developmental histories, and
social experience affect the kind of science they conduct and the theories they
create. Indeed, a number of investigators (Hart, 1982; Johnson, Germer, Efran, &
Overton, 1988; Simonton, 2000; Zachar & Leong, 1992) have demonstrated that
personality differences influence one’s theoretical orientation as well as one’s incli-
nation to lean toward the “hard” or “soft” side of a discipline.
An understanding of theories of personality rests on information regarding
the historical, social, and psychological worlds of each theorist at the time of his
or her theorizing. Because we believe that personality theories reflect the theorist’s
personality, we have included a substantial amount of biographical information on
each major theorist. Indeed, personality differences among theorists account for
fundamental disagreements between those who lean toward the quantitative side
of psychology (behaviorists, social learning theorists, and trait theorists) and those
inclined toward the clinical and qualitative side of psychology (psychoanalysts,
humanists, and existentialists).
Although a theorist’s personality partially shapes his or her theory, it should
not be the sole determinant of that theory. Likewise, your acceptance of one or
another theory should not rest only on your personal values and predilections.
When evaluating and choosing a theory, you should acknowledge the impact of
the theorist’s personal history on the theory, but you should ultimately evaluate it
on the basis of scientific criteria that are independent of that personal history. Some
observers (Feist, 2006; Feist & Gorman, 1998) have distinguished between science
as process and science as product. The scientific process may be influenced by
the personal characteristics of the scientist, but the ultimate usefulness of the sci-
entific product is and must be evaluated independently of the process. Thus, your
evaluation of each of the theories presented in this book should rest more on
objective criteria than on your subjective likes and dislikes.
What Makes a Theory Useful?

A useful theory has a mutual and dynamic interaction with research data. First, a
theory generates a number of hypotheses that can be investigated through research,
thus yielding research data. These data flow back into the theory and restructure it.
From this newly contoured theory, scientists can extract other hypotheses, leading to
more research and additional data, which in turn reshape and enlarge the theory even
more. This cyclic relationship continues for as long as the theory proves useful.
Second, a useful theory organizes research data into a meaningful structure
and provides an explanation for the results of scientific research. This relationship
between theory and research data is shown in Figure 1.1. When a theory is no
Hypothesis
Theory Research
m The
ea o
ni ry
ng gi
ory
to ves
the
da
ta
pe
ha
s
re
ata
D
Research
data
FIGURE 1.1 The Interaction among Theory, Hypotheses, Research, and Research Data.
longer able to generate additional research or to explain related research data, it

loses its usefulness and is set aside in favor of a more useful one.
In addition to sparking research and explaining research data, a useful theory
must lend itself to confirmation or disconfirmation, provide the practitioner with a
guide to action, be consistent with itself, and be as simple as possible. Therefore, we
have evaluated each of the theories presented in this book on the basis of six criteria:
A useful theory (1) generates research, (2) is falsifiable, (3) organizes data, (4) guides
action, (5) is internally consistent, and (6) is parsimonious.
Generates Research
The most important criterion of a useful theory is its ability to stimulate and guide
further research. Without an adequate theory to point the way, many of science’s
present empirical findings would have remained undiscovered. In astronomy, for
example, the planet Neptune was discovered because the theory of motion gener-
ated the hypothesis that the irregularity in the path of Uranus must be caused by
the presence of another planet. Useful theory provided astronomers with a road
map that guided their search for and discovery of the new planet.
A useful theory will generate two different kinds of research: descriptive
research and hypothesis testing. Descriptive research, which can expand an exist-
ing theory, is concerned with the measurement, labeling, and categorization of the
units employed in theory building. Descriptive research has a symbiotic relation-
ship with theory. On one hand, it provides the building blocks for the theory, and
on the other, it receives its impetus from the dynamic, expanding theory. The more
useful the theory, the more research generated by it; the greater the amount of
descriptive research, the more complete the theory.
The second kind of research generated by a useful theory, hypothesis testing,
leads to an indirect verification of the usefulness of the theory. As we have noted,
a useful theory will generate many hypotheses that, when tested, add to a database
that may reshape and enlarge the theory. (Refer again to Figure 1.1.)
Is Falsifiable
A theory must also be evaluated on its ability to be confirmed or disconfirmed;
that is, it must be falsifiable. To be falsifiable, a theory must be precise enough
to suggest research that may either support or fail to support its major tenets. If a
theory is so vague and nebulous that both positive and negative research results
can be interpreted as support, then that theory is not falsifiable and ceases to be
useful. Falsifiability, however, is not the same as false; it simply means that neg-
ative research results will refute the theory and force the theorist to either discard
it or modify it.
A falsifiable theory is accountable to experimental results. Figure 1.1 depicts
a circular and mutually reinforcing connection between theory and research; each
forms a basis for the other. Science is distinguished from nonscience by its ability
to reject ideas that are not supported empirically even though they seem logical
and rational. For example, Aristotle used logic to argue that lighter bodies fall at
slower rates than heavier bodies. Although his argument may have agreed with
“common sense,” it had one problem: It was empirically wrong.
Theories that rely heavily on unobservable transformations in the uncon-

scious are exceedingly difficult to either verify or falsify. For example, Freud’s
theory suggests that many of our emotions and behaviors are motivated by uncon-
scious tendencies that are directly opposite the ones we express. For instance,
unconscious hate might be expressed as conscious love, or unconscious fear of
one’s own homosexual feelings might take the form of exaggerated hostility toward
homosexual individuals. Because Freud’s theory allows for such transformations
within the unconscious, it is nearly impossible to either verify or falsify. A theory
that can explain everything explains nothing.
Organizes Data
A useful theory should also be able to organize those research data that are not
incompatible with each other. Without some organization or classification, research
findings would remain isolated and meaningless. Unless data are organized into
some intelligible framework, scientists are left with no clear direction to follow in
the pursuit of further knowledge. They cannot ask intelligent questions without a
theoretical framework that organizes their information. Without intelligent ques-
tions, further research is severely curtailed.
A useful theory of personality must be capable of integrating what is cur-
rently known about human behavior and personality development. It must be able
to shape as many bits of information as possible into a meaningful arrangement.
If a personality theory does not offer a reasonable explanation of at least some
kinds of behavior, it ceases to be useful.
Guides Action
A fourth criterion of a useful theory is its ability to guide the practitioner over the
rough course of day-to-day problems. For example, parents, teachers, business
managers, and psychotherapists are confronted continually with an avalanche of
questions for which they try to find workable answers. Good theory provides a
structure for finding many of those answers. Without a useful theory, practitioners
would stumble in the darkness of trial and error techniques; with a sound theo-
retical orientation, they can discern a suitable course of action.
For the Freudian psychoanalyst and the Rogerian counselor, answers to the
same question would be very different. To the question “How can I best treat this
patient?” the psychoanalytic therapist might answer along these lines: If psycho-
neuroses are caused by childhood sexual conflicts that have become unconscious,
then I can help this patient best by delving into these repressions and allowing the
patient to relive the experiences in the absence of conflict. To the same question,
the Rogerian therapist might answer: If, in order to grow psychologically, people
need empathy, unconditional positive regard, and a relationship with a congruent
therapist, then I can best help this client by providing an accepting, nonthreatening
atmosphere. Notice that both therapists constructed their answers in an if-then
framework, even though the two answers call for very different courses of action.
Also included in this criterion is the extent to which the theory stimulates
thought and action in other disciplines, such as art, literature (including movies
and television dramas), law, sociology, philosophy, religion, education, business
administration, and psychotherapy. Most of the theories discussed in this book have
had some influence in areas beyond psychology. For example, Freud’s theory has
prompted research on recovered memories, a topic very important to the legal
profession. Also, Carl Jung’s theory is of great interest to many theologians and
has captured the imagination of popular writers such as Joseph Campbell and oth-
ers. Similarly, the ideas of Alfred Adler, Erik Erikson, B. F. Skinner, Abraham
Maslow, Carl Rogers, Rollo May, and other personality theorists have sparked
interest and action in a broad range of scholarly fields.
Is Internally Consistent
A useful theory need not be consistent with other theories, but it must be consistent
with itself. An internally consistent theory is one whose components are logically
compatible. Its limitations of scope are carefully defined and it does not offer
explanations that lie beyond that scope. Also, an internally consistent theory uses
language in a consistent manner; that is, it does not use the same term to mean
two different things, nor does it use two separate terms to refer to the same concept.
A good theory will use concepts and terms that have been clearly and oper-
ationally defined. An operational definition is one that defines units in terms of
observable events or behaviors that can be measured. For example, an extravert
can be operationally defined as any person who attains a predetermined score on
a particular personality inventory.
Is Parsimonious
When two theories are equal in their ability to generate research, be falsified, give
meaning to data, guide the practitioner, and be self-consistent, the simpler one is
preferred. This is the law of parsimony. In fact, of course, two theories are never
exactly equal in these other abilities, but in general, simple, straightforward theo-
ries are more useful than ones that bog down under the weight of complicated
concepts and esoteric language.
Dimensions for a Concept

of Humanity
Personality theories differ on basic issues concerning the nature of humanity.
Each personality theory reflects its author’s assumptions about humanity.
These assumptions rest on several broad dimensions that separate the
various personality theorists. We use six of these dimensions as a framework
for viewing each theorist’s concept of humanity.
The first dimension is determinism versus free choice. Are people’s
behaviors determined by forces over which they have no control, or can peo-
ple choose to be what they wish to be? Can behavior be partially free and
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DANCE ON STILTS AT THE GIRLS’ UNYAGO, NIUCHI
Newala, too, suffers from the distance of its water-supply—at least

the Newala of to-day does; there was once another Newala in a lovely
valley at the foot of the plateau. I visited it and found scarcely a trace
of houses, only a Christian cemetery, with the graves of several
missionaries and their converts, remaining as a monument of its
former glories. But the surroundings are wonderfully beautiful. A
thick grove of splendid mango-trees closes in the weather-worn
crosses and headstones; behind them, combining the useful and the
agreeable, is a whole plantation of lemon-trees covered with ripe
fruit; not the small African kind, but a much larger and also juicier
imported variety, which drops into the hands of the passing traveller,
without calling for any exertion on his part. Old Newala is now under
the jurisdiction of the native pastor, Daudi, at Chingulungulu, who,
as I am on very friendly terms with him, allows me, as a matter of
course, the use of this lemon-grove during my stay at Newala.
FEET MUTILATED BY THE RAVAGES OF THE “JIGGER”
(Sarcopsylla penetrans)
The water-supply of New Newala is in the bottom of the valley,

some 1,600 feet lower down. The way is not only long and fatiguing,
but the water, when we get it, is thoroughly bad. We are suffering not
only from this, but from the fact that the arrangements at Newala are
nothing short of luxurious. We have a separate kitchen—a hut built
against the boma palisade on the right of the baraza, the interior of
which is not visible from our usual position. Our two cooks were not
long in finding this out, and they consequently do—or rather neglect
to do—what they please. In any case they do not seem to be very
particular about the boiling of our drinking-water—at least I can
attribute to no other cause certain attacks of a dysenteric nature,
from which both Knudsen and I have suffered for some time. If a
man like Omari has to be left unwatched for a moment, he is capable
of anything. Besides this complaint, we are inconvenienced by the
state of our nails, which have become as hard as glass, and crack on
the slightest provocation, and I have the additional infliction of
pimples all over me. As if all this were not enough, we have also, for
the last week been waging war against the jigger, who has found his
Eldorado in the hot sand of the Makonde plateau. Our men are seen
all day long—whenever their chronic colds and the dysentery likewise
raging among them permit—occupied in removing this scourge of
Africa from their feet and trying to prevent the disastrous
consequences of its presence. It is quite common to see natives of
this place with one or two toes missing; many have lost all their toes,
or even the whole front part of the foot, so that a well-formed leg
ends in a shapeless stump. These ravages are caused by the female of
Sarcopsylla penetrans, which bores its way under the skin and there
develops an egg-sac the size of a pea. In all books on the subject, it is
stated that one’s attention is called to the presence of this parasite by
an intolerable itching. This agrees very well with my experience, so
far as the softer parts of the sole, the spaces between and under the
toes, and the side of the foot are concerned, but if the creature
penetrates through the harder parts of the heel or ball of the foot, it
may escape even the most careful search till it has reached maturity.
Then there is no time to be lost, if the horrible ulceration, of which
we see cases by the dozen every day, is to be prevented. It is much
easier, by the way, to discover the insect on the white skin of a
European than on that of a native, on which the dark speck scarcely
shows. The four or five jiggers which, in spite of the fact that I
constantly wore high laced boots, chose my feet to settle in, were
taken out for me by the all-accomplished Knudsen, after which I
thought it advisable to wash out the cavities with corrosive
sublimate. The natives have a different sort of disinfectant—they fill
the hole with scraped roots. In a tiny Makua village on the slope of
the plateau south of Newala, we saw an old woman who had filled all
the spaces under her toe-nails with powdered roots by way of
prophylactic treatment. What will be the result, if any, who can say?
The rest of the many trifling ills which trouble our existence are
really more comic than serious. In the absence of anything else to
smoke, Knudsen and I at last opened a box of cigars procured from
the Indian store-keeper at Lindi, and tried them, with the most
distressing results. Whether they contain opium or some other
narcotic, neither of us can say, but after the tenth puff we were both
“off,” three-quarters stupefied and unspeakably wretched. Slowly we
recovered—and what happened next? Half-an-hour later we were
once more smoking these poisonous concoctions—so insatiable is the
craving for tobacco in the tropics.
Even my present attacks of fever scarcely deserve to be taken
seriously. I have had no less than three here at Newala, all of which
have run their course in an incredibly short time. In the early
afternoon, I am busy with my old natives, asking questions and
making notes. The strong midday coffee has stimulated my spirits to
an extraordinary degree, the brain is active and vigorous, and work
progresses rapidly, while a pleasant warmth pervades the whole
body. Suddenly this gives place to a violent chill, forcing me to put on
my overcoat, though it is only half-past three and the afternoon sun
is at its hottest. Now the brain no longer works with such acuteness
and logical precision; more especially does it fail me in trying to
establish the syntax of the difficult Makua language on which I have
ventured, as if I had not enough to do without it. Under the
circumstances it seems advisable to take my temperature, and I do
so, to save trouble, without leaving my seat, and while going on with
my work. On examination, I find it to be 101·48°. My tutors are
abruptly dismissed and my bed set up in the baraza; a few minutes
later I am in it and treating myself internally with hot water and
lemon-juice.
Three hours later, the thermometer marks nearly 104°, and I make
them carry me back into the tent, bed and all, as I am now perspiring
heavily, and exposure to the cold wind just beginning to blow might
mean a fatal chill. I lie still for a little while, and then find, to my
great relief, that the temperature is not rising, but rather falling. This
is about 7.30 p.m. At 8 p.m. I find, to my unbounded astonishment,
that it has fallen below 98·6°, and I feel perfectly well. I read for an
hour or two, and could very well enjoy a smoke, if I had the
wherewithal—Indian cigars being out of the question.
Having no medical training, I am at a loss to account for this state
of things. It is impossible that these transitory attacks of high fever
should be malarial; it seems more probable that they are due to a
kind of sunstroke. On consulting my note-book, I become more and
more inclined to think this is the case, for these attacks regularly
follow extreme fatigue and long exposure to strong sunshine. They at
least have the advantage of being only short interruptions to my
work, as on the following morning I am always quite fresh and fit.
My treasure of a cook is suffering from an enormous hydrocele which
makes it difficult for him to get up, and Moritz is obliged to keep in
the dark on account of his inflamed eyes. Knudsen’s cook, a raw boy
from somewhere in the bush, knows still less of cooking than Omari;
consequently Nils Knudsen himself has been promoted to the vacant
post. Finding that we had come to the end of our supplies, he began
by sending to Chingulungulu for the four sucking-pigs which we had
bought from Matola and temporarily left in his charge; and when
they came up, neatly packed in a large crate, he callously slaughtered
the biggest of them. The first joint we were thoughtless enough to
entrust for roasting to Knudsen’s mshenzi cook, and it was
consequently uneatable; but we made the rest of the animal into a
jelly which we ate with great relish after weeks of underfeeding,
consuming incredible helpings of it at both midday and evening
meals. The only drawback is a certain want of variety in the tinned
vegetables. Dr. Jäger, to whom the Geographical Commission
entrusted the provisioning of the expeditions—mine as well as his
own—because he had more time on his hands than the rest of us,
seems to have laid in a huge stock of Teltow turnips,[46] an article of
food which is all very well for occasional use, but which quickly palls
when set before one every day; and we seem to have no other tins
left. There is no help for it—we must put up with the turnips; but I
am certain that, once I am home again, I shall not touch them for ten
years to come.
Amid all these minor evils, which, after all, go to make up the
genuine flavour of Africa, there is at least one cheering touch:
Knudsen has, with the dexterity of a skilled mechanic, repaired my 9
× 12 cm. camera, at least so far that I can use it with a little care.
How, in the absence of finger-nails, he was able to accomplish such a
ticklish piece of work, having no tool but a clumsy screw-driver for
taking to pieces and putting together again the complicated
mechanism of the instantaneous shutter, is still a mystery to me; but
he did it successfully. The loss of his finger-nails shows him in a light
contrasting curiously enough with the intelligence evinced by the
above operation; though, after all, it is scarcely surprising after his
ten years’ residence in the bush. One day, at Lindi, he had occasion
to wash a dog, which must have been in need of very thorough
cleansing, for the bottle handed to our friend for the purpose had an
extremely strong smell. Having performed his task in the most
conscientious manner, he perceived with some surprise that the dog
did not appear much the better for it, and was further surprised by
finding his own nails ulcerating away in the course of the next few
days. “How was I to know that carbolic acid has to be diluted?” he
mutters indignantly, from time to time, with a troubled gaze at his
mutilated finger-tips.
Since we came to Newala we have been making excursions in all
directions through the surrounding country, in accordance with old
habit, and also because the akida Sefu did not get together the tribal
elders from whom I wanted information so speedily as he had
promised. There is, however, no harm done, as, even if seen only
from the outside, the country and people are interesting enough.
The Makonde plateau is like a large rectangular table rounded off
at the corners. Measured from the Indian Ocean to Newala, it is
about seventy-five miles long, and between the Rovuma and the
Lukuledi it averages fifty miles in breadth, so that its superficial area
is about two-thirds of that of the kingdom of Saxony. The surface,
however, is not level, but uniformly inclined from its south-western
edge to the ocean. From the upper edge, on which Newala lies, the
eye ranges for many miles east and north-east, without encountering
any obstacle, over the Makonde bush. It is a green sea, from which
here and there thick clouds of smoke rise, to show that it, too, is
inhabited by men who carry on their tillage like so many other
primitive peoples, by cutting down and burning the bush, and
manuring with the ashes. Even in the radiant light of a tropical day
such a fire is a grand sight.
Much less effective is the impression produced just now by the
great western plain as seen from the edge of the plateau. As often as
time permits, I stroll along this edge, sometimes in one direction,
sometimes in another, in the hope of finding the air clear enough to
let me enjoy the view; but I have always been disappointed.
Wherever one looks, clouds of smoke rise from the burning bush,
and the air is full of smoke and vapour. It is a pity, for under more
favourable circumstances the panorama of the whole country up to
the distant Majeje hills must be truly magnificent. It is of little use
taking photographs now, and an outline sketch gives a very poor idea
of the scenery. In one of these excursions I went out of my way to
make a personal attempt on the Makonde bush. The present edge of
the plateau is the result of a far-reaching process of destruction
through erosion and denudation. The Makonde strata are
everywhere cut into by ravines, which, though short, are hundreds of
yards in depth. In consequence of the loose stratification of these
beds, not only are the walls of these ravines nearly vertical, but their
upper end is closed by an equally steep escarpment, so that the
western edge of the Makonde plateau is hemmed in by a series of
deep, basin-like valleys. In order to get from one side of such a ravine
to the other, I cut my way through the bush with a dozen of my men.
It was a very open part, with more grass than scrub, but even so the
short stretch of less than two hundred yards was very hard work; at
the end of it the men’s calicoes were in rags and they themselves
bleeding from hundreds of scratches, while even our strong khaki
suits had not escaped scatheless.
NATIVE PATH THROUGH THE MAKONDE BUSH, NEAR

MAHUTA
I see increasing reason to believe that the view formed some time
back as to the origin of the Makonde bush is the correct one. I have
no doubt that it is not a natural product, but the result of human
occupation. Those parts of the high country where man—as a very
slight amount of practice enables the eye to perceive at once—has not
yet penetrated with axe and hoe, are still occupied by a splendid
timber forest quite able to sustain a comparison with our mixed
forests in Germany. But wherever man has once built his hut or tilled
his field, this horrible bush springs up. Every phase of this process
may be seen in the course of a couple of hours’ walk along the main
road. From the bush to right or left, one hears the sound of the axe—
not from one spot only, but from several directions at once. A few
steps further on, we can see what is taking place. The brush has been
cut down and piled up in heaps to the height of a yard or more,
between which the trunks of the large trees stand up like the last
pillars of a magnificent ruined building. These, too, present a
melancholy spectacle: the destructive Makonde have ringed them—
cut a broad strip of bark all round to ensure their dying off—and also
piled up pyramids of brush round them. Father and son, mother and
son-in-law, are chopping away perseveringly in the background—too
busy, almost, to look round at the white stranger, who usually excites
so much interest. If you pass by the same place a week later, the piles
of brushwood have disappeared and a thick layer of ashes has taken
the place of the green forest. The large trees stretch their
smouldering trunks and branches in dumb accusation to heaven—if
they have not already fallen and been more or less reduced to ashes,
perhaps only showing as a white stripe on the dark ground.
This work of destruction is carried out by the Makonde alike on the
virgin forest and on the bush which has sprung up on sites already
cultivated and deserted. In the second case they are saved the trouble
of burning the large trees, these being entirely absent in the
secondary bush.
After burning this piece of forest ground and loosening it with the
hoe, the native sows his corn and plants his vegetables. All over the
country, he goes in for bed-culture, which requires, and, in fact,
receives, the most careful attention. Weeds are nowhere tolerated in
the south of German East Africa. The crops may fail on the plains,
where droughts are frequent, but never on the plateau with its
abundant rains and heavy dews. Its fortunate inhabitants even have
the satisfaction of seeing the proud Wayao and Wamakua working
for them as labourers, driven by hunger to serve where they were
accustomed to rule.
But the light, sandy soil is soon exhausted, and would yield no
harvest the second year if cultivated twice running. This fact has
been familiar to the native for ages; consequently he provides in
time, and, while his crop is growing, prepares the next plot with axe
and firebrand. Next year he plants this with his various crops and
lets the first piece lie fallow. For a short time it remains waste and
desolate; then nature steps in to repair the destruction wrought by
man; a thousand new growths spring out of the exhausted soil, and
even the old stumps put forth fresh shoots. Next year the new growth
is up to one’s knees, and in a few years more it is that terrible,
impenetrable bush, which maintains its position till the black
occupier of the land has made the round of all the available sites and
come back to his starting point.
The Makonde are, body and soul, so to speak, one with this bush.
According to my Yao informants, indeed, their name means nothing
else but “bush people.” Their own tradition says that they have been
settled up here for a very long time, but to my surprise they laid great
stress on an original immigration. Their old homes were in the
south-east, near Mikindani and the mouth of the Rovuma, whence
their peaceful forefathers were driven by the continual raids of the
Sakalavas from Madagascar and the warlike Shirazis[47] of the coast,
to take refuge on the almost inaccessible plateau. I have studied
African ethnology for twenty years, but the fact that changes of
population in this apparently quiet and peaceable corner of the earth
could have been occasioned by outside enterprises taking place on
the high seas, was completely new to me. It is, no doubt, however,
correct.
The charming tribal legend of the Makonde—besides informing us
of other interesting matters—explains why they have to live in the
thickest of the bush and a long way from the edge of the plateau,
instead of making their permanent homes beside the purling brooks
and springs of the low country.
“The place where the tribe originated is Mahuta, on the southern
side of the plateau towards the Rovuma, where of old time there was
nothing but thick bush. Out of this bush came a man who never
washed himself or shaved his head, and who ate and drank but little.
He went out and made a human figure from the wood of a tree
growing in the open country, which he took home to his abode in the
bush and there set it upright. In the night this image came to life and
was a woman. The man and woman went down together to the
Rovuma to wash themselves. Here the woman gave birth to a still-
born child. They left that place and passed over the high land into the
valley of the Mbemkuru, where the woman had another child, which
was also born dead. Then they returned to the high bush country of
Mahuta, where the third child was born, which lived and grew up. In
course of time, the couple had many more children, and called
themselves Wamatanda. These were the ancestral stock of the
Makonde, also called Wamakonde,[48] i.e., aborigines. Their
forefather, the man from the bush, gave his children the command to
bury their dead upright, in memory of the mother of their race who
was cut out of wood and awoke to life when standing upright. He also
warned them against settling in the valleys and near large streams,
for sickness and death dwelt there. They were to make it a rule to
have their huts at least an hour’s walk from the nearest watering-
place; then their children would thrive and escape illness.”
The explanation of the name Makonde given by my informants is
somewhat different from that contained in the above legend, which I
extract from a little book (small, but packed with information), by
Pater Adams, entitled Lindi und sein Hinterland. Otherwise, my
results agree exactly with the statements of the legend. Washing?
Hapana—there is no such thing. Why should they do so? As it is, the
supply of water scarcely suffices for cooking and drinking; other
people do not wash, so why should the Makonde distinguish himself
by such needless eccentricity? As for shaving the head, the short,
woolly crop scarcely needs it,[49] so the second ancestral precept is
likewise easy enough to follow. Beyond this, however, there is
nothing ridiculous in the ancestor’s advice. I have obtained from
various local artists a fairly large number of figures carved in wood,
ranging from fifteen to twenty-three inches in height, and
representing women belonging to the great group of the Mavia,
Makonde, and Matambwe tribes. The carving is remarkably well
done and renders the female type with great accuracy, especially the
keloid ornamentation, to be described later on. As to the object and
meaning of their works the sculptors either could or (more probably)
would tell me nothing, and I was forced to content myself with the
scanty information vouchsafed by one man, who said that the figures
were merely intended to represent the nembo—the artificial
deformations of pelele, ear-discs, and keloids. The legend recorded
by Pater Adams places these figures in a new light. They must surely
be more than mere dolls; and we may even venture to assume that
they are—though the majority of present-day Makonde are probably
unaware of the fact—representations of the tribal ancestress.
The references in the legend to the descent from Mahuta to the
Rovuma, and to a journey across the highlands into the Mbekuru
valley, undoubtedly indicate the previous history of the tribe, the
travels of the ancestral pair typifying the migrations of their
descendants. The descent to the neighbouring Rovuma valley, with
its extraordinary fertility and great abundance of game, is intelligible
at a glance—but the crossing of the Lukuledi depression, the ascent
to the Rondo Plateau and the descent to the Mbemkuru, also lie
within the bounds of probability, for all these districts have exactly
the same character as the extreme south. Now, however, comes a
point of especial interest for our bacteriological age. The primitive
Makonde did not enjoy their lives in the marshy river-valleys.
Disease raged among them, and many died. It was only after they
had returned to their original home near Mahuta, that the health
conditions of these people improved. We are very apt to think of the
African as a stupid person whose ignorance of nature is only equalled
by his fear of it, and who looks on all mishaps as caused by evil
spirits and malignant natural powers. It is much more correct to
assume in this case that the people very early learnt to distinguish
districts infested with malaria from those where it is absent.
This knowledge is crystallized in the
ancestral warning against settling in the
valleys and near the great waters, the
dwelling-places of disease and death. At the
same time, for security against the hostile
Mavia south of the Rovuma, it was enacted
that every settlement must be not less than a
certain distance from the southern edge of the
plateau. Such in fact is their mode of life at the
present day. It is not such a bad one, and
certainly they are both safer and more
comfortable than the Makua, the recent
intruders from the south, who have made USUAL METHOD OF
good their footing on the western edge of the CLOSING HUT-DOOR
plateau, extending over a fairly wide belt of
country. Neither Makua nor Makonde show in their dwellings
anything of the size and comeliness of the Yao houses in the plain,
especially at Masasi, Chingulungulu and Zuza’s. Jumbe Chauro, a
Makonde hamlet not far from Newala, on the road to Mahuta, is the
most important settlement of the tribe I have yet seen, and has fairly
spacious huts. But how slovenly is their construction compared with
the palatial residences of the elephant-hunters living in the plain.
The roofs are still more untidy than in the general run of huts during
the dry season, the walls show here and there the scanty beginnings
or the lamentable remains of the mud plastering, and the interior is a
veritable dog-kennel; dirt, dust and disorder everywhere. A few huts
only show any attempt at division into rooms, and this consists
merely of very roughly-made bamboo partitions. In one point alone
have I noticed any indication of progress—in the method of fastening
the door. Houses all over the south are secured in a simple but
ingenious manner. The door consists of a set of stout pieces of wood
or bamboo, tied with bark-string to two cross-pieces, and moving in
two grooves round one of the door-posts, so as to open inwards. If
the owner wishes to leave home, he takes two logs as thick as a man’s
upper arm and about a yard long. One of these is placed obliquely
against the middle of the door from the inside, so as to form an angle
of from 60° to 75° with the ground. He then places the second piece
horizontally across the first, pressing it downward with all his might.
It is kept in place by two strong posts planted in the ground a few
inches inside the door. This fastening is absolutely safe, but of course
cannot be applied to both doors at once, otherwise how could the
owner leave or enter his house? I have not yet succeeded in finding
out how the back door is fastened.
MAKONDE LOCK AND KEY AT JUMBE CHAURO

This is the general way of closing a house. The Makonde at Jumbe
Chauro, however, have a much more complicated, solid and original
one. Here, too, the door is as already described, except that there is
only one post on the inside, standing by itself about six inches from
one side of the doorway. Opposite this post is a hole in the wall just
large enough to admit a man’s arm. The door is closed inside by a
large wooden bolt passing through a hole in this post and pressing
with its free end against the door. The other end has three holes into
which fit three pegs running in vertical grooves inside the post. The
door is opened with a wooden key about a foot long, somewhat
curved and sloped off at the butt; the other end has three pegs
corresponding to the holes, in the bolt, so that, when it is thrust
through the hole in the wall and inserted into the rectangular
opening in the post, the pegs can be lifted and the bolt drawn out.[50]
MODE OF INSERTING THE KEY
With no small pride first one householder and then a second

showed me on the spot the action of this greatest invention of the
Makonde Highlands. To both with an admiring exclamation of
“Vizuri sana!” (“Very fine!”). I expressed the wish to take back these
marvels with me to Ulaya, to show the Wazungu what clever fellows
the Makonde are. Scarcely five minutes after my return to camp at
Newala, the two men came up sweating under the weight of two
heavy logs which they laid down at my feet, handing over at the same
time the keys of the fallen fortress. Arguing, logically enough, that if
the key was wanted, the lock would be wanted with it, they had taken
their axes and chopped down the posts—as it never occurred to them
to dig them out of the ground and so bring them intact. Thus I have
two badly damaged specimens, and the owners, instead of praise,
come in for a blowing-up.
The Makua huts in the environs of Newala are especially
miserable; their more than slovenly construction reminds one of the
temporary erections of the Makua at Hatia’s, though the people here
have not been concerned in a war. It must therefore be due to
congenital idleness, or else to the absence of a powerful chief. Even
the baraza at Mlipa’s, a short hour’s walk south-east of Newala,
shares in this general neglect. While public buildings in this country
are usually looked after more or less carefully, this is in evident
danger of being blown over by the first strong easterly gale. The only
attractive object in this whole district is the grave of the late chief
Mlipa. I visited it in the morning, while the sun was still trying with
partial success to break through the rolling mists, and the circular
grove of tall euphorbias, which, with a broken pot, is all that marks
the old king’s resting-place, impressed one with a touch of pathos.
Even my very materially-minded carriers seemed to feel something
of the sort, for instead of their usual ribald songs, they chanted
solemnly, as we marched on through the dense green of the Makonde
bush:—
“We shall arrive with the great master; we stand in a row and have
no fear about getting our food and our money from the Serkali (the
Government). We are not afraid; we are going along with the great
master, the lion; we are going down to the coast and back.”
With regard to the characteristic features of the various tribes here
on the western edge of the plateau, I can arrive at no other
conclusion than the one already come to in the plain, viz., that it is
impossible for anyone but a trained anthropologist to assign any
given individual at once to his proper tribe. In fact, I think that even
an anthropological specialist, after the most careful examination,
might find it a difficult task to decide. The whole congeries of peoples
collected in the region bounded on the west by the great Central
African rift, Tanganyika and Nyasa, and on the east by the Indian
Ocean, are closely related to each other—some of their languages are
only distinguished from one another as dialects of the same speech,
and no doubt all the tribes present the same shape of skull and
structure of skeleton. Thus, surely, there can be no very striking
differences in outward appearance.
Even did such exist, I should have no time
to concern myself with them, for day after day,
I have to see or hear, as the case may be—in
any case to grasp and record—an
extraordinary number of ethnographic
phenomena. I am almost disposed to think it
fortunate that some departments of inquiry, at
least, are barred by external circumstances.
Chief among these is the subject of iron-
working. We are apt to think of Africa as a
country where iron ore is everywhere, so to
speak, to be picked up by the roadside, and
where it would be quite surprising if the
inhabitants had not learnt to smelt the
material ready to their hand. In fact, the
knowledge of this art ranges all over the
continent, from the Kabyles in the north to the
Kafirs in the south. Here between the Rovuma
and the Lukuledi the conditions are not so
favourable. According to the statements of the
Makonde, neither ironstone nor any other
form of iron ore is known to them. They have
not therefore advanced to the art of smelting
the metal, but have hitherto bought all their
THE ANCESTRESS OF
THE MAKONDE
iron implements from neighbouring tribes.
Even in the plain the inhabitants are not much
better off. Only one man now living is said to
understand the art of smelting iron. This old fundi lives close to
Huwe, that isolated, steep-sided block of granite which rises out of
the green solitude between Masasi and Chingulungulu, and whose
jagged and splintered top meets the traveller’s eye everywhere. While
still at Masasi I wished to see this man at work, but was told that,
frightened by the rising, he had retired across the Rovuma, though
he would soon return. All subsequent inquiries as to whether the
fundi had come back met with the genuine African answer, “Bado”
(“Not yet”).
BRAZIER
Some consolation was afforded me by a brassfounder, whom I

came across in the bush near Akundonde’s. This man is the favourite
of women, and therefore no doubt of the gods; he welds the glittering
brass rods purchased at the coast into those massive, heavy rings
which, on the wrists and ankles of the local fair ones, continually give
me fresh food for admiration. Like every decent master-craftsman he
had all his tools with him, consisting of a pair of bellows, three
crucibles and a hammer—nothing more, apparently. He was quite
willing to show his skill, and in a twinkling had fixed his bellows on
the ground. They are simply two goat-skins, taken off whole, the four
legs being closed by knots, while the upper opening, intended to
admit the air, is kept stretched by two pieces of wood. At the lower
end of the skin a smaller opening is left into which a wooden tube is
stuck. The fundi has quickly borrowed a heap of wood-embers from
the nearest hut; he then fixes the free ends of the two tubes into an
earthen pipe, and clamps them to the ground by means of a bent
piece of wood. Now he fills one of his small clay crucibles, the dross
on which shows that they have been long in use, with the yellow
material, places it in the midst of the embers, which, at present are
only faintly glimmering, and begins his work. In quick alternation
the smith’s two hands move up and down with the open ends of the
bellows; as he raises his hand he holds the slit wide open, so as to let
the air enter the skin bag unhindered. In pressing it down he closes
the bag, and the air puffs through the bamboo tube and clay pipe into
the fire, which quickly burns up. The smith, however, does not keep
on with this work, but beckons to another man, who relieves him at
the bellows, while he takes some more tools out of a large skin pouch
carried on his back. I look on in wonder as, with a smooth round
stick about the thickness of a finger, he bores a few vertical holes into
the clean sand of the soil. This should not be difficult, yet the man
seems to be taking great pains over it. Then he fastens down to the
ground, with a couple of wooden clamps, a neat little trough made by
splitting a joint of bamboo in half, so that the ends are closed by the
two knots. At last the yellow metal has attained the right consistency,
and the fundi lifts the crucible from the fire by means of two sticks
split at the end to serve as tongs. A short swift turn to the left—a
tilting of the crucible—and the molten brass, hissing and giving forth
clouds of smoke, flows first into the bamboo mould and then into the
holes in the ground.
The technique of this backwoods craftsman may not be very far
advanced, but it cannot be denied that he knows how to obtain an
adequate result by the simplest means. The ladies of highest rank in
this country—that is to say, those who can afford it, wear two kinds
of these massive brass rings, one cylindrical, the other semicircular
in section. The latter are cast in the most ingenious way in the
bamboo mould, the former in the circular hole in the sand. It is quite
a simple matter for the fundi to fit these bars to the limbs of his fair
customers; with a few light strokes of his hammer he bends the
pliable brass round arm or ankle without further inconvenience to
the wearer.
SHAPING THE POT
SMOOTHING WITH MAIZE-COB
CUTTING THE EDGE

FINISHING THE BOTTOM
LAST SMOOTHING BEFORE

BURNING
FIRING THE BRUSH-PILE

LIGHTING THE FARTHER SIDE OF
THE PILE
TURNING THE RED-HOT VESSEL
NYASA WOMAN MAKING POTS AT MASASI

Pottery is an art which must always and everywhere excite the
interest of the student, just because it is so intimately connected with
the development of human culture, and because its relics are one of
the principal factors in the reconstruction of our own condition in
prehistoric times. I shall always remember with pleasure the two or
three afternoons at Masasi when Salim Matola’s mother, a slightly-
built, graceful, pleasant-looking woman, explained to me with
touching patience, by means of concrete illustrations, the ceramic art
of her people. The only implements for this primitive process were a
lump of clay in her left hand, and in the right a calabash containing
the following valuables: the fragment of a maize-cob stripped of all
its grains, a smooth, oval pebble, about the size of a pigeon’s egg, a
few chips of gourd-shell, a bamboo splinter about the length of one’s
hand, a small shell, and a bunch of some herb resembling spinach.
Nothing more. The woman scraped with the
shell a round, shallow hole in the soft, fine
sand of the soil, and, when an active young
girl had filled the calabash with water for her,
she began to knead the clay. As if by magic it
gradually assumed the shape of a rough but
already well-shaped vessel, which only wanted
a little touching up with the instruments
before mentioned. I looked out with the
MAKUA WOMAN closest attention for any indication of the use
MAKING A POT. of the potter’s wheel, in however rudimentary
SHOWS THE a form, but no—hapana (there is none). The
BEGINNINGS OF THE embryo pot stood firmly in its little
POTTER’S WHEEL
depression, and the woman walked round it in
a stooping posture, whether she was removing
small stones or similar foreign bodies with the maize-cob, smoothing
the inner or outer surface with the splinter of bamboo, or later, after
letting it dry for a day, pricking in the ornamentation with a pointed
bit of gourd-shell, or working out the bottom, or cutting the edge
with a sharp bamboo knife, or giving the last touches to the finished
vessel. This occupation of the women is infinitely toilsome, but it is
without doubt an accurate reproduction of the process in use among
our ancestors of the Neolithic and Bronze ages.
There is no doubt that the invention of pottery, an item in human
progress whose importance cannot be over-estimated, is due to
women. Rough, coarse and unfeeling, the men of the horde range
over the countryside. When the united cunning of the hunters has
succeeded in killing the game; not one of them thinks of carrying
home the spoil. A bright fire, kindled by a vigorous wielding of the
drill, is crackling beside them; the animal has been cleaned and cut
up secundum artem, and, after a slight singeing, will soon disappear
under their sharp teeth; no one all this time giving a single thought
to wife or child.
To what shifts, on the other hand, the primitive wife, and still more
the primitive mother, was put! Not even prehistoric stomachs could
endure an unvarying diet of raw food. Something or other suggested
the beneficial effect of hot water on the majority of approved but
indigestible dishes. Perhaps a neighbour had tried holding the hard
roots or tubers over the fire in a calabash filled with water—or maybe
an ostrich-egg-shell, or a hastily improvised vessel of bark. They
became much softer and more palatable than they had previously
been; but, unfortunately, the vessel could not stand the fire and got
charred on the outside. That can be remedied, thought our
ancestress, and plastered a layer of wet clay round a similar vessel.
This is an improvement; the cooking utensil remains uninjured, but
the heat of the fire has shrunk it, so that it is loose in its shell. The
next step is to detach it, so, with a firm grip and a jerk, shell and
kernel are separated, and pottery is invented. Perhaps, however, the
discovery which led to an intelligent use of the burnt-clay shell, was
made in a slightly different way. Ostrich-eggs and calabashes are not
to be found in every part of the world, but everywhere mankind has
arrived at the art of making baskets out of pliant materials, such as
bark, bast, strips of palm-leaf, supple twigs, etc. Our inventor has no
water-tight vessel provided by nature. “Never mind, let us line the
basket with clay.” This answers the purpose, but alas! the basket gets
burnt over the blazing fire, the woman watches the process of
cooking with increasing uneasiness, fearing a leak, but no leak
appears. The food, done to a turn, is eaten with peculiar relish; and
the cooking-vessel is examined, half in curiosity, half in satisfaction
at the result. The plastic clay is now hard as stone, and at the same
time looks exceedingly well, for the neat plaiting of the burnt basket
is traced all over it in a pretty pattern. Thus, simultaneously with
pottery, its ornamentation was invented.
Primitive woman has another claim to respect. It was the man,
roving abroad, who invented the art of producing fire at will, but the
woman, unable to imitate him in this, has been a Vestal from the
earliest times. Nothing gives so much trouble as the keeping alight of
the smouldering brand, and, above all, when all the men are absent
from the camp. Heavy rain-clouds gather, already the first large
drops are falling, the first gusts of the storm rage over the plain. The
little flame, a greater anxiety to the woman than her own children,
flickers unsteadily in the blast. What is to be done? A sudden thought
occurs to her, and in an instant she has constructed a primitive hut
out of strips of bark, to protect the flame against rain and wind.
This, or something very like it, was the way in which the principle
of the house was discovered; and even the most hardened misogynist
cannot fairly refuse a woman the credit of it. The protection of the
hearth-fire from the weather is the germ from which the human
dwelling was evolved. Men had little, if any share, in this forward
step, and that only at a late stage. Even at the present day, the
plastering of the housewall with clay and the manufacture of pottery
are exclusively the women’s business. These are two very significant
survivals. Our European kitchen-garden, too, is originally a woman’s
invention, and the hoe, the primitive instrument of agriculture, is,
characteristically enough, still used in this department. But the
noblest achievement which we owe to the other sex is unquestionably
the art of cookery. Roasting alone—the oldest process—is one for
which men took the hint (a very obvious one) from nature. It must
have been suggested by the scorched carcase of some animal
overtaken by the destructive forest-fires. But boiling—the process of
improving organic substances by the help of water heated to boiling-
point—is a much later discovery. It is so recent that it has not even
yet penetrated to all parts of the world. The Polynesians understand
how to steam food, that is, to cook it, neatly wrapped in leaves, in a
hole in the earth between hot stones, the air being excluded, and
(sometimes) a few drops of water sprinkled on the stones; but they
do not understand boiling.
To come back from this digression, we find that the slender Nyasa
woman has, after once more carefully examining the finished pot,
put it aside in the shade to dry. On the following day she sends me
word by her son, Salim Matola, who is always on hand, that she is
going to do the burning, and, on coming out of my house, I find her
already hard at work. She has spread on the ground a layer of very
dry sticks, about as thick as one’s thumb, has laid the pot (now of a
yellowish-grey colour) on them, and is piling brushwood round it.
My faithful Pesa mbili, the mnyampara, who has been standing by,
most obligingly, with a lighted stick, now hands it to her. Both of
them, blowing steadily, light the pile on the lee side, and, when the
flame begins to catch, on the weather side also. Soon the whole is in a
blaze, but the dry fuel is quickly consumed and the fire dies down, so
that we see the red-hot vessel rising from the ashes. The woman
turns it continually with a long stick, sometimes one way and
sometimes another, so that it may be evenly heated all over. In
twenty minutes she rolls it out of the ash-heap, takes up the bundle
of spinach, which has been lying for two days in a jar of water, and
sprinkles the red-hot clay with it. The places where the drops fall are
marked by black spots on the uniform reddish-brown surface. With a
sigh of relief, and with visible satisfaction, the woman rises to an
erect position; she is standing just in a line between me and the fire,
from which a cloud of smoke is just rising: I press the ball of my
camera, the shutter clicks—the apotheosis is achieved! Like a
priestess, representative of her inventive sex, the graceful woman
stands: at her feet the hearth-fire she has given us beside her the
invention she has devised for us, in the background the home she has
built for us.
At Newala, also, I have had the manufacture of pottery carried on
in my presence. Technically the process is better than that already
described, for here we find the beginnings of the potter’s wheel,
which does not seem to exist in the plains; at least I have seen
nothing of the sort. The artist, a frightfully stupid Makua woman, did
not make a depression in the ground to receive the pot she was about
to shape, but used instead a large potsherd. Otherwise, she went to
work in much the same way as Salim’s mother, except that she saved
herself the trouble of walking round and round her work by squatting
at her ease and letting the pot and potsherd rotate round her; this is
surely the first step towards a machine. But it does not follow that
the pot was improved by the process. It is true that it was beautifully
rounded and presented a very creditable appearance when finished,
but the numerous large and small vessels which I have seen, and, in
part, collected, in the “less advanced” districts, are no less so. We
moderns imagine that instruments of precision are necessary to
produce excellent results. Go to the prehistoric collections of our
museums and look at the pots, urns and bowls of our ancestors in the
dim ages of the past, and you will at once perceive your error.
MAKING LONGITUDINAL CUT IN
BARK
DRAWING THE BARK OFF THE LOG
REMOVING THE OUTER BARK

BEATING THE BARK
WORKING THE BARK-CLOTH AFTER BEATING, TO MAKE IT

SOFT
MANUFACTURE OF BARK-CLOTH AT NEWALA

To-day, nearly the whole population of German East Africa is
clothed in imported calico. This was not always the case; even now in
some parts of the north dressed skins are still the prevailing wear,
and in the north-western districts—east and north of Lake
Tanganyika—lies a zone where bark-cloth has not yet been
superseded. Probably not many generations have passed since such
bark fabrics and kilts of skins were the only clothing even in the
south. Even to-day, large quantities of this bright-red or drab
material are still to be found; but if we wish to see it, we must look in
the granaries and on the drying stages inside the native huts, where
it serves less ambitious uses as wrappings for those seeds and fruits
which require to be packed with special care. The salt produced at
Masasi, too, is packed for transport to a distance in large sheets of
bark-cloth. Wherever I found it in any degree possible, I studied the
process of making this cloth. The native requisitioned for the
purpose arrived, carrying a log between two and three yards long and
as thick as his thigh, and nothing else except a curiously-shaped
mallet and the usual long, sharp and pointed knife which all men and
boys wear in a belt at their backs without a sheath—horribile dictu!
[51]
Silently he squats down before me, and with two rapid cuts has
drawn a couple of circles round the log some two yards apart, and
slits the bark lengthwise between them with the point of his knife.
With evident care, he then scrapes off the outer rind all round the
log, so that in a quarter of an hour the inner red layer of the bark
shows up brightly-coloured between the two untouched ends. With
some trouble and much caution, he now loosens the bark at one end,
and opens the cylinder. He then stands up, takes hold of the free
edge with both hands, and turning it inside out, slowly but steadily
pulls it off in one piece. Now comes the troublesome work of
scraping all superfluous particles of outer bark from the outside of
the long, narrow piece of material, while the inner side is carefully
scrutinised for defective spots. At last it is ready for beating. Having
signalled to a friend, who immediately places a bowl of water beside
him, the artificer damps his sheet of bark all over, seizes his mallet,
lays one end of the stuff on the smoothest spot of the log, and
hammers away slowly but continuously. “Very simple!” I think to
myself. “Why, I could do that, too!”—but I am forced to change my
opinions a little later on; for the beating is quite an art, if the fabric is
not to be beaten to pieces. To prevent the breaking of the fibres, the
stuff is several times folded across, so as to interpose several
thicknesses between the mallet and the block. At last the required
state is reached, and the fundi seizes the sheet, still folded, by both
ends, and wrings it out, or calls an assistant to take one end while he
holds the other. The cloth produced in this way is not nearly so fine
and uniform in texture as the famous Uganda bark-cloth, but it is
quite soft, and, above all, cheap.
Now, too, I examine the mallet. My craftsman has been using the
simpler but better form of this implement, a conical block of some
hard wood, its base—the striking surface—being scored across and
across with more or less deeply-cut grooves, and the handle stuck
into a hole in the middle. The other and earlier form of mallet is
shaped in the same way, but the head is fastened by an ingenious
network of bark strips into the split bamboo serving as a handle. The
observation so often made, that ancient customs persist longest in
connection with religious ceremonies and in the life of children, here
finds confirmation. As we shall soon see, bark-cloth is still worn
during the unyago,[52] having been prepared with special solemn
ceremonies; and many a mother, if she has no other garment handy,
will still put her little one into a kilt of bark-cloth, which, after all,
looks better, besides being more in keeping with its African
surroundings, than the ridiculous bit of print from Ulaya.
MAKUA WOMEN

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(eBook PDF) Theories of Personality

9th Edition by Jess Feist

Persona 113 CHAPTER 5 Klein: Object Relations

Biography of Karen Horney 172 Early Childhood 206

Concept of Humanity 194 Old Age 215

Biography of Erik Erikson 198 Erikson’s Methods of Investigation 218

Society’s Influence 201 Psychohistory 218

Epigenetic Principle 201 Related Research 221

CHAPTER 8 Fromm: Humanistic PART III Humanistic/Existential

Philosophical Sense of Humor 277 Process 307

Related Research 283 Method 312

Mindfulness and Self-Actualization 283 Findings 313

Positive Psychology 284 Summary of Results 315

Critique of Maslow 286 Related Research 315

Freedom and Destiny 338 Motivation 364

CHAPTER 13 McCrae and Costa’s

CHAPTER 12 Allport: Psychology Overview of Trait and Factor Theories 383

Basic Postulates 396 Biography of David Buss 433

Scientific Behaviorism 464 How Conditioning Affects Personality 485

Self-Regulation Through Moral Agency 513 Need Components 538

Biography of George Kelly 569 Anxiety 582

The Ninth Edition

73% of instructors who use

More students earn A’s and

Over 8 billion questions have been

W hy do people behave as they do? Do people have some choice in shaping

However, personality theorists have not agreed on a single definition of person-

Theory and Its Relatives

Of course, a close relationship exists between a theory and a hypothesis.

Why Different Theories?

Perspectives in Theories of Personality

Learning-(Social) Cognitive Theories

(whether it is reinforced or punished). To shape desired behavior we have to

Perspective Primary Assumptions Focus/Key Terms Key Figures

Humanistic- ∙ People strive to live Meaningful life, Maslow

Dispositional ∙ People are predisposed to Traits Allport

Biological- ∙ The foundation for thought Brain structures, Eysenck

TABLE 1.1 Continued

Theorists’ Personalities and Their Theories of Personality

What Makes a Theory Useful?

longer able to generate additional research or to explain related research data, it

Theories that rely heavily on unobservable transformations in the uncon-

Dimensions for a Concept

Newala, too, suffers from the distance of its water-supply—at least

The water-supply of New Newala is in the bottom of the valley,

NATIVE PATH THROUGH THE MAKONDE BUSH, NEAR

MAKONDE LOCK AND KEY AT JUMBE CHAURO

MODE OF INSERTING THE KEY

With no small pride first one householder and then a second

Some consolation was afforded me by a brassfounder, whom I

SMOOTHING WITH MAIZE-COB

CUTTING THE EDGE

LAST SMOOTHING BEFORE

FIRING THE BRUSH-PILE

TURNING THE RED-HOT VESSEL

NYASA WOMAN MAKING POTS AT MASASI

DRAWING THE BARK OFF THE LOG

REMOVING THE OUTER BARK

WORKING THE BARK-CLOTH AFTER BEATING, TO MAKE IT

MANUFACTURE OF BARK-CLOTH AT NEWALA

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Humanistic- ∙ People strive to live Meaningful life, Maslow

Dispositional ∙ People are predisposed to Traits Allport

Biological- ∙ The foundation for thought Brain structures, Eysenck