is voluntary since it reflects individual

search behavior. Voluntary unemployment

includes workers who reject low-wage
jobs, but involuntary unemployment
includes workers fired because of an
economic crisis, industrial decline,
company bankruptcy, or organizational
restructuring.

On the other hand, cyclical unemployment,

structural unemployment, and classical
unemployment are largely involuntary in
nature. However, the existence of
structural unemployment may reflect
choices made by the unemployed in the
past, and classical (natural)
unemployment may result from the
legislative and economic choices made by
labour unions or political parties.

The clearest cases of involuntary

unemployment are those with fewer job
vacancies than unemployed workers even
when wages are allowed to adjust and so
even if all vacancies were to be filled,
some unemployed workers would still
remain. That happens with cyclical
unemployment, as macroeconomic forces
cause microeconomic unemployment,
which can boomerang back and
exacerbate those macroeconomic forces.
Real wage unemployment

Classical, natural, or real-wage

unemployment, occurs when real wages
for a job are set above the market-clearing
level, causing the number of job-seekers to
exceed the number of vacancies. On the
other hand, most economists argue that
as wages fall below a livable wage, many
choose to drop out of the labour market
and no longer seek employment. That is
especially true in countries in which low-
income families are supported through
public welfare systems. In such cases,
wages would have to be high enough to
motivate people to choose employment
governmental regulation. For example,
minimum wage laws raise the cost of
some low-skill laborers above market
equilibrium, resulting in increased
unemployment as people who wish to
work at the going rate cannot (as the new
and higher enforced wage is now greater
than the value of their labour).[7][8] Laws
restricting layoffs may make businesses
less likely to hire in the first place, as hiring
becomes more risky.[8]

However, that argument overly simplifies

the relationship between wage rates and
unemployment by ignoring numerous
factors that contribute to
unemployment.[9][10][11][12][13] Some, such
as Murray Rothbard, suggest that even
social taboos can prevent wages from
falling to the market-clearing level.[14]

In Out of Work: Unemployment and

Government in the Twentieth-Century
America, economists Richard Vedder and
Lowell Gallaway argue that the empirical
record of wages rates, productivity, and
unemployment in America validates
classical unemployment theory. Their data
shows a strong correlation between
adjusted real wage and unemployment in
the United States from 1900 to 1990.
However, they maintain that their data
needed, wages are sticky and do not fall to
meet the equilibrium level, and
unemployment results.[16] Its name is
derived from the frequent ups and downs
in the business cycle, but unemployment
can also be persistent, such as during the
Great Depression.

With cyclical unemployment, the number of

unemployed workers exceeds the number
of job vacancies and so even if all open
jobs were filled, some workers would still
remain unemployed. Some associate
cyclical unemployment with frictional
unemployment because the factors that
cause the friction are partially caused by
cyclical variables. For example, a surprise
decrease in the money supply may
suddenly inhibit aggregate demand and
thus inhibit labor demand.

Keynesian economists, on the other hand,

see the lack of supply of jobs as
potentially resolvable by government
intervention. One suggested intervention
involves deficit spending to boost
employment and goods demand. Another
intervention involves an expansionary
monetary policy to increase the supply of
money, which should reduce interest rates,
which, in turn, should lead to an increase in
non-governmental spending.[17]
Unemployment under "full
employment"

Short-run Phillips curve before and

after Expansionary Policy, with Long-
Run Phillips Curve (NAIRU). Note,
however, that the unemployment rate
is an inaccurate predictor of inflation
in the long term.[18][19]

In demands based theory, it is possible to

abolish cyclical unemployment by
increasing the aggregate demand for
products and workers. However, the
economy eventually hits an "inflation
barrier" that is imposed by the four other
kinds of unemployment to the extent that
they exist. Historical experience suggests
that low unemployment affects inflation in
the short term but not the long term.[18] In
the long term, the velocity of money supply
measures such as the MZM ("money zero
maturity", representing cash and equivalent
demand deposits) velocity is far more
predictive of inflation than low
unemployment.[19][20]

Some demand theory economists see the

inflation barrier as corresponding to the
natural rate of unemployment. The
"natural" rate of unemployment is defined
as the rate of unemployment that exists
when the labour market is in equilibrium,
and there is pressure for neither rising
inflation rates nor falling inflation rates. An
alternative technical term for that rate is
the NAIRU, the Non-Accelerating Inflation
Rate of Unemployment. Whatever its name,
demand theory holds that if the
unemployment rate gets "too low", inflation
will accelerate in the absence of wage and
price controls (incomes policies).

One of the major problems with the NAIRU

theory is that no one knows exactly what
the NAIRU is, and it clearly changes over
time.[18] The margin of error can be quite
high relative to the actual unemployment
rate, making it hard to use the NAIRU in
policy-making.[19]

Another, normative, definition of full

employment might be called the ideal
unemployment rate. It would exclude all
types of unemployment that represent
forms of inefficiency. This type of "full
employment" unemployment would
correspond to only frictional
unemployment (excluding that part
encouraging the McJobs management
strategy) and so would be very low.
However, it would be impossible to attain
this full-employment target using only
demand-side Keynesian stimulus without
getting below the NAIRU and causing
accelerating inflation (absent incomes
policies). Training programs aimed at
fighting structural unemployment would
help here.

To the extent that hidden unemployment

exists, it implies that official
unemployment statistics provide a poor
guide to what unemployment rate
coincides with "full employment".[18]
Structural unemployment

Okun's Law interprets unemployment

as a function of the rate of growth in
GDP.

Structural unemployment occurs when a

labour market is unable to provide jobs for
everyone who wants one because there is
a mismatch between the skills of the
unemployed workers and the skills needed
for the available jobs. Structural
unemployment is hard to separate
empirically from frictional unemployment
except that it lasts longer. As with
frictional unemployment, simple demand-
side stimulus will not work to abolish this
type of unemployment easily.

Structural unemployment may also be

encouraged to rise by persistent cyclical
unemployment: if an economy suffers
from longlasting low aggregate demand, it
means that many of the unemployed
become disheartened, and their skills
(including job-searching skills) become
"rusty" and obsolete. Problems with debt
may lead to homelessness and a fall into
the vicious cycle of poverty, which means
that people affected in this way may not fit
the job vacancies that are created when
the economy recovers. The implication is
that sustained high demand may lower
structural unemployment. This theory of
persistence in structural unemployment
has been referred to as an example of
path dependence or "hysteresis".

Much technological unemployment,[21]

caused by the replacement of workers by
machines might be counted as structural
unemployment. Alternatively, technological
unemployment might refer to the way in
which steady increases in labour
productivity mean that fewer workers are
needed to produce the same level of
output every year. The fact that aggregate
demand can be raised to deal with the
problem suggests that the problem is
instead one of cyclical unemployment. As
indicated by Okun's law, the demand side
must grow sufficiently quickly to absorb
not only the growing labour force but also
the workers who are made redundant by
the increased labour productivity.

Seasonal unemployment may be seen as a

kind of structural unemployment since it is
linked to certain kinds of jobs
(construction and migratory farm work).
The most-cited official unemployment
measures erase this kind of
unemployment from the statistics using
"seasonal adjustment" techniques. That
unemployed individual. Frictional
unemployment exists because both jobs
and workers are heterogeneous, and a
mismatch can result between the
characteristics of supply and demand.
Such a mismatch can be related to skills,
payment, work-time, location, seasonal
industries, attitude, taste, and a multitude
of other factors. New entrants (such as
graduating students) and re-entrants (such
as former homemakers) can also suffer a
spell of frictional unemployment.

Workers and employers accept a certain

level of imperfection, risk or compromise,
but usually not right away. They will invest
some time and effort to find a better
match. That is, in fact, beneficial to the
economy since it results in a better
allocation of resources. However, if the
search takes too long and mismatches are
too frequent, the economy suffers since
some work will not get done. Therefore,
governments will seek ways to reduce
unnecessary frictional unemployment by
multiple means including providing
education, advice, training, and assistance
such as daycare centers.

The frictions in the labour market are

sometimes illustrated graphically with a
Beveridge curve, a downward-sloping,
convex curve that shows a correlation
between the unemployment rate on one
axis and the vacancy rate on the other.
Changes in the supply of or demand for
labour cause movements along the curve.
An increase or decrease in labour market
frictions will shift the curve outwards or
inwards.

Hidden unemployment

Official statistics often underestimate

unemployment rates because of hidden, or
covered, unemployment.[22] That is the
unemployment of potential workers that
are not reflected in official unemployment
statistics because of how the statistics
are collected. In many countries, only
those who have no work but are actively
looking for work and/or qualifying for
social security benefits are counted as
unemployed. Those who have given up
looking for work and sometimes those
who are on government "retraining"
programs are not officially counted among
the unemployed even though they are not
employed.

The statistic also does not count the

"underemployed", those working fewer
hours than they would prefer or in a job
that fails to make good use of their
capabilities. In addition, those who are of
working age but are currently in full-time
education are usually not considered
unemployed in government statistics.
Traditional unemployed native societies
who survive by gathering, hunting, herding,
and farming in wilderness areas may or
may not be counted in unemployment
statistics.

Long-term unemployment

Long-term unemployment (LTU) is defined

in European Union statistics as
unemployment lasting for longer than one
year (while unemployment lasting over two
years is defined as very long-term
unemployment). The United States Bureau
of Labor Statistics (BLS), which reports
current long-term unemployment rate at
1.9 percent, defines this as unemployment
lasting 27 weeks or longer. Long-term
unemployment is a component of
structural unemployment, which results in
long-term unemployment existing in every
social group, industry, occupation, and all
levels of education.[23]

In 2015 the European Commission

published recommendations on how to
reduce long-term unemployment.[24] These
advised governments to:
encourage long-term unemployed
people to register with an employment
service;
provide each registered long-term
unemployed person with an individual
in-depth assessment to identify their
needs and potential within 18 months;
offer a tailor-made job integration
agreement (JIA) to all registered long-
term unemployed within 18 months.
These might include measures such as
mentoring, help with job search, further
education and training, support for
housing, transport, child and care
services and rehabilitation. Each person
 would have a single point of contact to
access this support, which would be
implemented in partnership with
employers.

In 2017–2019 it implemented the Long-

Term Unemployment project to research
solutions implemented by EU member
states and produce a toolkit[25] to guide
government action. Progress was
evaluated[26] in 2019.
Marxian theory of unemployment

Karl Marx, Theorien über den

Mehrwert, 1956

It is in the very nature of the

capitalist mode of production to
overwork some workers while
keeping the rest as a reserve
army of unemployed paupers.
 — Marx, Theory of Surplus
Value[27]

Marxists share the Keynesian viewpoint of

the relationship between economic
demand and employment, but with the
caveat that the market system's propensity
to slash wages and reduce labor
participation on an enterprise level causes
a requisite decrease in aggregate demand
in the economy as a whole, causing crises
of unemployment and periods of low
economic activity before the capital
accumulation (investment) phase of
economic growth can continue. According
to Karl Marx, unemployment is inherent
within the unstable capitalist system and
periodic crises of mass unemployment are
to be expected. He theorized that
unemployment was inevitable and even a
necessary part of the capitalist system,
with recovery and regrowth also part of the
process.[28] The function of the proletariat
within the capitalist system is to provide a
"reserve army of labour" that creates
downward pressure on wages. This is
accomplished by dividing the proletariat
into surplus labour (employees) and under-
employment (unemployed).[29] This reserve
army of labour fight among themselves for
scarce jobs at lower and lower wages. At
first glance, unemployment seems
inefficient since unemployed workers do
not increase profits, but unemployment is
profitable within the global capitalist
system because unemployment lowers
wages which are costs from the
perspective of the owners. From this
perspective low wages benefit the system
by reducing economic rents. Yet, it does
not benefit workers; according to Karl
Marx, the workers (proletariat) work to
benefit the bourgeoisie through their
production of capital.[30] Capitalist
systems unfairly manipulate the market for
labour by perpetuating unemployment
which lowers laborers' demands for fair
wages. Workers are pitted against one
another at the service of increasing profits
for owners. As a result of the capitalist
mode of production, Marx argued that
workers experienced alienation and
estrangement through their economic
identity.[31] According to Marx, the only
way to permanently eliminate
unemployment would be to abolish
capitalism and the system of forced
competition for wages and then shift to a
socialist or communist economic system.
For contemporary Marxists, the existence
of persistent unemployment is proof of the
inability of capitalism to ensure full
employment.[32]
Measurement

There are also different ways national

statistical agencies measure
unemployment. The differences may limit
the validity of international comparisons of
unemployment data.[33] To some degree,
the differences remain despite national
statistical agencies increasingly adopting
the definition of unemployment of the
International Labour Organization.[34] To
facilitate international comparisons, some
organizations, such as the OECD, Eurostat,
and International Labor Comparisons
Program, adjust data on unemployment for
comparability across countries.

Though many people care about the

number of unemployed individuals,
economists typically focus on the
unemployment rate, which corrects for the
normal increase in the number of people
employed caused by increases in
population and increases in the labour
force relative to the population. The
unemployment rate is expressed as a
percentage and calculated as follows:
As defined by the International Labour
Organization, "unemployed workers" are
those who are currently not working but
are willing and able to work for pay,
currently available to work, and have
actively searched for work.[35] Individuals
who are actively seeking job placement
must make the effort to be in contact with
an employer, have job interviews, contact
job placement agencies, send out
resumes, submit applications, respond to
advertisements, or some other means of
active job searching within the prior four
weeks. Simply looking at advertisements
and not responding will not count as
actively seeking job placement. Since not
all unemployment may be "open" and
counted by government agencies, official
statistics on unemployment may not be
accurate.[36] In the United States, for
example, the unemployment rate does not
take into consideration those individuals
who are not actively looking for
employment, such as those who are still
attending college.[37]

According to the OECD, Eurostat, and the

US Bureau of Labor Statistics the
unemployment rate is the number of
unemployed people as a percentage of the
labour force.
"An unemployed person is defined by
Eurostat, according to the guidelines of the
International Labour Organization, as:

someone aged 15 to 74 (in Italy, Spain,

the United Kingdom, Iceland, Norway: 16
to 74 years);
without work during the reference week;
available to start work within the next
two weeks (or has already found a job
to start within the next three months);
actively having sought employment at
some time during the last four
weeks."[38]
The labour force, or workforce, includes
both employed (employees and self-
employed) and unemployed people but not
the economically inactive, such as pre-
school children, school children, students
and pensioners.[39]

The unemployment rate of an individual

country is usually calculated and reported
on a monthly, quarterly, and yearly basis by
the National Agency of Statistics.
Organisations like the OECD report
statistics for all of its member states.[40]

Certain countries provide unemployment

compensation for a certain period of time
for unemployed citizens who are
registered as unemployed at the
government employment agency.
Furthermore, pension receivables or claims
could depend on the registration at the
government employment agency.[41][42]

In many countries like in Germany, the

unemployment rate is based on the
number of people who are registered as
unemployed.[43] Other countries like the
United States use a labour force survey to
calculate the unemployment rate.[44][45]

The ILO describes four different methods

to calculate the unemployment rate:[46]
Labour Force Sample Surveys are the
most preferred method of
unemployment rate calculation since
they give the most comprehensive
results and enables calculation of
unemployment by different group
categories such as race and gender.
This method is the most internationally
comparable.
Official Estimates are determined by a
combination of information from one or
more of the other three methods. The
use of this method has been declining in
favor of labour surveys.
Social Insurance Statistics, such as
unemployment benefits, are computed
base on the number of persons insured
representing the total labour force and
the number of persons who are insured
that are collecting benefits. This method
has been heavily criticized because if the
expiration of benefits before the person
finds work.
Employment Office Statistics are the
least effective since they include only a
monthly tally of unemployed persons
who enter employment offices. This
method also includes those who are not
unemployed by the ILO definition.
The primary measure of unemployment,
U3, allows for comparisons between
countries. Unemployment differs from
country to country and across different
time periods. For example, in the 1990s
and 2000s, the United States had lower
unemployment levels than many countries
in the European Union,[47] which had
significant internal variation, with countries
like the United Kingdom and Denmark
outperforming Italy and France. However,
large economic events like the Great
Depression can lead to similar
unemployment rates across the globe.
In 2013, the ILO adopted a resolution to
introduce new indicators to measure the
unemployment rate.[48]

LU1: Unemployment rate: [persons in

unemployment / labour force] × 100
LU2: Combined rate of time-related
underemployment and unemployment:
[(persons in time-related
underemployment + persons in
unemployment) / labour force]

x 100

LU3: Combined rate of unemployment

and potential labour force: [(persons in
 unemployment + potential labour force)
/ (extended labour force)] × 100
LU4: Composite measure of labour
underutilization: [(persons in time-
related underemployment + persons in
unemployment + potential

labour force) / (extended labour force)] ×

100

European Union (Eurostat)

Unemployment in Europe (2021)

according to Worldbank
 Unemployment rates from 2000 to
2019 for United States, Japan and
European Union

Eurostat, the statistical office of the

European Union, defines unemployed as
those persons between age 15 and 74 who
are not working, have looked for work in
the last four weeks, and are ready to start
work within two weeks; this definition
conforms to ILO standards. Both the
actual count and the unemployment rate
are reported. Statistical data are available
by member state for the European Union
as a whole (EU28) as well as for the
eurozone (EA19). Eurostat also includes a
long-term unemployment rate, which is
defined as part of the unemployed who
have been unemployed for more than one
year.[49]

The main source used is the European

Union Labour Force Survey (EU-LFS). It
collects data on all member states each
quarter. For monthly calculations, national
surveys or national registers from
employment offices are used in
conjunction with quarterly EU-LFS data.
The exact calculation for individual
countries, resulting in harmonized monthly
data, depends on the availability of the
data.[50]

United States Bureau of Labor

statistics

Unemployment rate in the US by

county in 2008[51]
1.2–3%
3.1–4%
4.1–5%
5.1–6%
6.1–7%
7.1–8%
8.1–9%
9.1–10%
10.1–11%
11.1–13%
13.1–22.9%

The Bureau of Labor Statistics measures

employment and unemployment (of those
over 17 years of age) by using two
different labor force surveys[52] conducted
by the United States Census Bureau (within
the United States Department of
Commerce) and/or the Bureau of Labor
Statistics (within the United States
Department of Labor) that gather
employment statistics monthly. The
Current Population Survey (CPS), or
"Household Survey", conducts a survey
based on a sample of 60,000 households.
The survey measures the unemployment
rate based on the ILO definition.[53]

The Current Employment Statistics survey

(CES), or "Payroll Survey", conducts a
survey based on a sample of 160,000
businesses and government agencies,
which represent 400,000 individual
employers.[54] Since the survey measures
only civilian nonagricultural employment, it
does not calculate an unemployment rate,
and it differs from the ILO unemployment
rate definition. Both sources have different
classification criteria and usually produce
differing results. Additional data are also
available from the government, such as the
unemployment insurance weekly claims
report available from the Office of
Workforce Security, within the U.S.
Department of Labor's Employment and
Training Administration.[55] The Bureau of
Labor Statistics provides up-to-date
numbers via a PDF linked here.[56] The BLS
also provides a readable concise current
Employment Situation Summary, updated
monthly.[57]

U1–U6 since 1950, as reported by the

Bureau of Labor Statistics

The Bureau of Labor Statistics also

calculates six alternate measures of
unemployment, U1 to U6, which measure
different aspects of unemployment:[58]
U1:[59] Percentage of labor force
unemployed 15 weeks or longer.
U2: Percentage of labor force who lost
jobs or completed temporary work.
U3: Official unemployment rate, per the
ILO definition, occurs when people are
without jobs and they have actively
looked for work within the past four
weeks.[60]
U4: U3 + "discouraged workers", or those
who have stopped looking for work
because current economic conditions
make them believe that no work is
available for them.
 U5: U4 + other "marginally attached
workers," or "loosely attached workers",
or those who "would like" and are able to
work but have not looked for work
recently.
U6: U5 + Part-time workers who want to
work full-time, but cannot for economic
reasons (underemployment).

Note: "Marginally attached workers" are

added to the total labour force for
unemployment rate calculation for U4, U5,
and U6. The BLS revised the CPS in 1994
and among the changes the measure
representing the official unemployment
rate was renamed U3 instead of U5.[61] In
2013, Representative Hunter proposed that
the Bureau of Labor Statistics use the U5
rate instead of the current U3 rate.[62]

Statistics for the US economy as a whole

hide variations among groups. For
example, in January 2008, the US
unemployment rates were 4.4% for adult
men, 4.2% for adult women, 4.4% for
Caucasians, 6.3% for Hispanics or Latinos
(all races), 9.2% for African Americans,
3.2% for Asian Americans, and 18.0% for
teenagers.[54] Also, the US unemployment
rate would be at least 2% higher if
prisoners and jail inmates were
counted.[63][64]
The unemployment rate is included in a
number of major economic indices
including the US Conference Board's Index
of Leading Indicators a macroeconomic
measure of the state of the economy.

Estimated US unemployment rate from 1800 to 1890. All

data are estimates based on data compiled by
Lebergott. [65] S ee limitations section below on how to
interpret unemployment statistics in self-employed,
agricultural economies. S ee image information for
complete data.
Estimated US unemployment rate since 1890; 1890–1930 data are
from Christina Romer. [66] 1930–1940 data is from Coen. [67] 1940–
2011 data is from Bureau of Labor S tatistics. [68][69] S ee image info
for complete data.

Alternatives

Limitations of definition

Some critics believe that current methods

of measuring unemployment are
inaccurate in terms of the impact of
unemployment on people as these
methods do not take into account the 1.5%
of the available working population
incarcerated in US prisons (who may or
may not be working while they are
incarcerated); those who have lost their
jobs and have become discouraged over
time from actively looking for work; those
who are self-employed or wish to become
self-employed, such as tradesmen or
building contractors or information
technology consultants; those who have
retired before the official retirement age
but would still like to work (involuntary
early retirees); those on disability pensions
who do not possess full health but still
wish to work in occupations that suitable
for their medical conditions; or those who
work for payment for as little as one hour
per week but would like to work full
time.[70]

The last people are "involuntary part-time"

workers, those who are underemployed,
such as a computer programmer who is
working in a retail store until he can find a
permanent job, involuntary stay-at-home
mothers who would prefer to work, and
graduate and professional school
students who are unable to find
worthwhile jobs after they graduated with
their bachelor's degrees.
 A government unemployment office
with job listings, West Berlin, West
Germany, 1982

Internationally, some nations'

unemployment rates are sometimes
muted or appear less severe because of
the number of self-employed individuals
working in agriculture.[65] Small
independent farmers are often considered
self-employed and so cannot be
unemployed. That can impact non-
industrialized economies, such as the
United States and Europe in the early 19th
century, since overall unemployment was
approximately 3% because so many
individuals were self-employed,
independent farmers; however, non-
agricultural unemployment was as high as
80%.[65]

Many economies industrialize and so

experience increasing numbers of non-
agricultural workers. For example, the
United States' non-agricultural labour force
increased from 20% in 1800 to 50% in
1850 and 97% in 2000.[65] The shift away
from self-employment increases the
percentage of the population that is
included in unemployment rates. When
unemployment rates between countries or
time periods are compared, it is best to
consider differences in their levels of
industrialization and self-employment.

Additionally, the measures of employment

and unemployment may be "too high". In
some countries, the availability of
unemployment benefits can inflate
statistics by giving an incentive to register
as unemployed. People who do not seek
work may choose to declare themselves
unemployed to get benefits; people with
undeclared paid occupations may try to
get unemployment benefits in addition to
the money that they earn from their
work.[71]
However, in the United States, Canada,
Mexico, Australia, Japan, and the European
Union, unemployment is measured using a
sample survey (akin to a Gallup poll).[34]
According to the BLS, a number of Eastern
European nations have instituted labour
force surveys as well. The sample survey
has its own problems because the total
number of workers in the economy is
calculated based on a sample, rather than
a census.

It is possible to be neither employed nor

unemployed by ILO definitions by being
outside of the "labour force".[36] Such
people have no job and are not looking for
one. Many of them go to school or are
retired. Family responsibilities keep others
out of the labour force. Still others have a
physical or mental disability that prevents
them from participating in the labour force.
Some people simply elect not to work and
prefer to be dependent on others for
sustenance.

Typically, employment and the labour force

include only work that is done for
monetary gain. Hence, a homemaker is
neither part of the labour force nor
unemployed. Also, full-time students and
prisoners are considered to be neither part
of the labour force nor unemployed.[70] The
number of prisoners can be important. In
1999, economists Lawrence F. Katz and
Alan B. Krueger estimated that increased
incarceration lowered measured
unemployment in the United States by
0.17% between 1985 and the late
1990s.[70]

In particular, as of 2005, roughly 0.7% of

the US population is incarcerated (1.5% of
the available working population).
Additionally, children, the elderly, and some
individuals with disabilities are typically
not counted as part of the labour force
and so are not included in the
unemployment statistics. However, some
elderly and many disabled individuals are
active in the labour market.

In the early stages of an economic boom,

unemployment often rises.[16] That is
because people join the labour market
(give up studying, start a job hunt, etc.) as
a result of the improving job market, but
until they have actually found a position,
they are counted as unemployed. Similarly,
during a recession, the increase in the
unemployment rate is moderated by
people leaving the labour force or being
otherwise discounted from the labour
force, such as with the self-employed.
For the fourth quarter of 2004, according
to OECD (Employment Outlook 2005 (htt
p://www.oecd.org/dataoecd/36/30/35024
561.pdf) ISBN 92-64-01045-9),
normalized unemployment for men aged
25 to 54 was 4.6% in the US and 7.4% in
France. At the same time and for the same
population, the employment rate (number
of workers divided by population) was
86.3% in the US and 86.7% in France. That
example shows that the unemployment
rate was 60% higher in France than in the
US, but more people in that demographic
were working in France than in the US,
which is counterintuitive if it is expected
that the unemployment rate reflects the
health of the labour market.[72][73]

Those deficiencies make many labour

market economists prefer to look at a
range of economic statistics such as
labour market participation rate, the
percentage of people between 15 and 64
who are currently employed or searching
for employment, the total number of full-
time jobs in an economy, the number of
people seeking work as a raw number and
not a percentage, and the total number of
person-hours worked in a month
compared to the total number of person-
hours people would like to work. In
particular, the National Bureau of
Economic Research does not use the
unemployment rate but prefers various
employment rates to date recessions.[74]

Labor force participation rate

US labor force participation rate from 1948 to 2021, by

gender
Male participation
Total labor force participation
Female participation

Work Force Participation Rate by Age Group

55+
25-54
20-24
16-19
The labor force participation rate is the
ratio between the labor force and the
overall size of their cohort (national
population of the same age range). In the
West, during the later half of the 20th
century, the labor force participation rate
increased significantly because of an
increase in the number of women entering
the workplace.

In the United States, there have been four

significant stages of women's participation
in the labour force: increases in the 20th
century and decreases in the 21st century.
Male labor force participation decreased
from 1953 to 2013. Since October 2013,
men have been increasingly joining the
labour force.

From the late 19th century to the 1920s,

very few women worked outside the home.
They were young single women who
typically withdrew from the labor force at
marriage unless family needed two
incomes. Such women worked primarily in
the textile manufacturing industry or as
domestic workers. That profession
empowered women and allowed them to
earn a living wage. (Source on women
earning a living wage?) At times, they were
a financial help to their families.
Between 1930 and 1950, female labor
force participation increased primarily
because of the increased demand for
office workers, women's participation in
the high school movement, and
electrification, which reduced the time that
was spent on household chores. From the
1950s to the early 1970s, most women
were secondary earners working mainly as
secretaries, teachers, nurses, and
librarians (pink-collar jobs).

From the mid-1970s to the late 1990s,

there was a period of revolution of women
in the labor force brought on by various
factors, many of which arose from the
second-wave feminism movement.
Women more accurately planned for their
future in the work force by investing in
more applicable majors in college that
prepared them to enter and compete in the
labor market. In the United States, the
female labor force participation rate rose
from approximately 33% in 1948 to a peak
of 60.3% in 2000. As of April 2015, the
female labor force participation is at
56.6%, the male labor force participation
rate is at 69.4%, and the total is 62.8%.[75]

A common theory in modern economics

claims that the rise of women participating
in the US labor force in the 1950s to the
1990s was caused by the introduction of a
new contraceptive technology, birth control
pills, as well as the adjustment of age of
majority laws. The use of birth control
gave women the flexibility of opting to
invest and to advance their career while
they maintained a relationship. By having
control over the timing of their fertility, they
were not running a risk of thwarting their
career choices. However, only 40% of the
population actually used the birth control
pill.

That implies that other factors may have

contributed to women choosing to invest
in advancing their careers. One factor may
be that an increasing number of men
delayed the age of marriage, which
allowed women to marry later in life
without them worrying about the quality of
older men. Other factors include the
changing nature of work, with machines
replacing physical labor, thus eliminating
many traditional male occupations, and
the rise of the service sector in which
many jobs are gender neutral.

Another factor that may have contributed

to the trend was the Equal Pay Act of
1963, which aimed at abolishing wage
disparity based on sex. Such legislation
diminished sexual discrimination and
encouraged more women to enter the
labor market by receiving fair remuneration
to help raising families and children.

At the turn of the 21st century, the labor

force participation began to reverse its
long period of increase. Reasons for the
change include a rising share of older
workers, an increase in school enrollment
rates among young workers, and a
decrease in female labor force
participation.[76]

The labor force participation rate can

decrease when the rate of growth of the
population outweighs that of the employed
and the unemployed together. The labor
force participation rate is a key component
in long-term economic growth, almost as
important as productivity.

A historic shift began around the end of

the Great Recession as women began
leaving the labor force in the United States
and other developed countries. The female
labor force participation rate in the United
States has steadily decreased since 2009,
and as of April 2015, the female labor
force participation rate has gone back
down to 1988 levels of 56.6%.[75]

Participation rates are defined as follows:

Pop = total LF = labor force =
population U+E
LFpop = labor force
population
(generally defined p = participation
as all men and rate = LF / LFpop
women aged 15–
64)
e = rate of
E = number
employment = E /
employed
LFpop
u = rate of
U = number of
unemployment =
unemployed
U / LF
The labor force participation rate explains
how an increase in the unemployment rate
can occur simultaneously with an increase
in employment. If a large number of new
workers enter the labor force but only a
small fraction become employed, then the
increase in the number of unemployed
workers can outpace the growth in
employment.[77]

Unemployment-to-population ratio

The unemployment-to-population ratio

calculates the share of unemployed for the
whole population. This is in contrast to the
unemployment rate, which calculates the
percentage of unemployed persons in
relation to the active population.
Particularly, many young people between
15 and 24 are studying full-time and so are
neither working nor looking for a job. That
means that they are not part of the labor
force, which is used as the denominator
when the unemployment rate is
calculated.[78]

The youth unemployment ratios in the

European Union range from 5.2 (Austria) to
20.6 percent (Spain). They are
considerably lower than the standard
youth unemployment rates, ranging from
7.9 (Germany) to 57.9 percent (Greece).[79]
Effects

High and the persistent unemployment, in

which economic inequality increases, has
a negative effect on subsequent long-run
economic growth. Unemployment can
harm growth because it is a waste of
resources; generates redistributive
pressures and subsequent distortions;
drives people to poverty; constrains
liquidity limiting labor mobility; and erodes
self-esteem promoting social dislocation,
unrest, and conflict.[80] The 2013 winner of
the Nobel Prize in Economics, Robert J.
Shiller, said that rising inequality in the
United States and elsewhere is the most
important problem.[81]

Costs

Individual

Migrant Mother, photograph by

Dorothea Lange, 1936

Unemployed individuals are unable to earn

money to meet financial obligations.
Failure to pay mortgage payments or to
pay rent may lead to homelessness
through foreclosure or eviction.[82] Across
the United States the growing ranks of
people made homeless in the foreclosure
crisis are generating tent cities.[83]

Unemployment increases susceptibility to

cardiovascular disease, somatization,
anxiety disorders, depression, and suicide.
In addition, unemployed people have higher
rates of medication use, poor diet,
physician visits, tobacco smoking,
alcoholic beverage consumption, drug use,
and lower rates of exercise.[84] According
to a study published in Social Indicator
Research, even those who tend to be
optimistic find it difficult to look on the
bright side of things when unemployed.
Using interviews and data from German
participants aged 16 to 94, including
individuals coping with the stresses of real
life and not just a volunteering student
population, the researchers determined
that even optimists struggled with being
unemployed.[85]

In 1979, M. Harvey Brenner found that for

every 10% increase in the number of
unemployed, there is an increase of 1.2% in
total mortality, a 1.7% increase in
cardiovascular disease, 1.3% more
cirrhosis cases, 1.7% more suicides, 4.0%
more arrests, and 0.8% more assaults
reported to the police.[86][87]

A study by Christopher Ruhm in 2000 on

the effect of recessions on health found
that several measures of health actually
improve during recessions.[88] As for the
impact of an economic downturn on crime,
during the Great Depression, the crime rate
did not decrease. The unemployed in the
US often use welfare programs such as
food stamps or accumulating debt
because unemployment insurance in the
US generally does not replace most of the
income that was received on the job, and
one cannot receive such aid indefinitely.
Not everyone suffers equally from
unemployment. In a prospective study of
9,570 individuals over four years, highly
conscientious people suffered more than
twice as much if they became
unemployed.[89] The authors suggested
that may because of conscientious people
making different attributions about why
they became unemployed or through
experiencing stronger reactions following
failure. There is also the possibility of
reverse causality from poor health to
unemployment.[90]

Some researchers hold that many of the

low-income jobs are not really a better
option than unemployment with a welfare
state, with its unemployment insurance
benefits. However, since it is difficult or
impossible to get unemployment insurance
benefits without having worked in the past,
those jobs and unemployment are more
complementary than they are substitutes.
(They are often held short-term, either by
students or by those trying to gain
experience; turnover in most low-paying
jobs is high.)

Another cost for the unemployed is that

the combination of unemployment, lack of
financial resources, and social
responsibilities may push unemployed
workers to take jobs that do not fit their
skills or allow them to use their talents.
Unemployment can cause
underemployment, and fear of job loss can
spur psychological anxiety. As well as
anxiety, it can cause depression, lack of
confidence, and huge amounts of stress,
which is increased when the unemployed
are faced with health issues, poverty, and
lack of relational support.[91]

Another personal cost of unemployment is

its impact on relationships. A 2008 study
from Covizzi, which examined the
relationship between unemployment and
divorce, found that the rate of divorce is
greater for couples when one partner is
unemployed.[92] However, a more recent
study has found that some couples often
stick together in "unhappy" or "unhealthy"
marriages when they are unemployed to
buffer financial costs.[93] A 2014 study by
Van der Meer found that the stigma that
comes from being unemployed affects
personal well-being, especially for men,
who often feel as though their masculine
identities are threatened by
unemployment.[94]
Gender and age

Unemployment can also bring personal

costs in relation to gender. One study
found that women are more likely to
experience unemployment than men and
that they are less likely to move from
temporary positions to permanent
positions.[95] Another study on gender and
unemployment found that men, however,
are more likely to experience greater
stress, depression, and adverse effects
from unemployment, largely stemming
from the perceived threat to their role as
breadwinner.[96] The study found that men
expect themselves to be viewed as "less
manly" after a job loss than they actually
are and so they engage in compensating
behaviors, such as financial risk-taking and
increased assertiveness. Unemployment
has been linked to extremely adverse
effects on men's mental health.[97]
Professor Ian Hickie of the University of
Sydney said that evidence showed that
men have more restricted social networks
than women and that men have are heavily
work-based. Therefore, the loss of a job
for men means the loss of a whole set of
social connections as well. That loss can
then lead to men becoming socially
isolated very quickly.[98] An Australian
study on the mental health impacts of
graduating during an economic downturn
found that the negative mental health
outcomes are greater and more scarring
for men than women. The effect was
particularly pronounced for those with
vocational or secondary education.[99]

Costs of unemployment also vary

depending on age. The young and the old
are the two largest age groups currently
experiencing unemployment.[100] A 2007
study from Jacob and Kleinert found that
young people (ages 18 to 24) who have
fewer resources and limited work
experiences are more likely to be
unemployed.[101] Other researchers have
found that today's high school seniors
place a lower value on work than those in
the past, which is likely because they
recognize the limited availability of
jobs.[102] At the other end of the age
spectrum, studies have found that older
individuals have more barriers than
younger workers to employment, require
stronger social networks to acquire work,
and are also less likely to move from
temporary to permanent positions.[95][100]
Additionally, some older people see age
discrimination as the reason for them not
getting hired.[103]
Social

Demonstration against
unemployment in Kerala, South India,
India on 27 January 2004

An economy with high unemployment is

not using all of the resources, specifically
labour, available to it. Since it is operating
below its production possibility frontier, it
could have higher output if all of the
workforce were usefully employed.
However, there is a tradeoff between
economic efficiency and unemployment: if
all frictionally unemployed accepted the
first job that they were offered, they would
be likely to be operating at below their skill
level, reducing the economy's
efficiency.[104]

During a long period of unemployment,

workers can lose their skills, causing a
loss of human capital. Being unemployed
can also reduce the life expectancy of
workers by about seven years.[8]

High unemployment can encourage

xenophobia and protectionism since
workers fear that foreigners are stealing
their jobs.[105] Efforts to preserve existing
jobs of domestic and native workers
include legal barriers against "outsiders"
who want jobs, obstacles to immigration,
and/or tariffs and similar trade barriers
against foreign competitors.

High unemployment can also cause social

problems such as crime. If people have
less disposable income than before, it is
very likely that crime levels within the
economy will increase.

A 2015 study published in The Lancet,

estimates that unemployment causes
45,000 suicides a year globally.[106]
Sociopolitical

Unemployment rate in Germany in

2003 by states

High levels of unemployment can be

causes of civil unrest,[107] in some cases
leading to revolution, particularly
totalitarianism. The fall of the Weimar
Republic in 1933 and Adolf Hitler's rise to
power, which culminated in World War II
and the deaths of tens of millions and the
destruction of much of the physical capital
of Europe, is attributed to the poor
economic conditions in Germany at the
time, notably a high unemployment
rate[108] of above 20%; see Great
Depression in Central Europe for details.

However the hyperinflation in the Weimar

Republic is not directly blamed for the Nazi
rise. Hyperinflation occurred primarily in
1921 to 1923, the year of Hitler's Beer Hall
Putsch. Although hyperinflation has been
blamed for damaging the credibility of
democratic institutions, the Nazis did not
assume government until 1933, ten years
after the hyperinflation but in the midst of
high unemployment.

Rising unemployment has traditionally

been regarded by the public and the media
in any country as a key guarantor of
electoral defeat for any government that
oversees it. That was very much the
consensus in the United Kingdom until
1983, when Thatcher's Conservative
government won a landslide in the general
election, despite overseeing a rise in
unemployment from 1.5 million to 3.2
million since the 1979 election.[109]
Benefits

The primary benefit of unemployment is

that people are available for hire, without
being headhunted away from their existing
employers. That permits both new and old
businesses to take on staff.

Unemployment is argued to be "beneficial"

to the people who are not unemployed in
the sense that it averts inflation, which
itself has damaging effects, by providing
(in Marxian terms) a reserve army of
labour, which keeps wages in check.[110]
However, the direct connection between
full local employment and local inflation
has been disputed by some because of the
recent increase in international trade that
supplies low-priced goods even while local
employment rates rise to full
employment.[111]

In the Shapiro–Stiglitz model of

efficiency wages, workers are paid at
a level that dissuades shirking. That
prevents wages from dropping to
market clearing levels.

Full employment cannot be achieved

because workers would shirk if they were
not threatened with the possibility of
unemployment.[112] The curve for the no-
shirking condition (labelled NSC) thus
goes to infinity at full employment. The
inflation-fighting benefits to the entire
economy arising from a presumed
optimum level of unemployment have been
studied extensively.[113] The Shapiro–
Stiglitz model suggests that wages never
bid down sufficiently to reach 0%
unemployment.[114] That occurs because
employers know that when wages
decrease, workers will shirk and expend
less effort. Employers avoid shirking by
preventing wages from decreasing so low
that workers give up and become
unproductive. The higher wages
perpetuate unemployment, but the threat
of unemployment reduces shirking.
Before current levels of world trade were
developed, unemployment was shown to
reduce inflation, following the Phillips
curve, or to decelerate inflation, following
the NAIRU/natural rate of unemployment
theory since it is relatively easy to seek a
new job without losing a current job. When
more jobs are available for fewer workers
(lower unemployment), that may allow
workers to find the jobs that better fit their
tastes, talents and needs.

As in the Marxian theory of unemployment,

special interests may also benefit. Some
employers may expect that employees
with no fear of losing their jobs will not
work as hard or will demand increased
wages and benefit. According to that
theory, unemployment may promote
general labour productivity and profitability
by increasing employers' rationale for their
monopsony-like power (and profits).[27]

Optimal unemployment has also been

defended as an environmental tool to
brake the constantly accelerated growth of
the GDP to maintain levels that are
sustainable in the context of resource
constraints and environmental
impacts.[115] However, the tool of denying
jobs to willing workers seems a blunt
instrument for conserving resources and
the environment. It reduces the
consumption of the unemployed across
the board and only in the short term. Full
employment of the unemployed workforce,
all focused toward the goal of developing
more environmentally efficient methods
for production and consumption, might
provide a more significant and lasting
cumulative environmental benefit and
reduced resource consumption.[116]

Some critics of the "culture of work" such

as the anarchist Bob Black see
employment as culturally overemphasized
in modern countries. Such critics often
propose quitting jobs when possible,
working less, reassessing the cost of living
to that end, creation of jobs that are "fun"
as opposed to "work," and creating cultural
norms in which work is seen as unhealthy.
These people advocate an "anti-work"
ethic for life.[117]

Decline in work hours

As a result of productivity, the work week

declined considerably during the 19th
century.[118][119] By the 1920s, the average
workweek in the US was 49 hours, but it
was reduced to 40 hours (after which
overtime premium was applied) as part of
the 1933 National Industrial Recovery Act.
During the Great Depression, the enormous
productivity gains caused by
electrification, mass production, and
agricultural mechanization were believed
to have ended the need for a large number
of previously employed workers.[21][120]
Remedies

United States families on relief (in 1,000s)[121]

1936 1937 1938 1939 1940 1941

Workers employed

WPA 1,995 2,227 1,932 2,911 1,971 1,638

CCC and NYA 712 801 643 793 877 919

Other federal work

554 663 452 488 468 681
projects

Cases on public assistance

Social security
602 1,306 1,852 2,132 2,308 2,517
programs

General relief 2,946 1,484 1,611 1,647 1,570 1,206

Totals

Total families
5,886 5,660 5,474 6,751 5,860 5,167
helped
 Unemployed
9,030 7,700 10,390 9,480 8,120 5,560
workers (BLS)

Coverage
65% 74% 53% 71% 72% 93%
(cases/unemployed)

Societies try a number of different

measures to get as many people as
possible into work, and various societies
have experienced close to full employment
for extended periods, particularly during
the post-World War II economic expansion.
The United Kingdom in the 1950s and
1960s averaged 1.6% unemployment,[122]
and in Australia, the 1945 White Paper on
Full Employment in Australia established a
government policy of full employment,
which lasted until the 1970s.[123]
However, mainstream economic
discussions of full employment since the
1970s suggest that attempts to reduce the
level of unemployment below the natural
rate of unemployment will fail but result
only in less output and more inflation.

Demand-side solutions

Increases in the demand for labour move

the economy along the demand curve,
increasing wages and employment. The
demand for labour in an economy is
derived from the demand for goods and
services. As such, if the demand for goods
and services in the economy increases, the
demand for labour will increase, increasing
employment and wages.

There are many ways to stimulate demand

for goods and services. Increasing wages
to the working class (those more likely to
spend the increased funds on goods and
services, rather than various types of
savings or commodity purchases) is one
theory that is proposed. Increased wages
are believed to be more effective in
boosting demand for goods and services
than central banking strategies, which put
the increased money supply mostly into
the hands of wealthy persons and
institutions. Monetarists suggest that
increasing money supply in general
increases short-term demand. As for the
long-term demand, the increased demand
is negated by inflation. A rise in fiscal
expenditures is another strategy for
boosting aggregate demand.

Providing aid to the unemployed is a

strategy that is used to prevent cutbacks
in consumption of goods and services,
which can lead to a vicious cycle of further
job losses and further decreases in
consumption and demand. Many countries
aid the unemployed through social welfare
programs. Such unemployment benefits
include unemployment insurance,
unemployment compensation, welfare, and
subsidies to aid in retraining. The main
goal of such programs is to alleviate
short-term hardships and, more
importantly, to allow workers more time to
search for a job.

A direct demand-side solution to

unemployment is government-funded
employment of the able-bodied poor. This
was notably implemented in Britain from
the 17th century until 1948 in the institution
of the workhouse, which provided jobs for
the unemployed with harsh conditions and
poor wages to dissuade their use. A
modern alternative is a job guarantee in
which the government guarantees work at
a living wage.

Temporary measures can include public

works programs such as the Works
Progress Administration. Government-
funded employment is not widely
advocated as a solution to unemployment
except in times of crisis. That is attributed
to the public sector jobs' existence
depending directly on the tax receipts from
private sector employment.
 Supply-side economics proposes
that lower taxes lead to employment
growth. Historical state data from the
United States shows a
heterogeneous result.

In the US, the unemployment insurance

allowance is based solely on previous
income (not time worked, family size, etc.)
and usually compensates for one third of
previous income. To qualify, people must
reside in their respective state for at least
a year and work. The system was
established by the Social Security Act of
1935. Although 90% of citizens are
covered by unemployment insurance, less
than 40% apply for and receive
benefits.[124] However, the number applying
for and receiving benefits increases during
recessions. For highly-seasonal industries,
the system provides income to workers
during the off-season, thus encouraging
them to stay attached to the industry.

Tax decreases on high income

earners (top 10%) are not correlated
with employment growth, but tax
decreases on lower-income earners
(bottom 90%) are correlated with
employment growth.[125]

According to classical economic theory,

markets reach equilibrium where supply
equals demand; everyone who wants to
sell at the market price can do so. Those
who do not want to sell at that price do
not; in the labour market, this is classical
unemployment. Monetary policy and fiscal
policy can both be used to increase short-
term growth in the economy, increasing the
demand for labour and decreasing
unemployment.

Supply-side solutions

However, the labor market is not 100%

efficient although it may be more efficient
than the bureaucracy. Some argue that
minimum wages and union activity keep
wages from falling, which means that too
many people want to sell their labour at
the going price but cannot. That assumes
perfect competition exists in the labour
market, specifically that no single entity is
large enough to affect wage levels and
that employees are similar in ability.

Advocates of supply-side policies believe

those policies can solve the problem by
making the labour market more flexible.
These include removing the minimum
wage and reducing the power of unions.
Supply-siders argue that their reforms
increase long-term growth by reducing
labour costs. The increased supply of
goods and services requires more
workers, increasing employment. It is
argued that supply-side policies, which
include cutting taxes on businesses and
reducing regulation, create jobs, reduce
unemployment, and decrease labor's share
of national income. Other supply-side
policies include education to make
workers more attractive to employers.

History

Unemployed men outside a soup

kitchen in Depression-era Chicago,
Illinois, United States, 1931

There are relatively limited historical

records on unemployment because it has
not always been acknowledged or
measured systematically. Industrialization
involves economies of scale, which often
prevent individuals from having the capital
to create their own jobs to be self-
employed. An individual who cannot join
an enterprise or create a job is
unemployed. As individual farmers,
ranchers, spinners, doctors and merchants
are organized into large enterprises, those
who cannot join or compete become
unemployed.

Recognition of unemployment occurred

slowly as economies across the world
industrialized and bureaucratized. Before
that, traditional self-sufficient native
societies had no concept of
unemployment. The recognition of the
concept of "unemployment" is best
exemplified through the well documented
historical records in England. For example,
in 16th-century, England no distinction was
made between vagrants and the jobless;
both were simply categorized as "sturdy
beggars", who were to be punished and
moved on.[126]

16th century

The closing of the monasteries in the

1530s increased poverty, as the Roman
Catholic Church had helped the poor. In
addition, there was a significant rise in
enclosures during the Tudor period. Also,
the population was rising. Those unable to
find work had a stark choice: starve or
break the law. In 1535, a bill was drawn up
calling for the creation of a system of
public works to deal with the problem of
unemployment, which were to be funded
by a tax on income and capital. A law that
was passed a year later allowed
vagabonds to be whipped and hanged.[127]

In 1547, a bill was passed that subjected

vagrants to some of the more extreme
provisions of the criminal law: two years'
servitude and branding with a "V" as the
penalty for the first offense and death for
the second.[128] During the reign of Henry
VIII, as many as 72,000 people are
estimated to have been executed.[129] In
the 1576 Act, each town was required to
provide work for the unemployed.[130]

The Poor Relief Act 1601, one of the

world's first government-sponsored
welfare programs, made a clear distinction
between those who were unable to work
and those able-bodied people who refused
employment.[131] Under the Poor Law
systems of England and Wales, Scotland
and Ireland, a workhouse was a place
people unable to support themselves
could go to live and work.[132]

Industrial Revolution to late 19th

century

The Depression of 1873–79: New

York City police violently attacking
unemployed workers in Tompkins
Square Park, Manhattan, New York
City, 1874

Poverty was a highly visible

problem in the eighteenth
century, both in cities and in the
countryside. In France and
 Britain by the end of the
century, an estimated 10 percent
of the people depended on
charity or begging for their
food.

— Jackson J. Spielvogel, ,
2008, Western Civilization:
Since 1500 (https://books.goo
gle.com/books?id=fwxLkRmd
-4QC) . Cengage Learning.
p.566. ISBN 0-495-50287-1

By 1776, some 1,912 parish and

corporation workhouses had been
established in England and Wales and
housed almost 100,000 paupers.

A description of the miserable living

standards of the mill workers in England in
1844 was given by Fredrick Engels in The
Condition of the Working Class in England
in 1844.[133] In the preface to the 1892
edition, Engels noted that the extreme
poverty he had written about in 1844 had
largely disappeared. David Ames Wells
also noted that living conditions in England
had improved near the end of the 19th
century and that unemployment was low.
The scarcity and the high price of labor in
the US in the 19th century was well
documented by contemporary accounts,
as in the following:

"The laboring classes are

comparatively few in number,
but this is counterbalanced by,
and indeed, may be one of the
causes of the eagerness by
which they call in the use of
machinery in almost every
department of industry.
Wherever it can be applied as a
substitute for manual labor, it is
 universally and willingly
resorted to.... It is this condition
of the labor market, and this
eager resort to machinery
wherever it can be applied, to
which, under the guidance of
superior education and
intelligence, the remarkable
prosperity of the United States
is due."[134]

— Joseph Whitworth, 1854

Scarcity of labor was a factor in the

economics of slavery in the United States.
As new territories were opened and federal
land sales were conducted, land had to be
cleared and new homesteads established.
Hundreds of thousands of immigrants
annually came to the US and found jobs
digging canals and building railroads.
Almost all work during most of the 19th
century was done by hand or with horses,
mules, or oxen since there was very little
mechanization. The workweek during most
of the 19th century was 60 hours.
Unemployment at times was between one
and two percent.

The tight labor market was a factor in

productivity gains by allowing workers to
maintain or to increase their nominal
wages during the secular deflation that
caused real wages to rise at various times
in the 19th century, especially in its final
decades.[135]

20th century

An unemployed German, Unemployed Canadian men,

1928. Unemployment in marching for jobs during the
Germany reached almost Great Depression to Bathurst
30% of the workforce after S treet United Church,
the Great Depression. Toronto, Ontario in Canada,
1930
There were labor shortages during World
War I.[21] Ford Motor Co. doubled wages to
reduce turnover. After 1925,
unemployment gradually began to rise.[136]

The 1930s saw the Great Depression

impact unemployment across the globe. In
Germany and the United States, the
unemployment rate reached about 25% in
1932.[137]

In some towns and cities in the northeast

of England, unemployment reached as high
as 70%; the national unemployment level
peaked at more than 22% in 1932.[138]
Unemployment in Canada reached 27% at
the depth of the Depression in 1933.[139] In
1929, the U.S. unemployment rate
averaged 3%.[140]

WPA poster promoting the

benefits of employment

In the US, the Works Progress

Administration (1935–43) was the largest
make-work program. It hired men (and
some women) off the relief roles ("dole")
typically for unskilled labor.[141] During the
New Deal, over three million unemployed
young men were taken out of their homes
and placed for six months into more than
2600 work camps managed by the Civilian
Conservation Corps.[142]

Unemployment in the United Kingdom fell

later in the 1930s as the Depression eased,
and it remained low (in single figures) after
World War II.

Fredrick Mills found that in the US, 51% of

the decline in work hours was due to the
fall in production and 49% was from
increased productivity.[143]

By 1972, unemployment in the United

Kingdom had crept back up above
1,000,000, and it was even higher by the
end of the decade, with inflation also being
high. Although the monetarist economic
policies of Margaret Thatcher's
Conservative government saw inflation
reduced after 1979, unemployment soared
in the early 1980s and in 1982, it exceeded
3,000,000, a level that had not been seen
for some 50 years. That represented one
in eight of the workforce, with
unemployment exceeding 20% in some
places that had relied on declining
industries such as coal mining.[144]

However, it was a time of high

unemployment in all other major
industrialised nations as well.[145] By the
spring of 1983, unemployment had risen by
6% in the previous 12 months, compared
to 10% in Japan, 23% in the US, and 34% in
West Germany (seven years before
Reunification).[146]

Unemployment in the United Kingdom

remained above 3,000,000 until the spring
of 1987, when the economy enjoyed a
boom.[144] By the end of 1989,
unemployment had fallen to 1,600,000.
However, inflation had reached 7.8%, and
the following year, it reached a nine-year
high of 9.5%; leading to increased interest
rates.[147]
Another recession occurred from 1990 to
1992. Unemployment began to increase,
and by the end of 1992, nearly 3,000,000 in
the United Kingdom were unemployed, a
number that was soon lowered by a strong
economic recovery.[144] With inflation down
to 1.6% by 1993, unemployment then
began to fall rapidly and stood at
1,800,000 by early 1997.[148]

21st century

Unemployment rate of Japan.[149] Red line is G7 average.

15-24 age (thin line) is youth unemployment.
The official unemployment rate in the 16
European Union (EU) countries that use the
euro rose to 10% in December 2009 as a
result of another recession.[150] Latvia had
the highest unemployment rate in the EU,
at 22.3% for November 2009.[151] Europe's
young workers have been especially hard
hit.[152] In November 2009, the
unemployment rate in the EU27 for those
aged 15–24 was 18.3%. For those under
25, the unemployment rate in Spain was
43.8%.[153] Unemployment has risen in two
thirds of European countries since
2010.[154]
Into the 21st century, unemployment in the
United Kingdom remained low and the
economy remaining strong, and several
other European economies, such as France
and Germany, experienced a minor
recession and a substantial rise in
unemployment.[155]

In 2008, when the recession brought on

another increase in the United Kingdom,
after 15 years of economic growth and no
major rises in unemployment.[156] In early
2009, unemployment passed the 2 million
mark, and economists were predicting it
would soon reach 3 million.[157] However,
the end of the recession was declared in
January 2010[158] and unemployment
peaked at nearly 2.7 million in 2011,[159]
appearing to ease fears of unemployment
reaching 3 million.[160] The unemployment
rate of Britain's young black people was
47.4% in 2011.[161] 2013/2014 has seen
the employment rate increase from
1,935,836 to 2,173,012 as supported
by[162] showing the UK is creating more job
opportunities and forecasts the rate of
increase in 2014/2015 will be another
7.2%.[163]

The 2008–2012 global recession has been

called a "mancession" because of the
disproportionate number of men who lost
their jobs as compared to women. The
gender gap became wide in the United
States in 2009, when 10.5% of men in the
labor force were unemployed, compared
with 8% of women.[164][165] Three quarters
of the jobs that were lost in the recession
in the US were held by men.[166][167]

A 26 April 2005 Asia Times article noted,

"In regional giant South Africa, some
300,000 textile workers have lost their jobs
in the past two years due to the influx of
Chinese goods".[168] The increasing US
trade deficit with China cost 2.4 million
American jobs between 2001–2008,
according to a study by the Economic
Policy Institute (EPI).[169] From 2000 to
2007, the United States lost a total of 3.2
million manufacturing jobs.[170] 12.1% of
US military veterans who had served after
the September 11 attacks in 2001 were
unemployed as of 2011; 29.1% of male
veterans aged 18–24 were unemployed.[84]
As of September 2016, the total veteran
unemployment rate was 4.3 percent. By
September 2017, that figure had dropped
to 3 percent.[171]

About 25,000,000 people in the world's 30

richest countries lost their jobs between
the end of 2007 and the end of 2010, as
the economic downturn pushed most
countries into recession.[172] In April 2010,
the US unemployment rate was 9.9%, but
the government's broader U-6
unemployment rate was 17.1%.[173] In April
2012, the unemployment rate was 4.6% in
Japan.[174] In a 2012 story, the Financial
Post reported, "Nearly 75 million youth are
unemployed around the world, an increase
of more than 4 million since 2007. In the
European Union, where a debt crisis
followed the financial crisis, the youth
unemployment rate rose to 18% last year
from 12.5% in 2007, the ILO report
shows."[175] In March 2018, according to
US Unemployment Rate Statistics, the
unemployment rate was 4.1%, below the
4.5–5.0% norm.[176]

In 2021, the labor force participation rate

for non-white women and women with
children declined significantly during the
covid-19 pandemic, with approximately 20
million women leaving the workforce. Men
were not nearly as impacted, leading some
to describe the phenomenon as a "she-
cession".[177][178]

See also

Universal basic income

Career and Life Planning Education
Critique of work Business
and
Economics terminology economics
that differs from common portal

usage
Effective unemployment
rate
Employment protection
legislation
Employment-to-population
ratio
Federal Reserve Economic
Data (FRED)
Graduate unemployment
Green growth
HIRE Act
Job migration
Jobseeker's Allowance
List of countries by long-term
unemployment rate
List of countries by unemployment rate
List of films featuring unemployment
List of U.S. states by unemployment rate
List of European regions by
unemployment rate
Practice firm
Refusal of work
Salary inversion
Short-time working
 Spatial mismatch
Technological unemployment
Unemployment extension
Waithood
Workfare
Youth exclusion

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External links

Quotations related to unemployment at

Wikiquote The dictionary definition of
unemployment at Wiktionary

Media related to Unemployment at

Wikimedia Commons
Economic Policy Institute (https://web.ar
chive.org/web/20051223210842/http://
www.epinet.org/content.cfm/datazone_
uicalc_index)
Current unemployment figures (https://w
ww.ceicdata.com/en/indicator/unemplo
yment-rate) , CEIC Data
Current unemployment rates by country
(http://www.nationmaster.com/graph/la
b_une_rat-labor-unemployment-rate)
OECD Unemployment statistics (http://st
ats.oecd.org/Index.aspx?QueryId=251)
Unemployment statistics (http://lebanes
e-economy-forum.com/wdi-gdf-advance
d-data-display/show/SL-UEM-TOTL-Z
S/) by Lebanese-economy-forum, World
Bank data
JobCity is Right Platform for Govt Jobs
(https://jobcity.in)
 Thermal maps of the world's
unemployment percentage rates (http
s://web.archive.org/web/201006012140
02/http://www.visionofhumanity.org/gpi-
data/#/2010/UNEM) – by country,
2007–2010

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