Professional Documents
Culture Documents
8
Compression, Tension, and Shear
Mechanical Stress
Torsion, Bending, and Combined Loads
The Effects of Loading
Repetitive versus Acute Loads
Tools for Measuring Kinetic Quantities
Vector Algebra
Vector Composition
Vector Resolution
Graphic Solution of Vector Problems
Trigonometric Solution of Vector Problems
Summary
Introductory Problems
Additional Problems
Laboratory Experiences
9
Preventing and Treating Osteopenia and Osteoporosis
Common Bone Injuries
The Biomechanics of Bone Fractures
Epiphyseal Injuries
v
Summary
Introductory Problems
Additional Problems
Laboratory Experiences
10
Sprains
Dislocations
Bursitis
Arthritis
Rheumatoid Arthritis
Osteoarthritis
Summary
Introductory Problems
Additional Problems
Laboratory Experiences
11
Muscular Strength, Power, and Endurance
Muscular Strength
Muscular Power
Muscular Endurance
Muscle Fatigue
Effect of Muscle Temperature
Common Muscle Injuries
Strains
Contusions
Cramps
Delayed-Onset Muscle Soreness
Compartment Syndrome
Summary
Introductory Problems
Additional Problems
Laboratory Experiences
12
Medial and Lateral Rotation of the Humerus
Horizontal Adduction and Abduction at the Glenohumeral Joint
Loads on the Shoulder
Common Injuries of the Shoulder
Dislocations
Rotator Cuff Damage
Rotational Injuries
Subscapular Neuropathy
vii
Structure of the Elbow
Humeroulnar Joint
Humeroradial Joint
Proximal Radioulnar Joint
Carrying Angle
Movements at the Elbow
Muscles Crossing the Elbow
Flexion and Extension
Pronation and Supination
Loads on the Elbow
Common Injuries of the Elbow
Sprains and Dislocations
Overuse Injuries
Structure of the Wrist
Movements of the Wrist
Flexion
Extension and Hyperextension
Radial and Ulnar Deviation
Structure of the Joints of the Hand
Carpometacarpal and Intermetacarpal Joints
Metacarpophalangeal Joints
Interphalangeal Joints
Movements of the Hand
13
Common Injuries of the Wrist and Hand
Summary
Introductory Problems
Additional Problems
Laboratory Experiences
14
Patellofemoral Joint Motion
Loads on the Knee
Forces at the Tibiofemoral Joint
Forces at the Patellofemoral Joint
Common Injuries of the Knee and Lower Leg
Anterior Cruciate Ligament Injuries
Posterior Cruciate Ligament Injuries
Medial Collateral Ligament Injuries
Meniscus Injuries
Iliotibial Band Friction Syndrome
Patellofemoral Pain Syndrome
Shin Splints
Structure of the Ankle
Movements at the Ankle
Structure of the Foot
Subtalar Joint
Tarsometatarsal and Intermetatarsal Joints
Metatarsophalangeal and Interphalangeal Joints
Plantar Arches
Movements of the Foot
Muscles of the Foot
Toe Flexion and Extension
Inversion and Eversion
Pronation and Supination
Loads on the Foot
Common Injuries of the Ankle and Foot
Ankle Injuries
Overuse Injuries
Alignment Anomalies of the Foot
Injuries Related to High and Low Arch Structures
Summary
Introductory Problems
Additional Problems
15
Laboratory Experiences
16
Distance and Displacement
Speed and Velocity
Acceleration
Average and Instantaneous Quantities
Kinematics of Projectile Motion
Horizontal and Vertical Components
Influence of Gravity
Influence of Air Resistance
Factors Influencing Projectile Trajectory
Projection Angle
Projection Speed
Relative Projection Height
Optimum Projection Conditions
Analyzing Projectile Motion
Equations of Constant Acceleration
Summary
Introductory Problems
Additional Problems
Laboratory Experiences
17
Relationships Between Linear and Angular Motion
Linear and Angular Displacement
x
Linear and Angular Velocity
Linear and Angular Acceleration
Summary
Introductory Problems
Additional Problems
Laboratory Experiences
18
13 Equilibrium and Human Movement
Equilibrium
Torque
Resultant Joint Torques
Levers
Anatomical Levers
Equations of Static Equilibrium
Equations of Dynamic Equilibrium
Center of Gravity
Locating the Center of Gravity
Locating the Human Body Center of Gravity
Stability and Balance
Summary
Introductory Problems
Additional Problems
Laboratory Experiences
19
Summary
Introductory Problems
Additional Problems
Laboratory Experiences
Appendices
A Basic Mathematics and Related Skills
20
B Trigonometric Functions
C Common Units of Measurement
D Anthropometric Parameters for the Human Body
Glossary
Index
xii
21
PREFACE
ORGANIZATION
Each chapter follows a logical and readable format, with the introduction
of new concepts consistently accompanied by practical human movement
examples and applications from across the life span and across sport,
clinical, and daily living activities.
22
Balanced Coverage
Biomechanics is a field that analyzes the mechanical aspects of biological
organisms. In this book focused on human biomechanics, anatomical and
mechanical factors, as well as functional applications are covered. The
integrated approach to coverage of these areas taken in previous editions is
continued in this eighth edition.
Applications Oriented
All chapters in this new edition contain discussion of a broad range of
updated human movement applications, many of which are taken from the
recent biomechanics research literature. Special emphasis has been placed
on examples that span all ages and address clinical and daily living issues,
as well as sport applications.
Laboratory Experiences
The integrated laboratory manual appears at the end of each chapter with
references to simulations on Connect. The soft-cover design with
perforation allows laboratory manual pages to be completed and turned in
to instructors.
xiii
PEDAGOGICAL FEATURES
23
In addition to the sample problems, problem sets, laboratory experiences,
Connect boxes, end-of-chapter key terms lists, and lists of websites, the
book contains other pedagogical features from previous editions. These
include key concepts, marginal definitions, sample problems, chapter
summaries, introductory and additional problems, references, and
appendices.
ANCILLARIES
Connect
The eighth edition of Basic Biomechanics is now available online with
Connect, McGraw-Hill Education’s integrated assignment and assessment
platform. Connect also offers SmartBook for the new edition, which is the
first adaptive reading experience proven to improve grades and help
students study more effectively. All of the title's website and ancillary
content is also available through Connect. Connect includes downloadable
ancillaries, student quizzing, additional student exercises, and much more.
Resources for instructors and students include:
• Downloadable PowerPoint presentations with annotated lecture notes
• Instructor’s manual, originally developed by Darla Smith, faculty
emerita, University of Texas at El Paso
• Test bank available as downloadable word files and through EZ Test
Online, which allows instructors to create and print a test or create and
deliver an online and printed (Word or PDF) test
• Interactive links
• Online laboratory manual with simulations—Image library
xiv
24
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
I wish to extend appreciation to the following reviewers:
Jean McCrory
West Virginia University
Marcus William Barr
Ohio University
Alex Jordan
Concordia University
Matthew Wagner
Sam Houston State University
Mark Geil
Georgia State University
Jacob Sosnoff
University Of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign
A. Page Glave
Sam Houston State University
Nicholas Hanson
Western Michigan University
Eric E. LaMott
Concordia University, St. Paul
Michael Torry
Illinois State University
Finally, I also very much appreciate the excellent suggestions I have
received over the eight editions of this book from numerous students and
colleagues.
Susan J. Hall
Deputy Dean,
College of Health Sciences
University of Delaware
McGRAW-HILL CREATE
www.mcgrawhillcreate.com
25
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no related content on Scribd:
some time kept in suspense as to their fate, but were at last suffered
to leave the city unencumbered by any property whatsoever. The
proceedings would have been more thoroughly reminiscent of the
Middle Age but for the fact that, in spite of the inexorable pastry-
cook’s warnings, there were now found Christians humane enough
to feed and to shelter the miserable exiles. The pastry-cook and his
party ruled Frankfort with impunity for a whole year.
Meanwhile similar things happened at Worms. There also the
Jews were hated as competitors and detested as infidels; but the
anti-Jewish movement in that town was led by a learned lawyer; not
by an honest, if stupid, confectioner. Consequently the warfare
assumed a different character. Instead of open assault, the lawyer
preferred a siege. He closed the outlets of the town to the Jews, and
hindered them from procuring even milk for their children. These
subtle preliminaries were followed by an ultimatum addressed to the
Jews, bidding them to evacuate the city, bag and baggage, within an
hour. The wretches departed, leaving behind them
1615
their synagogues and cemeteries to the fury of the
populace. The fugitives were allowed by the Archbishop of Mayence
and the Count of Darmstadt to take up their abode in the villages and
hamlets of the neighbourhood, where they met some of their brother-
sufferers from Frankfort.
Soon afterwards the Council of Worms, indignant at its
humiliation, invited the Elector of the Palatinate to take possession of
the town. The prince accepted the invitation, and a few months later
the Jews were permitted to return. Not long after the Jews of
Frankfort also were re-admitted by the Electorate of Mayence and
Darmstadt, to the sound of trumpets. The heroic pastry-cook was
hanged and quartered, his house was razed to the ground, and his
family banished. The city was compelled by the Emperor to pay to
the Jews a large indemnity for their losses and sufferings, and they
expressed their joy by ordaining that the eve of their return should be
observed as a fast and the day itself as a feast. However, the social
position of the Jews both in Frankfort and in Worms remained the
same. In both towns they continued to live on sufferance. Only a
limited number of families was allowed to reside, and only a limited
number of individuals to marry.
1620–1648 The terrible Thirty Years’ War caused less suffering
to the Jews of Protestant Germany than to the
Christians. While Protestants and Catholics, animated by a spirit of
intolerance and the lust for power, were eagerly butchering each
other and devastating each other’s territories, the Jews made their
fortunes by impartial speculations in the booty of both sides. Their
opportunities must have been considerable; for it was during this war
that the English and other European tongues were enriched with the
German word “plunder.”
CHAPTER XV
CATHOLIC REACTION
IN HOLLAND
Holland was at this time the one European country in which man
was allowed to worship his Maker according to the dictates of his
conscience. Commercial activity in Europe has always been
accompanied, or followed, by speculative freedom, and where these
two forms of national vigour flourish religious bigotry languishes. The
Dutch, like the Italians, and even in a higher degree, had from the
earliest times shown a spirit of insubordination to papal authority.
The decrees of the Holy See had frequently met with a stubborn
resistance in which beggars and princes, prelates and burgesses
heartily participated. The long feud between Guelf and Ghibelline,
stirred up by Gregory Hildebrand’s overweening ambition, had found
both the people and the clergy of Holland on the side of the Pope’s
enemies. And not only the decrees but also the doctrines of Rome
had often failed to command obedience in this undutiful daughter of
the Church, who from the very first lent an attentive ear to the
whisperings of infidelity. All the heresies that sprang up in Europe
from the beginning of the twelfth century to the beginning of the
sixteenth—from Tanchelyn to Luther—had been welcomed by the
Dutch. Wickliffe found numerous sympathisers in the Netherlands;
and the victims of the Holy See eager avengers. Many Hollanders,
who had taken part in the crusade against Huss and his followers in
Bohemia, returned home horror-struck at the cruelty of those under
whose banner they had fought. Scepticism grew with the growth of
ecclesiastical depravity and persecution with the growth of
ecclesiastical authority, so that in no other region, not even excepting
Spain, was the infernal ingenuity of the Inquisition more severely
taxed than in Holland. It was here that the longest anathemas were
pronounced, and the most hideous tortures endured. The annual
returns of the banned, fleeced, flayed, and burnt, amounted to
thousands. But at last tyranny bred despair, and despair rebellion.
People and nobility were united in a common cause. If the burgesses
hated the priests for their persecuting spirit, the barons hated them
as cordially for the wealth and power which they had contrived to
usurp. And then came the invention of the printing press to prepare
the way for the great day of the Reformation, on which was signed
the death-warrant of mediaeval Catholicism.
In Holland alone rebellion did not degenerate into a new species
of despotism. While the hidalgos of Castile, impelled by lust for glory
and gold, carried into a new world the cross and the cruelty of the
old, conquering kingdoms for Charles and Philip, souls for Christ and
wealth for themselves; while even in England one sovereign was
engaged in persecuting Popery, another Puritanism, and a third both,
the citizens of the Netherlands were laying the foundations of a less
splendid but far more solid prosperity. As in the Venetian, so in the
Dutch Republic, integrity and intelligence in the individual were
esteemed more highly than orthodoxy, and an extensive commerce
was regarded as more valuable to the State than a rigid creed—an
attitude which earned the Hollanders a reputation for worldly
weakliness and carnal self-seeking among our stern upholders of
sanctity and inspired their brother-Protestants of Barebone’s
Parliament to denounce them as enemies of Christ. Briefly, the
Dutch had never submitted to the suicidal necessity of extinguishing
liberty at home in order to achieve greatness abroad, nor had they
subscribed to the mad doctrine which, under one form or another,
had obsessed Europe during so many centuries: that it is a good
man’s duty to make a hell of this world in order to inherit paradise in
the next.
It was in Holland, accordingly, that the Jews of Spain and
Portugal, fleeing from the holocausts of the Holy Office, found a
harbour of safety. Whilst the Netherlands lay under Spanish rule
these emigrants were repeatedly expelled from various Dutch cities,
owing to the citizens’ dread of seeing the Inquisition—which had
been introduced into the country by Charles V. in 1522—established
amongst them. But the liberation from the foreign yoke was to
change all this—not without a struggle. In 1591 a Jewish consul of
the Sultan of Morocco proposed to the burgesses of Middelburg that
they should permit the Portuguese Marranos to settle in their town.
The shrewd burgesses would gladly have welcomed these
commercial allies, but they were obliged to yield to the prejudices of
the Protestant clergy, not unnaturally embittered by their long fight
for liberty. The opposition, however, was short-lived. The Dutch
recognised kindred spirits in the Jews. They shared their implacable
hatred of the Spanish tyrant and of Catholicism, as they shared their
aptitude for trade. Under William of Orange the dream of toleration
became a political reality, and in 1593 the first contingent of
Portuguese pseudo-Christians landed at Amsterdam.
But, though the flames of the Quemadero had been left far
behind, the fear which centuries of ill-usage had instilled into the
Jews’ hearts remained with them. The secrecy, with which these
hunted refugees at first deemed it necessary to meet and worship,
excited the suspicion of their Christian neighbours, who, not
unreasonably, concluding that so many precautions covered a
sinister design, informed the authorities. On the Fast of
1596
Atonement the Jews, while at prayer, were surprised
by armed men. The appearance of these myrmidons awakened
memories of the Inquisition in the breasts of the worshippers, who
fled, thereby deepening the suspicion. And while the Jews were
trying to escape from imaginary Papists, the Dutch officers searched
the Jewish prayer-house for crucifices and wafers. An explanation
ensued, the prisoners were released, and the congregation returned
to its devotions. After this incident, which made it clear to the Dutch
that the Marranos were not Papist conspirators, but only harmless
hypocrites, the latter were allowed to stay, under certain restrictions,
and a synagogue was inaugurated in 1598 amid great enthusiasm.
The good news drew more refugees from Spain and Portugal to
Holland. The persecuted crypto-Jews of the Peninsula began to look
upon Amsterdam as a new Jerusalem, or rather as a new world—so
different and so novel was the treatment which they met with there
from that to which they were accustomed in every other Christian
country. To Amsterdam, therefore, they continued to flee from the
racks and the stakes of the Inquisition—men, women, and even
monks—in ever increasing numbers, so that a new synagogue had
to be built in 1608. Six years afterwards they secured a burial ground
in the neighbourhood of the town. The community rejoiced
exceedingly in the acquisition of this cemetery, though on every body
carried thither they had to pay a tax to each church that the funeral
procession passed on its way. Tolerated though they were, these
Peninsular exiles were still distrusted by the common people as
Catholic spies in disguise, and it was not till 1615 that they were
officially recognised as settlers and traders. Before long a Hebrew
printing press was established in Amsterdam, and gradually mere
tolerance grew into warm welcome. The community was about this
time joined by immigrants driven out of Germany by the ravages of
the Thirty-Years’ War. These German Jews formed the mob of the
colony; despised by their cultured brethren as uncouth and, in turn,
despising them as spurious Jews. Hence arose a schism, and the
German section set up a synagogue of their own. But community of
creed and the subtle affinity of blood, reinforced by the necessity of
presenting a united front to a hostile world, overcame the prejudices
of class, and a reconciliation was effected in 1639. Amsterdam
speedily became the seat of a prosperous and united Hebrew
congregation, and the stronghold of a vigorous and uncompromising
Judaism. The colony consisted of men and women, everyone of
whom had suffered for the faith. It was natural, therefore, that they
should strive to safeguard by all means in their power a treasure
preserved at so enormous a cost of blood and tears. Faith,
unfortunately, is not far removed from fanaticism, and the victims of
tyranny are only too prone to become its ministers. The Jews of
Amsterdam had undergone a long and severe course in the most
distinguished school of cruelty and bigotry, and it is no wonder if they
graduated with high honours. The Rabbis enjoyed an immense
power over the souls and the purses of their disciples; they levied
heavy fines upon members of the Synagogue who incurred their
displeasure; and in their promptitude to stifle freedom of thought they
rivalled the Satraps of the Church. A sad illustration of Hebrew
intolerance is supplied by the story of the hapless Uriel Acosta.
He was a gentleman of Oporto, one of those Marranos whose
fathers had been taught to love Christ by torture, and who had
bought the right of residence in their native land by baptism. Though
brought up as a devout Catholic and destined for a clerical career,
Uriel was repelled by the mechanical formalities of Catholicism, and
he reverted to the old faith; thus escaping from the meshes of the
Church only to fall into those of the Synagogue. On his
1617
arrival at Amsterdam the idealist was rudely awakened
to the meanness of reality. He found actual Judaism widely different
from the picture which his vivid imagination had drawn of it, and he
was, unfortunately for himself, too honest to conceal his
disappointment. The independence of character which had induced
Uriel to give up social position, home, and fortune for the sake of
conscience, also caused him to disagree with the pious mummeries
of the Hebrew priests. A long contest between the individual and the
institution ended in an inglorious victory for the latter. Uriel Acosta’s
rebellion was visited with excommunication and social ostracism. He
was figuratively extinguished in more senses than one. All his friends
and relatives shunned him as a leper, or rather ignored him as if he
had ceased to exist. It was death in life.
Alone in a city whose language he could not speak, stoned by
those for whom he had sacrificed all, spurned even by his nearest
and dearest, Uriel was driven to the publication of a book which cost
him imprisonment and a fine; for the Rabbis denounced it to the
Dutch authorities as hostile not only to Judaism, but also to
Christianity. This widened the breach between him and his brethren.
Thus fifteen years of misery and loneliness dragged on, till, unable to
bear his awful isolation any longer, this poor outcast from a people of
outcasts tried to regain the favour of the Synagogue and the society
of his fellow-men by feigned repentance. There ended
1633
the second part of the trilogy. The third began when
Uriel’s simulated conversion was seen through. The discovery led to
new persecution and insults innumerable. He was again ostracized
by his relatives, robbed of his betrothed, and excommunicated by the
Synagogue.
Seven years of suffering elapsed, and the victim at last, worn out
by a fight to which his sensitive nature was unequal, prematurely
aged and longing for rest, once more offered to sign a recantation.
Pardon was granted, but not without terrible penalties and fresh
humiliation. The penitent was made to read aloud his confession of
sin; he was subjected to a public castigation—thirty-nine lashes—
and was obliged to lie prone across the threshold of the synagogue
for all the congregation to walk over and trample upon him. This
disgrace drove Uriel to despair, attempt at murder, and suicide.
These things happened in 1640. In the ensuing year John
Evelyn, whom we have seen at Venice, paid a visit to the community
—probably to the very synagogue—that had witnessed poor Uriel’s
sufferings, and he enters his impressions in his Diary as follows:
“August 19. Next day I returned to Amsterdam, where I went to a
synagogue of the Jews, being Saturday; the ceremonies, ornaments,
lamps, law, and scrolls afforded matter for my wonder and enquiry.
The women were secluded from the men, being seated above in
galleries, and having their heads muffled with linnen after a
fantastical and somewhat extraordinary fashion.
“They have a separate burying-ground, full of sepulchres with
Hebrew inscriptions, some of them very stately. In one, looking
through a narrow crevice, I perceived divers bookes lye about a
corpse, for it seems when any learned Rabbi dies, they bury some of
his books with him. With the help of a stick I raked out some of the
leaves, written in Hebrew characters, but much impaired.”
“Aug. 28. I was brought acquainted with a Burgundian Jew who
had married an apostate Kentish woman. I asked him divers
questions; he told me, amongst other things, that the world should
never end, that our souls transmigrated, and that even those of the
most holy persons did pennance in the bodies of bruits after death,
and so he interpreted the banishment and salvage life of
Nebucodnezer; that all the Jews should rise again, and be lead to
Jerusalem.... He showed me severall bookes of their devotion, which
he had translated into English for the instruction of his wife; he told
me that when the Messias came, all the ships, barkes, and vessels