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Mona Seif, sister of the imprisoned British-Egyptian human rights activist Alaa Abd El Fattah, is
joined by supporters during a vigil outside Downing Street in London on Nov. 6, 2022. Photo: Wiktor
Szymanowicz/Getty Images
Every year, the expectations for what all of this can accomplish dip
lower and lower, while cynicism about the traffic jam of private jets
headed to the summit reaches new heights.
So far, however, this year’s summit, known as COP27, has been any-
thing but routine. That is less because of its content than its location.
It is taking place under the most repressive regime in the history of
the modern Egyptian state, headed by Gen. Abdel Fattah el-Sisi, who
seized power in a military coup in 2013 and has held on to it through
sham elections ever since. Sisi’s regime is known for its barbarity un-
der the best of circumstances but, like every dictatorship, Egypt’s
rulers are on particularly high alert because of the Iranian uprising —
fearing that, like the Arab Spring in 2011 which leapt across borders
toppling regimes, this moment of spiraling living costs could prove
equally volatile.
All of this has created a highly unusual and tense context for the sum-
mit, with several extraordinary elements.
Alaa’s words have been quoted in several speeches from the floor; his
sister Sanaa Seif attended the summit’s first week and was sur-
rounded by a press gaggle everywhere she went; and young delegates
have been seen wearing #FreeAlaa T-shirts. On November 10, many
delegates wore white, the color worn by Egypt’s prison inmates, and
raised banners that said, “No climate justice without human rights.
We have not yet been defeated” — an invocation of Alaa Abd El
Fattah’s book, published earlier this year, “You Have Not Yet Been
Defeated.” This has prompted the regime to respond with highly or-
chestrated, heavy-handed counter-demonstrations of its own.
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The intense focus on Alaa’s case is taking place because the writer
and technologist, behind bars for most of the past decade, chose to in-
tensify his hunger strike to include a water strike, timed with the
first day of the summit. In doing so, he was attempting to force the
regime to choose between two options: free him and let him emigrate
to the U.K. (he is a dual citizen), or let him die in the middle of the
highest profile international event to take place in Egypt under Sisi’s
rule. (It is worth recalling that the uprising that is still raging in Iran
Sisi appears to have tried a third option: On November 10, Alaa’s sis-
ter Mona Seif posted on Twitter that “we have just been informed by
the prison officers ‘Medical intervention was taken with @alaa with
the knowledge of judicial entities.’” This was interpreted to mean
some kind of forced feeding, which is (yet another) violation of his
rights, as Human Rights Watch has said. On Monday, November 14,
Alaa’s mother finally received, outside the prison gates, a handwrit-
ten note from Alaa confirming that he is alive, has received medical
attention, and has just started drinking water. The letter was dated
two days earlier.
All the while, Egypt’s public prosecutor’s office has sent out a barrage
of contradictory claims, absurdly boasting of Alaa’s good health, and
stating that his family has been permitted to visit him as recently as
November 7. In fact, since he intensified his hunger strike, Egyptian
authorities have steadily refused to allow anyone to see Alaa and as-
sess the state of his health for themselves: not his family, not his
lawyer, not the British consulate. The regime continues to ignore and
deny his status and rights as a British national.
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The Sisi regime is watching closely: The official COP27 mobile app,
downloaded on thousands of phones, is being described by security
experts as a “cyber weapon” with extraordinary surveillance capabili-
ties; Sharm el-Sheikh’s 800 taxis were outfitted with video and audio
surveillance, and people’s phones in major cities have been searched
at random. There have been so many incidents of Egyptian security
spying on delegates inside the summit, including by filming and pho-
tographing their electronic devices, that the German government re-
portedly lodged an official complaint. “We expect all participants in
the U.N. climate conference to be able to work and negotiate under
safe conditions,” Germany’s Foreign Ministry said in a statement.
“This is not just true for the German but for all delegations, as well as
representatives of civil society and the media.”
These tight controls mean that the summit is effectively taking place
inside an informational bubble, one that the Sisi regime, with help
from public relations company Hill+Knowlton, is attempting to paint
green.
Using personal and professional networks, this team has been collect-
ing many testimonies and stories, about everything from Egypt’s new
fossil fuel projects to arrests and surveillance of locals, to the contin-
ued human rights crisis in the regime’s jails. Most sources needed to
be anonymous to avoid arrest, but we have been able to check claims
for accuracy. Here is some of what we have found so far.
Police officers are seen in front of the International Convention Center as the U.N. climate
summit COP27 is being held in Sharm el-Sheikh, Egypt, on Nov. 12, 2022. Photo: Mohamed Abdel
Hamid/Anadolu Agency via Getty Images
National Crackdowns
Since assuming office, Gen. Abdel Fattah el-Sisi and his regime have
severely limited space for dissent. State repression increases markedly
every year around the anniversary of the 2011 January 25 Revolution,
but we have received reports that ahead of and during COP27, crack-
downs have intensified across the country and in some areas amount
to a full lockdown. From random police searches in major cities to ar-
rests and the closure of schools and transportation, Egypt’s citizens
are experiencing one of the harshest crackdowns in recent memory.
I’m afraid that after the climate conference they will come for
the rest of us. A few [activists] haven’t left Egypt and aren’t im-
prisoned, it won’t be about how active we are now or if we are
of any importance, it’s simply that we are the only ones left to
detain.
An armored vehicle of the Egyptian army is seen as they blow up buildings as part of an opera-
tion aiming to create a buffer zone at the Rafah border in Egypt, on Nov. 1, 2014. Photo: Abed
Rahim Khatib/Anadolu Agency/Getty Images
Environmental Coverups
Before international delegates arrived to Sharm el-Sheikh, Human
Rights Watch warned that “the most sensitive environmental issues
are those that point out the government’s failure to protect people’s
rights against damage caused by corporate interests, including issues
relating to water security, industrial pollution, and environmental
harm from real estate, tourism development, and agribusiness.”
These hot-button issues for the state have not been widely discussed
at COP27. However, environmental and human rights researchers
have shared cases with us where Egypt’s military and security forces
have displaced communities and wreaked environmental havoc.
In Sinai, where COP27 is being held, security forces have for the past
decade destroyed the communities and environments. According to
Mohannad Sabry, a journalist, researcher, and author of “Sinai:
who are most impacted must be empowered to lead the way. That can
only happen if basic freedoms — to speak, to dissent, to protest, to
strike — are defended, in Egypt and around the world.
Consider what the world of media would look like without The
Intercept. Who would hold party elites accountable to the values
they proclaim to have? How many covert wars, miscarriages of
justice, and dystopian technologies would remain hidden if our
reporters weren’t on the beat?
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