Navigating Religious Dissonance: Understanding the Impact on Parent-Child Relationships

in Indian Culture

Religious beliefs and faith are an important part of many families across the world and even
more so in the Indian culture. However, there are several households where the theological
beliefs of children starkly differ from that of their parents. There are expected marked
differences in the way that contemporary children and adults come to believe in and
conceptualize such ideas (Harris, 2021). The central research question of the study is to
understand the effect of this religious dissonance on the parent-child relationship. To address this
question, the researchers conducted a collective case study that examines five unique cases.
These cases vary in terms of the intensity of the faith difference, social acceptance of such
differences, their effect on the parent-child relationship, and their impact on other aspects of the
child's life. Focusing on Indian culture allows a holistic view of the intricacies of the parent-child
relationship when it comes to religious beliefs. The study sheds light on the broader dynamics of
intergenerational faith transmission and the ways families handle religious diversity within their
household.

Keywords: Intergenerational faith, religious transmission in families, familial religious

dissonance, parent-child faith
 Introduction

Religion holds a high regard within the Indian culture. The rules of religion not only dictate the
theological beliefs of a person, they also seem to largely impact their family lives, the education
they pursue, the jobs they do and even the diet they can or cannot have. As has been researched
several times before, spiritual and religious experiences are central to many aspects of cognitive
and personal–social development across the lifespan (Roehlkepartain, 2006). In this particular
study we do not focus on the effects of religious upbringing but that of religious dissonance.

In the context of this study, religious dissonance is the gap between the faith and spiritual beliefs
of parents and their children. We must acknowledge that within the Indian context there is a
unique phenomenon where young adults with opinions and independent ideas live and exist
within familial units. Even as they earn their own livelihood, they often still live or are highly
influenced by their family. The idea of personal is not as concrete in India as anywhere else in
the world. While the law allows anyone above the age of eighteen to be free of parental
influences their acceptance still seems to be very important in the lives of children. Here,
children are defined as young adults who associate with these parents and while are not
completely under their guardian ship, are still very much associated with them through
parenthood.

Religion can have both helpful and harmful influences on parent-child relationships (Kelly et al,
2020). Religious dissonance itself might not have the same effects. Religion in India is often not
an independent area of a person’s life. It intricately webs itself into culture, upbringing,
personality and even simpler aspects of life like food and clothing. In such a case, wavering
away from the ideas of the familial unit can be a cause of conflict between parents and children.
The paper is focused on understanding the various characteristics that underlie these conflicts,
what are the facets that influence the nature of these conflicts and its results on the life of the
participants.

A specific phenomenon we might find of interest is ICD: Intergenerational cultural dissonance,

phenomena of cultural change usually seen in immigrant parents and their children who are more
acculturated into the host culture (Wu et al, 2011). Scholars have frequently researched the
effects of ICD, a concept that can serve as a parallel for intergenerational religious dissonance.
 In a study focused on Cambodian and Vietnamese immigrant families, it was observed that ICD
indirectly increases problem behaviors by disrupting family processes, significantly heightens
parent–child conflict, the nature of such conflict is also unique in that it is perceived by youth
more than by the parenting unit (Choi et al, 2008). In this study we also seek to find through
qualitative measures if, the nature of perception holds true for intergenerational religious
dissonance just as it does for its cultural counterpart.

In this study we use uniform parameters like the intensity of the dissonance, the amount of social
acceptance it might elicit, the nature of the parent-child conflict due to the dissonance, the
aspects of their lives this dissonance impacts and finally the presence or absence of
accommodative measures from both parties.

It is widely believed that positive youth development is composed by the child’s agency and
their ongoing interactions with the many systems whose membership is accorded to them (Lerner
et al. 2015). In this case wanting to be independent from certain memberships that they have held
since birth is often seen as deviance, causing distress to the child in question. What lies at the
core of this paper, is a need of understanding with empathy the true pain of removing oneself
from a system one does not find fit for themselves. In this manner is also tests the boundaries of
cultural restrictions and whether or not young adults realistically exercise agency or not.

An agency of personal faith can be seen as an essential. Historically children are viewed as
passive learners of religious information, rarely ever are they seen as active participants who
have the right to approach faith with their own perspectives (Parker, 2021). There has been little
research done on finding the tolerance of parents when it comes to their children wanting to
switch to a different religion but there are other markers that can be used to assume what the
position would be. In an extensive survey conducted by the Pew Research Center, it was found
that while most Indians are in favor of religious tolerance and in fact find it essential, there are
contradictory markers. 67% of the general population felt that it is essential to stop interreligious
marriages; many reported that they have friends from their own religion and fewer said that they
would stay in neighborhoods with their own communities, some previous surveys have shown
that half of Indians support legal bans on religious conversions and around nine states have
enacted laws against religious proselytism (Sehgal et al, 2021).
 Literature Review

There is substantive research to suggest that spirituality and religious education can help
adolescents combat mental health conflicts (Estrada, 2019). However the core of this might be
more complex than assumed. The faith in question could be derived by birth or developed as
these children are nurtured and interact with their environments. The coexistence of diverse
religious beliefs within a single family can result in religious dissonance and conflicts. These
marked differences in theological beliefs between parents and their children also penetrate the
other aspects of their relationships as well as lives.

Religious transmission from parents to children is not only a bonding practice but is an essential
rite observed in Indian culture. The strength of this transmission varies by family factors, such as
parent–child closeness, parenting style, and family structure (Smith and Snell, 2009). Close knit
communities or religions that are relatively strict seem to produce more religious children
(Bengston, 2017).

Religion and politics are often inevitably connected, since religious ideologies develop within
the boundaries of political systems toward which they must adopt some opinion (Wellman,
2008). While this means that the religion one grows up in will influence their political choices,
the political choices one engages in will influence their religious stance. This is key to
understanding the underlying factors of the religious dissonance that seem to be on the rise in
Indian families.

When parents view religion as more important than their teens do, adolescents tend to report
poorer relations with parents; however the relationship quality is not lower in cases when it is the
adolescent who values religion more highly (Stokes et al, 2009). While this research has covered
the difference of intensity in faith, the difference in faith itself has not been covered.

The available research on the topic either focuses on the effects of the discord or is done in west
mainly covering Christianity based religions. In the present study we uncover the very nature of
this conflict, taking a holistic view of why this change of faith occurs and the results of it on the
child. We also place it into a cultural context where religion is not only important but a large
influence socially and culturally.
 Methodology

This study is a qualitative research into the lives of young adults who share faith differences with
their parents. Qualitative research generates rich, detailed data that can provide insights into the
motivations, attitudes, and behaviors of participants at the same time it provides a subjective
experience that can be used in the interest of the topic’s development. When cultural or social
phenomena are at the core of research, qualitative methods help researchers uncover cultural the
social context that influences behavior. It is ideal for theory development and does justice to
subjective experience while providing rich data about the phenomena.

The method of data collection employed was interviews. These interviews took place over a
week’s period with each participant. The interviews were semi-structured in nature and were
very in-depth as well as through. While some questions were uniformly asked to all participants
others were based on answers as well as based on the uniqueness of each participant. The data
was recorded in the form of audio recordings and notes. Several methods of data analysis were
employed to ensure uniform and fair discussion. First a cross-case analysis was performed to
map out the differences and similarities between each case. This gave a more structured outlook
to the data, allowing careful consideration, it through this we identified our variables of interest
for the basic analysis of the study.

A basic thematic analysis was done to find common themes that made themselves available
across all the cases. Here we were able to categorize the available data based on recurring ideas.
A content analysis was then performed to look for recurring words, this way we were able to list
out several words that were used by all participants to describe their emotions and the events in
their lives. A member checking was also done where the collected data and its interpretation was
sent back to the participants to understand how accurate they found it. All participants felt that
the interpretation provided to them was descriptive of their lives and accurate. To ensure
objectivity, Software-Assisted Analysis was also employed. Collected data was used as an input
for multiple qualitative data analysis software and their findings were integrated into the
research. Our final conclusions are formed on the principles of Grounded Theory. The data
categorization and coding done through multiple levels and through objective lens were used to
form final discussions and eventually a theory about the subject matter.
 Operative Definitions for Variables of Interest

Case Intensity of Social Parent-Child Presence of

Difference Acceptance of Conflict Accommodative
Difference Measures
Case -I High Zero High No
Case - II Low Some Some Yes
Case – III High Zero High No
Case - I V High Some Some Yes
Case - V High Zero High No

Intensity of the Difference: In the context of the study intensity of the difference refers to how
far apart the religious views of the parents and children are. That is if Point A is the religion of
the parents and Point B is Areligion (beliefs that are in opposition of supernatural existence)
where the child’s faith falls. The closer they are to Point A, the intensity of the difference
increases and more they approach Point B more the intensity increases.

Social Acceptance of the Difference: In the context of the study social acceptance of the
difference refers to how this difference is viewed by other social elements like other family
members, relatives, neighbors and friends of both. Zero social acceptance means this difference
will not be tolerated by these social elements, while some means, this difference elicits some
support.

Parent Child Conflict: In the context of the study these underlie the arguments, disagreements
or other forms of conflicts that might occur between parents and child. We are not only viewing
disagreements related to the subject matter but also the other arguments that might not be related
to the same. This is to see if religious dissonance can lead to more tensions in the relationship.

Presence of Accommodative Measures: In the context of the study accommodative measures

are those methods or strategies that are employed by either the parent, child or both to find
middle ground to settle their differences. Some parents and children will find common practices
that will help them settle their differences while other do not engage in something similar.

(It is worth being noted that while the ages of the participants are within 19-23 brackets their
genders are not revealed during this study. In the context of this study gender is not our variable
of interest.)
 Discussion and Analysis

On the bases of thematic analysis we uncovered the common themes that were available in all
cases. We identified five major themes. The obtained data was put though a software analysis in
three different research analysis software. Themes that occurred commonly in all four analyses
were included in the research. The themes and their descriptions were also referred back to the
participants and their views on it were integrated into the discussion. These were the themes that
were identified:

Presence of a Trauma

Among all the cases the most identifiable element was the occurrence of a tragic event that made
them either completely switch or question they faith that they were born into. For Subject 1 it
was their father meeting a terrible accident despite being an ardent devotee and follower. In case
of Subject 2 it was watching her younger cousin turn to monkhood at a very young age. Subject
3 frequently witnessed forms of religion sanctioned discrimination while Subject 4 suffered
disdain at a young age when they began to question some aspects of the religion. Finally Subject
5 witnessed both her parents struggle financially and socially as well as in matters of health even
when both of them were devout worshippers.

Leo et al did a literature suggesting that most people do not change their religious beliefs after a
trauma but significant changes occur for a smaller proportion of people—either increasing or
decreasing their religious beliefs (Leo et al, 2019). However it is worth noting that is literature
review is very much west centric including databases that are limited in their cultural approach.

Changes in religious belief make complete sense from a cognitive point of view. A person
attributes meanings to the causes of the events based on their preexisting schemas (Kelley,
1972). When new events occur they are integrated into preexisting schemas through the process
of assimilation or new categories are formed through accommodation. More cognitive resources
are required for accommodation than for assimilation (Fekken & Holden, 1992). Changes in
religious beliefs are expected to occur when the trauma cannot be assimilated into the person’s
preexisting schemas (Leo et al, 2019).
Whether or not the trauma will be assimilated will depend on the pre-existing schemas their
complexity, strength and sophistication. So while the presence of a trauma might be seen as a
characteristic whether it will lead to decrease or increase in faith will depend on other
characteristics.

Low Sophistication of Religious Schema

It is worth noting that while the trauma changed the view of faith for children, this remained
more or less same for the parents. Sophistication of religious schemas may be a good reason
explanation for the same. When a person undergoes a traumatic experience, the elaborateness or
sophistication of their religious schemas assists with the efficient processing (Mchintoh, 1995).
In the case of the parents not only have these schemas existed for a long time, they have had
several components that have contributed to the development and strengthening of these
religious schemas.

These parents were trained by their forefathers and saw religious worship more closely and with
more depth. At the same time the amount of questioning they could do for the same was also
limited. Considering the generational gap, it is easy to assume that other schemas like that of
compliance and religious essentialism would also be strengthened in the parents. They also grew
up in more collectivistic cultures that helped them understand religion more emotionally and
more in depth.

For the children, these schemas were still developing and were not nearly as old or concrete as it
was for their parents. They also grew up in more individualistic culture than their parents so in
the absence of agents who would help them understand faith more emotionally. The questioning
they did before the acceptance of faith or during its exploration meant that many gaps in these
religious schemas were still unfilled. Absence of philosophical and moral complexity within
these religious schemas meant that they were not as elaborate as that in their parents.

Religious attributions that are congruent with religious schemas would not lead to changes in
religious beliefs (Spillka et al, 1985). These statements are based on the religion in question and
might look like “If I have faced a challenge, it means god wants me to develop and will help me
through it.” Or “A challenge means I did something wrong and god is helping me realize the
same so I can grow.”
When a person experiences a trauma, the severity and suddenness of this challenge may lead to
the “shattering” of their schemas (Janoff-Bulman, 2010). Less sophisticated and elaborate
schemas are more likely to shatter than schemas that are complex and influence other schemas.
In the case of parents, their schemas are not only religious but are influencing their schemas of
norms, social rules, dietary habits and morality. With children the norms they follow, their
interactions and their rules of morality are not formed by religion. Hence their religious schemas
influence their other schemas less than in the case of their parents, resulting in the shattering of
these schemas. This helps us understand another characteristic – the nature of religious
education.

Incomplete Nature of Religious Education

Transmission of religion is seen as an essential part of familial structures in India; not only for
the sake of legacy but it is also an important part of social appearances. Granqvist & Hagekull
gave the correspondence and the compensation model to explain how childhood relationship
with parents can influence their view of god. People who develop positive schemas from their
early interactions with caregivers are more likely to adopt the religious beliefs of their parents in
contrast to this people who develop dysfunctional schemas due to insensitive parenting may also
go on to develop strong religious schemas to substitute these parental figures (Granqvist &
Hagekull, 1999).

All the involved participants had a mostly positive view of how they were raised. Yet if the
correspondence model or the compensatory model holds true, they should accept the religion of
their parents and the transmission should be successful. It is through this research we can suggest
that the insophistication of their religious schemas can be appointed to, to the nature of the
religious education they were subjected to.

Their religious education was neither in-depth nor done with patience. Most participants claimed
that they were asked to partake in a ritual simply because they have to, most of the times they
were neither aware nor curious about the involved processes. Altemeyer and Hunsberger
conducted a research on students who became atheists after being raised in strong religious
upbringing. These students had considerably more questions and doubts compared to their
religious counterparts (Altemeyer and Hunsberger, 1997). In line with our current research it is
indicating that a lack of education about the religion will result in loss of belief. They also
presented a strange but sincere idea: striving for truth and integrity resulted from religious
education itself (Altemeyer and Hunsberger, 2006). Meaning religious education was not
completely unsuccessful. This is in line with the findings of the current research and will be
further explained in the other characteristics we noted during the same.

Self Education

Another important factor worth noting is that none of the participants simply accept an alternate
be it with a different religion or areligion. All the participants went through an intense period of
self exploration and education before adopting a new stance. Concern with the truth is
considered as an important element in faith transformation, this concern comes from a duty
towards intellectual honesty and the ethics of belief which explains that every person has a moral
responsibility to justify his/her beliefs with enough evidence (Barbour, 1994).

Religious self education hence seems to be an important part in the journey of the participants
towards their new faith. It seems they were not just looking for another alternate, their picking
was selective and their decisions were well informed. While there was a presence of trauma that
led to the shattering of their less elaborate schemas, they were not simply replaced by the best
present option.

It is visible in how confident the participants were with their new stances and how much better
they could defend it or wanted to defend it. They were in conflict with their parents to get their
new faith accepted, meaning that a well informed schema formation had taken place. Their
abandonment of a belief system was not a rebellious act, instead they abandoned a belief system
that was never personally chosen but handed down from their parents during childhood
(Brewster, 2014).

Perez et all believed that “a strong cognitive element, the core category of reason and enquiry is
characterized by an intellectual impetus, the use of reason, and the act of questioning. Doubt
was pervasive and it emerged during the early stages of the analysis”. Participants recounted
how their doubts were silenced and left unanswered when Subject 2 asked why god would want
her younger cousin to leave her family she was quieted down similarly when Subject 3 asked
why their maid could not drink from the same glasses as them he was not answered. When such
doubts are ignored and suppressed until they accumulate, they became too numerous and
impossible to evade (Perez et al, 2019).

Feeling a Certain Sense of Guilt

Coming from the previous category of integrity in honesty in terms of following religion, this
seems to be an important marker in the transformation of faith for these individuals. All the
subjects reported feeling a sense of dishonesty as they tried to participate in the religion of their
parents.

Guilt associated with three classes of behaviors in humans (Rosenstock et al, 2018):

 The anticipation of guilt prevents social transgression (Tangney et al., 1996).

 The experience of guilt leads to a suite of reparative behaviors (Silfver, 2007)
 Expressions of guilt lead to decreased punishing behaviors, and forgiveness (Eisenberg
et al, 2017).

In the context of our research we are at an unique stance where none of the three behaviors hold
true for the kind of guilt the participants felt as they followed their parent’s beliefs for norm’s
sake. The guilt did not prevent social transgression, they still went on to break the norm and even
suffered the consequences of norm breaking when that happened. Reparative behaviors also did
not occur like acceptance of punishment or self punishment. Finally, the guilt did not lead to
forgiveness, acceptance or negotiation.

Perhaps we can think of it in light of culture and that guilt behavior might differ based on
culture, a simple answer but lacking rigor. The above assumptions are made using evolutionary
psychology, many of the generalizations based in evolutionary psychology is that of cross culture
uniformity. A change of perspective can help us understand that perhaps the above mentioned
behaviors occurred but in a direction different than assumed.

The guilt was based in the idea of lying to self. When the participants claimed that they felt a
certain sense of guilt, they also elaborated by saying that guilt was centered within the self.
Subject 5 said they felt like a hypocrite whenever they practice something they did not believe
in. Subject 3 felt that he felt very shallow doing something he did not believe in. So their sense
of guilt was less centered outwards and more within. Their reparative behavior were also self
centric, by rectifying the wrong in the form of avoiding participation. In the same manner they
did not seek forgiveness outward and inward, a forgiveness that came with the acceptance of new
faith.

Another alternate explanation for the same can lie in this guilt being a function of cognitive
dissonance. When humans are confronted with inconsistent cognitions, it leads to psychological
discomfort (Festinger, 1957). CDS is considered to be an aversive state that drives humans to
resolve inconsistency in order to reduce the state (Bran et al, 2020).

The participants faced this inconsistency when what they believed in did not align with their
actions. They are two ways to remedy this inconsistency, by changing cognition or by changing
action that is either by accepting the faith or by discontinuing the practice. Which path to choose
can depend on a few factors, like which one will involve the use of less cognitive resources. In
the context of research we assume that it is the strength of the schema involved. If a schema is
stronger, elaborate and sophisticated, the cognition will be maintained and the action will be
modified to reduce dissonance. Since the new faith schema was more elaborate and complex,
interwoven better with other schemas the participants chose to change their actions.

We can assume hence that if they had remained in the original faith, they would have accepted
the action. Since the schemas of their inherited religions were easier to modify, the acceptance of
actions would have made more sense cognitively.

The content analysis conducted on the participants revealed several vocabularies and
concepts that were consistent throughout the study. While the thematic analysis helped us
understand why the transformation took place, the content analysis will reveal more
information about its effects on the lives of participants.

 Parental Conflicts

Conflicts over beliefs and over faith were a common theme across the participants. In fact they
were the main core of the other characteristics that will be revealed. The parental conflicts over
faith and religion seem to be a large stressor in the lives of these individuals. We asked the
participants what were usually the terms of conflict. Three main reasons seemed to be common
across all participants:
 1. Fights over participation in rituals and festivities.
2. Maintaining an appearance before other family members.
3. Believing that all of the child’s flaw stem from their religious stance.

 Stress

The frequent disagreements over faith differences were not confined to religious domains alone.
They spilled over into other aspects of participants' lives, such as career choices, social circles, or
even marriage decisions. As a direct consequence of these ongoing disagreements, all
participants experienced a substantial amount of stress in their lives. The participants explained
that it was accompanied by including sadness, frustration, anger, and even feelings of
helplessness. It affected their ability to concentrate on work or studies, disrupted their sleep
patterns, and strained their interpersonal relationships beyond their families. They seemed to take
a toll on the participants' mental well-being.

 Social Disdain

The participants' experiences reveal a broader social stigma surrounding their religious choices
within their social and familial circles. For long they grappled with questions about their place
within their families and communities, which can have long-term psychological effects. This
indicates that the ramifications of their religious choices extend beyond the family unit and affect
their broader social networks.

 Invalidation of Experiences

The participants seemed to experience an invalidation of their experiences and emotions. The
responses from their parents essentially invalidated the participants' emotions, suggesting that
their feelings were not legitimate or warranted. This invalidation can be emotionally
distressing and exacerbate the participants' sense of isolation. The repeated invalidation of
their experiences likely created barriers to effective communication within these family
relationships. Participants may have become hesitant to express their thoughts and emotions,
anticipating unhelpful responses.
  Participant Expectations

We asked the participants what they expected out of their parents and the answers were not
surprising – acceptance and middle ground. It seemed that these participants wanted their
parents to accept the idea that their faiths are different and yet they can share a relationship of
love and trust. They said that they were willing to sit down with their parents and look for a
middle ground. The participants’ expectations shed light on the potential pathways for
resolving religious dissonance within families. They emphasize the importance of exploring
strategies for fostering acceptance, open communication, and compromise in parent-child
relationships affected by faith differences.

At the beginning of the study we identified some variables of interest. They were some
aspects of case descriptions that were uniformly characteristic and their intensity could
help us find valuable insight into our subject matter:

Case Intensity of Social Parent-Child Presence of

Difference Acceptance of Conflict Accommodative
Difference Measures
Case -I High Zero High No
Case - II Low Some Some Yes
Case – III High Zero High No
Case - I V High Some Some Yes
Case - V High Zero High No

Keeping in mind that this a qualitative study, we cannot come to generalizations using the
limited data that we have. However there are some interesting findings that might help us
extract theories and build research on:

1) Intensity of Difference

Intensity of difference did not seem to have a considerable effect on the other variables.
Within the limited data it seemed to not be associated with the other identified variables.
Based on this in the context of the research we can conclude that the intensity of the
difference was not an influencing factor upon the other variables. While theoretically
intensity of difference should make a large impact on parent-child conflict and on the
 presence of accommodative measure. We did not find sufficient backing for it in this
particular research.

2) Social Acceptance of The Difference

One of the most important findings of the research is the large influence that social
acceptance of the difference will have on the other variables. In the cases of the subjects that
we had we found that if the social acceptance of the difference was zero, the parent-child
conflicts were high. On the other hand if there was some social acceptance for the difference,
the parent child conflict was also some. A negative correlation was found between these two
aspects. This reveals something essential about navigating religious dissonance in Indian
families. Social acceptance of this difference will play an important role in establishing
parental acceptance.

3) Parent- Child Conflict

As mentioned above, social acceptance of the difference will play an important role in
deciding the amount of parent-child conflict. We also established a negative correlation between
the two. To gain deeper insights into the dynamics of parent-child conflicts, an additional dimension was
incorporated into the research. Participants were initially queried about the monthly frequency of conflicts
they encountered with their parents. Subsequently, they were asked to specify the number of these
conflicts that were directly related to their religious disparities. This line of questioning was then
extended to two distinct groups of five young adults each.

Group 1 comprised individuals who had different religious beliefs from their parents. Group 2
consisted of young adults who, despite sharing their faith with their parents, exhibited variations
in the intensity of their religious practice. Finally Group 3 was individuals who shared the same
faith as their parents in more or less same intensity as reported by them. These groups were
designated as Group 1, 2, and 3, respectively, for research categorization.

The research sought to explore and compare conflict patterns among these groups to discern any
noteworthy distinctions. By examining the incidence of conflicts and their connection to
religious differences within these groups, the study aimed to shed light on the complexities of
parent-child relationships in the context of religious dissonance.
The average frequency of conflicts encountered by Group 1 was reduced to 12.2 conflicts per
month. Among these, 9.6 conflicts were directly attributed to religious disparities, while 2.6
conflicts pertained to issues unrelated to faith differences. Group 2 had an average of 5.2 while
Group 3 had an average of 4.6.

Group 1, comprised of individuals with different religious beliefs from their parents, experienced
the highest average conflict frequency (12.2 conflicts per month).A substantial majority of these
conflicts (9.6 out of 12.2) were directly linked to their religious disparities. This highlights the
significant influence of faith differences on conflict occurrence.When compared within the
context of the study we realize that if faith difference is taken out of the equation, Group 1
experience the least number of conflicts among the three distinctions. Meaning faith difference is
the main point of disagreement among these parents and children. The average of the conflicts
Group 1 experiences is immensely higher than the averages of the two other group, meaning a
difference of faith can lead to more than the average amount of conflicts.

4) Presence of Accommodative Measures

We discovered a negative correlation between Parent-child conflicts and presence of

accommodative measures. The presence of more accommodative measures indicated fewer
conflicts while an absence of the same indicated more conflict. In other words, as the presence of
accommodative measures increases, conflicts decrease, and as the presence of accommodative
measures decreases, conflicts increase. Accommodative measures often involve improved
communication patterns within the family. Accommodative measures may encourage both
parties to empathize with each other's viewpoints. This empathy can significantly mitigate the
emotional intensity of conflicts. There was also a positive correlation between social acceptance
and accommodative measures. It signifies that as social acceptance increases, so does the
presence of accommodative measures within the family, and vice versa. In simpler terms, when
the external environment is more accepting of religious differences, families tend to employ
more accommodative measures to manage those differences. An important theme discovered
throughout the research, it underscores the importance of promoting social environments that
embrace and respect religious diversity, as this can positively impact how families manage and
navigate conflicts related to faith disparities.
 Conclusion

The findings unraveled during the research can help us formulate theories and assumptions that
can help us navigate the nature of faith differences and religious dissonance in Indian families.
First and foremost we are able to define religious dissonance systematically in the context of this
research.

Defining Religious Dissonance

We can define religious dissonance as the psychological and emotional conflict experienced by
individuals, particularly within family relationships, when their personal religious beliefs, values,
or practices are in significant misalignment with those of their parents or close family members.
It can involve the tension and challenges faced by individuals who have undergone faith
transformations or are navigating significant differences in religious beliefs and practices
compared to their parents or close relatives. Based on the grounded theory we use to compile our
findings these are the features of religious dissonance:

1. Religious Dissonance Leads To a Conflict in Beliefs: An essential feature of religious

dissonance is a conflict in religious beliefs or practices between individuals, typically
within a family context, these conflicts can also be intrapersonal in nature. The source of
the conflict can manifest as differing religious affiliations, intensity of religious practice,
or interpretations of religious tenets.

2. Religious Dissonance Can Lead To Emotional Strain: Religious dissonance often

leads to emotional distress, including feelings of guilt, sadness, frustration, and anger.
Individuals may grapple with inner turmoil as they try to reconcile their personal beliefs
with those of their family members. Even with accepting external factors and a
supportive social network. Inner emotional turmoil of religious dissonance can occur.

3. Religious Dissonance Leads To Parent-Child Conflicts: A prominent feature is

conflicts between parents and children, which can be intense and frequent, the intensity
and frequency of these conflicts can vary. They typically revolve around religious
practices, rituals, and expectations, creating tension within the family unit. These
conflicts can also increase the frequency of other unrelated disagreements.
 4. Religious Dissonance Will Have Mental Health Impacts: Religious dissonance can
result in significant stress for individuals, affecting their mental well-being. Stressors
associated with religious dissonance may include strained family relationships, disrupted
sleep patterns, and difficulties concentrating on work or studies. At the same time the
inner conflicts faced during this journey will add to the mental health turmoil faced by
the individual.

5. Traumatic Events Play A Role in Religious Dissonance: Religious dissonance may be

triggered or exacerbated by traumatic events, such as accidents, religious discrimination,
or other life-changing experiences that challenge existing religious beliefs and practices.
This trauma can be anything; sometimes unsuspecting events can be treated as trauma by
the perceivers of this event.

6. Social Acceptance Has an Important Role in Religious Dissonance: The level of

social acceptance within the broader community plays a pivotal role in religious
dissonance. Greater social acceptance can lead to more accommodative measures within
families, while social disdain can exacerbate conflicts. It will also play a substantive role
in the acceptance of this difference within familial units.

Theory of Why and How Religious Dissonance Occurs

Using grounded theory we are able to devise a systematic theory of understanding the factors
that lead to a transformation of faith among these young adults. On the basis of the above
findings we propose: “The Indian Model of Religious Transformation” – a theory that
suggests the various markers that will lead to a child differing from the faith of their parents.
Based on subjectivity the experience, one factor can have more influence than another. It is a
conceptual framework developed to understand and explain the complex dynamics of religious
transformation and conflict within Indian families.. These factors collectively contribute to the
emergence of religious dissonance within families. The interaction of these elements can vary
from one family to another, resulting in unique experiences and outcomes for individuals
navigating religious differences with their parents or family members.

These factors do not have a chronology, meaning that they can occur in an order subjective to the
experience of the individual going through the transformation.
 The Indian Model of Religious Transformation

Perception of
Trauma

Inadequeate
Religious Self
Religious
Education
Education
Religious
Dissonance

Cognitive Low
Dissonance That Sophistication of
Results in Guilt Religious Schemas

Validity:

 Internal Validity: The model has a high degree of internal validity as it is grounded in the
qualitative data collected from five case studies. The themes and factors identified are
closely aligned with the participants' experiences, contributing to the model's credibility.

 External Validity: The external validity of the model may be limited due to the small
sample size of five case studies. This is due to the nature of qualitative research that
prioritizes in-depth understanding over generalizability. Future research should aim to
replicate and validate the model with a larger and more diverse sample of participants to
assess its applicability beyond the specific cases studied.

Reliability:

 Inter-Rater Reliability: The reliability of the model may depend on the consistency of
interpretations among different researchers. To enhance reliability we used several
interpretation tools to achieve consistency and objectivity.
 Consistency in Data Collection: The research detailed the methods used for data
collection and analysis to ensure consistency in the process. Transparent reporting of the
research methodology is crucial for assessing reliability and hence has been included with
integrity.

Utility:

1. Understanding Complex Phenomena: The model serves as a valuable tool for

comprehending the multifaceted nature of religious dissonance; it provides a structured
framework to make sense of a complex process.

2. Informing Psychological and Sociological Research: The model has interdisciplinary

value as it contributes to the disciplines of psychology and sociology by emphasizing the
psychological and socio-cultural aspects of religious transformation.

3. Guiding Interventions: The insights gained from the model can guide interventions
aimed at promoting family harmony. It can be used by therapists, counselors, and
religious leaders to develop strategies for helping individuals and families navigate these
challenges.

4. Cultural Sensitivity: Given its focus on the Indian context, the model promotes cultural
sensitivity in understanding religious dissonance. It recognizes that cultural factors, such
as collectivism and the role of extended families, can influence the dynamics of religious
conflict and transformation.

5. Validating Qualitative Research: As a product of qualitative research, the model

demonstrates the value of qualitative methods in uncovering rich and nuanced insights
into complex social and psychological phenomena; it is emphasizing the importance of
subjectivity and experience in the field of psychology.

6. Intervention Studies: The study helps in investigating the effectiveness of interventions

aimed at reducing religious dissonance and improving family relationships is an
important area for future research. It can be used as a foundation on which intervention
strategies and techniques can be founded.
Scope For Future Research:

 Generalizability: Future research in the same should aim to validate and generalize the
model with larger and more diverse samples to increase its applicability beyond the
specific cases studied. It can accommodate sub cultures, sub religions and can extend
beyond the continent itself.

 Longitudinal Studies: Long-term studies can provide insights into how religious
dissonance evolves over time and how individuals and families adapt to changing beliefs,
it will draw valuable insight into how religious dissonance will have an impact in
developmental terms.

 Comparative Research: When we compare the Indian Model of Religious Dissonance

to similar models in other cultural contexts it can reveal differences and similarities in the
factors influencing religious transformation.

 Quantitative Examination: Incorporating quantitative methods can help establish

statistical relationships and validate the model further.

 Intervention Exploration: The model will play an impactful role in the study of finding
effective interventions that will improve the mental health conditions of individuals
experiencing religious dissonance. The interventions will have values in the field of
family counseling, acculturation, cultural tolerance, sociology and more interdisciplinary
fields.
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