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 Brief 1 Anthropology:
Asking Questions About Humanity 2

Contents 2 Culture:
Giving Meaning to Human Lives 30

3 Ethnography:
Studying Culture 54

4 Linguistic Anthropology:
Relating Language and Culture 80

5 Globalization and Culture:

Understanding Global Interconnections 108

6 Foodways:
Finding, Making, and Eating Food 136

7 Environmental Anthropology:
Relating to the Natural World 164

8 Economics:
Working, Sharing, and Buying 190

9 Politics:
Cooperation, Conflict, and Power Relations 218

10 Race, Ethnicity, and Class:

Understanding Identity and Social Inequality 246

11 Gender, Sex, and Sexuality:

The Fluidity of Maleness and Femaleness 274

12 Kinship, Marriage, and the Family:

Love, Sex, and Power 300

13 Religion:
Ritual and Belief 328

14 The Body:
Biocultural Perspectives on Health and Illness 356

15 Materiality:
Constructing Social Relationships and Meanings
with Things 384

vii
 Contents
Letter from the Authors xxi
About the Authors xxii
Preface xxiii
Acknowledgments xxviii

1 Anthropology:
Asking Questions About Humanity 3
How Did Anthropology Begin? 5
The Disruptions of Industrialization 5
The Theory of Evolution 6
Colonial Origins of Cultural Anthropology 7
Anthropology as a Global Discipline 8

What Do the Four Subfields of Anthropology Have in Common? 8

Culture 10
Cultural Relativism 11
Human Diversity 12
Change 13
Holism 14

How Do Anthropologists Know What They Know? 14

The Scientific Method in Anthropology 16
When Anthropology Is Not a Science: Interpreting Other Cultures 19

How Do Anthropologists Put Their Knowledge to

Work in the World? 20
Applied and Practicing Anthropology: The Fifth Subfield? 20
Putting Anthropology to Work 21

What Ethical Obligations Do Anthropologists Have? 23

Do No Harm. But Is That Enough? 23
Take Responsibility for Your Work. But How Far Does That Go? 24
Share Your Findings. But Who Should Control Those Findings? 25

ix
x CONTENTS

CLASSIC CONTRIBUTIONS: Edward Burnett Tylor and the Culture

Concept 11
THINKING LIKE AN ANTHROPOLOGIST: Should Anthropologists Take
Responsibility for the Influences They Have on the Societies They
Study? 26
DOING FIELDWORK: Conducting Holistic Research with Stanley
Ulijaszek 15

2 Culture:
Giving Meaning to Human Lives 31
What Is Culture? 33
Elements of Culture 33
Defining Culture in This Book 39

If Culture Is Always Changing, Why Does It Feel So Stable? 41

Symbols 42
Values 42
Norms 42
Traditions 43

How Do Social Institutions Express Culture? 44

Culture and Social Institutions 45
American Culture Expressed Through Breakfast Cereals and Sexuality 45

Can Anybody Own Culture? 49

CLASSIC CONTRIBUTIONS: Franz Boas and the Relativity of Culture 40

THINKING LIKE AN ANTHROPOLOGIST: Understanding Holism 48
ANTHROPOLOGIST AS PROBLEM SOLVER: Michael Ames
and Collaborative Museum Exhibits 50

3 Ethnography:
Studying Culture 55
What Distinguishes Ethnographic Fieldwork from Other Types
of Social Research? 57
Fieldwork 58
Seeing the World from “the Native’s Point of View” 58
Avoiding Cultural “Tunnel Vision” 61

How Do Anthropologists Actually Do Ethnographic Fieldwork? 63

Participant Observation: Disciplined “Hanging Out” 63
Interviews: Asking and Listening 64
Scribbling: Taking Fieldnotes 66
 CONTENTS xi

What Other Methods Do Cultural Anthropologists Use? 68

Comparative Method 68
Genealogical Method 69
Life Histories 70
Ethnohistory 70
Rapid Appraisals 70
Action Research 70
Anthropology at a Distance 71
Analysis of Secondary Materials 72
Special Issues Facing Anthropologists Studying Their Own Societies 73

What Unique Ethical Dilemmas Do Ethnographers Face? 75

Protecting Informant Identity 76
Anthropology, Spying, and War 77

CLASSIC CONTRIBUTIONS: Bronislaw Malinowski on the

Ethnographic Method 62
THINKING LIKE AN ANTHROPOLOGIST: Fieldwork in an
American Mall 59
ANTHROPOLOGIST AS PROBLEM SOLVER: Alcida Rita Ramos
and Indigenous Rights in Brazil 74

4 Linguistic Anthropology:
Relating Language and Culture 81
How Do Anthropologists Study Language? 83

Where Does Language Come From? 85

Evolutionary Perspectives on Language 85
Historical Linguistics: Studying Language Origins and Change 86

How Does Language Actually Work? 89

Descriptive Linguistics 89
Sociolinguistics 91

Does Language Shape How We Experience the World? 93

The Sapir–Whorf Hypothesis 93
Hopi Notions of Time 93
Ethnoscience and Color Terms 95
Is the Sapir–Whorf Hypothesis Correct? 96

If Language Is Always Changing, Why Does It Seem So Stable? 97

Linguistic Change, Stability, and National Policy 97
Language Stability Parallels Cultural Stability 98
xii CONTENTS

How Does Language Relate to Power and Social Inequality? 100

Language Ideology 100
Gendered Language Styles 100
Language and Social Status 102
Language and the Legacy of Colonialism 103
Language and New Media Technologies 103

CLASSIC CONTRIBUTIONS: Edward Sapir on How Language Shapes Culture 94

THINKING LIKE AN ANTHROPOLOGIST: Exploring Relationships of Power
and Status in Local American Dialects 101
DOING FIELDWORK: Helping Communities Preserve Endangered Languages 99

5 Globalization and Culture:

Understanding Global Interconnections 109
Is the World Really Getting Smaller? 112
Defining Globalization 112
The World We Live In 113

What Are the Outcomes of Global Integration? 116

Colonialism and World Systems Theory 118
Cultures of Migration 119
Resistance at the Periphery 121
Globalization and Localization 122

Doesn’t Everyone Want to Be Developed? 123

What Is Development? 124
Development Anthropology 124
Anthropology of Development 125
Change on Their Own Terms 126

If the World Is Not Becoming Homogenized, What Is Actually

Happening? 127
Cultural Convergence Theories 127
Hybridization 128

How Can Anthropologists Study Global Interconnections? 130

Defining an Object of Study 130
Multi-Sited Ethnography 132

CLASSIC CONTRIBUTIONS: Eric Wolf, Culture, and the World System 120
THINKING LIKE AN ANTHROPOLOGIST: Understanding Global Integration
Through Commodities 117
DOING FIELDWORK: Tracking Emergent Forms of Citizenship
with Aihwa Ong 131
 CONTENTS xiii

6 Foodways:
Finding, Making, and Eating Food 137
Why Is There No Universal Human Diet? 140
Human Dietary Adaptability and Constraints 140
Cultural Influences on Human Evolution: Digesting Milk 141

Why Do People Eat Things That Others Consider

Disgusting? 142
Foodways and Culture 142
Foodways Are Culturally Constructed 143
Foodways Communicate Symbolic Meaning 144
Foodways Mark Social Boundaries and Identities 145
Foodways Are Dynamic 145

How Do Different Societies Get Food? 148

Foraging 149
Horticulture 150
Pastoralism 151
Intensive Agriculture 153
Industrial Agriculture 153

How Are Contemporary Foodways Changing? 155

Contradictory Patterns in India’s Changing Foodways 155
Industrial Foods, Sedentary Lives, and the Nutrition Transition 156
The Return of Local and Organic Foods? 159
The Biocultural Logic of Local Foodways 160

CLASSIC CONTRIBUTIONS: Audrey Richards and the Study

of Foodways 143
THINKING LIKE AN ANTHROPOLOGIST: Food Preferences
and Gender 146
ANTHROPOLOGIST AS PROBLEM SOLVER: Teresa Mares
and Migrant Farmworkers’ Food Security in Vermont 157

7 Environmental Anthropology:
Relating to the Natural World 165
Do All People See Nature in the Same Way? 168
The Human–Nature Divide? 169
The Cultural Landscape 170

How Does Non-Western Knowledge of Nature Relate to Science? 171

Ethnoscience 172
Traditional Ecological Knowledge 173
xiv CONTENTS

Are Industrialized Western Societies the Only Ones to

Conserve Nature? 175
Anthropogenic Landscapes 176
The Culture of Modern Nature Conservation 177
Is Collaborative Conservation Possible? 179

How Do Social and Cultural Factors Drive Environmental

Destruction? 180
Population and Environment 180
Ecological Footprint 181
Political Ecology 183
Anthropology Confronts Climate Change 186

CLASSIC CONTRIBUTIONS: Roy Rappaport’s Insider and Outsider Models 175

THINKING LIKE AN ANTHROPOLOGIST: Identifying Hidden Costs 184
DOING FIELDWORK: James Fairhead and Melissa Leach on Misreading the
African Landscape 182

8 Economics:
Working, Sharing, and Buying 191
Is Money Really the Measure of All Things? 194
Culture, Economics, and Value 195
The Neoclassical Perspective 196
The Substantivist–Formalist Debate 196
The Marxist Perspective 197
The Cultural Economics Perspective 199

How Does Culture Shape the Value and Meaning of Money? 201
The Cultural Dimensions of Money 201
Money and the Distribution of Power 202

Why Is Gift Exchange Such an Important Part of All Societies? 203

Gift Exchange and Economy: Two Classic Approaches 203
Gift Exchange in Market-Based Economies 207

What Is the Point of Owning Things? 208

Cross-Cultural Perspectives on Property 208
Appropriation and Consumption 208

Does Capitalism Have Distinct Cultures? 211

Culture and Social Relations on Wall Street 212
Entrepreneurial Capitalism Among Malays 213

CLASSIC CONTRIBUTIONS: Marshall Sahlins on Exchange in

Traditional Economies 198
 CONTENTS xv

THINKING LIKE AN ANTHROPOLOGIST: The Role of Exchange in

Managing Social Relationships 205
ANTHROPOLOGIST AS PROBLEM SOLVER: Jim Yong Kim’s Holistic, ­
On-the-Ground Approach to Fighting Poverty 214

9 Politics:
Cooperation, Conflict, and Power Relations 219
Does Every Society Have a Government? 221
The Idea of “Politics” and the Problem of Order 222
Structural-Functionalist Models of Political Stability 223
Neo-Evolutionary Models of Political Organization: Bands, Tribes, Chiefdoms,
and States 223
Challenges to Traditional Political Anthropology 224

What Is Political Power? 227

Defining Political Power 227
Political Power Is Action-Oriented 228
Political Power Is Structural 228
Political Power Is Gendered 229
Political Power in Non-State Societies 230
The Political Power of the Contemporary Nation-State 231

Why Do Some Societies Seem More Violent Than Others? 235

What Is Violence? 235
Violence and Culture 236
Explaining the Rise of Violence in Our Contemporary World 237

How Do People Avoid Aggression, Brutality, and War? 239

What Disputes Are “About” 239
How People Manage Disputes 240
Is Restoring Harmony Always the Best Way? 241

CLASSIC CONTRIBUTIONS: E. E. Evans-Pritchard on Segmentary Lineages 226

THINKING LIKE AN ANTHROPOLOGIST: The Power of Personal
Connections 232
ANTHROPOLOGIST AS PROBLEM SOLVER: Maxwell Owusu and Democracy
in Ghana 234

10 Race, Ethnicity, and Class:

Understanding Identity and Social Inequality 247
Is Race Biological? 249
The Biological Meanings (and Meaninglessness) of “Human Races” 250
Race Does Have Biological Consequences 253
xvi CONTENTS

How Is Race Culturally Constructed? 254

The Construction of Blackness and Whiteness in Colonial Virginia and
Beyond 254
Racialization in Latin America 255
Saying “Race Is Culturally Constructed” Is Not Enough 258

How Are Other Social Classifications Naturalized? 259

Ethnicity: Common Descent 259
Class: Economic Hierarchy in Capitalist Societies 260
Caste: Moral Purity and Pollution 262

Are Prejudice and Discrimination Inevitable? 263

Understanding Prejudice 264
Discrimination, Explicit and Disguised 266
The Other Side of Discrimination: Unearned Privilege 268

CLASSIC CONTRIBUTIONS: Hortense Powdermaker on Prejudice 265

THINKING LIKE AN ANTHROPOLOGIST: Counting and Classifying
Race in the American Census 256
DOING FIELDWORK: Tamie Tsuchiyama and Fieldwork in a Japanese-American
Internment Camp 269

11 Gender, Sex, and Sexuality:

The Fluidity of Maleness and Femaleness 275
How and Why Do Males and Females Differ? 277
Shifting Views on Male and Female Differences 277
Beyond the Male–Female Binary 280
Do Hormones Really Cause Gendered Differences in Behavior? 281

Why Is There Inequality Between Men and Women? 283

Debating “The Second Sex” 283
Taking Stock of the Debate 284
Reproducing Male–Female Inequalities 285

What Does It Mean to Be Neither Male Nor Female? 286

Navajo Nádleehé 287
Indian Hijras 289
Trans in the United States 290

Is Human Sexuality Just a Matter of Being Straight or Queer? 291

Cultural Perspectives on Same-Sex Sexuality 294
Controlling Sexuality 297

CLASSIC CONTRIBUTIONS: Margaret Mead and the Sex/Gender

Distinction  279
 CONTENTS xvii

THINKING LIKE AN ANTHROPOLOGIST: Anthropological Perspectives

on American (Non)Acceptance of Trans People 292
DOING FIELDWORK: Don Kulick and “Coming Out” in the Field 295

12 Kinship, Marriage, and the Family:

Love, Sex, and Power 301
What Are Families, and How Are They Structured in Different
Societies? 303
Families, Ideal and Real 304
Nuclear and Extended Families 305
Clans and Lineages 306
Kinship Terminologies 308
Cultural Patterns in Childrearing 312

How Do Families Control Power and Wealth? 313

Claiming a Bride 313
Recruiting the Kids 314
The Dowry in India: Providing a Financial Safety Net for a Bride 315
Controlling Family Wealth Through Inheritance 315

Why Do People Get Married? 316

Why People Get Married 316
Forms of Marriage 317
Sex, Love, and the Power of Families Over Young Couples 317

How Are Social and Technological Changes Reshaping How People Think
About Family? 319
International Adoptions and the Problem of Cultural Identity 320
In Vitro Fertilization 322
Surrogate Mothers and Sperm Donors 323

CLASSIC CONTRIBUTIONS: A. L. Kroeber on Classificatory Systems of

Relationship 310
THINKING LIKE AN ANTHROPOLOGIST: Genealogical Amnesia in Bali,
Indonesia, and the United States 311
DOING FIELDWORK: Andrea Louie on Negotiating Identity and Culture in
International Adoptions 321

13 Religion:
Ritual and Belief 329
How Should We Understand Religion and Religious Beliefs? 331
Understanding Religion, Version 1.0: Edward Burnett Tylor and Belief in Spirits 331
xviii CONTENTS

Understanding Religion, Version 2.0: Anthony F. C. Wallace on Supernatural Beings,

Powers, and Forces 332
Understanding Religion, Version 3.0: Religion as a System of Symbols 333
Understanding Religion, Version 4.0: Religion as a System of Social Action 335
Making Sense of the Terrorist Attacks in France: Charlie Hebdo 336

What Forms Does Religion Take? 339

Clan Spirits and Clan Identities in New Guinea 339
Totemism in North America 340
Shamanism and Ecstatic Religious Experiences 340
Ritual Symbols That Reinforce a Hierarchical Social Order 342
Polytheism and Monotheism in Ancient Societies 342
World Religions and Universal Understandings of the World 343
How Does Atheism Fit in the Discussion? 344

How Do Rituals Work? 344

Magical Thought in Non-Western Cultures 344
Sympathetic Magic: The Law of Similarity and the Law of Contagion 345
Magic in Western Societies 347
Rites of Passage and the Ritual Process 348

How Is Religion Linked to Political and Social Action? 348

The Rise of Fundamentalism 351
Understanding Fundamentalism 351

CLASSIC CONTRIBUTIONS: Sir James G. Frazer on Sympathetic

Magic 346
THINKING LIKE AN ANTHROPOLOGIST: Examining Rites
of Passage 349
DOING FIELDWORK: Studying the Sikh Militants 352

14 The Body: Biocultural Perspectives on Health and Illness

How Do Biological and Cultural Factors Shape Our Bodily
Experiences? 360
357

Uniting Mind and Matter: A Biocultural Perspective 360

Culture and Mental Illness 361

What Do We Mean by Health and Illness? 363

The Individual Subjectivity of Illness 363
The “Sick Role”: The Social Expectations of Illness 364

How and Why Do Doctors and Other Health Practitioners Gain Social
Authority? 366
The Disease–Illness Distinction: Professional and Popular Views of Sickness 367
The Medicalization of the Non-Medical 370
 CONTENTS xix

How Does Healing Happen? 373

Clinical Therapeutic Processes 373
Symbolic Therapeutic Processes 373
Social Support 374
Persuasion: The Placebo Effect 374

What Can Anthropology Contribute to Addressing Global

Health Problems? 376
Understanding Global Health Problems 376
Anthropological Contributions to Tackling the International
HIV/AIDS Crisis 379

CLASSIC CONTRIBUTIONS: Arthur Kleinman and the New Medical

Anthropological Methodology 369
THINKING LIKE AN ANTHROPOLOGIST: The Emergence of New
Disease Categories 371
ANTHROPOLOGIST AS PROBLEM SOLVER: Nancy Scheper-Hughes
on an Engaged Anthropology of Health 378

15 Materiality:
Constructing Social Relationships and Meanings with Things 385
Why Is the Ownership of Artifacts from Other Cultures
a Contentious Issue? 388
Questions of Ownership, Rights, and
Protection 389
Cultural Resource Management: Not Just for
Archaeologists 392

How Can Anthropology Help Us Understand

Objects? 395
The Many Dimensions of Objects 395
A Shiny New Bicycle, in Multiple Dimensions 396
The Power of Symbols 397
The Symbols of Power 398

How Do the Meanings of Things Change Over Time? 399

The Social Life of Things 400
Three Ways Objects Change Over Time 400

How Do Objects Come to Represent Our Goals

and Aspirations? 405
The Cultural Biography of Things 405
The Culture of Mass Consumption 406
How Advertisers Manipulate Our Goals and Aspirations 408
xx CONTENTS

CLASSIC CONTRIBUTIONS: Daniel Miller on Why Some

Things Matter 407
THINKING LIKE AN ANTHROPOLOGIST: Looking at Objects from Multiple
Perspectives 403
ANTHROPOLOGIST AS PROBLEM SOLVER: John Terrell, Repatriation,
and the Maori Meeting House at The Field Museum 393

Epilogue 412
Glossary 417
References 423
Credits 437
List of Boxes 441
Index 443
Letter from the Authors
Dear Reader,

Imagine how people would react to you if the next time you went to the university
bookstore you tried to haggle at the cash register for your textbooks. Or if the next
time you caught a cold you explained to your friends that you were sick because a
jealous person had hired a witch to cast a spell on you. In both cases, a lot of people
would think you were crazy. But in many societies throughout the world, a lot of
ordinary people would consider you crazy for not haggling or for not explaining your
misfortunes as the workings of a witch.
Issues such as these raise some interesting questions. How do people come to be-
lieve such things? How are such beliefs reflected in and bolstered by individual be-
havior and social institutions in a society? Why do we believe and act in the ways we
do? Such questions are at the core of the study of culture. The idea of culture is one of
anthropology’s most important contributions to knowledge.
The goal of our textbook is to help students develop the ability to pose good an-
thropological questions and begin answering them, our inspiration coming from the
expression “99% of a good answer is a good question.” We present problems and
questions that students will find provocative and contemporary, and then use theo-
ries, ethnographic case studies, and applied perspectives as ways of explaining how
anthropologists have looked at these topics over time. Our approach emphasizes what
is currently known within the study of cultural anthropology and issues that continue
to challenge anthropologists.
Central to the plan of this book are three underlying principles that guide our ap-
proach to cultural anthropology:

• An emphasis on learning how to ask important and interesting anthropological

questions;
• Applying anthropology to understand and solve human problems;
• Respecting tradition, with a contemporary perspective.

Every chapter, every feature of the book has been written with these principles in
mind. We have written a book about anthropology that draws on insights anthropol-
ogists have learned during the twentieth century. At the same time, with its cutting-­
edge content and pedagogy, this is a textbook that provides what students need for
the twenty-first century.
For most students, an introductory course in cultural anthropology is the only
educational exposure they will have to anthropological thinking. Most readers are
unlikely to see anthropological thinking as relevant to their own lives unless we find
a way to make it so. This book represents our endeavor to do just that.
Here’s wishing you greater appreciation of cultural anthropology and a lifetime of
cultural revelations to come.

Sincerely,

Robert L. Welsch

Luis A. Vivanco
xxi
 About the Authors
Robert L. Welsch currently teaches cultural anthropology at Franklin Pierce Uni-
versity and previously taught for many years at Dartmouth College. He was affiliated
with The Field Museum in Chicago for more than two decades. Trained in the 1970s
at the University of Washington, at a time when anthropologists still focused mainly
on non-Western village-level societies, and when cultural materialist, Marxist, struc-
turalist, and interpretive theories dominated the discipline, Welsch has focused his
research on medical anthropology, religion, exchange, art, and museum studies in the
classic anthropological settings of Papua New Guinea and Indonesia, and the history
of anthropology as a professional discipline. He is Associate Professor of anthropology
at Franklin Pierce University.

Luis A. Vivanco teaches cultural anthropology and global studies at the University
of Vermont, where he has won several of the university’s top teaching awards. He was
trained at Princeton University in the 1990s when post-structuralist perspectives and
“studying up” (studying powerful institutions and bureaucracies, often in Western
contexts) was becoming commonplace. Vivanco has worked in Costa Rica, Mexico,
Colombia, and the United States, studying the culture and politics of environmen-
talist social movements, the media, science, ecotourism, and urban mobility with
bicycles. He is Professor of anthropology and co-director of the Humanities Center
at the University of Vermont.

xxii
Preface
What is cultural anthropology, and how is it relevant in today’s world? Answering
these core questions is the underlying goal of this book.
Cultural anthropology is the study of the social lives of communities, their belief
systems, languages, and social institutions, both past and present. It provides a frame-
work to organize the complexity of human experience and comprehend global cul-
tural processes and practices. The practice of cultural anthropology also provides
knowledge that helps solve human problems today.

Thinking Like an Anthropologist

Unlike textbooks that emphasize the memorization of facts, Cultural ­Anthropology:
Asking Questions About Humanity teaches students how to think anthropologically.
This approach helps students view cultural issues as an anthropologist might. In this
way, anthropological thinking is regarded as a tool for deciphering everyday experience.

Organized Around Key Questions

Inspired by the expression “99% of a good answer is a good question,” each chapter
opens with a contemporary story and introduces key questions that can be answered
by cultural anthropology. Each main section of a chapter is built around these ques-
tions. Through these unique chapter-opening and follow-up questions, students will
see how classic anthropological concerns relate to contemporary situations. Addi-
tionally, this insight is reinforced by thought-provoking questions at the end of each
section and “Reviewing the Chapter” features at the end of each chapter.

Solving Human Problems

At the heart of Cultural Anthropology: Asking Questions About Humanity is the belief
that anthropology can make a difference in the world. We explain how anthropol-
ogists have looked at a wide range of human issues over time—mediating conflict,
alleviating social problems, contributing to new social policies—exploring examples
but also explaining challenges that still remain.

The Past Through a

Contemporary Perspective
Cultural Anthropology: Asking Questions About Humanity represents our effort to close
the gap between the realities of the discipline today and traditional views that are
also taught at the introductory level. We believe that there is much to be gained, for
xxiii
xxiv PREFACE

ourselves and our students, by strengthening the dialogue between generations and
sub-fields of anthropologists. We endeavor to bring classic anthropological examples,
cases, and analyses to bear on contemporary questions.

Why We Wrote This Book

In view of how most academic work and life is organized and practiced today, our
co-authorship is a somewhat unlikely collaboration. We come from different gen-
erations of anthropological training, teach at different kinds of institutions, do our
research in opposite corners of the world, and work on different topics. Given the
pressures and realities of regional and topical specialization within the discipline,
we might not even run into each other at conferences, much less have reason to
work together.
But as teachers concerned with sharing the excitement of anthropological find-
ings and thinking with our undergraduate students, we have a lot in common. For
one thing, we believe that there is strength in diversity, and we think our differing
backgrounds are more representative of the breadth of the discipline and who ac-
tually teaches introductory courses in cultural anthropology. Because both of us
feel that anthropological thinking is for everyone, we wrote this textbook to appeal
to instructors who blend traditional and contemporary views of anthropology and
teach students of many cultural backgrounds. We do this by treating the learn-
ing experience as a process of actively asking questions about real-world problems
and applying theoretical insights to understand them, as nearly all anthropologists
­actually do.

Thematic Boxes
Four types of thematic boxes are used throughout the book to highlight key themes
and principles. Classic Contributions boxes consider the history of anthropological
thought on a particular topic and provide follow-up questions to promote critical
analysis. Thinking Like an Anthropologist boxes invite students to exercise their own
anthropological IQ by examining concrete ethnographic situations and formulating
the types of questions that anthropologists typically ask. Doing Fieldwork boxes draw
upon actual field projects to explore the special methods anthropologists have used
to address specific questions and problems. Finally, Anthropologist as Problem Solver
boxes describe cases in which anthropologists have applied disciplinary insights and
methods to help alleviate social problems, mediate conflicts, and (re)define policy
debates. These cases also provide insights into careers that take advantage of an an-
thropology background.

New in This Edition

Building on the successful approach established in the first edition, the second edi-
tion of Cultural Anthropology features a number of changes designed to keep the
material up to date, relevant, and engaging for students. The following are the most
visible changes.
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 All iagde and frounst, with diuers colours deckt,
They swere, they curse, and drinke, till they be fleckt.

26.

They hate all such as these theyr maners hate,

Which reason would no wiseman should allowe,
With these I dwelt, lamenting mine estate,
Till at the length they had got knowledge, howe
I was exilde, because I did avow
A false complaynt against my trusty friende,
For which they namde me traytour, still vnhende.[361]

27.

That what for shame and what for werines[362]

I stale fro thence,[363] and went to Venise towne,[364]
Where as I found more ease and friendlines,[365]
But greater griefe:[366] for now the great renowne
Of Bolenbroke, whom I would haue put downe,
Was waxt so great in Britayne and in Fraunce,
That Venise through, eche man did him auaunce.

28.

Thus lo, his glory grewe through great despite,[367]

And I thereby encreased in defame:
Thus enuy euer doth her most acquite[368]
With trouble, anguish, sorrow, smart, and shame,
But sets the vertues of her foe in flame:[369]
Like water waues which clense the muddy stone,
And soyles themselues by beating[370] thereupon.

29.

Or eare I had soiournd there a yeare,

Straunge tidinges came hee was to England gone,
Had tane the king, and that which touched him neare,
Imprisoned him with other of his fone,
And made him yeelde him vp his crowne, and throne:
When I these thinges for true by search had tryed,
Griefe gript mee so, I pinde away and dyed.

30.

Note here the end of pride, see flatteries fine,

Marke the rewarde of enuy and [false] complaynt,
And warne all people from them to decline,
Lest likely fault doe finde the like attaynt:
Let this my life to them bee a restraynt:
By other’s harmes who listeth take no heede,
Shall by his owne learne other better reede.

T. Ch.[371]
 This tragicall example was of all the company well liked, howbee
it a doubt was found therein, and that by meanes of the diuersity of
the chronicles: for whereas Hall (whose chronicle in this worke wee
chiefly followed) maketh Mowbrey appellant and Bolinbroke
defendant, Fabian reporteth the matter quite contrary, and that by
record of the parliament roll, wherein it is playne that Bolinbroke was
appellant and Mowbrey defendant.[372] Wherefore whatsoeuer shall
bee sayde here in the person of Mowbrey, (who being a most noble
prince, had too much wrong to bee so causeles defamed after his
death) imagine that to bee spoken agaynst his accuser. Which
matter[373] sith it is more hard to decide than needefull to our
purpose, which minde only to disswade from vices and exalt vertue,
wee referre to such as may come by the recordes of the actes of the
parliament,[374] contented in the meane while with Maister Halle’s
iudgement, which maketh best for[375] our forshewed purpose. This
doubt thus let passe. “I would,” sayde Maister Ferrers, “say
somewhat for king Richard,[376] after whose depriuing, his
brother[377] and diuers others made a maske, minding by king[378]
Henrye’s destruction to haue restored him, which masker’s matter so
runneth in this, that I doubt which ought to goe before, but seeing no
man is ready to say ought in theyr behalfe, I will giue (who so listeth)
leasure to looke[379] therevpon, and in the meane time to furder your
enterprise, I will in king Richarde’s behalfe[380] recount such part of
his story as I thinke most necessary. And therefore imagine Baldwine
that you see the corps of this prince all[381] to be mangled with blewe
woundes, lying pale and wan, all naked vpon the cold stones in[382]
Paule’s church, the people standing round about him, and making
his complaynt in manner as followeth.”[383]
How King Richard the second was for
his euill gouernaunce deposed from
his seate, in the yeare 1399, and
murdered in prison[384] the yeare
following.
1.

Happy is the prince, that hath in welth the grace

To followe vertue, keeping vices vnder,[385]
But woe to him whose will hath wisdome’s place:
For who so renteth right and lawe asunder,
On him at length all the worlde shall wonder:
High byrth, choyce fortune, force, nor princely mace,[386]
Can warrant king or keyser fro the case:
[Shame sueth sinne, as rayne drops doe the thunder:[387]
Let princes therefore vertuous life embrace,[388]
That wilfull pleasures[389] cause them not to blunder.]

2.

Behold my hap, see how the seely rout

On mee doo gaze,[390] and ech to other say:
See where hee lyeth, but late that was so stout,[391]
Loe how the power, the pride, and rich aray
Of mighty rulers[392] lightly fade away:
The king, which erst kept all the realme in doute,
The veriest rascall now dare checke and floute:[393]
[What moulde bee kinges made of, but carion clay?[394]
 Behold his woundes how blew they bee about,
Which while hee liued, thought[395] neuer to decay.]

3.

Mee thinke I heare the people thus deuise:

Wherefore, Baldwine, sith thou wilt declare[396]
How princes fell, to make the liuing wise,
My lawlesse life[397] in no poynt see thou spare,
But paynt it out, that rulers may beware
Good counsayle, lawe, or vertue to despise:
For realmes haue rules, and rulers haue a sise,
[Which if they breake, thus much to say I dare[398]
That eyther’s griefes the other shall agrise
Till one[399] bee lost, the other brought to care.]

4.

I was a king, who ruled all by lust,

Forcing but light of[400] justice, right,[401] or lawe,
Putting alwayes flatterers false in trust,[402]
Ensuing such[403] as could my vices clawe,
By faythfull counsayle passing not an hawe,[404]
As pleasure prickt, so needes obay I must:
Hauing delight to feede and serue the gust,[405]
[Three meales a day could scarse content my mawe:[406]
Mee liked least to torney or to just,
To Venus sport my fancy did mee[407] drawe:][408]

5.

Which to mayntayne, my people were sore polde[409]

With fines, fifteenes, and loanes by way of prest,[410]
Blanke charters,[411] othes, and shiftes not knowne of
olde,
For which the commons[412] did mee sore detest:[413]
I also solde the noble towne[414] of Brest,
My fault wherein because mine vncle tolde,
[(For prince’s actes may no wise bee[415] controlde)]
I found the meanes his bowels to vnbrest,[416]
[The worthy peeres, which his cause did vpholde[417]
With long exile, or cruell death opprest.][418]

6.

None ayde I lackt in[419] any wicked deede,

For gaping gulles whome I promoted had,
Would furder all in hope of higher meede:
There can no king imagine[420] ought so bad,
But shall finde some that will[421] performe it glad:[422]
For sicknes seldome doth so swiftly breede,
As humours ill doe growe[423] the griefe to feede:
[Thus kinge’s estates of all bee worst[424] bestad,
Abusde in welth, abandoned at neede,
And nerest harme when they bee least adrad.]

7.

My life and death the trueth of this hath tryde:[425]

For while I fought in Ireland with my foes,
Mine vncle Edmund[426] whome I left to guide
My realme at home, rebelliously arose
Percyes to helpe,[427] which plied my depose:[428]
And calde fro Fraunce earle Bolenbroke, whom I
Exiled had for ten yeares there to lye:[429]
[Who cruelly did put to death all those[430]
That in mine ayde durst looke but once awrye,
Whose numbre was but slender I suppose.][431]

8.
For comming backe this soden stur[432] to stay,
The earle of Worcester whome[433] I trusted moste,
(Whiles I in Wales at Flint my castle[434] lay,
Both to refresh and multiply myne hoste)
There[435] in my hall, in sight of least and most,[436]
His staffe did breake, which was my householde stay,
[437]
Bad ech make shift, and rode himselfe away:
[See princes, see the strength whereof wee bost,
Whom most wee trust, at neede doe vs betray:
Through whose false fayth my land and life I lost.][438]

9.

My stuard false, thus being fled and gone,

My seruants sly shranke of on euery side,
Then caught I was and led vnto my foen,
Who for theyr prince no pallace did prouide,
But pryson strong, where Henry puft with pride
Causde mee resigne my kingly state and throne:[439]
And so forsaken and left as post[440] alone,
[These hollow friendes, by Henry soone espyed,
Became suspect, and fayth was giuen to none,
Which caused them from fayth agayne to slyde.][441]

10.

And strayt conspyrde[442] theyr newe king[443] to put

downe,
And to that end a solemp[444] oth they swore,
To render mee my royall seate[445] and crowne:
Whereof themselues depriued mee before:
But late medcynes can help no sothbynde sore:[446]
When swelling flouds haue ouer flowen the towne,
To late it is to saue them that shall drowne:
[Till sayles bee spred a ship may keepe the shore,
No anker holde can keepe the vessel downe,
With streme and stere perforce it will bee bore.][447]

11.

For though the peeres set Henry in his state,[448]

Yet could they not displace him thence agayne:
And where they easely depriued[449] mee of late,[450]
They could restore mee by no manner payne:[451]
Thinges hardly mend, but may bee mard amayne,
And when a man is fallen in[452] froward fate,
Still mischiefs light one on[453] another’s pate:
[And meanes well meant all mishaps[454] to restrayne
Waxe wretched mones, whereby his ioyes abate,
Due proofe whereof in this appeared playne.][455]

12.

For whan the king did know[456] that for my cause,

His lordes in maske[457] would kill him on a night,[458]
To dash all doubtes hee tooke no farder pause,
But Pierce of Exton, a cruell murdering[459] knight,
To Pomfret castle sent him, armed bright,[460]
Who causelesse kild mee there against all lawes,[461]
Thus lawles life to lawles death ey drawes:
[Wherefore bid kinges bee rulde and rule by right:
Who worketh his will, and shunneth wisedome’s
sawes,
In snares of woe, ere hee bee ware, shall light.][462]

G. F.[463]
 [When hee had[464] ended this so woefull a tragedy,[465] and to
all princes a right worthy[466] instruction, wee paused:[467] hauing
passed through a miserable time full of piteous tragedies. And
seeing the raigne of Henry the fourth ensued, a man[468] more
wary[469] and prosperous in his doings, although not vntroubled with
warres both of outforth and inward enemies, wee began to searche
what peeres[470] were fallen therein, whereof the nombre was not
small: and yet because theyr examples were not much to be noted
for our purpose, we passed ouer al the maskers (of whom king
Richard’s brother was chief) which were all slayn and put to death for
theyr trayterous attempt. And finding Owen Glendour next, one of
fortune’s owne whelpes, and the Percies his confederates, I thought
them vnmeete to be ouerpassed, and[471] therefore sayd thus to the
sylent company: “What my maisters is euery man at once in a
browne study? hath no man affection to any of these stories? you
minde so much some other belike, that these doe not moue you: and
to say the[472] truth, there is no speciall cause why they should.
[473]How be it Owen Glendour, because he was one of fortune’s

owne darlings, and affected to bee prince[474] of Wales, although to

his owne mischiefe and destruction, rather then he should bee
forgotten, I wil take vpon mee (by your fauour) to say somewhat in
his personne:[475] which[476] Owen comming out of the wilde
mountaynes of Wales like the image of death in all poyntes (his harte
onely excepted) as a ghost forpined with extreame famine, cold, and
hunger, may lament his great misfortune after[477] this manner.”][478]
How Owen Glendour seduced by false
prophesies, tooke vpon him to bee
Prince of Wales, and was by Henry
Prince[479] of England chased[480] to
the mountaynes, where hee miserably
died for lack of foode.[481] Anno 1401.
[482]

1.

I pray thee, Baldwine, sith thou doest entende

To shewe the fall[483] of such as climbe to hie,
Remember mee, whose miserable end
May teach a man his vicious life to flye,[484]
Oh fortune, fortune, out on thee,[485] I crye:
My liuely corps thou hast made leane and slender,
For lacke of foode, whose name was Owen Glendour.
[486]

2.

A Welshman borne,[487] and of the Troyan bloud,[488]

But ill brought vp, whereby full well I finde,
That neyther byrth nor linage make vs good,[489]
Though it bee true that cat will after kinde:
Fleshe gendreth fleshe, but not the soule or minde,[490]
They gender not, but fouly doe degender,
 When men to vice from vertue them surrender.[491]

3.

Each thing by nature tendeth to the same

Whereof it came, and is disposed like:
Downe sinkes the mould, vp mounts the fiery flame,
With horne the hart, with hoofe the horse doth strike,
The wolfe doth spoile, the suttle foxe doth pike,
And to conclude,[492] no fishe, fleshe, foule or plant,
Of their true dame the property doth want.[493]

4.

But as for men, sith seuerally they haue

A minde, whose maners are by learning made,
Good bringing vp all only doth them saue
In honest actes,[494] which with their parents fade:
So that true gentry standeth in the trade
Of vertuous life,[495] not in the fleshely line:
For bloud is brute, but gentry is deuine.

5.

Experience doth cause mee thus to say,

And that the rather for my countreymen,
Which vaunt and boast themselues aboue the day,
If they may straine their stocke fro[496] worthy men:
Which let bee true, are they the better than?
Nay far the worse, if so they bee not good,
For why, they staine the bewty of their blood.

6.

How would wee mocke the burden bearing mule,

If hee would brag hee were an horse’s sonne,
To presse his pride[497] (might nothing else him rule)
His boastes to proue no more but bid him run:
The horse for swiftnes hath his glory wonne:
The mule[498] could neuer[499] the more aspyer,
Though hee should proue that Pegas was[500] his sier.

7.

Each man may[501] crake of that which was[502] his

owne,
Our parents’ vertues are theirs,[503] and no whit ours:[504]
Who therefore will of noble birth[505] bee knowne,
Ought[506] shine in vertue like his auncestours:
Gentry consisteth not in landes and towers:
Hee is a churle, though all the world were his,[507]
Yea Arthur’s heyre, if that hee liue amis.

8.

For vertuous life a gentleman doth make[508]

Of her possessour all bee hee poore as Iob,
Yea though no name of elders hee can take,[509]
For proofe take Merlin fathered by an hob:[510]
But who so sets his minde to spoyle and rob,
Although hee come by due discent from Brute,
Hee is a chorle, vngentle, vile, and brute.

9.

Well, thus did I for want of better wit,

Because my parents naughtely brought mee vp:
For gentlemen (they sayd) was nought so fyt,
As to attast by bold attempts the cup
Of conquest’s wine, whereof I thought to sup:
And therefore bent my selfe to rob and ryue,
And whome I could of landes and goodes depriue.
 10.

For[511] Henry the fourth did then vsurpe the crowne,

Despoyled the king, with Mortimer the heyre:
For which his subiects sought to put him downe,
And I, while fortune offered mee so fayre,
Did what I might his honour to appayre:
And tooke on mee to bee the prince of Walles,
Entiste thereto by prophesies and tales.[512]

11.

For which, such idle[513] as wayt vpon the spoyle,

From euery part of Walles vnto mee drewe:
For loytering youth vntaught in any toyle,
Are ready aye, all mischiefe to ensue:
Through helpe of these so great my glory grewe,
That I defied my king through lofty hart,
And made sharpe warre on all that tooke his part.

12.

See lucke, I tooke lord Raynold Gray of Rythen,

And him enforst my daughter to espouse,
And so vnraunsomed I[514] held him still; and sythen
In Wigmore land through battayle rigorous,
I caught the right heyre of the crowned house,
The earle of March, sir Edmund Mortimer,
And in a dungeon kept him prisoner.

13.

Than all the marches longing vnto Wales,

By Syuerne west, I did inuade and burne:
Destroyed the townes in mountaynes, and in vales,
And rich in spoyles had[515] homeward[516] safe returne:
Was none so bolde durst once agaynst mee spurne:
 Thus prosperously doth fortune forward call,
Those whome shee mindes to geue the sorest fall.

14.

Whan fame had brought these tidings to the king,

(Although the Scots than vexed him right sore)
A mighty army against[517] mee hee did bring:
Whereof the French king being warned afore,
Who mortall hate against king Henry bore,
To greeue our foe hee quickely to mee sent
Twelue thousand Frenchmen, armed to warre and
bent.

15.

A part of them led by the earle of March,

Lord Iames of Burbon, a valiaunt tried knight,[518]
With held by wyndes to Walles ward forth to march,
Tooke land at Plimmouth priuely on a[519] night:
And whan hee had done all that[520] hee durst or might,
After that a[521] meyney of his men were slaine,
Hee stole to ship and sailed home agayne.

16.

Twelue thousand moe[522] in Milford did ariue,

And came to mee, then lying at Denbigh:
With armed Welshmen thousands double fiue,
With whome wee went to Worcester well nigh,
And there encampt vs on a mount on high,
To abide[523] the king who shortly after came,
And pitched his field, on a hill hard[524] by the same.

17.

There eyght dayes long our hostes lay face to face,

And neyther durst other’s power[525] assayle:
But they so stopt the passages the space,
That vitayles could not come to our avayle,
Where through constraynde our hearts began to fayle,
So that the Frenchmen shranke away by night,
And I with mine to th’ mountaynes[526] tooke our flight.

18.

The king pursued greatly to his cost,

From hilles to woods, from woods to valleys playne:
And by the way his men and stuffe hee lost:
And when hee sawe[527] hee gayned naught but payne,
Hee blewe retreate and gate[528] him home agayne:
Then with my power I boldly came abroade,
Taken in my countrey for a very god.[529]

19.

Immediately after fell a ioly jarre

Betweene the king, and Percie’s worthy blouds,
Which grue at last vnto a deadly warre:
For like as drops engender mighty flouds,
And litle seedes sprout forth great leaues and buds,
Euen so small striues,[530] if they bee suffered run,
Breede wrath and war, and death or they be don.

20.

The king would haue the ransome of such Scots

As these the Percies tane had in the fielde:
But see how strongly lucre knits her knots,
The king will haue, the Percies will not yeelde,
Desire of goods some craues, but graunteth seelde:
Oh cursed goods, desire of you hath wrought
All wickednes, that hath or can bee thought.
 21.

The Percies deemde it meeter for the king

To haue redeemde theyr cosin Mortimer,
Who in his quarell all his power did bring
To fight with mee, that toke him prisoner,
Than of their pray to rob his souldier:
And therefore willed him see some meane were
founde,
To quite forth him whome I kept vily bounde.

22.

Because the king misliked theyr request,

They came themselues and did accorde with mee,
Complayning how the kingdome was opprest
By Henrye’s rule: wherefore wee did agree
To plucke[531] him downe, and part the realme in three:
The north part theyrs, Wales wholy[532] to bee mine,
The rest, to rest to th’earle of Marche’s line.

23.

And for to set vs hereon more agog,

A prophet came (a vengeaunce take them all)
Affirming Henry to bee Gogmagog,
Whom Merline doth a mouldwarp euer call,
Accurst of God that must bee brought in thrall
By a wolfe, a dragon, and a lion strong,
Which should deuide his kingdome them among.

24.

This crafty dreamer made vs three such beastes,

To thinke wee were the foresayde beastes in deede:
And for that cause our badges and our creastes
Wee searched out, which scarsly well agreede:
Howbeit the heroldes, ready[533] at such a neede,
Drewe downe such issues from olde auncesters,
As proued these ensignes to bee surely oures.[534]

25.

Yee crafty Welshmen, wherefore doe yee mocke,

The noble men thus with your fayned rymes?
Yee noble men, why fly yee not the flocke
Of such as haue seduced so many times?
False prophesies are plagues for diuers crimes,
Which God doth let the deuilish sort deuise,
To trouble such as are not godly wise.

26.

And that appearde by vs three beastes indeede,

Through false perswasion highly borne in hand,
That in our feate wee coulde not chuse but speede,
To kill the king and to enioy his land:
For which exployt wee bound our selues in band,
To stand contented ech man with his parte,
So fully folly assurde[535] our foolish hearte.

27.

But such, they say, as fishe before the net,

Shall seeldome surfet of the pray they take:
Of thinges to come the haps bee so vnset,
That none but fooles may warraunt of them make:
The full assured successe doth oft forsake:
For fortune findeth none so fit to flout,
As sure be[536] sots which cast no kinde of doubt.

28.

How sayst thou, Henry Hotspur, doe I lye:

For thou right manly gauest the king a fielde,
And there wast slayne because thou wouldest not fly:
Syr Thomas Percy thine vncle forst[537] to yeelde,
Did cast his head (a wonder seene but seelde)
From Shrewsbury towne to th’top of London bridge:
Loe thus fond hope did both theyr liues abridge.

29.

When king Henry[538] this victory had wonne,

Destroyde the Percyes, put theyr power to flight,
Hee did apoynt prince Henry, his eldest sonne,
With all his power to meete mee if hee might:
But I discomfyt, through my partner’s fight,
Had not the heart to meete him face to face,
But fled away, and hee pursued the chase.

30.

Now, Baldwine, marke, for I, calde prince of Wales,

And made beleeue I should bee hee in deede,
Was made to fly among the hilles and dales,
Where all my men forsooke mee at my neede:
Who trusteth loyterers seelde hath lucky[539] speede:
And when the captayne’s courage doth him fayle,
His souldier’s hearts a litle thing may quayle.

31.

And so prince Henry chased mee, that loe,

I found no place wherein I might abide:
For as the dogges pursue the seely doe,
The brache behinde, the houndes on euery side,
So traste they mee among the mountaynes wide:
Whereby I found I was the hartles hare,
And not the beast colprophet[540] did declare.
 32.

And at the last: like as the litle roach,

Must eyther[541] be eate, or leape vpon the shore,
When as the hungry pickerell doth approch,
And there finde death which it escapt before:
So double death assaulted mee so sore,
That eyther I must vnto mine enmy yeelde,
Or starue for hunger in the barrayn feelde.

33.

Here shame and payne a while were at a strife,

Payne bade[542] mee yeelde, shame bad mee rather fast:
The one bad spare, the other bad spend my life,
But shame (shame haue it) ouercame at last:
Then hunger gnew,[543] that doth the stone wall brast,
And made mee eat both grauel, durt and mud,
And last of all, my dung, my flesh, and bloud.[544]

34.

This was mine end too horrible to heare,

Yet good enough for a[545] life that was so ill,[546]
Whereby, O Baldwine, warne all men to beare
Theyr youth such loue, to bring them vp in skill,[547]
Bid princes fly colprophet’s[548] lying byll,[549]
And not presume to climb aboue theyr states:[550]
For they bee faultes that foyle men, not theyr fates.

Th. Ph.[551]
 [Whan starued Owen had ended his hungry exhortation, it was
well enough liked, howbeit one founde a doubte[552] worth the
mouing, and that concerning this title, earle of March: for as it
appeareth, there were three men of three diuers nations together in
one time entituled by that honour: first syr Edmund Mortimer, whom
Owen kept in pryson, an Englishman: the second the lord George of
Dunbar, a valiaunt Scot, banished out of his countrey, and well
esteemed of Henry the fouerth: the thirde lord Iames of Bourbon, a
Frenchman, sent by the Frenche king to help Owen Glendour.
These three men had this title all at once, which caused him to
aske how it was true that euery one of these could bee earle of
March: whereto was answered, that euery countrey hath Marches
belonging vnto them, and those so large, that they were earledomes,
and the lords thereof entituled thereby: so the[553] lord Edmund
Mortimer was earle of March in England, lord Iames of Burbon, of
the Marches of Fraunce, and lorde George of Dunbar, earle of the
Marches in Scotland. For otherwise neyther coulde haue interest in
other’s title. This doubt thus dissolued, maister Ferrers sayde: “If no
man haue affection to the Percies, let vs passe the times both of
Henry the fourth and the fift, and come to Henry the sixt, in whose
time fortune (as shee doth in the minority of princes) bare a great
stroke among the nobles. And yet in Henry the fourth’s time are
examples which I would wish, Baldewine, that you should not forget,
as the conspiracy made by the byshop of Yorke, and the lord
Mowbrey, sonne of him whome you late treated of, pricked forwarde
by the earle of Northumberland, father to sir Henry Hotspur, who fled
himselfe, but his parteners were apprehended and put to death, with
Bainton and Blinkinsops, which could not see theyr duty to theyr
king, but tooke parte with Percy, that banished rebell.” As hee was
proceding, hee was desired to stay by one which had pondered the
story of the Percies, who briefly sayde: “To the end, Baldwine, that
you may knowe what to say of the Percies, whose story is not all out
of memory (and is a notable story) I will take vpon mee the person of
the lord Henry Percy,[554] earle of Northumberland, father of sir[555]