Quilter MocheRevoltObjects 1990

The Moche Revolt of the Objects
Author(s): Jeffrey Quilter

Source: Latin American Antiquity , Mar., 1990, Vol. 1, No. 1 (Mar., 1990), pp. 42-65
Published by: Cambridge University Press
Stable URL: https://www.jstor.org/stable/971709
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THE MOCHE REVOLT OF THE OBJECTS
Jeffirey Quilter
Stories involving the death of the sun and a subsequent revolt of objects against humans are variants of a
common and ancient N'ative American myth, and it is argued that a number of art works from the Moche culture
of the Peruvian north coast depict a variant of this myth. The "Revolt of the Objects" theme is part of a narrative
sequence representingan important epic of the lateMoche culture that is linked to otherMoche art, largersymbolic
concepts, and sociopolitical events. N'ow that simple diffiusionistic explanations are no longer applicable, the
occurrence of similar themes in myths and art throughout the Americas is a subject that should be reexamined.
Se demuestra que el mito de "La Revuelta de los Objetos, " conocido de fuentes etnohistoricos del Peru colonial
(Urioste 1983), tambien se conocia por los moches prehistoricos y se representaba en su arte, como sugerido
primero por Krickeberg (1928). El mito no es representado s610 en la pintura mural de la Huaca de la Luna y
sobre una botella ceramica, sino tambien en mas detalles sobre otra botella y en escenas abreviadas.
Lyon (1981, 1987) ha arguido que los detalles de tal arte no corresponden a los del mito. Sin embargo, se
demuestra que los conceptos basicos de las leyendas orales se contienen en las representaciones antiguas. Estas
incluyen el alzamiento de lasfuerzas de la noche, representada por la Lechuza y la Mujer, contra el sol, simbolizado
por el Dios Rayado, quien termina la revuelta y establece orden en el mundo. Tambien se sugiere que hay
conexiones especificas entre el tema de la Revuelta de los Objetos y el tema de la Presentacion, y es muy posible
que el tema de La Presentacion muestre los eventos que siguen la Revuelta de Los Objetos en el ciclo mitico de
la cultura moche tardia.
La ocurrencia de historias semejantes de la revolucion, especialmente en el Popol Vuh de los mayas, indica
que el tema es parte de un mito nativo-americano muy antigno que se vEncula con un concepto mas difuso en el
mundo de objetos animados. Muchas culturas americanas interpretaban el tema basico de modos distintos,
acomodadas a sus propias circunstancias. La sociedad moche tardla dio enfasis a asuntos militaristas debida a
la crisis confrontada en las epocas finales de su existencia. Puesto que las teorias de diffiusi6n simples no son
aplicables, actualmente, los sujetos de la cultura y la mitologia pan-americana merecen consideraciones y estudios
nuevos.
In the last half century, studies of Moche iconography have grown from an initial recognition of
mythological subjects in works of art (Kutscher 1950; Muelle 1936) to the identification ofthematic
formats and links between them (Donnan 1975). Attempts have been made to move beyond the
identification of specific personages, their modes of representation, and their contexts, to reveal the
mythology of which they were a part (Benson 1972; Hocquenghem 1987; Krickeberg 1928). The
task is especially difficult given that 1,500 years separate the Moche from the twentieth century,
and that only the art itself, aided by archaeological studies, can be used to interpret Moche beliefs
directly.
This study attempts to approach Moche mythology through the analysis of one of its most unusual
scenes: The Revolt of the Objects theme. The analysis derives from an earlier interpretation made
by Krickeberg (1928), in which the theme is related to an ethnohistoric legend recorded in the
seventeenth century in the central highlands of Peru (Urioste 1983). While ethnohistoric and eth-
nographic data are used to buttress this assertion, connections between Moche art and the later
myth are demonstrated-to a large extent-using iconographic evidence. This perspective on Moche
art promises to open further avenues of investigation because it claims that the art can be studied
successfully within the larger context of a common, basal, ancient American mythological tradition.
Jeffrey Quilter, Department of Anthropology and Sociology, Ripon College, Ripon, WI 54971
Latin American Antiquity, 1(1), 1990, pp. 42-65.

Copyright t) 1990 by the Society for Amencan Archaeology
42

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State InMoche
& Moche fluencejrMoche
Huacas
[Quiiter] THE MOCHE REVOLT OF THE OBJECTS 43
PERU,
THE MOCHE,
THE HUACAS
SOL & LUNA
Huaca del Sot
Room of Murals
Rllaca d La La
At1 Locations Approximate Due to Scale

(Moche Site Map Arter Donnan & Mackey 1978:56 )
Figure 1. Maps showing Peru, the Moche region, the Huacas Sol and Luna murals, and the Room of the
Murals.
BACKGROUND ON MOCHE CULTURE AND ICONOGRAPHY
Moche is a distinct art style found on the north coast of Peru, dated from the Early Intermediate
period through the first epoch of the Middle Horizon (ca. 200 B.C.-A. D. 550/700). The name also
commonly is used to refer to the culture that is believed to have made ceramics, murals, metalwork,
and other art and artifacts in the Moche style. Moche culture was agricultural and hierarchical.
During its existence, all of the major andean cultigens were in use as was irrigation technology.
Hierarchical social organization is manifest in differential burial practices, the ubiquity of monu-
mental architecture, and in iconography. Moche (Figure 1) has been identified as a conquest state
that spread from the Chicama and Moche valleys to dominate a large section of the Peruvian coast
with occupations from the Chicama to the Nepena valleys and with influences beyond them (Donnan
1973; Moseley 1983:219; Proulx 1985).
The most abundant source of Moche iconography is pottery vessels. A five-phase ceramic sequence
(Donnan 1976; Larco Hoyle 1938) is believed to span the era of the Moche polity and generally
shows increasingly elaborate decoration, especially painted scenes, through time. The scenes depict
a wide variety of characters and activities, but Donnan (1976) has suggested that all Moche art is
sacred, even though much of it appears to represent utilitarian objects or depict scenes of everyday

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44 LATIN AMERICAN ANTIQUITY [Vol. 1, No. 1, 1990
life. While Donnan has suggested that even the most mundane representations are of religious
significance, a number of works clearly manifest their nonsecular nature. These include monsters
composed of parts of different beings and anthropomorphized animals such as the owl, hummingbird,
and others.
Humans sometimes are shown interacting in groups, often gesturing or wearing distinctive cos-
tumes or accoutrements, so that the compositions appear to represent a moment in a narrative.
Kutscher (1950) referred to these as "iconographic scenes" and suggested that they were represen-
tations of Moche mythology. Some scenes appear repeatedly in Moche art, sometimes with variations
or abbreviations of symbols. Donnan developed a "thematic approach" to investigate such dis-
tinctive scenes through the study of all known variants of them. The Presentation theme (Donnan
1975) and the Burial theme (Donnan and McClelland 1979) have been discussed at length, while
others such as the Revolt of the Objects theme have received relatively little attention. Studies also
have demonstrated that the mythologies shown in the art were acted out as rituals, as is common
in many societies. Thus goblets depicted in the Presentation theme have their real life counterparts,
which were used in ceremonies enacting mythic events (Donnan 1976:125-127).
Besides the art and other archaeological data, two additional sources commonly are used for the
interpretation of Moche iconography. One is the Postconquest ethnohistoric accounts of Chimu
legends. Despite political turmoil and changes in material culture, much of the Moche belief system
seems to have continued on the north coast. Continuities are so strong that modern shamanistic
practices provide another source of information for the interpretation of Moche iconography (Sharon
1978; Sharon and Donnan 1974). Although there is a danger that subsequent culture changes have
distorted Moche culture when seen through the lenses of either ethnohistory or modern beliefs, both
have been shown to elucidate the Moche when used with care.
PREVIOUS INTERPRETATIONS OF THE REVOLT OF THE OBJECTS THEME
The Revolt of the Objects theme is known from three major depictions: a mural found in an
upper rear room on the Huaca de la Luna in the Moche Valley (Figure 2) (Kroeber 1930; see Bonavia
1974:81-85, 1985), and two painted pottery vessels, both now housed in German museums, one
in Berlin (Figure 3) and the other in Munich (Figure 4). Their thematic unity is in evidence by
common depictions of various articles of military regalia and weapons shown with arms and legs
apparently attacking humans.
The Huaca de la Luna mural was discovered by Eduard Seler in 1910. Kroeber was the first to
publish a full illustration and discussion of it in 1930, however, and his illustrations still are the
primary source of reference for the mural. Even at the time of its discovery, the painting was so
deteriorated that many characters depicted were diEcult to discern. Nevertheless, it is clear that a
number of objects including headdresses, clubs, perhaps shields and other regalia, and weaponry
are shown with arms and legs. They are chasing humans or holding them captive. These paintings
were part of a mural on at least two walls of a quadrangular-shaped room as well as on two interior
walls that surrounded a small raised platform. The room itself was on the highest platform in the
architectural complex and was located away from the presumed front of the building; it was placed
in the eastern sector of the huaca, abutting the hill of Cerro Blanco against which the structure was
built.
After the discovery of the mural, a number of scholars made reference to it (e.g., Imbelloni 1939).
Chief among these was Krickeberg (1928), who also referred to a painted pottery vessel in a Berlin
museum (Figure 3) that he identified as portraying a similar scene. He believed both represented
an ancient version of legends told in the mesoamerican Popol Vuh, and a similar tale contained in
an early seventeenth-century document from central Peru. The specific story has been called the
Revolt of the Objects. l
Figure 2. Line drawings published by Kroeber (1930) of a segment of the Huaca de la Luna mural (courtesy,
Field Museum of Natural History, Chicago, Negative Numbers 72303, 72301, 72300, and 70302).

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Quilter]
THE MOCHE REVOLT OF THE OBJECTS 45
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Figure 3. Roll-out drawing of the Berlin Vase discussed by Krickeberg. Numbers added by the author (aft
Kutscher 1983:Abdildung 270).
The Peruvian legend comprises the entire, short, fourth book of a volume compiled by Francisco
de Avila who went on a fact-finding mission to stamp out pagan idolatries in the region of Huarochiri
in the highlands east of Lima. The story is as follows (Urioste 1983):
They recount that in remote times the sun died. Because of its [the sun's] death five days passed like nights.
And then the rocks banged against each other. Furthermore, the mortars and grinding stones began to eat
men. And the male llamas began to dnve humans.
Respecting this legend we who are Christians are of the following opinion: These events probably speak of
the darkness which occurred at the death of Our Lord Jesus Christ. This could be it [the explanation for these
events]. [Translation by the author.]
The Maya myth is somewhat longer and more elaborate (Edmonson 1971 :21-25). A world epoch
occurs in which wooden people are found to be unmindful of the deities who made them. As
punishment, a flood and a rain of pitch are brought down on these creatures and wild animals attack
them. A general revolt of the world against the wooden people also occurs. The revolutionaries are
grinding stones, comestible birds and dogs, hunting dogs, griddles and pots, and firestones. Each of
these former servants addresses its former masters as the tables are turned. Manos and metates will
now grind people just as they have been crushed and battered by humans. Cooks will feel the scorch
of the flames that the pots and firestones once suffered. Even houses and trees shake loose humans
seeking refuge. Caverns shut their mouths, leaving the wooden people to die or to be changed into
monkeys.
The essential elements of the andean and mesoamerican tales seem strikingly similar. Both rev
begin in darkness associated with the extinction ofthe sun; both include the rising up of domesticat
animals and utensils; both result in the end of a world era. The last point is not stated specifica
for the Peruvian version but may be inferred by the position of the story in the larger Huaroch
narrative. In both the andean version and the Popol Vuh, the tale marks the end of a general
introductory section. The events in Chapter IV of Avila never are mentioned again while the Po
Vuh continues with the story of the Hero Twins but makes no reference to the revolt of the obj
and animals.
Krickeberg believed the mesoamerican and andean tales were linked by early influence
Mesoamerica to South America and that the Moche art depicted the same story. He did no
his argument at any great length as his theoretical stance took it as a given that such con
existed. His thesis went unchallenged until 1981, when Lyon published a paper that argued
Moche art does not depict the myth.
In Lyon's (1981, 1987) view, the only common feature between the Moche art and oral stories
is that objects become animated. While the tales tell of ordinary people, the art shows only warriors,
and weaponry and regalia rise up instead of pots and pans. So for Lyon, the myth depicted in the
art probably is associated with a battle. Furthermore, she notes that the revolt is said to occur in

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Quilter]
Figure 4. Roll-out drawing of the Munich Vase painting. Numbers added by the author (after Kutscher 1983:
Abdildung 267). Note some duplication at edges to show overlaps.
darkness, but darkness is not depicted in the art. She also suggests that alternate readings are possible
for the art so that the story does not necessarily read as a revolt. I believe, however, that the strength
of tradition in the Andes and the uniqueness of the concept of animated objects are such that the
art can be profitably interpreted as a version of the oral stories. Furthermore, I demonstrate that
darkness is represented symbolically and that the most logical reading of the art is as a revolt.
INTERPRETING THE ART FROM THE REVOLT-OF-THE-OBJECTS PERSPECTIVE
Sufficient evidence can be marshaled to suggest that a variant of the oral tales is portrayed in
Moche art through reference to established interpretations of Moche art in general, more developed
now than in Krickeberg's time, and with supporting evidence from the rich body of ethnohistoric
and ethnographic data for the Andean area. This is not to say that Moche art is simply the direct
representation of the Huarochiri tale, but that it shares the essential features of an American myth
found as variants over a wide area and in different times (Quilter 1987a, 1987b).
The Huaca de la Luna A{ural
In addition to the fragmentary nature of the Huaca de la Luna mural at the time of its discovery,
some uncertainty exists as to the accuracy ofthe known copies of it (Bonavia 1985:80).2 The general
scene is clearly the same one as found on the pottery vessels, however, showing various items of
apparel such as headdresses, belts, and more enigmatic items attacking human warriors (Figure 2).
At least four human warriors are fully clothed. Two are shown as prisoners, grabbed by the hair
or headdress and running, as if they had been captured in flight from battle. Another warrior is
fleeing a headdress that carries a long club and is menacing or hitting the face of the human whose
head is turned toward it. A fourth warrior has fallen with an animated object running behind, right
hand clenched, left index finger pointing. Other representations are less clear. These include the
lower sections of warrior-like figures, a nonanimated tripod touched by a human foot, and a feline-
snake that may be part of a piece of clothing.
One scene in the room diffiers from the others (Figure 2B, right). In it, the figures are standing
while sacrificial activities involving bleeding a human prisoner take place. One of the chief sacrificers
is a human with a headdress and a long skirt who stands by a blood-collection bowl (see Lyon 1981:
105). She is the Woman, an important Moche supernatural (see Hocquenghem and Lyon 1980).
Judging from available photographs and plans ofthe room (Bonavia 1985:Figures 53-61; Kroeber
1930), this scene was placed in the middle of the wall mural and was at the back of a raised platform

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with stepped sides. Thus, the focal point for activities in the room in relation to the mural was the
sacrificial activities associated with the revolt.
The importance of the Revolt theme mural is emphasized by its location in an apparently pres-
tigious and isolated part of the huaca (Figure 1). In a rear room on the huaca's highest level, access
to it likely was restricted to people of high rank. Since the site and its companion, the Huaca del
Sol, are known to have been abandoned during the last Moche phase (V), the mural probably dates
to late Moche IV or very early Moche V. The room had been painted many times and while earlier
scenes are not known, the Revolt of the Objects was the last painting placed on the walls of one of
the most important temples in the Moche realm.
The Berlin Vase
The Berlin Vase (Figure 3) is reported to have come from the Hacienda de Casa Grande in the
Chicama Valley (Kutscher 1983:46) and is now in the Museum fur Volkerkunde, Berlin. It shows
avian, terrestrial, and maritime activities with a central, skirted human in a gabled structure. Two
naked humans held captive with ropes by animated objects create a rough symmetry among the
animated objects.
A human (Figure 3, Number 12) occupies a central position but is not engaged actively in the
events. This is the Woman, judging from her costume (Hocquenghem and Lyon 1980) and by the
fact that females are associated with gabled roof structures in late Moche art (Donnan and McClelland
1979:9). She holds either a house post or a crooked staffthat resembles a post in its bipointed top.
Another similarity between the human and the structure is the arc-like designs on the back of the
figure's head and on the ends of the two roof beams.
Although the Moche were coastal dwellers, they rarely depicted the sea unless it had a specific
purpose in art. The fact that some of the revolting figures are depicted in direct association with
the water suggests that the sea is involved with the events on land. One figure (Number 4) is standing
astride two crests while others (Numbers 1, 5, 9, 15, 16, and 18) have at least one part of their
bodies touching a wave. Beneath the wave scroll a series of alternating fish and sea lions or seals is
shown. Lack of a clear starting point on the circular vessel makes it hard to argue that the fish are
chasing the sea lions in a reversal of their normal roles. But at least two of the fish seem perilously
close to the rears of sea lions. The fish have open mouths while the pinnipeds are grimacing. In
addition, the sea lions are represented atypically. Donnan (1976:39) notes that they almost always
are depicted with fish or ball-like objects in front of or in their mouths. Fish usually are rendered
small in size and clearly are depicted as the prey of sea lions. Here, the fish are shown dispropor-
tionately larger than the sea lions to accentuate their transformation from prey to predator. Such a
role reversal is further suggested by the birds (Numbers 3, 20, and 22) of uncertain species. The
entire scene suggests one in which the normal order ofthings has been reversed with objects attacking
humans and former prey becoming predator in the natural world, and perhaps even the sea rising
up to inundate the land.
The Munich Vase
The Munich Vase (Figure 4) is also said to come from the Chicama Valley (Kutscher 1983:45)
although the specific site of recovery is not reported. This vessel currently is in the Museum fur
Volkerkunde, Munich. It depicts the Revolt of the Objects but was apparently unknown to Krick-
eberg. A more elaborate presentation of the same general events of armaments and regalia in battle
with humans is shown here, presenting an opportunity to examine the story in more detail. In the
lowest part of the painting the objects successfully are attacking humans who are shown in various
stages of defeat and capture, from fully clothed warriors grabbed by the chin or hair to naked and
bound prisoners. At the top of the scene the animated objects are captured by a number of super-
naturals who have halted the revolt. Between these two groupings an intermediate stage of the story
appears in which combat rather than rout is shown, such as between Numbers 47 and 18, and 26
and 27.
Unlike the Berlin Vase in which all action moves from left to right, on this vessel the movement

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Quilter]
in the lower scene is toward a stepped platform on which the Owl Deity (Number 43) stands, with
a dog (Number 38), and the Woman (Number 1). The Woman may be accompanied by a small
human (Number 2) who, like the dog, faces the active objects and warriors. The main figures of
Owl Deity and Woman have their backs to each other and between them a number of objects are
shown including a painted vessel (Number 57), a rectangular-shaped object (Number 56), and what
appear to be a pair of ear plugs (Number 54) shown in profile. None of these objects is animated
but a fourth one (Number 55), apparently a spindle with thread, is shown with head, arms, and
legs, running in the direction of the Owl Deity.
The action of the upper scene is also centered around two figures. In this case, a human (Number
48) is seated under a tree and is addressing the much larger standing figure of the Rayed Deity
(Number 45) (see Benson 1972:39-44; Donnan 1976,1978). The outstretched arms and the position
of the hands of the seated figure suggest it is in a role of supplication to the Rayed Deity. The arms
of the seated figure are crossed in front of him, left over right. This distinctive and rarely depicted
gesture may indicate not only a special, conciliatory act, but perhaps also submission, such as in
expectation of being bound.
A small quadruped (Number 46) with feather-like tails is located between the two central figures
but appears to accompany the rayed figure who also has a feline-headed snake (Number 22) im-
mediately below him. Other deities or their aides appear to be vanquishing the animated objects,
holding them captive by the hair, while rushing toward the Rayed Deity and the seated figure.
The actions in both the upper and lower registers are linked by the way in which motion is depicted
in relation to the central characters in each. In both cases the largest and likely most important
personages are the central focus toward which the action moves. The Owl Deity and Rayed Deity
are on opposite sides of the vessel on which they are painted, judging from Donnan's (1978:Figure
270) published photograph. Furthermore, the general flow of motion in the lower register splits
from left to right directly under the Rayed Deity and the seated figure.
Near-identical figures appear on the vase. The spindle (Number 55) is shown between the figures
on the platform and again (Number 12) in the center of the fight, below the Rayed Deity. Also, the
seated figure in front of the spindle in the lower register closely resembles the human seated under
the tree in the upper register, close by. The smaller figure (Number 22) is only sketchily drawn; lack
of details may be due to size. But the distinctive head gear and long nose appear in both cases.
Another figure that appears twice is the Woman (Number 1) found next to the Owl in the lower
register while in the upper register she (Number 49) is a prisoner of one of the aides of the Rayed
Deity. Details of the figure and costume are different in each representation, including treatment of
toenails, bracelets, and hands. The cloaks also differ, but the main features of the character are
similar enough to suggest that the same personage is in different scenes on the vessel.
Patterning of similar figures can be detected in the painting. Staves and clubs are most abundant
on the lowest level of the vase, including two quadruped versions. Rectangular objects-shields and
possibly aprons or capes-are most frequent in the middle field, though some overlapping is present.
Ropes and similar objects as well as snakes, all with feline heads, are shown next, spread horizontally
through the scene. The objects in the highest position tend to be unique and include an item that
may be a rattle (Number 58); a complete headdress (Number 41); and two crescents (Numbers 51
and 53), probably helmet crests. The general trend from the bottom register to the top is from
objects that touch the ground (staves, long clubs, and slings that use stones) to accoutrements arranged
upward as they would appear on a warrior.
The repetition of key figures, their positioning, and the organization of movement suggest nar-
rative, despite the lack of sharply defined boundaries. I believe that the logical way to read the
painting is from the bottom up, as a nearly successful revolt of objects is halted by the Rayed Deity
and his aides. Additional narrative may consist of the role of the spindle as a messenger between
the seated human and the Owl and Woman, and the surrender of the seated figure to the Rayed
Deity as will now be discussed in detail.
Both the Owl and the Woman are accompanied by assistants: the Owl with the dog at his feet
and the Woman with a smaller human. The Owl plays the senior role as evidenced by its domination
of the platform summit and its larger size. Although both main figures stand in passive positions,

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the animated objects run toward them and appear to be gesticulating at them, indicating that the
animated objects are acting in relation to the figures on the platform.
Luckily, an apparently abbreviated scene of the revolt or a very similar theme is available from
another vessel (Figure 5A). Here, an animated club-and-shield faces a prisoner held captive by the
Owl who also holds a sacrificial knife. This scene demonstrates that the Owl, at the very least, has
a strong interest in the successful revolt of the objects.
In Moche art, size indicates importance and on the Munich Vase the Owl is second in size only
to the Rayed Deity. This, plus the paraphernalia of authority (staff and headdress) and location on
the platform symbolize leadership. But although the Owl may be the power that activates the objects,
the supplicatory human (Number 48) of the upper register may have called the Owl into action.
Religious practices commonly involve a human summoning or asking for divine intervention in
human affairs as in the case in modern-day curing practices in Peru (Sharon 1978). Thus, the Owl
and the Woman may be the active leaders of the revolt but not the principal causes of it.
The supplicating figure in front of the Rayed Deity is also in the lower register (Number 22). As
noted above, the basic costume features of both figures are the same, though detail is lacking in the
lower one. Both are seated and face the same direction, an artistic convention perhaps employed
to strengthen their association. The spindle is in front of the small seated human. Although there
is some confusion in lines emanating from the spindle, the seated human, and an animal-headed
club (held by Number 20), the seated human seems to hold part of the thread connected to the neck
of the spindle. The spindle is shown again between the Woman and the Owl Deity and appears to
be running toward the back of the latter.
The repetition of figures on this vessel appears to serve the same narrative purposes as similar
conventions found in medieval European paintings, where characters shown more than once are to
be read as the same individual in a sequence of actions or events. The starting point of the narrative
is the human-and-spindle scene in the center of the lower register. This neatly ties the beginning
and end points of the story to the same place on the pot while the chief supernatural protagonists
are on opposite sides of the vessel with the Owl in the lower register and the Rayed Deity in the
upper scene, both with the secondary figures moving toward them. The spindle is an apt messenger
between the human and the gods given the frequent portrayal of clothing in the revolt itself and the
important symbolic role of clothing in Moche society (see Donnan 1 976:Figure 47) and in andean
culture in general (see Murra 1962).
The most adventuresome interpretation of the Munich Vase as analyzed above would see the
revolt as begun by the human in the center of the scene, using the spindle as an intermediary to
the Owl and Woman who actually lead the uprising. The revolt is crushed by the Rayed Deity and
the human instigator pleads for mercy. The Woman is caught by the forces of the Rayed Deity, but
the Owl escapes immediate capture. A more conservative reading is that the revolt is led by the
Owl and Woman but defeated by the Rayed Deity, leaving the role of the man uncertain.
Summary of Analysis
The preceding analysis suggests that the mural and ceramic art all relate the same story or slight
variants of it and that the basic tale concerns the rising up of artifacts against humans. The fact
that there are a number of oral traditions reminiscent of the Popol Vuh and Huarochiri stories (Lyon
1981:106-107) does not weaken this interpretation but rather strengthens it, as it implies that the
story is a widespread and ancient American myth. That items associated with military costume and
activities are shown in revolt instead of metates and llamas suggests that the Moche took an ancient
story and created their own particular variant which was reinterpreted by later peoples, such as in
the ethnohistoric tales.
Because no texts other than the Revolt legends are available, the only way the identification of
the narrative on the Munich Vase can be supported without the circularity of referring back to the
written sources is by strength of argument and by demonstration that the Revolt interpretation can
be made through the internal evidence of iconography alone. This will now be done, including a
demonstration that while there is no representation of darkness in the art, the forces of light and

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51
Quilter] THE MOCHE REVOLT OF THE OBJECTS
F
Figure 5. Abbreviated versions of the Revolt of
(B) after Kutscher 1983:Abdildung 267; (C) after
darkness appear to be in contention in the

actual rising up of the objects themselves may
of the ethnohistoric and ethnographic legen
SYMBOLISM IN THE MOCHE REVOLT OF THE OBJECTS
Various studies of Moche iconography can be used to further explore the Revolt of the Obje
as depicted in the scenes discussed above. The characteristics of figures in the Revolt theme, a
confirmed by a variety of data including figures in different contexts, may serve to improve o
understanding of both the Revolt of the Objects and other scenes and themes. While the hum
under the tree is not easily identified in other Moche artworks, the Owl, the Woman, the Ray
Deity, and some of the other figures do appear frequently enough for comparisons to be made.
Owls play important roles in Moche art and are among the most commonly portrayed nonhuma
They are depicted in naturalistic as well as anthropomorphized forms. They commonly are associa
with ritual and sacrifice and often are garbed in warrior's clothes and weapons (Mester 1983a,1983
see Benson 1972:52; Donnan 1976:124-136). In Sharon's (1978) study of modern shamanism
the north coast of Peru, which shows clear ties with Moche iconography (Sharon and Donnan 19
the owl symbolizes corpses, cemeteries, and spirits of the dead. An elaborate staS surmounted w

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a carved and inlaid owl figure was one of the chief burial goods associated with a high status Moche
burial found in the Viru Valley (Strong and Evans 1952:Plate XXV), suggesting that this bird was
a powerful political symbol as well as a supernatural one in ancient times.
Although identifications of owl species depicted in Moche art would be useful in determining
their possible symbolic meaning, the task is a difficult one. While each of the five species common
to the Peruvian coast has characteristic markings or other features3, Mester (1983b:19) notes that
the distinctive eye circle of the barn owl (Tyto alba) often was depicted on other species. But only
horned owls and barn owls are depicted as warriors (Mester 1983b: 18). These are nocturnal hunters,
while the other owls are diurnal and eat mostly insects and small lizards.
To what degree Moche classifications of owls and emphasis on particular characteristics differed
from or matched those of western science is uncertain. It does seem likely, however, that the nocturnal
characteristics of large predatory owls did not go unnoticed. The burrowing owl (Speotyto cunicu-
laria), which often makes its home in the soft soils of archaeological sites, is diurnal, but its
association with the dead of ancient ruins may have helped link it with forces of the night. Mester
(1983b:51) notes that Guaman Poma stated that all owls were bad omens signaling the approach
of death and were considered noxious animals, put into underground prisons for the torment of the
worst criminals. Nighttime, underground, death, and crime, were all in Inca owl symbolism, and
it is likely that these concepts were ancient and shared by the Moche, especially given Sharon's
ethnographic evidence.
The second personage associated with the platform is the Woman. She is seen elsewhere in Moche
art, most commonly in four basic contexts: the Revolt of the Objects theme, the Presentation theme
(see Donnan 1975, 1976, 1977, 1978), the Burial theme (Donnan and McClelland 1979), and the
Moon/Boat scene (Cordy-Collins 1977). Hocquenghem and Lyon (1980:36) note that her clothing
and other details differ in the Presentation and Revolt themes as compared to depictions in the
Burial theme and Moon/Boat scene, but transitional figures suggest it is the same personage. Berezkin
(1980:14-15) also sees this figure ("the Goddess") as a single personage who is associated with
symbols of death and sacrifice.
While the Inca association of the owl with nighttime might not be confidently stretched so far as
to tie it with a Moche lunar belief, the female figure seems to have such associations owing to her
depiction in a boat or crescent. Despite a contrary opinion by Cordy-Collins (1977), the crescent
shape as well as actual depictions of boats appear to represent the moon (cf. Benson 1985; Bruhns
1976; Kutscher 1950). If this is so, and if the identification ofthe crescent and boat as moon symbols
is correct, then the association ofthis figure with the owl link it and its characteristics (the underworld
and death) with lunar and nighttime attributes. Following this line of reasoning, it can be argued
that the Revolt of the Objects as depicted in Moche art is associated with lunar or nighttime events
as well as with powerful supernatural females and role reversals, as the activating or leading forces
associated with the animated objects.
Another female element among the revolting objects is the spindle. Weaving and associated
activities have been described as the "quintessential female activity" (Silverblatt 1987:9) in the
Andes. The important role of the spindle in the revolt therefore suggests another female element in
the uprising. The two main figures associated with leading the revolt are therefore linked to nighttime
and death while the spindle is tied to concepts of femaleness which, in turn, were associated with
the Moon (Pachacuti Yamqui 1950, cited in Silverblatt 1987:41-45).
The chief characters in the upper register of the scene are the seated figure under the tree and the
Rayed Deity. The Rayed Deity is found only in late Moche art (Phases IV and V) (Berezkin 1980:
12) but in a variety of contexts including the Presentation theme (Donnan 1976, 1978), riding in a
raft, in a litter, or on a crescent (Berezkin 1980: 12-14). He almost always is shown dressed in warrior
attire.
While Berezkin (1980:15) notes that the Rayed Deity is the victor over the animated objects he
suggests that "the Goddess" is the chief of the revolutionaries in the Revolt of the Objects and that
the Rayed Deity is a lunar supernatural. But, as noted above, the relative positions of the owl and
the female supernatural suggest that she is of secondary importance. The identification of the Rayed
Deity as a lunar god seems questionable. Much weight has been given (Kutscher 1950:88) to the

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53
preeminence of the Chimu moon god, Si, for which ethnohistoric documents are available, and
Chimu art shows strong continuities with Moche iconography. But disjunctions also exist.
Ethnohistory also may be used to note that the Inca images of at least one aspect of the sun
commonly were made with rays and that these rays fanned out from the central figure (Cobo 1956
[1653]:Chapter 5; see Demarest 1981). Although European influence might be at work, it may be
significant that in the illustrations ofthe chronicler, Guaman Poma de Ayala ([1615] 1980), all 37
suns depicted are shown with rays and every one of the 22 moons is shown as a crescent. Images
of Christ, Mary, and angels are sometimes shown with or without rays. The Rayed Deity often is
shown in a reed boat (Kutscher 1983:Abdildung 316b), perhaps tying it to lunar concepts, though
there is no reason why both sun and moon could not be symbolized as celestial boats. Benson (1985:
132) has suggested that the Rayed Deity may have a sun identification though she does not present
her reasoning for this view. In short, there are at least some indications that the Rayed Deity may
be a solar god, but the evidence is not conclusive.
Perhaps the most noteworthy element of the central scene in the upper register is the tree under
which the human-like figure sits, for no other plants are shown on the vase. This tree does not
appear to be the most commonly depicted one in Moche art, the algarrobo (Prosopis chilensis), a
thorny mimosa. It is rendered quite differently with distinctive leaves and round fruit instead of
the algarrobo's globular seed pods. It appears to be fruit tree, and the only native andean tree I
have found that resembles it is the molle (Schinus molle), the evergreen pepper tree. The plant had
a wide variety of uses (de la Calancha [1638] 1974: 137; medicine, Cieza de Leon [1553] 1985; dye
mordant and embalming, Cobo [1653] 1956:268) and its fruit was made into a mild alcoholic drink
(chicha de molle). Today, the Macha of Bolivia use molle branches to build a structure for use in
marriage ceremonies (Platt 1986:244). These uses suggest that molle was a tree associated with
health and the supernatural.
Whether or not future research can establish the exact identity of this tree and its symbolism, the
role of trees for water storage, their general symbolic importance as sources of life and fecundity,
and, particularly, their role as sources of world creation (Lathrap 1985:258) may be significant in
the depiction of this tree at the end of the narrative shown on the pottery vessel. Regardless of the
specific or general symbolism of the tree, it appears to be intimately associated with the seated
human figure. Roots are shown, a detail that is not always included in Moche art. The figure is
either sitting directly on the roots or they are emanating from him. The tree and the figure thus are
intertwined symbolically, and this must have had considerable significance in the telling of the story
of the Moche Revolt of the Objects, probably associated with world renewal after the revolt.
The evidence for nocturnal symbolism of the leaders of the revolt is strong for the lower register,
and sun and diurnal symbolism are in evidence for the victors in the upper register. The tree may
represent the positive life force. The defeat of the revolting objects must be assumed to represent
generally the establishment of order as opposed to the chaos of the dark forces that caused the
. .
uprlslng.
In Iconografa Mochica, Hocquenghem (1987) uses Inca astronomical-calendric rituals t
Moche art. She reads the Munich Vase in the same way presented here, i.e., that a r
down by the Rayed Deity, and she views the restoration of order as an important sym
Hocquenhem believes that the Moche scenes depict rituals carried out during the wi
with the sun at its nadir. This was later expressed in Postconquest celebrations of Ea
linked the death and resurrection of Christ to native rituals and thus would explain t
to the cause of darkness in the last line of the Huarochiri tale. This interpretation ne
conflicts with nor fully supports the present one. Given Donnan's (1976) suggestion th
sentation theme was acted out in ritual it is quite possible that the Revolt of the Obje
a ritual form. The potential loss of the sun at the low point of its yearly round would be
time for the ritual portrayal of the Revolt theme. Festivals with elements of role rev
potential for chaos commonly occur at calendrical transitions (Eliade 1959).
In summary, the evidence and arguments marshaled above seem sufficient and stron
support the view that the mural and two elaborate pottery scenes represent one or m
of the Revolt of the Objects oral tradition. Certainly, the core of the myth is presen

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complex Moche rendering: an anarchic situation in which objects turn on humans caused by th
rising up of forces of night and the underworld.
Less certainly, it is possible that a human may have been the instigating force in causing the
revolt. It is also quite likely that the Woman is in all three of the major representations of the theme.
Her association with the Owl may be close enough that she is not only an individual figure but also
an aspect or incarnation of it (or it of her?). The portrayal of a female shaman with owl features on
a Moche vessel (Donnan 1978:Figure 80a) adds strength to the proposal that the Woman and Owl
are dual aspects of a single supernatural concept. There are still many uncertainties, however,
regarding the symbolic significance of many enigmatic figures on the Munich Vase, such as the deer
(?)-headed captive (Figure 4, Number 16) and the large, dark human (Figure 4, Number 6). Their
importance or roles may be revealed in future studies, but the general link of the ancient art with
the ethnographic tales seems clear.
Although oral traditions do not specifically state that objects grow or get arms, legs, and heads,
this certainly seems like a useful artistic convention to depict animation, or it may simply be that
the Moche had this occurrence in their version. While darkness or night are not artistically rendered
in the scenes discussed, the Owl and Woman certainly appear to be tied to concepts involving them.
The diagram of Inca cosmology provided to the Spaniards by Pachacuti Yamqui (1950; see Silverblatt
1987:Figures 5 and 6) linked women, Mother Sea, Venus as Evening Star, and the Moon in contrast
to men, Lord Earth, Venus as Morning Star, and the Sun. The revolutionaries in the three major
depictions of the Revolt theme include not only the Owl and Woman but also, possibly, the spindle
and the sea. All are female symbols and thus connected to the Moon and night.
THE SIGNIFICANCE OF THE REVOLT OF THE OBJECTS THEME FOR

THE STUDY OF MOCHE ICONOGRAPHY
Abbreviated Versions of the Revolt of the Objects Theme
In addition to the three major depictions ofthe Revolt theme discussed so far, abb
also exist, such as in Figure 5A, mentioned above. Another of these (Figure SB) is
showing an animated helmet holding a captive by the hair in one hand and a cup in
action takes place in a desert, and the figures are flanked by large clubs that are
ground and display nonanimated military accoutrements. The plaques on the anim
identical to plated garments commonly worn by the Owl Deity or other personage
the offiering of cups in the Presentation theme (see Figure 6) (Benson 1984). In t
plates may be a specific reference to the Owl since other kinds of helmets could ha
as easily.
The second scene (Figure SC) is less securely associated with the Revolt of the Objects. It app
to show an animated-weapons bundle standing on a small platform in association with a hov
hummingbird. A line from the top of the animated figure's helmet extends to the post of a st
building on the left and a similar structure, not attached to either figure, is on the right. It is
clear that this scene is directly related to the Revolt ofthe Objects, but the presence of a humming
similar to the one on the Munich Vase, as well as the animated club and shield and its conne
to the nearby structures, suggest some sort of relation to the theme.
Hocquenghem provides an illustration of another depiction of the Revolt theme on a pot in
Italian collection (Hocquenghem 1987:Figure 151). On each side of a vessel animated clubs and
shields attack a human. On one side the human is clothed as a fighting warrior while on the other
the human is a naked prisoner. Nonanimated clubs and shields, desert plants, articles of clothing,
and enigmatic objects serve to fill in the spaces surrounding the main figures.
These abbreviated versions of the Revolt of the Objects theme suggest that it was more widespread
than has been recognized previously. While not all animated objects necessarily are tied to the
revolt, many ofthem may be. Hocquenghem and Lyon (1980:Figure 7) illustrate a possible version
of the revolt that shows the Owl in conversation with the Woman and a warrior-garbed dog. Other
figures in the scene include two animated hats and other images that complicate interpretation. The

138.251.182.155 on Mon, 19 Feb 2024 13:40:45 +00:00
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55
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Figure 6. The Presentation theme (after Kutscher 1983:Abdildung 299).
Owl holds a club and shield with an anthropomorphized head. This emblem se ms to be distinctly
related to the Owl as a military figure.
The animated club and shield is so widespread in late Moche art that it appears to have a distinct
identity and meaning. Animated club and shields and weapons bundles are found in a variety of
contexts. These include active roles in the Presentation theme (Donnan 1976, 1978) where one
holds or drinks from a goblet. Nonanimated club and shields are often found in as ociation with
the Presentation theme, on the edge of the action (Donnan 1976:Figure 239b), or as border elements
as in the mural at Panamarca (Donnan 1976:Figures 243 and 244). In late Moche iconography the
club and shield appears to have been a "summanzing symbol" (Ortner 1979:94), albeit a rather
militant one (Quilter 1988).
The Revolt of the Objects and the Presentation Theme
There appear to be many specific ties between the Revolt of the Objects and the Presentation
theme. All major and many minor figures of the Revolt of the Objects appear in the Presentation
theme (Figure 6). Even the large sack (a rare type, see Benson [1977]) carried by the Hummingbird
in the Revolt of the Objects appears again. It is held by a feline warrior standing next to the Rayed
Deity, while in another version of the Presentation theme it again is held by the Hummingbird
(Donnan 1976:Figure 105). Sharon (1978:40) notes that today the Hummingbird symbolizes the
shaman's capacity to suck magic sickness out of victims of sorcery. The bag may thus represent the
accumulated pathogens collected by the Hummingbird. Since the feline in the Presentation theme
in Figure 6 is the only character moving away from the central act between the Rayed Deity and
bird, the taking away of the bag and its contents may be an important part of the events portrayed.
Perhaps the power of the things inside has been transferred to new owners or has been stolen, or
the cessation of trouble is represented by their removal.
An uncertainty in linking these two themes is the questionable role of the Owl in the Presentation
theme. Donnan does not provide an identification of the bird interacting with the Rayed Deity
specifically as an owl, and in one version (Donnan 1976:Figure 241) it is the Woman as Owl's
assistant who handles a cup with a being who may or may not be the Rayed Deity. But similar
characteristics of the bird's wing and beak exist when the bird appears in the Presentation theme.
Ambiguities aside, there appear to be many common links between the two themes.

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The subject of the Presentation theme is the ceremonial offering of goblets that apparently were
carried in procession with plate-like covers (see Donnan 1976, 1978). This activity commonly is
shown in association with the mutilation or sacrifice of bound, naked, human prisoners, and the
organization of such scenes implies that human blood filled the chalices used in the myth and ritual
that the Presentation theme represents.
Details of clothing may serve to clarify the events portrayed in both the Revolt of the Objects
and the Presentation themes. In his role as warrior, the Owl often is shown wearing a plaque shirt
(Benson 1984) or a cloak, or some other garment crosshatched to suggest an open weave or grid
design, with circular dangles at the edges, as on the Munich Vase. This garment may be associated
closely with the figure with a raised hand wearing a plaque shirt on the far right upper register of
one of the Presentation theme depictions (Figure 6). A plaque shirt and crosshatched headdress also
is worn by one of the animals sacnficing a human pnsoner in the center lower register of the same
scene. It is possible that crosshatched garments and plaque shirts and helmets were part of an
iconographic complex associated with the military and specifically with the Owl.
Other characters in Figure 6 share similar clothing markings. Some, such as the sacrificer in the
lower register, the Woman with the covered cup in the upper register, and the Rayed Deity have
all or some of their costumes decorated with what appear to be pelage marks of felines. Such marks
can be seen on the tail of the plaque-shirted sacrificer in the lower register, as well as on the dog (?)
at the feet of the Rayed Deity and the creature sitting on the litter, perhaps related to the dog (Figure
4, Number 46) in the Revolt of the Objects. Markings also are shown on some of the aides on the
Munich Vase (e.g., Figure 4, Number 40) and elsewhere in Moche art.
It is noteworthy that the humans or human-like deities wear animal skins while animals wear
the decorated clothing of humans. The exceptions in the Presentation theme (Figure 6) are the
plaque-shirted figure who nonetheless wears clothes commonly shown on the Owl Deity, and the
bird handing the cup to the Rayed Deity. The bird's clothing partly is obscured by the disc cup
cover held flat against his body, but he appears to wear a large collar with pelage marks.
In the Munich Vase the aides of the Rayed Deity are animals in human costume. The Rayed
Deity wears the same type of skirt as some of his aides (Figure 4, Numbers 43 and 50). His headdress
bears the image of a quadruped with pelage marks. Pelage marks may also be shown on some of
the animated shields (Figure 4, Number 27), shirts, and skirts on the Munich Vase (Figure 4, Numbers
13 and 17). As noted previously, the Woman in the Presentation theme wears a costume with both
circles and wavy lines, combining the two separate elements of dress she wears in the two registers
in the Munich Vase. The lines certainly appear to resemble pelage marks while the circles are more
indefinite. These binary oppositions of human/animal and costume/wearer are such as to delight
the heart of any structuralist. They mark the special nature of the portrayed events: In ordinary life
humans may wear the skins of animals, but in the supernatural realm animals may wear human
clothes.
Narrative also seems to exist in the Figure 6 version of the Presentation theme. The clothing of
the sacrificers in the lower register is worn by the feline in the upper scene with the sack over his
shoulder and the armed figure appears to confront him. Also, the cones held by the sacrificers are
dipped in blood and then fed to the earth monster that separates the upper and lower registers.
While both the Revolt of the Objects and the Presentation themes contain narrative within
elaborate versions ofthem, evidence suggests that each theme is itselfpart of a larger mythic narrativ
A number of distinctive features in the art suggest these links.
In the Huaca de la Luna mural of the Revolt of the Objects a figure holds a goblet below a
bleeding, captured pnsoner. No such items are shown in the rendition on the Berlin Vase but one
ofthe schematic versions (Figure 5B) shows a chalice in the hand of an animated helmet. References
to chalices may be present on the Munich Vase. Between the Owl Deity and the animated spindle
are the two objects that resemble ear plugs seen in profile. Directly in front of the staff club held
by the Owl are two objects that appear to be the same ear spools as they might be seen from the
front. This identification is made partly by way of the dots, not shown as attached to the main part
of the objects. Similar ear spools are shown on the main figures of the Presentation theme (Figure

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Quilter]
6) and a nose ring on the Rayed Deity in one version of the Presentation theme also follows the
basic design of dots around a circle (see Donnan 1976:165).
There appears to be an iconographic tie between these ear spools and the goblets shown in the
Presentation theme. The dots may not be merely decorative bangles on the cups but represent the
state of the liquid or container.4 In one of the Revolt of the Objects scenes (Figure 5B), the dots
rise vertically from the cup. Another depiction (Figure 7) of an animated club and shield shows
dots above a vessel rim in a manner similar to that of the ear spools. It also may be significant that
the other figure carries a sack identical to the one usually shown with the Hummingbird, as discussed
above.
In scenes with goblets, the vessels commonly are depicted as clear, colored, or partially colo
(Figure 7). Moche artistic conventions generally are assumed to call for solid, not cut-away vi
of objects and persons, and this may be in operation here, with the different color combination
merely representing vessels made of two different metals as was practiced by the Moche. But Mo
conventions sometimes were violated for important features, such as headdress crests that are twist
sideways in art because a profile would convey little information (Donnan 1976:24). A sim
deviation from normal practice apparently was used for stemmed cups, and the color of the
and presence or absence of dots above the rim may indicate the nature of the liquid in the cup,
status of the individual holding it, or the phase of the narrative in which the action takes plac
may also be significant that the circles with dots around them on the Munich Vase resemble a pa
filled cup as seen from above.
Another link between the Presentation theme and the Revolt of the Objects, and a possible
indicator of narrative are the tear-drop- and lenticular-shaped objects that surround some of the
figures (e.g., Figure 4, Numbers 40, 43, 45, 52, and 53). Much has been written on these objects,
sometimes referred to as ulluchu fruits (Larco Hoyle 1938:94; McClelland 1977). They do not appear
in the Burial theme, and so may be tied to symbolism of ritual sacrifice (Wassen 1987). Perhaps
they indicate a sacred state rather than being specifically tied to sacrifice. 4
Last, the Presentation theme as depicted on the Panamarca mural and the Revolt of the Objects
on the Berlin Vase both have wave scrolls. It seems quite likely that in both cases the waves refer
to the same concept which, as suggested above, may be the "flood" mentioned in the origin myth.
The numerous links between the Presentation theme and the Revolt of the Objects theme suggest
that they are part of a single narrative sequence. Since the Revolt of the Objects depicts aggression
by the Owl and his followers and the Presentation scene portrays an act of contrition or submission
to the Rayed Deity, it seems likely that the Revolt should be viewed as first in the sequence. The
animated objects and their leaders are defeated, and the Presentation theme follows as an act of
obeisance by the Owl Deity and his associates. It also seems likely that much of late Moche art
represents other parts of this narrative that may be elucidated in future studies.
Berezkin (1980) also sees links between the Revolt ofthe Objects, the Presentation theme, and
the Burial theme, but his views diffier from those that have been presented here. Berezkin sees the
revolt as organized by the "Goddess" and the Owl. After the defeat the Woman Deity is humiliated
and eventually killed. Berezkin (1980:15) then argues that the person interred in the Burial theme
is the Goddess. Donnan and McClelland (1979), who have identified and discussed the Burial theme,
do not make these links, but they do note that there are many iconographic features connecting the
Burial theme with scenes of figures on rats (e.g., Kutscher 1983:Abdildung, 31v2). If so, then the
narrative of the myth of late Moche society might be: Revolt of the Objects theme-Presentation
theme-Burial theme-Raft theme. More research is needed to pursue this matter since the styles
of the available ceramics showing the Burial theme and the Raft figures seem quite different and
possibly later than those earlier in the proposed sequence. It will be necessary to have better control
of spatial and temporal vanations in late Moche art as well as stylistic diffierences between workshops
or individual artists before this problem can be resolved.
Even without interpreting the art of the Huaca de la Luna and the two vases as the Revolt of the
Objects of myth, narrative links still appear to exist between these scenes and those ofthe Presentation
theme and other themes. If the Revolt of the Objects of Moche art is seen as a variant of oral tales,

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Figure 7. An animated club and shield holding a cup with dots above it. Note differences in cups here and
in comparison to other art (after Kutscher 1983:Abdildung 269).
however, then the possibility of actually deciphering late Moche mythology lies open. Other sce
and depictions of animated objects in Moche art are either linked to the Revolt story or represe
a general Moche worldview of which the Revolt was a part. These conceptions, both specific an
general, can also be used as a guide for the study of Moche culture beyond the realm of myth alo
THE SIGNIFICANCE OF THE REVOLT OF THE OBJECTS FOR

THE STUDY OF MOCHE SOCIETY AND POLITICS
Linking the symbolism of Moche art to political and social events is a task fraught wit
Our understanding of the art is still at an elementary level and knowledge of sociopo
also is uncertain. The state of current knowledge on these issues may be summarized
establish a framework for further study of them.
All of the art discussed above dates to the late phases of the Moche style, which has been shown
to have witnessed the introduction of a number of new personages and themes compared to earlier
phases (see Berezkin 1980; Donnan and McClelland 1979). At the same time as these changes in
art, the Moche polity was experiencing changes in its extent and power which led to its eventual
end, or at least, a major structural transformation (see Moseley 1983).
What are we to make of the themes in relation to society at large? First, it seems certain that they
represent crucial elements of the mythic corpus of Moche ideology. This is indicated by their relative
frequency on pottery and their prominence in religious architecture, specifically the mural at Pa-
namarca showing the Presentation theme and the Huaca de la Luna mural of the Revolt of the
Objects. While the order of narrative of the themes may still be open to debate, it seems almost
certain that the themes represent "key scenarios" (Ortner 1979:95) of Moche ideology. The relative
frequency of the themes is an expression of what might be called "key scenario redundancy" in
which the most important elements of the story, artistically rendered as scenes, are repeated more
frequently than minor elements. For example, a survey of Christian art would show many more
renditions of the Nativity, the Last Supper, the Crucifixion, the Resurrection, and the Ascension
than the Healing of the Lepers, the Raising of Lazarus, or Christ and the Centurion. The former
are more important than the latter in the narrative of the life of Christ and the sequence of the
former is clearer and more important than minor episodes. Some of the less numerous scenes or
themes in late Moche art may also be minor episodes in the plot, bearing in mind the problem of
the artificial variation produced by factors of preservation and discovery of data. It also is possible

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Quilter] THE MOCHE REVOLT OF THE OBJECTS 59
that regional and even individual influences varied the way in which themes were portrayed. But
the fact that most of the art discussed in this paper had a relatively brief span of popularity helps
decrease the problem of accounting for temporal variability, though it may exist.
If the argument presented thus far is correct, then what were the concerns expressed in these key
scenarios? If the Revolt of the Objects and the Presentation themes are narratively tied, then the
potential for chaos and restoration of order are the topics expressed. The Munich Vase contains
this message in itself since the revolt is put down by the Rayed Deity and his agents. The reestab-
lishment of world order is certainly not a unique concept but is a common theme in many religious
rites and festivals.
Throughout South America and beyond, a common story is the establishment of the modern era
by the seizure of sacred knowledge from women by men. Such a time of chaos may come again.
The maintenance of the current status quo, however unequal or unfair, is justified by the argument
that the alternative is chaos-a world turned upside down. There appears to be a correlation between
the kind of chaos emphasized and the structure of society. In tropical forest tribes in South America
the distinction is between the sexes; among the Hindu, the caste system is emphasized in addition
to other inequalities (Marriott 1968).
The Moche version of chaos emphasized military regalia and weapons, and so it is possible that
what concerned the Moche were martial matters. Haas (1982: 114) cites the Huaca de la Luna mural
as a possible representation of human rebellion, but it is perilous to make the jump from the art to
actual events. A stronger linkage between art and politics might be made if more basic information
concerning Moche society were available. At present, details regarding the specifics of Moche political
organization are not clear. We are even uncertain as to how widely circulated were the ceramics
that serve as data for the study of symbolism. Burial data (Donnan and Mackey 1978) suggest that
many members of Moche society had pottery, but whether the elaborately painted vessels might
have belonged only to elites is unknown owing to lack of detailed provenience for many such pieces.
It does seem certain that the social fabric of Moche society was under great stress during the late
phases of its art style. Abandonment of the pyramid complex at Moche and a shift of the capital
northward, contraction of the geographical extent of the state, and the growing power of highland
polities are all in evidence for the time period. While a revolution may have occurred among the
Moche, the Revolt of the Objects cannot be used to prove such an event. But concerns about chaos
expressed in terms of the rising up of military weapons and paraphernalia are in evidence for the
people who worshiped at Panamarca and the Huaca de la Luna. In States and Social Revolutions,
Skocpol (1979:285) suggests that revolutions occurred in the old regimes of France, Russia, and
China because their imperial states were caught in a vise of foreign military competition and
constraints on the kinds of responses they could make to them by existing sociopolitical systems at
home. For the Moche, military competition and intrusions seem in evidence by the pressures exerted
in the Andes by the Wari empire. The constraints due to the specific sociopolitical system of the
Moche themselves are not clear (see Bawden 1982), but it seems likely that a system of inequality
and perhaps even competition between various sectors of the elite existed. In The Republic of Plato
Socrates asks: "Or is it a simple principle that the cause of change in any government is to be found
in the ruling group itself, whenever discord breaks out in this very group" (Grube 1974:196). To
address this problem for the Moche much more knowledge will be needed. The mix of military and
religious themes in Moche art may be relevant to this issue for the Moche much as social strains
have been suggested for late Aztec society (e.g., Anawalt 1981).
CONCLUSIONS
One's theoretical reach should not exceed one's analytical grasp. There is much still to be learned
concerning Moche art and society. While we must attempt to study Moche art so that it can be
coaxed to speak in its own voice, the existence of consistent patterns of religious practices and
thoughts seems useful in helping that voice to be heard more clearly. There seem to be too many
commonalities in the stories of Native Americans to ignore the possibility that the Moche art in

138.251.182.155 on Mon, 19 Feb 2024 13:40:45 +00:00
question is a variant of an ancient myth. Following this assumption offers insights into many other
aspects of Moche art as well as raises larger issues both in the study of the ancient Amencas and
the realm of Native American mythology.
Concerns with time out of time, and with the violation of categories due to extraordinary cir-
cumstances, may be found throughout the world and in all epochs (see Eliade 1959). The Revolt
of the Objects or the related conversion of people into animals or vice versa, seems to be the
particular native American expression of this concern, with variation in particular times and places.
Elements of these stories, perhaps not related directly to them, seem especially common in tropical
South America. For example, in a tale of the Kamauira from the Xingu region (Vilas Boas and
Vilas Boas 1973:55-56), a man attempts to bring the dead back to life by making wooden dolls
which he tries to animate through chanting. In another story the sun is killed with a cudgel which
then transforms itself into a snake while the blood of the sun turns into spiders, snakes, centipedes,
and other noxious creatures (Vilas Boas and Vilas Boas 1973:96-97). While these legends may not
be directly related to the Revolt of the Objects, they appear to use the same general concepts and
partake of the same spirit.
The general theme or elements of it can be found even farther afield than South Amenca, including
tales of the Blackfoot and Cheyenne.5 The most similar example, however, occurs among the Zuni
of the southwestern United States. But rather than a description of events past, the Revolt of the
Objects is phrased as a prophecy for possible fulfillment (Zuni 1972:3).
Maybe when the people have outdone themselves,

then maybe, the stars will fall upon the land,
or drops of water will rain upon the earth.
Or our father, the sun will not rise to start the day.
Then our possessions will turn into beasts and devour us whole.
If not, there will be an odor from gasses which will fall from
the air we breathe, and the end for us all shall come.
The same link between the failure of the sun to shine and the turning of possessions on humans,
common to most of the other myths, is found in the Zuni prophecy.
While links between the Popol Vuh and Huarochiri have dominated the discussion of this tale,
a similar sentiment, at least, is present in the myths and, specifically, the year-end rituals of highland
Mexico as expressed among accounts of the Mexica. World epochs or "Suns" end in armageddons
that often include the transformation of humans into animals (Leon-Portilla 1971:3845). More
similar to the Revolt of the Objects, the "useless" days of the nemontemi, the dead days at the end
of the solar year, brought ill luck to anyone born in them, pregnant women were locked in granaries
lest they be transformed into animals, and children were kept awake for fear they would turn into
rats (Brundage 1985:21). While the Revolt of the Objects is not specifically mentioned here, the
same anxiety of a world turned upside down, of a reversal of not just roles but transformation of
entities, is expressed in these beliefs and practices.
It has been said that chasing prehistoric legends is not the proper business of archaeology (Moseley
1987). But surely any information that may elucidate the past is worth the attention of the prehis-
torian, especially the belief systems by which the ancients made sense of their world. The striking
similarities of the stories cited above seem too important to ignore. The theories employed by
Krickeberg are no longer viable and the available information for all the Americas is much richer.
The idea of migration of people from Mesoamerica to Peru relatively late in prehistory or even
direct and simple diffusion from one area of nuclear America to the other are no longer tenable
theories. Similarities between the stories of Huarochiri, the Popol Vuh, and Moche iconography can
perhaps best be explained by reference to an ancient substratum of beliefs that extend far into the
past, or by the nonexclusionary explanation that the cultures of ancient America were in far greater
contact than generally assumed. There is a contradiction in the ready acceptance by archaeologists
of the spread of corn agriculture across vast distances of the continent, albeit over a long time
period, while at the same time arts and ideas usually are treated as relatively localized phenomena.
Perhaps the archaeological community is still reacting to Sir Grafton Elliot Smith and other dif-
fusionists, but it is time to look at such commonalities anew.

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16
While the Revolt of the Objects as discussed above appears to be a distinctive American myth
the concept of a "world tumed upside down" seems almost universal. The rupture of the established
order is treated with role inversions of varying extremes in different times and places. In India,
during the Holi festival, Brahmins play the fools while Sudras swagger and command (Marriott
1968). Even April Fools, Halloween, and the ChristmasNew Year's office party are times of license
fraught with danger as the normal rules are bent, if not broken. These events, however, are controlled,
allowing for the loosening of rigid structures that are soon imposed again. Unforeseen changes often
are treated with the same stylistic conventions. Deeper than the mythic pattems of the westem
hemisphere lie anxieties about chaos, and a common expression of such concems are stories in
which normal rules and roles are inverted.
At Yorktown, the bands of the defeated army played "The World Turned Upside Down" as the
American Colonies gained their independence. The theme is a powerful one as testified by the
Sorcerer's Apprentice (see Gilman 1907), lately incarnated as Mickey Mouse, losing control of his
magical, multiplying broom servant. Closer to the Moche Valley, the Inca called their founding
ruler Pachacuti, signifying an overtuming, a great upheaval, both for his miraculous defeat of superior
forces and his reorganization of his people. In Pachacuti's hour of crisis, as he defended his city
from attack, he is said to have cried out that the very stones were turning into men to aid him (see
Rowe 1946:204). The stones later were collected from the battlefield and placed in the shrines of
Cuzco.
In the cyclical concepts of time so common in the ancient world, the repetition of events creates
a seamless fusion of past and future. It is not surprising, therefore, that ideas of an apocalypse for
the present world were expressed in the same terms as the mythological past. For a time, after the
Spanish defeat of the Incas, local communities experienced a new sense of freedom as the ineffi-
ciencies of early Spanish colonial govemment allowed local lords and ways of life to reassert
themselves. By the early 1 560s, however, it became clear to native peoples that they had exchanged
the domination of the Inca for alien masters with diffierent and more severe demands. Thus was
bom the Taki Onqoy millennial movement, which admitted the defeat of the Inca gods but drew
deep from the substratum of ancient andean beliefs in a revitalization movement that attempted
to present a unified, pan-Indian resistance to the whites. The ancient local gods, the huacas, would
rise up and defeat the Spaniards and their God. The world would be "turned around" (Stern 1982:
52). The Spaniards would be killed and their new cities flooded by a rising ocean to erase their
memory completely, after which a new worldly paradise would be created by the huacas (Stem
1982:52-53). In this attempt to rally native peoples and culture, one which specifically rejected the
superficial unification of the late Inca empire, is revealed the basic concepts evident in late Moche
art. While native andean cultures had many centuries of independence remaining, to the Moche
who painted the vases discussed here, the threat of extinction was as real as any later event.
This essay has suggested that shared conceptual frameworks were used by peoples of the Americas
and that the Revolt of the Objects is one such concept. The evidence also suggests that the troubled
times of the last days of the Moche, as suggested by the archaeological record, were perceived as
potentially disastrous by the Moche themselves.
Acknowledgments. Versions of this paper were presented as "Animated Objects in Moche Art" at the 1987
Society for American Archaeology meeting, Toronto, Canada, and as "The Moche Revolt of the Objects" at
the 20th Chacmool Conference, Calgary, 1987. Short versions were presented at Beloit College and the University
of Wisconsin, Madison. Thanks are extended to all those who helped make these presentations possible. Tom
Zuidema and E. K. Bock were of great help in aiding me to obtain research materials. Prudence Rice, Raymond
Wood, and staffand reviewers at American Antiquity and Latin American Antiquity have been generous in their
help in getting this article to print, especially Garth Bawden and Geoffrey Conrad. Richard Burger, Lucy Salazar
Burger, Gregory Schrempp, Robert Melville, Sarah Quilter, Frank Salomon, and Irene Silverblatt were vital in
providing critical commentary and suggestions. Elizabeth Benson, Patricia Lyon, and Ann Mester were most
kind to provide me with copies of their papers. Patricia Lyon was especially gracious given our differing views
on the interpretation of the Revolt theme. Gregory J. Anderson is thanked for his time and trouble in attempting
to identify the tree in the Munich Vase painting. Very special thanks is extended to D. Curtis Pulsipher for aid
in Spanish and to Evelyn Kain for translating Krickeberg and making critical suggestions. LaVerne Toussaint
and Bonnie Wolff are thanked for their typing. Robert Feldman and Nina Cummings at the Field Museum of

138.251.182.155 on Mon, 19 Feb 2024 13:40:45 +00:00
Natural History helped with the Huaca de la Luna illustrations. Ripon students Lorna Haubrich and Elaine
Sherman helped in inumerable ways, and Becky Wubker's library research is much appreciated.
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NOTES
l Krickeberg (1928:386) called it "Die Sage vom AuEstand der Menschlichen Gerate," (The Saga of the
Rebellion of Human Utensils Against their Masters), Kroeber (1930:73) "the revolt of the artifacts," and Lyon
(1981:73), "el alzamiento de los objetos" (the uprising ofthe objects).
2 Some details of Kroeber's drawing appear inaccurate when compared to available photographs. These include
both details of the figures and their positions. For example, the figure with the spotted skirt (Figure 2B, center)
is positioned much higher in the illustration than it is in the available photograph (Bonavia 1985: Figure 57).
In addition, the objects in front of the nose of the figure above the individual with the cup in hand as shown
on the far right of the photograph are not shown in the drawing. Other inconsistencies also are present.
3 The five species of owls native to the coast of Peru are: barn owl (Tyto alba), great horned owl (Bubo

138.251.182.155 on Mon, 19 Feb 2024 13:40:45 +00:00
Quilter] THE MOCHE REVOLT OF THE OBJECTS 65
virginianus), screech owl (Octus roboratus), burrowing owl (Speotyto cunicularia), and pygmy owl (Glaucidium
brasilianum) (Koepcke 1964; see Mester 1983).
4 Strong and Evans (1952:144) make the same observation. They discuss the cups shown in Figure 7, which
is an illustration of a pottery vessel from the Huaca de la Cruz site in the Viru Valley. They suggest that the
cup on the left may be empty but bubbling, while the dark colored cup on the right may be filll.
5 The Blackfoot story (Grinnell 1962:140) relates a previous time when people were not armed but the buffalo
were. The bison chase, kill, and eat humans. In the Cheyenne tale (Grinnell 1971:252) animals and people begin
by living as friends but for reasons that are unclear the buffalo begin to eat humans and other animals (see
Harrod 1987).
ReceivedMay22, 1989;acceptedAugustlS, 1989

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The Moche Revolt of the Objects

Author(s): Jeffrey Quilter

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Latin American Antiquity, 1(1), 1990, pp. 42-65.

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Huaca del Sot

At1 Locations Approximate Due to Scale

BACKGROUND ON MOCHE CULTURE AND ICONOGRAPHY

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PREVIOUS INTERPRETATIONS OF THE REVOLT OF THE OBJECTS THEME

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INTERPRETING THE ART FROM THE REVOLT-OF-THE-OBJECTS PERSPECTIVE

The Huaca de la Luna A{ural

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The Berlin Vase

The Munich Vase

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darkness appear to be in contention in the

SYMBOLISM IN THE MOCHE REVOLT OF THE OBJECTS

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THE SIGNIFICANCE OF THE REVOLT OF THE OBJECTS THEME FOR

Abbreviated Versions of the Revolt of the Objects Theme

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^,,^ 2SMz 1.S E22ALS Ih tNINibELS >^>^>z4 <

Figure 6. The Presentation theme (after Kutscher 1983:Abdildung 299).

The Revolt of the Objects and the Presentation Theme

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THE SIGNIFICANCE OF THE REVOLT OF THE OBJECTS FOR

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Maybe when the people have outdone themselves,

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ReceivedMay22, 1989;acceptedAugustlS, 1989

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