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GROUP 3

INDONESIA

CRUZ, RONN DERECK A.


PELICANO, RAVEN
QUIROZ, ZANAH
LUISA, BROGADA
CRUZ: HISTORICAL BACKGROUND

Indonesia being the world’s largest archipelagic state with more than 13,000 islands.
Portuguese and Spanish were the first Europeans to arrive at the Indonesia. Dutch United East India
followed in 1595 and established its headquarters in Batavia (Jakarta) in 1619. They eventually gain
control eastern Indonesian spice Islands and the sea lanes passes to western Indonesia.

Cultivation system, this system forced villages to set aside a fifth of their arable land for the
production of export crops that were to be delivered to the colonial authorities as land rent. it helps
the Dutch to expand their control in Indonesia.

, was the impetus for further expansion and intensification of dutch rule, under the so called
Ethical policy, the Netherlands provided financial assistance for the extension of health and
education services and to stimulate the growth of the rural economy

Japanese Occupation, during world war II when the Japanese invaded the Indonesia in
January 1942 the colonial government was quickly swept away. The collapse of the Dutch rule in the
East Indies provided a fertile environment for Indonesian nationalist. Sukarno and Mohammad Hatta
nationalist leaders were able to trade support to political concessions. Two days after Japan’s official
surrender on August 15 1945, Sukarno and Hatta proclaimed the sovereign republic of Indonesia.

After international criticism of the ruthless Dutch counterinsurgency, the Netherlands finally
accepted Indonesian independence on December 27, 1949. First president Sukarno established
himself as a charismatic leader and established authoritarian “guided democracy” based on the
doctrines of ratist “functional groups” and pancasila in 1957.

President Suharto transformed elements of Sukarno’s “GUIDED DEMOCRACY” into his “NEW
ORDER PYRAMID” Suharto also managed to restore the fledgling economy and created stable
growth through a combination of liberal reforms and nationalists development.

The resulting system of Corruption, Collusion, and Nepotism proved flawed when Indonesia’s
economy collapsed following the Asian financial crisis and a severe drought in 1997, as Suharto was
unwilling to alienate his patronage network by implementing the necessary reforms. When mass
protest against the regime erupted across the country, soft liners in the military and Golkar
leadership pushed Suharto to step down in favor of his vice president, Bahruddin and his Habibie on
May 21, 1998. Under Habibie and his democratically elected successor Abdurrahman Wahid,
Indonesia entered reformasi, the era of democratization.

Political Crises in the Early Years:


After the transition from dictatorship to democracy, Indonesia faced political challenges, including
violent communal conflicts and Islamic terrorism.

Stability and Survival of Democracy:


Over time, most ethnic conflicts have subsided, and religiously motivated terrorism has not posed a
threat to the survival of democracy.
The democracy in Indonesia survived the impeachment of President Wahid in 2001, and free and fair
elections are widely accepted as the legitimate means of gaining government power.

Successful Power Transfers:


Indonesia passed the "two turnover test," indicating peaceful transfers of power in 2004 and 2014,
where an incumbent party was voted out of office twice.

Remaining Challenges:

Elite Settlement and Cooperation: The unintended consequences of integrating old autocratic
regime elites into the democratic system. While these elites now participate in the democratic
process, concerns arise about potential negative impacts on transitional justice, the rule of law, and
democratic accountability.

Rule of Law and Corruption: Challenges related to the anemic quality of the rule of law,
endemic corruption in politics and the state, and the low capacity of the Indonesian state. These
factors hinder comprehensive structural reforms and weaken democratic accountability.

Social and Economic Justice: Despite progress in government spending on social security,
health, education, and poverty reduction, vertical inequalities and regional disparities persist.
Perceptions of socioeconomic injustice contribute to political dissatisfaction with democracy's
performance.

Religious Freedoms: While there have been achievements in press freedoms, political rights,
labor rights, and women's rights, concerns exist about the protection of religious freedoms. There is a
noted climate of religious intolerance, contributing to sectarian violence against apostates and
religious minorities.

CONSTITUTIONAL HISTORY

1945 Constitution (UUD 1945): Drafted in April 1945, the first constitution emphasized the unitary
republic and established the Pancasila doctrine as a guiding principle. It included beliefs in one god, a
just and civilized humanity, the unity of Indonesia, democracy, and social justice. However, this
constitution was abandoned in 1949 in favor of a new federal constitution after the Dutch-
Indonesian Round Table Conference.

Constitution of the United States of Indonesia (KRIS): Adopted in 1950 after the Round Table
Conference, this constitution introduced a federal structure. However, suspicions arose that the
Dutch proposed federalism to weaken the new state. KRIS was swiftly replaced by the Provisional
Basic Law of 1950, which shifted back to a unitary republic but retained some basic rights from KRIS.

Return to the 1945 Constitution: In 1959, Sukarno returned to the original 1945 Constitution, which
stipulated a strong president indirectly elected by the People’s Consultative Assembly (MPR). The
vague nature of this constitution allowed leaders like Sukarno and later Suharto to rule through
presidential and MPR decrees.
Post-Suharto Constitutional Changes (1998-2003): After Suharto resigned in 1998, the decision was
made to revise the 1945 Constitution rather than draft a new one. Over three years, the People’s
Consultative Assembly (MPR) adopted four amendments, affecting a significant portion of the
constitutional text. The amendments addressed issues such as the impeachment procedure,
presidential powers, legislative authority, and the establishment of a constitutional court and other
watchdog agencies.

Key Amendments and Reforms:

Bill of Rights: In response to the repressive policies of the Suharto regime, the constitution now
includes a bill of rights and extensive provisions for the rule of law.
Direct Popular Elections: Amendments introduced direct popular elections for the presidency.
MPR Authority: The MPR gained authority to initiate and enact constitutional amendments, with a
stipulation that the unitary character of the state must not be changed.

Completion of Constitutional Reform (2003): The MPR ratified the sum of all constitutional
amendments in 2003, marking the completion of the constitutional reform process. While these
amendments brought significant changes, there are still noted shortcomings, such as the absence of
certain basic rights and the allowance for the suspension or curtailment of rights for security reasons
or to protect religious sensitivities. The unitary character of the state remains a fundamental and
unalterable principle.

Executive branch of Indonesia

The executive branch consists of the president, the vice president and the cabinet. Both the president
and vice president are chosen by the Indonesian electorate through presidential elections. They serve
for a term of five years that can be extended once by another term of five years when re-elected by
the people (hence, the total is 10 years). During these elections the president and vice president run
as a fixed, inseparable pair, which implies that the composition of this pair is of great political
strategic importance. Important matters that are of influence include ethnic (and religious)
background and (previous) social position in Indonesian society.

In terms of ethnicity and religion, a Javanese Muslim will enjoy more popular support as the majority
of the Indonesian people consist of Javanese Muslims. In lower political positions (and depending on
the regional religious context) political leaders that are non-Muslim are possible.

With regard to (previous) social position in society there are a few categories that all enjoy popular
support from part of the people. These categories include (retired) army generals, businessmen,
technocrats and leading Muslim scholars. Therefore, to optimize chances of winning the election the
president and vice president usually come from different social categories in order to grasp a larger
share of the popular vote. For example, former president Yudhoyono (himself a retired army general
and a Muslim) chose Boediono (a Javanese Muslim technocrat) as vice president in his presidential
campaign of 2009. As Boediono is an experienced economist, it raised people's trust in the pair.
Despite Indonesia's authoritarian past under Suharto, army generals who run for president can still
count on much popular support in present Indonesia as they are considered being strong leaders.

Meanwhile, Indonesian president Joko Widodo (a Javanese Muslim and former businessman) chose
to pair with Jusuf Kalla (a businessman, politician and Muslim from Sulawesi). Kalla has a long
history in Indonesian politics (particularly in the Golkar party, Suharto's old political vehicle) and
enjoys widespread popularity in Indonesia (especially outside the island of Java). Widodo was
basically a newcomer to national politics at the start of 2014 but Kalla's long-standing experience in
politics gave the pair more political credibility.

In the 2019 election, which was won by Widodo, he chose a conservative Muslim cleric, Ma'ruf Amin,
as vice-presidential candidate. Amin is highly respected by most - if not all - Islamic streams. This
choice was a strategic one because religious tensions had been high in Indonesia in the year ahead of
the 2019 presidential election. With Amin by his side, these tensions immediately eased. However, it
did give rise to concern about the growing influence of conservative Islam on Indonesian politics.

After election, the new president appoints a cabinet that usually consists of members from his own
party, the coalition partners and non-partisan technocrats.

RAVEN: SYSTEM OF GOVERNMENT

Legislative branch of Indonesia

Indonesia's legislative branch is the People’s Consultative Assembly (Majelis Permusyawaratan


Rakyat, abbreviated MPR). It has the power to set or change the Constitution and appoints (or
impeaches) the president. The MPR is a bicameral parliament that consists of the People’s
Representative Council (Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat, abbreviated DPR) and the Regional
Representative Council (Dewan Perwakilan Daerah, abbreviated DPD).

The DPR, consisting of 560 members, draws up and passes laws, produces the annual budget in
cooperation with the president and oversees the general performance of political affairs. It is elected
for a five-year term through proportional representation based on general elections. Remarkably,
this DPR is notorious due to the frequent occurrences of corruption scandals among its members.

The DPD deals with bills, laws and matters that are related to the regions, thus increasing regional
representation at the national level. Every Indonesian province elects four members to the DPD (who
serve for a five-year term) on non-partisan basis. As Indonesia contains 33 provinces, the DPD
consists of a total of 132 members.

People's Consultative Assembly (Majelis Permusyawaratan Rakyat, MPR)

The highest constitutional body is the People's Consultative Assembly (MPR), which meets every five
years in the year following the elections to the parliament--the House of People's Representatives
(DPR). The MPR has 1,000 seats, 500 of which are assigned to the members of the DPR. Of the other
500 seats, 100 are reserved for representatives of professional groups, including ABRI, appointed by
the president and, as of 1992, 147 seats were held by delegates elected by provincial-level legislative
assemblies. The balance of seats--253 in 1992--were assigned after the 1987 DPR elections on a
proportional basis to representatives of the political parties, depending on their respective
membership in the DPR. Golkar took the largest number of these seats based on its 1987 winning of
299 of the 400 elected DPR seats. This election resulted in a total of 540 Golkar seats in the MPR, an
absolute majority even without counting the ABRI faction and the provincial-level representatives.
The Muslim-based PPP only had sixty-one DPR seats and ninety-three MPR seats, whereas the PDI,
with its forty DPR seats, was at the bottom of the MPR list.

House of People's Representatives (Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat,DPR)

Legislative authority is constitutionally vested in the House of People's Representatives (often


shortened to House of Representatives or DPR). This 500-member body meets annually, opening on
August 16, the eve of National Day when the president delivers his National Day speech. Four
hundred of the DPR seats are electorally contested by the three political parties (Golkar, PPP, and
PDI) in provincial constituencies, which in the 1987 general election were based on a population ratio
of approximately 1 representative per 400,000 people. Each administrative territorial district
(kabupaten) is guaranteed at least one representative no matter what its population. A further 100
seats are allocated to military representatives who are appointed on the recommendation of ABRI.
The justification for the ABRI faction is that since members of the armed forces cannot take part in
elections, their political rights as a sociopolitical and defense force were served through guaranteed
DPR seats. Faced with civilian resentment about the privileged position of ABRI in the parliamentary
bodies, Suharto warned that denying the military legitimate input into the legislative process could
lead to a coup. However, in his 1992 National Day speech, Suharto conceded that the number of
guaranteed ABRI seats could be adjusted.

Judicial branch of Indonesia

The highest court in Indonesia's judiciary system is the independent Supreme Court (Mahkamah
Agung). It is the final court of appeal and also deals with disputes between lower courts. A relatively
new court, established in 2003, is the Constitutional Court (Mahkamah Konstitusi), which monitors
whether decisions made by the cabinet and parliament (MPR) are in line with the Indonesian
Constitution. However, most of the legal cases in Indonesia are handled by the public courts,
administrative courts, religious courts and military courts.
A Judicial Commission (Komisi Yudisial) oversees the maintenance of honour, dignity and behaviour
of Indonesian judges. There are frequent reports claiming that Indonesia's judiciary institutions are
not free from corruption and are not fully independent from the other political branches.

The Indonesian legal system is extraordinarily complex, the independent state having inherited three
sources of law: customary or adat law, traditionally the basis for resolving interpersonal disputes in
the traditional village environment; Islamic law (sharia, or, in Indonesian, syariah), often applied to
disputes between Muslims; and Dutch colonial law. Adat courts were abolished in 1951, although
customary means of dispute resolution were still used in villages in 1992. The return to the 1945
constitution in 1959 meant that Dutch laws remained in force except as subsequently altered or
found to be inconsistent with the constitution. An improved criminal code enacted in 1981 expanded
the legal rights of criminal defendants. The government in 1992 was still reviewing its legacy of
Dutch civil and commercial laws in an effort to codify them in Indonesian terms. The types of national
law recognized in MPR(S) Decree XX, (July 5, 1966), include, in addition to the constitution, MPR
decrees, statutes passed by the DPR and ratified by the president, government regulations
promulgated by the president to implement a statute, presidential decisions to implement the
constitution or government regulations, and other implementing regulations such as ministerial
regulations and instructions. Obviously, the executive enjoys enormous discretion in determining
what is law.

BROGADA: LEGAL AND JUDICIAL SYSTEM

Indonesia’s legal system is a complex amalgam of traditional, customary or adat,Islamic and state
law.

Legal Pluralism in Indonesia seeks to incorporate diverse indigenous communities into the nation,
but it also generates conflicts due to the differences between indigenous common law traditions and
state laws.

New Order Government


Suharto's authoritarian New Order regime was characterized by impressive economic and
social development but also by corruption and suppression.

During Suharto's "New Order" in Indonesia, Islamic legal principles were incorporated into state law
but were limited to areas such as family, inheritance, and banking. Since 1999, administrative
decentralization has allowed provinces, municipalities, and districts in Indonesia to enact Sharia-
based local regulations, known as "peraturan daerah" or "perda," with a focus on moral
enhancement. This decentralization has provided opportunities for localities to implement Islamic
laws and regulations in their respective regions.

Under the New Order government, courts were essentially "instruments of power" and were deeply
integrated into Suharto's Authoritarian style of governance.This has had lasting effects on the
professionalism and capacity of the court system as whole, and numerous corruption scandals after
1999 have further tarnished the reputation of the ‘judicial mafia’.
Judicial mafia- refers to the network of corrupt individuals within the judicial system who abuse their
power for personal gain.

Indonesia ranks seventh in the World Bank's Rule of Law indicator, trailing behind Vietnam and the
Philippines. However, in the Corruption Perception Index of Transparency International, Indonesia
has shown a more positive trend and was ranked fourth in the region in 2015.

The Constitutional Court (Mahkamah Konstitu,MK)

Established in 2003

Article 24C. 3 = nine constitutional justice

Constitutional Courts elect the chief justice from their ranks.

After appointing the president, justices cannot hold their office until the end of their term or until
they reach 65

It must be responsible for the judicial review of parliamentary laws.

(Art 34C.1)

Limitations that might constrain the role of the Constitutional Court


(based on the principles of rule of law)

1.Court decision have no effect on ongoing judicial proceedings or past verdicts based on the
respective piece of legislation and present no legal

2. The Supreme Court reviews all administrative regulations, executive orders, and court proceedings
not under the review authority of the Constitutional courts

ELECTORAL SYSTEM AND ELECTIONS

Revisions to electoral party laws as well as the constitutional reforms in the period 1999 to 2003
introduced generally free and fair direct elections for president as well as for both chambers of
parliament.

Since 1999, there have been

Four rounds of elections for the DPR

Three elections for the DPD

Three direct presidential direction


In 1999, the president was directly elected by the MPR

ELECTORAL SYSTEM

Indonesia holds elections for:

-President of the State


-Vice-President of the State
-Members of the People’s Representative Council
-Members of the Council of Representatives of the Regions
-Chief Executives of local public entities
-Members of local public assemblies such as the Regional People’s Representative Councils

Candidates eligibility
Qualified electors

- 21 years of age
- Indonesian citizenship
- proficiency in Indonesian language
- graduation from a secondary high school or equivalent knowledge and experience in social and
governmental activities
- loyalty to Pancasila as the basic ideology of the State

VOTER REQUIREMENTS
-minimum voting age 17 years old
-married persons regardless of age
-military and the police did not have a right to vote in elections

VOTING SYSTEM

For elections, Indonesia uses following electoral methods:

Majority Vote

Under the Majority Vote method, people vote for a favored candidate and the candidate who
obtains more than half of the valid votes shall be elected to office. If no candidates get more than
half of the valid votes, a second vote shall take place only by two candidates who obtained the
highest votes.

Proportional Representation

Under the Proportional Representation method, people vote for a their favored party and the seats
are distributed to each party depends on their proportion of votes to total votes in each constituency.
For the election of the President and the Vice-President of the State, the Majority Vote is used as an
electoral method.

For the election of the members of the People’s Representative Council that consists of 560 members,
the Proportional Representation is used as an electoral method. All members are directly elected
through 77 multimember constituencies.

For the election of the members of the Council of Representatives of the Regions that consists of 132
members, the Proportional Representation is used as an electoral method. All members are directly
elected through 33 multimember districts that correspond with the 33 provinces of Indonesia. Each
province/district is allocated 4 seats.

JUDICIARY

The judicial power in Indonesia is regulated under article 24 of the Constitution which stipulates that
the judiciary power shall be implemented by Supreme Court and a Constitutional Court. In addition to
that, article 24 B (1) of the Constitution also stipulates the presence of a Judicial Commission which is
independent in nature, and have authority to nominate appointment of Supreme Court Justices and
have other authorities in order to safeguard and uphold the honour, dignity and conduct of judges.

The court system itself is founded upon four pillars:

1.the general court


2. religious court
3. state administrative court
4. military court

The Court of General Jurisdiction have authority over general criminal and civil matters for general
people, including family law for non-muslim people. Especially in Nanggroe Aceh Darussalam,
criminal matters belong to Mahkamah Syari’ah or religious court, which in other regions only have
authority over civil matters.

The judiciary in Indonesia is an integral part of the country's legal system. It plays a crucial role in
upholding the rule of law, interpreting and applying laws, and settling disputes. The judiciary is
tasked with ensuring justice and fairness in various legal matters, ranging from criminal cases and
civil disputes to administrative law issues.

Indonesia's judiciary is structured with a Supreme Court at the top, followed by appellate courts,
district courts, religious courts, military courts, and administrative courts. The Supreme Court serves
as the highest judicial authority in the country and has the power to review and make final decisions
on various legal cases. Appellate courts hear appeals from lower courts, while district courts handle a
wide range of civil and criminal cases.

Religious courts in Indonesia specialize in matters of family law, particularly related to marriage,
inheritance, and religious affairs within the Muslim community. These courts operate in parallel with
the country's general judicial system and cater to cases governed by Islamic law. Indonesia also has
specialized military courts that deal with cases involving military personnel and administrative courts
that handle disputes related to state administrative actions.
The judiciary in Indonesia plays a crucial role in safeguarding the rights of individuals, upholding the
Constitution, and ensuring the proper administration of justice throughout the country. Additionally,
efforts are continually being made to improve the efficiency, independence, and integrity of the
judiciary to maintain public trust and confidence in the legal system.

QUIROZ: POLITICAL PARTY AND PARTY SYSTEM

The electoral system is one of the several factors that shaped the development of Indonesia’s post-
authoritarian party system.

Herbert Feith’s categorization differentiates five aliran that were presented by political parties
aliran- characterized different cultural streams in Javanese society

1.Sukarno’s National Party of Indonesia(PNI)


2. Islam( NU and Masyumi)
3. Javanese traditionalists (Partindo)
4.Social Democrats (PSI)
5. Communists (PKI)

Suharto's Golkar and two other parties, PNI and PPP, were the only political parties allowed to
register. Golkar had an advantage due to a ban on party activities at the local level, as it was
represented through government officials and nonpolitical member associations. In 1986, Pancasila
became the single basis for all parties and societal associations, narrowing the ideological spectrum.

The end of the New Order regime in Indonesia led to an expansion of the party system, with
traditionalist, modernist, and moderate Islamist parties emerging. The Indonesian Democratic Party
of Struggle (PDI-P) led by Megawati Sukarnoputri, and several nationalist parties led by former
military officers, also play a significant role. Golkar, once dominant, has lost its hegemony as voters
spread their support across a wider array of parties with each election.
Indonesia's political party system has undergone significant changes over the years, with the number
of effective parties increasing from 1.9 under Suharto to 8.2 in 2014. The competitiveness of the
system has also increased, with a high difference between the strongest and second strongest party
in terms of votes. This transitioned Indonesia from a noncompetitive party system to a fragmented
multiparty system to an extreme multiparty system with a balance of power among parties.
(Croissant and Völkel 2012)
Observers have conflicting opinions on the impact of political party evolution on Indonesia's
democracy. Some scholars view Indonesian parties as well institutionalized, with strong national
platforms that limit ethnicity-based campaigning, leading to a more nationalized party system. They
argue that this benefits democratic performance. However, others criticize the dominance of money
politics, lack of ideological clarity, and party fragmentation, which they believe weakens democratic
representation and governance. The debate on this topic remains ongoing.

LOCAL GOVERNMENT
Indonesia's local government structure is hierarchical, with 34 provinces, each headed by a governor,
and 34 regencies. These are rural areas with elected officials. Cities are urban municipalities, headed
by mayors. Sub-districts are smaller divisions within regencies and cities, and administrative villages
are rural or urban settlements with their own government institutions. Special administrative
regions, such as the Special Capital Region of Jakarta and Special Region of Yogyakarta, have unique
governance arrangements. Each tier has its own administrative divisions and elected officials.
CIVIL MILITARY RELATIONS AND SECURITY SECTOR

Early Years and Sukarno Era (1945-1967): During Indonesia's struggle for independence and in the
early years after gaining independence, the military played a crucial role in nation-building and
maintaining stability under the leadership of President Sukarno. However, Sukarno's leadership style,
which included a significant degree of centralization and his promotion of "Guided Democracy," led
to tensions with the military.

Suharto Era (1967-1998): General Suharto's rise to power in 1967 marked a significant shift in civil-
military relations. Suharto, with his military background, centralized power and established
authoritarian rule under the New Order regime. The military played a dominant role in politics,
economy, and society during this period, with Suharto himself being a former military general.

Reformasi Era (1998-present): The fall of Suharto in 1998 ushered in a new era characterized by
democratization and decentralization. Civil-military relations underwent substantial changes during
this period. The military's role in politics was reduced, and efforts were made to professionalize and
depoliticize the armed forces. The Indonesian military, known as TNI (Tentara Nasional Indonesia),
was gradually withdrawn from its formal political role, and its involvement in governance was
curtailed. The reformasi era also saw the establishment of civilian control over the military and
increased emphasis on human rights and accountability.

Current Dynamics: While Indonesia has made significant strides in establishing civilian control over
the military, challenges persist. The military continues to exert influence in certain spheres, such as
internal security and territorial defense. Additionally, issues such as corruption, human rights abuses,
and involvement in businesses remain concerns. However, there has been a general trend towards
strengthening civilian oversight and accountability mechanisms over the military.

Historical Context: Indonesia's military, known as the Tentara Nasional Indonesia (TNI), played a
significant role in the country's struggle for independence against Dutch colonial rule. However,
during the presidency of Sukarno and later Suharto, the military became heavily involved in politics
and governance, often exerting significant influence over civilian institutions.

Transition to Democracy: Following the fall of Suharto in 1998, Indonesia embarked on a path of
democratic reform. This period saw significant efforts to civilianize the government and reduce the
military's role in politics. Constitutional reforms were implemented to strengthen civilian control over
the military.

Dual Function Doctrine: During the Suharto era, the Indonesian military operated under the "dual
function" doctrine, which mandated its involvement not only in defense matters but also in socio-
political and economic affairs. This doctrine allowed the military to justify its involvement in various
aspects of governance, including security, infrastructure development, and even business enterprises.

Reforms and Civilian Control: Post-Suharto governments undertook significant reforms aimed at
strengthening civilian control over the military and promoting professionalism within the security
sector. These reforms included legislative changes, such as the revocation of the military's reserved
seats in parliament, and institutional reforms to enhance transparency and accountability.

Challenges and Tensions: Despite progress, challenges remain in consolidating civilian control over
the military and ensuring its subordination to elected civilian authorities. Tensions occasionally arise
between the civilian government and elements within the military, particularly concerning issues of
corruption, human rights abuses, and territorial disputes.
Security Sector Reform (SSR): Indonesia has also undertaken efforts to reform its security sector to
enhance its effectiveness, accountability, and respect for human rights. SSR initiatives have focused
on professionalizing the military and police, strengthening oversight mechanisms, and promoting
respect for the rule of law.

Role of the Police: In addition to the military, Indonesia's police force (Kepolisian Republik Indonesia)
plays a crucial role in maintaining internal security and law enforcement. Efforts to reform the police
have aimed to improve professionalism, combat corruption, and enhance community policing
practices.

Regional and International Cooperation: Indonesia actively participates in regional and international
security cooperation mechanisms, including ASEAN, the ASEAN Regional Forum (ARF), and bilateral
defense agreements. These partnerships play a vital role in addressing transnational security
challenges, such as terrorism, piracy, and natural disasters.

CIVIL SOCIETY AND NON-GOVERNMENT ORGANIZATIONS

Democratic political nature was demonstrated in the events of 1997, however, The question still
remains, over the past 15 years, how much progress did indonesia made towards a democratic
political nature and to a flourishing society
Public opinion on Indonesia's democratic political nature before 1998 was little, however, according
to asian barometry survey in 2017, support to democracy is relatively high in indonesia.
A civil society organization (CSO) or non-governmental organization (NGO) is any non-profit,
voluntary citizens’ group which is organized on a local, national or international level. Task-oriented
and driven by people with a common interest, civil society organisations (CSOs) perform a variety of
services and humanitarian functions, bring citizens’ concerns to Governments, monitor policies, and
encourage political participation at the community level. CSOs provide analysis and expertise, serve
as early warning mechanisms and help monitor and implement international agreements, including
Agenda 2030 and the Sustainable Development Goals. Typically, they are organized around specific
issues, such as the UN pillars of peace and security, human rights, and development. CSOs often
promote UN observances and international years and decades established by the General Assembly
to focus world attention on important issues facing humanity. Their relationships with offices and
agencies of the United Nations System differ depending on their location and mandate.
Pelangi Indonesia - Founded in 2001, focuses on LGBTQ+ rights advocacy and support.
Rumah Zakat - Established in 1998, works on poverty alleviation, disaster relief, and
community empowerment projects.
Indonesian Corruption Watch (ICW) - Established in 1998, focuses on combating corruption
through advocacy, research, and public awareness campaigns.
Rumah KitaB - Established in 2002, focuses on gender equality, women's rights, and social
justice issues.
Yayasan Indonesia Sejahtera (YIS) - Founded in 2002, works on poverty alleviation and
community development projects.

ECONOMIC STATUS
Indonesia, the largest economy in Southeast Asia, has experienced significant economic
growth since the Asian financial crisis of the late 1990s. It is the world's fourth most
populous nation and 10th largest economy in terms of purchasing power parity. Indonesia
has made significant progress in poverty reduction, cutting the poverty rate by over half
since 1999. The country's economic planning follows a 20-year development plan,
segmented into 5-year medium-term development plans called the RPJMN. The current
medium-term development plan aims to strengthen Indonesia's economy by improving
human capital and global market competitiveness.

The COVID-19 pandemic has partially reversed progress in poverty reduction, with
Indonesia's GDP growth projected at 5.1% in 2022. However, more challenging global
conditions and COVID-19 scarring effects could derail the recovery. Indonesia has achieved a
significant reduction in its stunting rate from 37% in 2013 to under 24.4% in 2021. The World
Bank is supporting Indonesia's COVID-19 emergency response, including strengthening
emergency response elements, government vaccination programs, social assistance,
healthcare systems, and financial sector resilience.

Climate change is likely to impact water availability, health, nutrition, disaster risk
management, and urban development, particularly in coastal zones. The World Bank
supports Indonesia's climate mitigation and adaptation measures, including the
government's National Mangrove Program and carbon pricing instruments.

Total GDP per Capita


GDP per capita is the sum of gross value added by all resident producers in the economy plus
any product taxes and minus any subsidies not included in the value of the products. It is
calculated without making deductions for depreciation of fabricated assets or for depletion
and degradation of natural resources. Data are in current U.S. dollars.
Indonesia gdp per capita for 2022 was $4,788, a 10.47% increase from 2021.
Indonesia gdp per capita for 2021 was $4,334, a 11.26% increase from 2020.
Indonesia gdp per capita for 2020 was $3,896, a 6.16% decline from 2019.
Indonesia gdp per capita for 2019 was $4,151, a 6.37% increase from 2018.
NOMINAL GDP RANKING

In 2022, Indonesia’s nominal GDP reached $1,318,810 million, positioning it as the 16th
largest economy in the world by nominal GDP. This economic growth reflects a 5.3% increase
compared to the previous year. While nominal GDP provides a snapshot of a country’s
economic output, it’s essential to consider other factors such as purchasing power parity
(PPP) and per capita GDP to assess the overall well-being and standard of living of its
population.

HUMAN DEVELOPMENT INDEX (HDI) and RANKING

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