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    Guatemalan Political History: National Indian Policy, 1532-1954 David E. Wilkins Wicazo Sa Review, Vol. 9, No. 1 (Spring, 1993), 17-31. Stable URL: fttpflinksstor.org sci sici=0749-6127% 28 199821 20943 1%3C17%3AGPHNIP®AE2.0.CO%IB2L Wicasa Sa Review is currently published by University of Minnesota Press Your use of the ISTOR archive indicates your acceptance of ISTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use, available at flip: feworwjtor org/aboutterms.htmal. ISTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use provides, in par, that unless you fave obtained pcior permission, you may not dowaload an cnt isus of @ journal or multiple copies of articles, and you may use content inthe ISTOR archive only for your personal, non-commercial uss. Please contact the publisher cegarding any further use of this work. Publisher contact information may be obtained at upsferw.jstocorg/joumals‘umnpress. bl. Each copy of any part of a JSTOR transmission must contain the same copyright notice that appears on the screen or printed page of such transtnission. ISTOR is an independent not-for-profit organization dedicated to creating and preserving a digital archive of scholarly journals. For more information regarding ISTOR, please contact support @jstor.org- hup:thrwwjstor.orgy Sat Jul 9 19:55:14 2005 Guatemalan Political History: National Indian Policy, 1532-1954 by David E. Wilkins relationship between the Spanish and later the Guatemalan state with the Mayan Indians over the past four centuries is a fundamental component of Guatemalan political history. Since the begin- rings of the nation, when the Mayans were political and military entities of power and independence ‘with whom the Spanish had to come to terms; to the 1944-1954 "Revolutionary Era,” when Indian com- munities were finally conceded limited social, economic, and political rights; and the period from 197910 1984in which the military regimes killed "tens ‘of thousands by some estimates as high as 80,000" Indians; the Indian population bas been persistently in the consciousness of national officials. ‘While it would be both intuitively satisfying and correct to employ a colonialism or conquest miodel todescribe the Spanish legacy of cruelty and oppres- sion which has, unfortunately, been almost sys- tematically continued since Guatemalan independence in 1821, such an atheorctical ap- proach (colonialism is less a theory than a deserip- tion of a political-economie phenomenon) would give an oversimplified view of what actually transpired, It also would obscure the fact that ‘Guatemalan Indian policy -- the course of action pursued by the State in its relations with the Mayan Indians of the region -- is not the instantaneous ‘reation of any one person. Nor, for that matter, is ita comprehensive, incremental, or rational process as Kingdon has argued” ‘The pressing need to comprehend the current social, political, and physical crisis confronting, ‘Guatemala’ indigenous peoples demands under standing what Migdal has described as the fates of public policies. One line of research suggested by Migdal calls for a recognition that policy formation and implementation are determined not solelyby the “sequences of the policymaking process itself” but also by the “contexts within which policies are con- ceived and implemented.“ Migdal identifies three such contexts: 1) the actors cognitions, or his bor- rowed term the "psycho-cultural realm; 2) the in- stitutional envionment, including the level of institutionalization and type of existing institutions and; 3) the longitudinal stady of polices, or in other words, where does a particular policy fit in relation toother policies? And whick policies preceded it?® This article focuses on the longitudinal develop- ment of Guatemala's Indian policy, but also asserts that the level of institutionalization has an affect on the state's ability to formulate and implement policy am, therefore, concerned almost exclusively with describing and explaining the role of the Guatemalan State in creating the kind of national Indian policy-making labyrinth that developed from the Spanish colonial period tothe end of the Arbenz. administration in 1954, Mote specifically, Iwill sek {o answer the following questions: 1) Wheat types of policies were developed and why? 2) Weretthere any sigaificant variations over time in the state's policy? 3) IF so, what prompted these, and who were the principal actors? Finally, 4) What were the histori cal sequences of these policies? ‘Where pertinent, Iwill discuss both the parallels and significant differences between the Indian policies of Guatemala and the United States. This is necessary in order to hegin an underexplored re- search foctis on comparative public policy analysis which at Teast offers the possibilities of theory build- ing. Icis certainly true that there are fundamental socio-economic, legal, constitutional, and other cul tural as well as structural differences separating the Indian tribes and state policies of large indust ized nations and those of Central and Latin American countries. Nevertheless, these differen- es, as much as the similarities, may actually help us understand the different types of policies developed ina given nation v7 18 Because of time and data contains this article ‘concentrates only on the transformations and con- tinuations in Guatemalan Indian policy and docs not treatin detail the history of the Indian communities; this would be impossible given the great diversity among the groups and the structural consteaints of a small article, What Has Gone Before Dr. Antonio Goubaud Carrera, Director of the National Indian Institute in 1947 seid that of the various peoples of the Western Hemisphere, with the exception of those in the United States of America which have been studied systematically, the Guatemalan Indians appear to offer the greatest amount of available information both published and unpublished about their psychology.” In addition, a variety of other studies have focused ‘on Indian municipal organizations,’ Indian cultural adaptations tg national activities and oa native depopulation.” Most of the available scholarship, however, has focused primarily on Indian labor, par ticulary'as it relates to export crop production of coffee, among other items. Hence, while the available data provides excel- lent information on selected periods or specific so- ial, economic, and politcal policies and laws, there remains a pressing need for a comprehensive public policy analysis identifying and explaining the factors ascociated with the Guatemalan state's policy arien- {ation over time and the impact of these changes on, the indigenous people. Method Of Study This isa longitudinal study, This approach does not presuppose that Guatemala’s Indian poli ‘evolved in a linear fashion, Linearity too often im- plies consistency, uniformity. Policy development, as [suggested atthe outset, s anything but uniform, However, [ argue that the historical sequence is a valid and necessary context to ask haw particular policies are formed and how they relate to one another. Why attempt to cover such a large time frame? Because while cross-sectional public policy studies like Emma R. Gross’ Contemporary Federal policy Toward American Indians (1990) have merit, without the broad historical context one is ofien handicapped in trying to ascertain how and why policy changes actually da occur. The evidence will be presented in four unequal time periods: 1) 1532- 1821; 2) 1821-1871; 3) 1871-1944; and 4) 1944-1954, ‘Three levels of policy willbe evident. The first level includes those fundamental ideas or tong term policies that influence the governments actions for extended periods of time. The guiding principles pursued by the government during a limited period of time constitute the second level. These may or may not be specifically elated (o fist level policies. ‘And finally, the third level consists of the rules and procedural practices (management) laid down by government administrators (o effect accepted policy. ‘The year 1956 is an appropriate ending point because events in that year signalled an abrupt end to the democratic inroads that began in 1944, Presi dent Acbenz’ ceform programs, including redisteibu- tive policies which returned vast acreage topeasants, “struck hard atthe local business and landed elites, of such US, interests as United Fruit, at the ‘containment’ orientation of US. cold war foreign policy, andby democratic example at Guatemala's neighboring dictatorships.""? By 1954, the Arbenz government, faced with staunch apposition from the, Eisenhower administration, was overthrown by, & CIA organized and financed "Liberation Army.’ The developments during this last ten-year period were just beginning to alleviate partiallysome of the economic and political problems that had historically plagued Indians, But as Handy described it: (Oke governments that followed (after 1954) reversed many of that decade's gains and subsequently did little to disturb the twaditional, rural power-holder’s control cover Indian labour and the vast bulk of the agricultural land.!* Hall more forcefully noted recently that the High- land Mayan Indians are facing the most systematic aasseult on their traditions and culture since the Spanish conquest."* 1532-1821: "The Colonial Legacy" Spanish colonial Indian policy until the inde- pendence of Guatemala in 1821 was characterized by 2 strange admixture of policies. On the positive side, the Spanish crown, often spurred by loyal Spaniards, faithful Catholics, and by dedicated priests like Bartolome de las Cases, promulgated a series of enlightened, if frequently ignored, laws to goveen the relations between the Spanish and the Indians. On the darker side, the crown and colonial administrators created a host of longand short term policies that literally devastated the indigenous populations of Guatemala, Felix S. Cohen, author of several important ar- ticles as well as a book on North American Jndian Law and Policy, has described as “striking” the fact that ia the history of Spanish America the "oppres- sion of Indians bas come from local neighbors and officials and belp bas come from 2 far-off central government.” Cohen attempted to explain this dis- parity by concluding that perhaps it is easicr for legal ideals to lve in 4 place far enough from the facts to which, they are applied so that perspective in judgementis possible and long-range values are not sacrificed to immediate, pety ad- vantages." ‘The Spanish military conquest of the Mayans is wellchronicled.!” But from the start was clear that Spanish efforts were more than just a remarkable military exploit. As Lewis Hanke nated, ¢ was also ‘one of the greatest attempts the world as seen to make Christian precepts prevail inthe relations be- tween people." The Spanish crown realized the necessity of establishing laws to govern Indian rela- tions and, while recognizing, from a great distance, the fecedomof the Indians and their right humane treatment, concluded that the Indians must be sub- jectto coercion. ‘The Jaws of Burgos, the first com- prehensive code of Indian legislation, were pronounced December 27, 1512. They furnished the ‘most complete statement of how the crown per- ceived its relationship with the Indians. These laws covered an extensive array of subjects and officially validated the encomienda system which had Grst ‘been used in 1503," ‘The encomiends, simply tated, was the transfer of the Spanish crown's right to ttibure to an in- dividual (excomendero) asareward for servicetothe crown” Eacomicndas were liberally extended (0 Alvarado and his conquistadores and large numbers ‘of Indians were reduced to slavery. Many Spanish tradesmen voiced theie displeasure at being ex- cluded from a share of Indian slaves and pestered the local authorities until they too received a grant ‘of Indians. This adjustment in Spanish palicy "only united the Spanish in their desire to perfect their control of native workers as the economic base for the life af the colony." The crown government, realizing the ineffec- tiveness and unenforceability ofthe Laws of Burgos, made another attempt in the early siateenth century to eurb the conquistadores power by drafting a manifesto or "requerimiento” that was to be read to the Indians, giving them an opportunity to submit to the church’and crown. Ostensibly, ifthe Indians submitted they were not to be attacked. While Al vvarado and his soldiers did proclaim the manifesto, icwas read in such a way that the Indians never fully understood its implications. ‘The Indians of Guatemala, experiencing death and destruction from both diseases and wars vented their ragein at ieast twelve major, iffulle, rebellions during the colonial era.’? In the meantime, Pope Paul IL, issued a Papal Bull, Subfimus Deus, on Sune 9, 1537, which proclaimed that Indians were indeed “aly men’ entitled to liberty andthe possesion of thir property. Despite this pronouncement, aless ethereal, more regionalized policy was still needed for Guatemala: ane that would regulate and resur- reat erowm control over Indian labor. This was secured in 1543 when Spain's emperor, Charles V, promulgated the New Laws. The New Laws con- stituted the last policy experiment of the first half cencury of contact, although ther effects would have. lasting consequences for Indian/Ladino relations. ‘While this policywas being implemented, amost significant intellectual and moral inguiey was to take place. in 1550 at Valladolid, Spain between two [prominent Spaniards Bartolomé de las Casas and Juan Ginés de Septlveda, on the justice of the methods used by Spain to broaden its terctorial acquisitions, Although Pope Paul It had declared that Indians were "men," there was still a serious question whether this status exempted them from slavery under Aristotle's orginal doctrine that some men were natural slaves Ta other words, forthe Spaniah, since Indians werenot Christians, werethey siillentiledto thesame rightsand privileges enjoyed by Christians? Aristotle's assertion of “natural slavery" provided the rationale behind many important Spaniards’ belief that Indians could be lawtully enslaved, There were others, however, who were uncertain about whether this theory’ of natural slavery should apply to the indigenous people's of the New World. In the end, despite las Casas’ ejec- tion of Sepaiveda's view that the Indians "were aa inferior humanity condemned to serve the Spacish” there was ap clear publi policy decision issued by Charles V2" Hanke asserts that the most likely reason for this non-decision Was that the Crown probably sought to achieve a compromise berween the G0 opposing forces in the hope of avoiding g feared revolutionif.Las Casas view were adopted. The New Laws, as a broad policy statement, contained rules and regulations for both the en: comienda and reparinsiento (an allotment of Tn dians) systems, and facilitated the Spanish crown's, agreement (0 the church's policy of reduccfy (removal of Indians to concentrated towns)” ‘These were the three dominant colonial institutions that severely impacted the Indians of Guatemala. A brief examination of these, in reverse order, is ap- propriate. 19 Faced with disease and enslavement, many In- dians fled to isolated areas for protection. This dispersal made the Church's job of converting the Indians extremely difficult. Consequently, in 1542, the Dominican priests, supported by civil officials, began a system of roundups" to place the captured Indians into townships.” The priests stressed chat this reduceién was a means both to help stop illegal oppression of the Indians and to assist in conver- sion." What it meantin real terms, however, was (be permanent las of Indian land because Spanish resi dents would claim the vacated lands, Between 1543 and 1600 the remaining Mayan, population was gathered into 700 such Cownships. The reduccidn Program benefitted virtually all Spaniardsthe ‘Church, crown, etcomenderas, and plantersand it made easier the repactimiento system of rotating Indian labor allotments from the concentrated In- ian illages. Reduccisn is in some ways comparable to the policy implemented by leading Puritans ofthe Mas- sachusedts Colony during the mid-seventeenth con- tury which established "Praying Towns’ for the natives who had converted to Christianity, These segregated and extremely rigid tribal compounds were designed to both "protect” the resident Indians from theie “hostile” kinsmen, but more importantly, were social experiments facilitate the forced con- versiog and assimilation of the Indians to Puritan ways. Repartimiento The repartimicnto system, which was the prinary institution of colonial control over the In- dian lasted until the last years ofthe 1700s. Initially, the term "repartimiento’ meant 2 rotation system of forced labor in which one-fourth of the Indians of cach town were required to work for theit Spanish employer.™ ‘The Indians were to be paid a small salary, and they were fo be employed for no more the encomicnda, had well-defined regulations that were designed to protect the Indians from abuse, However, they were regularly ignored by the planta- tion owners and by Spanish administrators.” By comparison, in the United States, @ forced labor policy was in effect from 1874 to 1913. During this, period “able-bodied male” Indians were forced to engage in compulsory labor before they could receive their treaty entitlements.” Cohen referred to this as a “remarkable enactment," coming nearly nine years after slavery and involuntary servitude ‘were ostensibly ended with enactment of the Thir- teenth Amendment.” As late as 1913 the Commis- sioner of Indian Affairs, Cato Sells, wasstill asserting that able-bodied Indians were required to"donate a certain number of days labor each year" to help ‘construct roads in Indian country. Encomienda ‘The historical background of the encomienda arrangement has already been discussed briefly, By the late 1300s, however, maay of the original ca- comenderos had lost control of their grants because newly accived Spanish immigrants more closely con- nected to the governor received preferential treat- ment, Furthermore, most of the grants extended during this time were. in conjunction with cacao production The encomienda gradually became less important and by the 1600s the system of private Spanish control over the Indians had basically col Japsed."” Why? In part because on the death of the second inheritors personal encomiendas reverted (0 the crown, Moreover, the continuing decline of the Indian population and crown interference may also hhave contributed to this institution's fall" Besides the three related institutions discussed abovereduccién, repartimiento, and encomien- daanother important policy development was crafted in the mid-1500s. Alonzo Lépez Cerrato, second governor of the Captaincy General of Guatemala, was intent on returning power over local affairs to traditional Yadian leadership. Cerrato ‘reated a formal governmental structure for Indian towns patterned after a Spanish town council, The government of each Indian town "was to be com- posed to two alcades (mayors), four regidores (town councilmen), and an eseribano (clerk) all chosen by the principales.” Thus, the beginnings of the duat system of ocal governmentan official ayuntamicoto (municipal overnment) modeled after the Spanish town coun- cil and formally responsible to the Spanish cor regidor, and an indigenous political structure composed of the principales, the shamans, and their lieutenantsbecame institutionalized® In certain villages, the traditional village chiefs were elected to the ayuntamiento, But in cases where Ceaditional authority had been undercut by Spanish interference and cooptation, battles oceasionally developed be- tween the village chief and the ‘elected’ ayuntamien- to, Eventually, the battle was won by the elected leaders which further undecmined Indian solidarity ‘This system of dual government is all the more interesting when placed alongside the development of the constitutional governments tribes in the United States cauld choose ¢g adopt under the 1934 Indian Reorganization Act." Not sueprisingly, in both cases a dynamic person stepped forward in aa effort to return some degree of power aver "local’ tribal affairs to tribal leadershipfohn Collier in the ‘United States and Alonzo Loper Cerrato for the Guatemalan colony. There was, however, a major difference in the two policy developments. Unlike the Guatemalan situation where both local govern- ment villages and “elected” leaders were legitimized, inthe United States once a tribe adopted the Indian Reorganization Act and secured a secretary of Inte- rior approved constitutional government, any preexisting tribal govornmental institutional struc- tures were nullified." Spanish powerin Guatemala crestedin thecarly seventeenth century. The wealth of the region derived from cattle, sheep, agriculture and tribute was baged on the systematic exploitation of Indian labor.™” With the demise of the encomienda system, new institution was created €0 control Indians. According to Chester Jones, the most successful of the experiments to avoid the spirit of the New Laws were neither those affecting Indian lands nor those fore: ing excess production, They were instead, the measures extending use of the man- danvieato and the practices which late be- came the institution of debt peonage.* These two systems have bese fully described and documented by MeCreery,” and will be discussed below. By the mid-1750s colonial Guatemala appeared to be two distinct societies in one: city and town dwelling Catholic Spaniards and creoles (Spanish descendents born in Guatemala) who owned private plantations of sugar, indigo, caczo, and other crops, and Indians residing in rural villages with a revived hierarchy, imbued with a strong sense of autonomy.” However, the Bourbon Spanish crown soon introduced a series of reforms to resurrect ‘erown authority and to raise taxes and tribuce to support Spain’s defense against Britain! The In- dians felt these reforms as increased tribute ‘demands and additional Spanish inteusion in local affairs. [nevitably, these encroachments foreshadowed additional revolts* which continued sporadically until independence in 1921. Despite the persistent and systematic oppres- sion of Indians in Guatemala during the colonialera, two elements helped partially protect them: crown laws and a generous land base. The Spanish kad maintained vacillating views regarding Indians. On the one hand, they realized that Spanish prosperity in the New Word depended on Indian labor; eon- versely the cow was alo the Indians legal gar Thus, the crown issued numerous proclamations to protect Indians, to some extent. ‘While they were often violated or ignared complete- ly, they at times provided a semi-solid legal founda- tion upon which some Indians were able to protect their lands. Unfortunately, the postive colonial decrees and the once generous fand base did not ast, ‘whereas, the clement of forced Indian labor was tenacious and extended far beyond independence, Tn the United States tribes also had received statutory protection and retained a sizable land base. The distinctive feature, however, of the U.S.? This ‘confirmation of tribal sovereignty, although often neglected, separates the U.S. from Guatemala in a fundamental political way. It would be a separation that would oniy broaden, intermittently, with time. 1821-1871: "The Eye of a Hurricane" Jonas and Tobis have pointed out that a large segment of creole planters, particularly indigo growers, began fosee that independence from Spain ‘was the "only way of eliminating the impediments such as regulations on the treatment of India labor, burdensome taxes, and state monopoly on trade." But even after political independence was achieved in 1821 it failed to bring the prosperity Guatemalan creoles bad expected. Alehough there was a brief surge of economic activity cesulting from a tem- porary revival of indigo exports and an influx of capital from opportunistic foreign investors, the Guatemalan economy soan stagnated. As a result, the demand for Indian labor dropped. The fledgling government ended Indian slavery. And cepar- timiento, now seferred to as mandamiento slowed considerably: ‘By 1825 the Guatemalan government sensed the need for an infusion of foreign colonists to spark the struggling econo, To facilitate this, the legislature passed land acts in 1825 ane $829 that called forthe public sae oficrrasbaldias™ and the eventual con- ‘eyanee of communally held land to private owner- ship” The liberal regime of Mariano Galvez (1831-1838) was a period when Tndians were forced off any land they could not prove ttle Co, regardless of theie aboriginal claims to the area, The primary beneficiaries of these legislative acts were Ladino landowaegs andthe increasing population of foreign investors Widespread protest by the church and Indians forced the legislature to modify this harsh n policy. As a compromise, the government allowed Indians who had worked the land ¢o obtain ttle by paying 2 substantial fec. Poverty stricken Indians, however, could rarely afford the government's price and were subsequently removed. Indians who refused to leave their lands or pay the exorbitant fee were arrested and could be sold as indentured ser- vants. Policy developmentsin the United States during this period reflect a similar process entailing land acquisition and forced removal. The devastating ‘Trail of Tears following enactment of the Indian Removal Act represented one of the darkest mao- ments in US.-tribal relations. While the sale of tierras baldias certainly brought in badly needed money to the Galvez ad- ministration, it was inadequate, Galve’s “liberal” policies required large expenditures for salaries, development of transportation facilities, bureaucracy, and incentives to farmers to diversity production, Subsequently, tax measures wer duced in 1838 (0 raise additional revenue. As in the case of the sale of communal and, the tax measures fell heaviest on Indians. Handy reports: In rapid succession the liberal government imposed a direct tax on individuals, a land tax to replace the abolished tthe, plus taxes ‘on meat and.,.certain crops. Many peasants unable to pay these taxes lost their lands or were forced into labour for local land- ‘owners, The most onerous and contentious ‘of the governmental ax measures, however, were the charges against the community funds. These village funds had been an portant element in ensuring the security of the community and had long been con- sidered sacrosanct. ‘The community funds, generated by the Indians from their awa labor, were a special savings account set aside by the Indians for family ot village emer- gencies. Galver' effort to tax these funds generated ‘appasition from several ofthis liberal cohorts, ike Jose Francisco Barrundia and Dr. Pedro Molin. ‘Nevertheless, Galvez, desperate for money, pushed. this measure through. A Conservative counter-revoltion, led by José Rafael Carrera, overthrew the Galvez government in 1838. Carrera, only 28 years old atthe time, Rad the strong backing of the church and had secured the passionate support of many Indians who were in- ‘ited by their priests. In fact, “in the early days (the priests) assured the Indians that he (Carcera) was their protecting angel Rafael, and (the priests) resorted totricks to favor the delusion.“ Bytheend ‘of Carrera's 27-year reign (1865) he had revoked all of the liberal legislation of Morazan and Galvez. He abolished civil marriages, returned the tithe to the ‘church, restored monasteries, and in 1844 welcomed. bback the Jesuits who had been evicted by Galvez With regard to the indigenous population, ‘Catrera’s years were much les insidious than those, ‘of this predecessors. Although he legally set in mo- tion a levy of forced labor from cach Indian village, this system was rarely enforced. Infact, during most of his regime, government inaction reflected Carrera's concern for protecting the integrity of local Indian communities and theie lands. The In- dian population, having been strafed by diseases, ‘wats, and the crippling “liberal” reforms under Gal ver, took advantage of this brief respite to con- solidate its situation.” Thus, Carrera's administation basically ad- hered to & laissez-faire approach regarding Indian economic affairs. Nevertheless in the late 1830s a significant organizational change crystallized what vas (0 continue in force for aver a century: the development of separate governmental institutions for Indians and Ladinos, This system consisted of an Indian town council based on the ciil-religious hierarchy, and a sgparate ayuntamiento for the Ladino population ‘A governmental decree. on October 2, 1839 es tablished the basie framework of regional and ton governments. The departments were placed under the supervision of a presidentislly appointed cor- regidor. This individual was responsible forthe en- forcement of national laws in his jurisdiction, and also for the execution of certain local assigaments by the municipalities. With the division of the town’s government into (wo distinctive spheres, the Ladina ayuntamiento returned to its traditional format of tw alcaldes, four regidores and a sindico. The for- ‘mal Indian governmental structure (municipalidad indigena) was organized similarly. This [adian unit was chasen each year by the indigenous political leadership. Interestingly, the Indian municipality trad its own courthouse, jal and treasury. Meetings were held separately as well The most noticeable feature ofthese parallel decision making stitutions between the 1830s and 1879 was the duality and mutual autonomy of each ethnic group in the com- munity. Thus, during this second historical period there ‘was a significant diminution of openly destructive state policies towards Indians. Nevertheless, as Hawkins reminds us, “the poriod between inde- pendence and the cefocm of the 1870s was still restrictive upon the Indians. While there may have been some slackening of the demands imposed on the Indians as the dye-stuff industry withered after the discovery of aniline dyes, the rise of coffee quick- ly brought on new demands!” 1871-1944: "The Colonial Legacy Revisited" ‘This 73-year pariod was characterized by the operation of al three levels of policy described in the introduction. In other words, during this era, the three most prominent dictators, Justo Rufino Bar- ig (1873-1885), Manuel Estrada (1898-1920), and Jorge Ubico (1931-1944), each established or sane- tioned both shart and long term policies and ereated impressive procedures and rulestoimplement them. section will focus on several aspects of this critical period suggested by Antonio Carrera in 1950. These are: 1) the introduction of large-scale ‘commercial planting of coffee and sugar, made pos- sible by indentured Indian labor; ) the massive ex- propriation of communally held fadian lands; 3) the establishment of elementary education in urban and. rural areas of Indian and non-lndian population; 4) the continued repression of Indian cultural values; and finally 5) the loss of community self government.” ‘in 1871 the merged forces of Miguel Garcia ‘Granados and Justo Rufina Barrios overthrew the Conservative regime and assumed power, What prompted this Revolution? David McCreery asserts that it"grew out ofthe struggle to control the profits and production of coffee...” Coffee, in essence, provided the "motives, the wherewithal, and the ideological justification to challenge the incumbent regime.” Although the government ad recog- nized coffee’s potential as early as 1845," it was the Barrios regime that most actively promoted coffee calture. ‘The coffee “culture” had arrived because fist of all, it could be grown throughout much of Guatemala. Furthermore, the price of coffee was relatively stable in the early 19870s, thus atracting additional growers. As it began to be produced widely it affected a large segment of Gugtemala’s population, and dominated economic life,”* With the ascension ofthe eaffee economy there ‘arose parallel demand for labor to wark te coffee, plantations. Barrios, who believed that the Indian “should be a humble, obedient, inexpensive laborer,” proceeded to engage directly in worker recruitment to enforce debt contracts and to force Tadians and other rural poor ina labor debts. Bar- tos and the coffee planters considered such forceful ary because most Indians had an ex- ike forthe hot and humid coast and fear had "litle need of or desire for wage labo Undaunted by the Indians physiological, economic, or ideological rationales for refusing to work coffee fincas, the Barrios regime by 1880 bad established laws that devastated Indian lands, freedom, and self-government. These included: 1) the expropriation of Indian land in 1873;7” 2) enactment of a Rural Labor taw in 1877 that reestablished mandamientos (forced labor drafts modeled after colonial repar- timientos);” 3) establishment of habilitacfon (wage advan- es), debt servitude, and a vagrancy lawin 1878,” and 4) passage of the Municipal Law in 1879 ‘which all but destroyed Indian local goveramect Hubert H. Bancroft, an eminent historian writ- ing in 1887 naively ceported that Barrios “has done sch o ring about a change forthe better’ forthe Indians." Bancroft was most likely commenting on the impressive growth of the country’s economic infrastructurethe extension of railroad lines and cloctricity, road construction, development of @ na- ional banking system, among other develop- ‘mentswithout examining how the goverament’s policies exploited the Indian population. What were the effects of these laws on the Indians? The com- bination of forced labor, debt servitude, forced sale of village land, and the confiscation of tierrasbaldias "broke down the autonomy of the highland wllages, impoverished peasant agriculture and drove. in- creasing numbers of peasants to labour on the developing coffee fincas.” ‘The only Barrios decree before 1880 that af- forded some benefit to the Indians was the estab- lishment of a Ministry of Public Instruction and the ‘construction of schools at all levels for both Indians and Ladinos. This decree, enacted on September 6, 1879, acknowledged the “lamentable conditions of igaorance and abjectness the Indians had been kept i and provided that at least a gortion of them should attend the public school The last wo decades were basically a continua- tion of state policies that disabled Indian com- rmusities and individuals. Neaely all the state legislation centered on Indian labar and export erap production. For instance, as German based firms began to settle in Guatemala to exploit caffee, the national government's Ministry of Development, anxious t0 control India labor participation, or- ganized a special court on December 17, 1889 to force Indians to work on thecoffee fincas, Thiscourt was replaced a year later by a special agricultural judge. Apparcnily, this office was inefficient and ‘was abolished in 1991. Nevertheless, the role of foreign investors, began during this period, would have a devastating and long term impact on the indigenous people and their culture, the development of Guatemalan In- dian policy, and ultimately would be part of the, catalytic. agent that prompted the United States’ overthrow of the Arben2 cegime in 1954. Wit avid government support, German coffee produces avid later the United Fruit Company, which established a ‘hugh banana plantation, exploited Indian lands and labor through the use of various methods including mandamiento, debt-bondage, and vagrancy laws. This unleashed forces which Brought "about impor- tant changes in the indigenous economy of the High landsa process af change which has been continuous tour day: Mandamientos for agriculture, established in 1877, were terminated in 1893 because the govern- rment had evidence that coffee exports had leveled offin recent years while each year agrowing number ‘of indebted Indians migrated to the coast. A limited version of mandamicates (one time harvest only) were resurrected, however, in 1897 when a wave of political refugees entered Guatemala, seriously dis- rupting the export economy.” In 1854, a year after ‘mandamientos were ended, 2 new national labor law, legislative decree 243, was enacted. Its intent was to ensure a steady supply of Indian laborers to the coffe plantations "by indicect means which should fot be in conflict with the freedom of labor.” Under this decree, an employer had the right to exercise coercive measures against workers who failed to meet their obligations. Indians who absconded or otherwise failed to work were cither forced torcturn othe fincgor were sent towork with a Compaay of Zapadores.™ The election of Manuel Estrada Cabrerain 1898 (where he would remain until 1920) to the presiden- cy signalled na major change in state policy toward the Indians. In fact, like Porfirio Diaz, Estrada believed in development on the basis of Indian labor and foreign investors. Furthermore, under Cabrera the assault on Indian communal lands continued on "various extralegal pretexts..."” ‘The Cabrera era, marked by corruption and repression, oversaw the continued impoverishment and malnutrition of the indigenous population. The capacity af Indian com- munities to be self-eproductive was crippled by their decreasing land base, the continuation of debt ‘pconage, mandamientos, the coatiaued loss of local politcal leadership positions to Ladinos, and ather policies that undermined Indian cultures.” The period from 1920, when Cabrera was deposed, until the beginning of Jorge Ubico’s die- {atorship in 1931 is almost devoid of any important legislation or policy regarding Indians. There were, however, two developments that warrant some at- tention. The first occurred on June3, 1927 when the traditional Indian political system and the formal political institutions which supported it was finally ended. The dual municipality structure had not, in fact, been dual since the Municipal Law of 1879 paved the way for Ladino contrl of the mos impor- tant functions of municipal government." The second development centered around the Zapadores, which, by an act of September 1, 1930, consisted of a special set of army battalions specifi- cally composed of Indians from designated townships. The fodians had to serve two years of rilicary duty; and in peaceful times they were responsible for road construction and m: tenance. Torge: Ubico, who served as President for thit- teen years until 1944, combined fiscal orthodoxy and

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