Local History in Global Context: Social and Economic Transitions in Western Guatemala Carol A. Smith, Comparative Studies in Society and History, Vol. 26, No. 2.(Apt., 1984), 193-228 Stable URL: bhtp:flinks,jstor-org/sici?sici~0010-4175%28198404%2926%3A2%3C 193%3 ALHIGCS ®3E2.0,CO®IB2-K, Comparative Studies in Society and History is currently published by Cambridge University Press. ‘Your use of the ISTOR archive indicates your acceptance of ISTOR’s Terms and Conditions of Use, available at htp:sseww jstor org/aboutiterms.html. ISTOR’s Terms and Conditions of Use provides, in part, that unless you hhave obtained prior permission, you may aot download an entie issue of a journal or multiple copies of articles, and ‘you may use content in the ISTOR archive only for your personal, non-commercial use Please contact the publisher eegarding any Fuster use ofthis work, Publisher contact information ray he abained at fpr jstoronpournal-cup A Each copy of any part ofa JSTOR transenission must contain the same copyright tice that appears on the screen or printed page of such transtnission, ISTOR isan independent not-for-profit organization dedicated to creating and preserving a digital archive ot scholarly journals. For more information regarding ISTOR, please contact suppom@jstor org. hup:trwwjstor.orgy Sat Jul 9 19:13:58 2005Local History in Global Contex! Social and Economic Transitions in Western Guatemala CAROL A. SMITH Duke University Itis increasingly fashionable for anthropologists to castigate themselves Cr at least (0 castigate other anthtopologists) for failing ta take into account the larger or global processes that affect the small commutes they study. We accuse ourselves, for example, of treating peasant coromunities as if they ‘were primitive isolates and of failing t0 consider the extemal forces that ‘created those communities and that cause them to operate the way they do. While this accusation may be warranted for the earliest work on peasant communities, L suggest that for quite some time now the anthropological perspective regarding these communities has shifted. Ln feet, Twill argue here that many anthropologists have been all too ready t0 accept global views of peasant communities and social relations without proper consideration of the interplay between local and global processes, ‘When globalists assert, for example, that the present function of peasant ‘communities in the world economy is « supply cheap lator t capitalist ‘enterprises, anthropologists obligingly document how subsistence farming by [peasants preserves them as 2 cheap labor force (ef: Clarmmer 1976). Or when 2 dependency theorist suggests that the function of Latin American civil- religious cargo systems (in which individuals bear te economic burden of community festivals) is to preserve relations of internal colonialism (ef “ris sudy was prepared for te mening of the Awcican AatwopelegiesAssoiton bel ic Los Angeles it Decertber 158. Toe last section, an the erent revelocon it Guatemala, ete he ‘Station: Ue; ao aap has bean ade to agp to eve Uwe keto hank the feliowing people fr hell cements on the fst aloft ace: Rech Aca, Teeey Boyer, Stelon Davi, Les Field, David MeCseery, Sidney Mit, Toveph Pans, Benjani Paul, deen Tarees Rivas, Katherine Veer, Joho Watanabe, Raber Willa, tod Marge e¢y Wolf Toul alsa tke akowledge the hep I received from Ronals W. Sth an From Steal Gusta receach assets, whe must man snnyonous fer dbvous cess he sisted in be Fekcwark on wich pa of my analysts base. Ace Saleeman, Auta Nix, Robe. “Teseonn, and David tacksom Repeat iter deta smlyns.TRe Natoma See Foudston ‘pga the fieldwork then Grant No. BNS 77-0819 sd als provides paral support {ona the weep period. The Center for Advanced Seay inte Denawotl Setgces, Stator, Castor, provided the facies and adtional support for tre reparation of thee mts n-4475e84/2129-0190 $2.50 © 1984 Society Cor Comparaive Siudy of Society and History 193194 CAROL A. SMITH Stavenhagen 1969}, anthropologists are willing to show how celebration of community festivals docs litle mare than enrich oppressive merchants and priests engaged in selling liquor, candles, and masses (Diener 1978). Those. anthropologists who doggedly cling to notions such as the “dual society,”” ‘who emphasize functions of cargo systems that relate to local prestige, or Who note the importance of ethnic over class relations (e.g., Collier 1975) are roundly criticized for their misunderstanding of the larger dynamic in the regions they study—which dynamic is eapitalism (see, e.g., W. Smith 1977, Wasserstrom 1978)! While { too find fault with studies of modern peasants that ignore the. interplay hetween international capitalism and local adaptations, T am con- Watanabe (1981), fr exazple, shows that wile iva) geusaneholdegs in Saccago ‘Chunaltenango have dialed ta apple ane ht of wht they wet tthe 19205 aly becaue of population ictease), tee las produce a east dee eves a much aay aide 1930s hectue of fealizer sid akernave erp mixes 3° Because my earlier Guatrnlan cldvork hat indicated that dere wotecwelve teponal subsystems within western Guatels, each Mewng a Sabacvepatern of acupatin and ake, dependence (ee Stich 1976), 1 desgoed the presen uve soa (0 include cee mucipales