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Rift  Valley  Institute  Meeting  Report  
Nairobi  Forum,  6  December  2012  
   
 
   

POLICY  AND  PRACTICE  

Rethinking  state-­‐building  in  Somalia  


Negotiated  statehood  and  the  realities  of  hybrid  governance  
 

Key  points   Rethinking  state-­‐building  


Marleen  Renders  Life  and  Peace  Institute  
§ The  concept  of  a  hybrid  political  order  is  useful  
in  understanding  post-­‐conflict  state  formation,   In   the   first   panel,   Marleen   Renders   stressed   that  
in  the  Horn  of  Africa  and  elsewhere.     Somaliland’s   experience   of   hybrid   political   order  
§ For  policy-­‐makers  supporting  the  re-­‐ should  not  be  treated  as  a  model  for  fragile  states  in  
establishment  of  government  institutions  in   Africa.  Instead,  the  concept  should  be  used  as  a  lens  
Somalia,  the  example  of  Somaliland  is   through  which  to  see  Somaliland  as  it  is,  instead  of  as  
instructive.   an   aberration   from   normative,   Western   ideas   about  
§ Hybrid  political  orders  are  not  an  alternative   the  state.  There  could  be  no  equitable  or  sustainable  
model  for  state-­‐building;  they  are  the  outcome   state-­‐building   in   the   region,   she   argued,   until   policy-­‐
of  a  process  of  negotiated  statehood  and  a   makers   accept   and   understand   the   interactions  
reality  to  acknowledge  and  work  with.   between   formal   and   informal   institutions,   and   state  
and   non-­‐state   actors.   Thinking   in   terms   of   hybrid  
§ State-­‐building  is  not  simply  a  legal  and  
political  order  reveals  that  state-­‐building  is  not  a  legal  
technical  undertaking  but  a  process  of  
negotiation  that  occurs  in  an  acutely  political   and   technical   endeavour   but   a   process   of   negotiation  
context.   that  occurs  in  an  acutely  political  context.  
§ In  Somaliland,  the  role  of  elders  in  relation  to   A  hybrid  political  order  is  the  outcome  of  negotiated  
the  state  has  changed:  the  authority  of  the   statehood.   In   Somaliland   the   negotiation   involved   a  
House  of  Elders  has  diminished  as  formal   wide  range  of  actors:  politicians,  elders,  the  military,  
institutions  of  the  state  have  become  more   businesses,  civil  society,  NGOs,  and  the  international  
established  and  powerful.   community.   These   actors   negotiate,   Renders   added,  
using   different   strategies   and   discourses,   shifting  
  between   state-­‐based   and   clan-­‐based   networks   and  
rhetoric.   Renders   also   raised   the   questions   of   what  
Introduction   checks  and  balances  may  emerge  in  a  hybrid  political  
Mark  Bradbury,  the  RVI  Horn  of  Africa  and  East  Africa   order,   and   how   issues   of   representation,  
Regional   Director,   began   the   meeting   by   introducing   inclusiveness,  accountability,  and  access  to  resources  
Marleen  Renders,  the  author  of  Consider  Somaliland:   may   be   addressed.   She   argued   that   checks   and  
State-­‐Building   with   Traditional   Leaders   and   balances   are   subject   to   continual   renegotiation;   as  
Institutions   (Leiden:   Brill,   2012).   He   noted   that   her   the  hybrid  political  order  shifts,  these  can  strengthen  
book  came  at  a  timely  moment.  The  new  government   or  come  under  increasing  pressure.  
in   Mogadishu   is   involved   in   a   process   of   state-­‐
Drawing   on   her   research,   Renders   went   on   to   outline  
building,  and  is  confronted  with  similar  challenges  to  
how  a  hybrid  political  order  emerged  in  Somaliland  in  
those  faced  by  Somaliland  over  the  past  two  decades.  
the   early   1990s,   founded   on   informal,   clan-­‐based  
Critical   questions,   he   said,   face   President   Hassan  
consensus  building  and  mediated  by  influential  elders  
Sheikh   Mohamud’s   government   as   it   tries   to  
who  had  been  part  of  the  Somali  National  Movement  
negotiate   a   common   vision   for   the   state   of   Somalia.  
(SNM).   Political   issues   were   initially   by-­‐passed,   as  
The   participants   in   the   seminar   reflected   on   these  
former   enemies   approached   each   other   as   clans,  
issues,  drawing  on  the  experience  of  Somaliland  and  
focusing  on  peace  and  the  restitution  of  property.  In  
other   places   where   hybrid   political   orders   have  
time,   as   the   role   of   elders   became   institutionalized   in  
emerged,   noting   that   there   have   been   positive   and  
government  through  the  Guurti  (the  Upper  House  of  
negative   outcomes   at   different   moments   for  
Elders),   they   lost   the   legitimacy   and   authority   that  
different  interest  groups.  
 
they   had   previously   enjoyed   independent   of   the  
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presidency.   As   the   late   President   Mohamed   Egal   missed   to   engage   in   dialogue   on   other,   more  
pursued  international  recognition  for  Somaliland,  the   resolvable   issues,   she   said.   The   attendance   of   a  
political  centre  of  gravity  in  the  hybrid  political  order   delegation   from   Somaliland   at   the   London  
shifted   from   clan   elders   to   state-­‐based   discourses   Conference   on   23   February   2012   had   established   a  
and   actors.   Nonetheless,   the   many   elections   that   spirit  of  goodwill  and  co-­‐operation  between  the  two  
have   taken   place   over   the   past   decade,   she   argued,   states:   how   to   build   on   this   and   normalize   their  
have   demonstrated   the   continuing   influence   of   the   relationship   should   be   a   priority   for   both  
clan   system   over   Somaliland   politics.   Today,   the   governments.  
hybrid   elements   that   initially   made   peace   and  
Ulf   Terlinden   stressed   that   policy-­‐makers   had   to  
stability  possible  have  become,  some  would  argue,  a  
accept  the  reality  of  the  hybrid  political  order  even  if  
barrier   to   equitable   power   sharing   at   the   national  
it   involves   negotiating   with   unsavoury   actors   in  
and  regional  levels.  
unconventional   ways.   In   a   post-­‐conflict   situation,   he  
noted,   one   seeks   the   glue   or   trust   that   can   provide  
 

Negotiated  Statehood   social  cohesion—and  in  Somaliland  that  was  the  clan.  
But,   he   added,   traditional   authorities   are   limited   in  
Anna  Schmidt  European  Union;  Mohamed  Nur  Mohamud   their   capacities.   He   recalled   that   soon   after   brokering  
National  Democratic  Institute,  Somalia;  Quman  Akli    
a  ceasefire  in  Somaliland,  clan  elders  complained  that  
Somaliland  Focus,  UK;  Ulf  Terlinden  European  Union  
too   much   was   being   asked   of   them.   The   difficulties  
The   second   panel   considered   the   question   of   how   a   and   dangers   of   taking   elders   out   of   their   traditional  
common   vision   of   statehood   could   be   achieved   in   a   roles   and   asking   them   to   take   on   state   authority  
country  fractured  by  years  of  conflict,  and  examined   recurred   frequently   in   discussions.   Should   elders   be  
the   significance   of   Somaliland’s   experience   in   the   extracted   and   placed   in   Hargeisa   or   Mogadishu   and  
context  of  the  challenges  facing  Somalia  today.   asked   to   define   a   state   that   would   be   exported   and  
Anna   Schmidt   suggested   that   in   Somalia,   different   globalized,  he  asked,  and  what  vacuum  would  be  left  
ways   of   negotiating   a   common   vision   of   statehood   at   the   local   level   if   this   occurred?   Terlinden  
are   available.   War   might   shape   or   destroy   a   vision,   concluded   by   asking   a   simple   question:   what   state?   It  
she   said,   while   contract-­‐making   offers   another   is   easy,   he   observed,   to   agree   on   the   notion   of   the  
possible   means   for   state-­‐ state,  but  the  questions  of  what  
building.  On  the  question  of  how   sort   of   state,   provided   by   whom,  
There  can  be  no  equitable   and   serving   what   ends   are   all  
the   writing   of   a   constitution  
contributes   to   an   evolving   vision   or  sustainable  state-­‐ complicated   theoretical   and  
practical  problems.  
of   the   state,   she   noted   that   there   building  in  the  region  until  
is   agreement   in   Mogadishu   on   One   discussant   suggested   that  
the  enactment  of  the  idea  of  the   policy-­‐makers  accept  and   that  African  elites  have  failed  to  
state—but   the   substance   of   that   understand  the  interactions   imagine  a  state  that  corresponds  
idea   remains   undecided   and   more   intimately   with   African  
between  formal  and  
open  to  negotiation.   desires   and   identities   than   the  
informal  institutions,  and   Western   model.   The   challenge  
Negotiation,  though,  is  always  an  
unequal   process,   said   Mohamed   state  and  non-­‐state.   then  for  the  new  government  in  
Nur   Mohamud.   He   pointed   out   Somalia   must   be   to   create   its  
the  limits  of  hybrid  political  order   own   road-­‐map   for   state   and  
by  suggesting  that  clan  elders  have  repeatedly  failed   nationhood,   independent   of   the   international  
community.    
to   go   beyond   crisis   resolution.   He   argued   that   for  
Somalis,   real   statehood   in   the   twenty-­‐first   century    
 

means   more   than   a   hybrid   mix   of   local   and   formal   Representation  and  accountability  
institutions,   and   must   include   law   and   order,   citizens’  
rights  and  competitive  politics.   Angi  Yoder-­‐Maina  Independent  consultant;  Adbullahi  
Shirwa  Somali  Peace  Line;  Erik  Landemalm  Association  of  
Quman   Akli   considered   the   question   of   Somaliland   European  Parliamentarians  for  Africa  (AWEPA);  Nuradin  
statehood   vis-­‐à-­‐vis   Somalia.   She   asked   whether   a   Dirie  Horn  of  Africa  analyst  
unified   vision   of   statehood   is   needed   or   helpful   at  
Returning   to   the   theme   of   checks   and   balances,   the  
this   moment.   She   reminded   panellists   of   the   two  
third   panel   was   asked   to   consider   the   question   of  
competing   visions:   an   independent   and  
how   clan-­‐based   institutions   can   negotiate   a  
internationally   recognised   Somaliland   versus   a  
relationship   with   state   and   sub-­‐state   institutions   to  
unified   Somalia.   By   starting   with   this   contentious  
ensure   appropriate   representation   and  
political   point,   however,   an   opportunity   might   be  
accountability.    
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Abdullahi   Shirwa   began   by   stressing   that   elders’   were   identified   to   fill   the   committee   of   135  
accountability   is   essential   for   sustainable   that  would  select  new  parliamentarians.  Becoming  an  
development   and   stability.   Somalia,   he   said,   needs   to   elder   itself,   therefore,   was   the   product   of   invention  
develop   systems   to   guarantee   accountability   on   the   and   manipulation   by   the   media,   political   parties   and  
part  of  government  and  all  the  other  non-­‐state  actors   the   international   community.     Can   elders   borne   out  
that   constitute   its   hybrid   political   order:   the   private   of  this  process,  it  was  asked,  truly  be  accountable  to  
sector,   civil   society,   traditional   leaders,   the   the  communities  they  are  supposed  to  represent?  
international   community,   and   the   diaspora.   But  
On   the   issue   of   representation,   Nuradin   Dirie  
accountable   leadership   in   both   formal   and   informal  
outlined   some   of   the   difficulties   faced   by   Somali  
spheres,   he   noted,   will   be   difficult   to   secure   in   the  
women,  minorities,  and  young  people.  He  suggested  
absence  of  a  functioning  judiciary,  watchdog  groups,  
that  while  the  clan  system  complicates  the  process  of  
and  a  developed  media  industry.  
nominating  female  MPs—did  a  woman,  for  example,  
In   discussion,   the   question   was   raised   as   to   whom   belong  to  the  clan  of  her  birth  or  of  her  husband?—
MPs   are   accountable.   If   it   is   to   the   fact   that   the   new   parliament  
the   clan   elders   who   nominated   of   Somalia   has   an   18%   female  
them,  then  who  are  those  elders   ‘The  elders  have  been   representation   is   nonetheless  
accountable   to?   This   led   to   institutionalized,  their   cause   for   celebration.   He   noted,  
comparisons   between   the   however,   that   the   participation  
political   role   and   local  
positions   p oliticized,   a nd   of   youth   in   politics   in   general  
foundations   of   elders   in   Somalia   their  independence   and   in   the   administration   in  
and  Somaliland.   curtailed.  This  has   particular   was   limited   by  
Somalia’s   present   constitution,  
Erik   Landemalm   discussed   the   diminished  their  capacity  to   which  bars  those  aged  under  35  
role   of   the   Somaliland   Guurti,  
asking   what   role   the   upper   house   negotiate  and  build   from   serving.   Given   that   45%   of  
the   population   is   under   14,   he  
of   elders   should   perform   today   consensus,  with  the  result   observed,   young   people   are   the  
and   whether   they   should   act   as  
that  many  [people  in   most   significant   stakeholders   in  
an   advisory   body   (as   they   do   in  
Somaliland]  …  view  the   Somalia’s   future—and   ways  
Puntland)   or   continue   to  
have   to   be   found   to   involve  
constitute   an   upper   house   in   Guurti  as  unaccountable’     them   when   attempting   to   forge  
parliament.   In   the   early   1990s,  
a  common  vision  of  the  state.  He  
this   body   of   elders   was  
also   expressed   concern   about  
instrumental   in   negotiating   peace   through  
the   representation   of   minorities   under   a   possible  
consensus-­‐building  at  a  local  level;  in  the  years  since  
future   ‘one   man,   one   vote’   system.   During   the  
then,   their   function   had   been   institutionalized,   their  
transition,   the   so-­‐called   4.5   clan   power-­‐sharing  
positions   politicized,   and   their   independence  
formula—apportioning   equal   representation   to   each  
curtailed.   This   had   diminished   their   capacity   to  
of   the   four   major   Somali   clans,   with   an   additional  
negotiate   and   build   consensus,   with   the   result   that  
‘half-­‐share’   for   minorities—had   indeed,   for   the   first  
many  in  civil  society  and  the  international  community  
time   in   Somalia's   history,   given   minority   clans   some  
today   view   the   Guurti   as   unaccountable—particularly  
political   representation   in   central   government.  
as   its   membership   had   not   been   elected   or   selected  
Whether  this  should  be  maintained  is  a  question  for  
since  1997.    
future  deliberation.  
Landemalm   asked   whether   a   more   positive   role   for    

elders—not   necessarily   those   currently   represented  


in  the  Guurti—can  or  should  be  found  in  Somaliland.   Hybrid  political  order  
The   dangers   of   not   finding   one,   he   added,   are   Nikolai   Hutchinson  Pact  Kenya;  Halima   Shuria   Camel  Bell;  
currently  playing  out  in  Puntland,  where  the  absence   Abdiaziz   Bashir   Ali   Pact   Kenya;   Markus   Hoehne   Max  
of   an   official   political   space   for   elders   is   creating   its   Planck  Institute  
own  set  of  problems.  
The   fourth   and   final   panel   returned   to   the   concept   of  
Through   discussion,   a   distinction   was   drawn   between   the   hybrid   political   order,   looking   at   its   manifestation  
the  spontaneous  role  initially  played  by  the  Guurti  in   in   other   contexts   and   considering   whether   such  
Somaliland,  the  deliberate  anointment  of  elders,  and   systems  are  a  source  of  order  or  disorder.  
the  elevation  of  their  role  in  Somalia  in  the  past  year  
Halima   Shuria   outlined   how   hybrid   political   order  
as  a  means  of  moving  the  transition  on.  The  policy  of  
had   been   established   in   parts   of   North   Eastern   Kenya  
promoting   traditional   authorities   encountered   a  
during   times   of   insecurity.   She   described   how  
problem   in   Somalia   when   not   enough   ‘genuine  
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complete  structural  breakdown  occurred  in  the  town   unconstitutionally   prolonged   by   President   Dahir  
of   Wajir   in   the   early   1990s,   when   conflict   between   Riyale   Kahin,   and   the   Guurti,   in   turn,   kept   the  
two   clans   escalated   with   the   influx   of   arms   from   president   in   power   beyond   his   mandate.   Therefore,  
Somalia.   The   government   was   unable   to   mediate   and   Hoehne   argued,   the   costs   for   democracy,   as   well   as  
religious   leaders   and   the   vitality   and   legitimacy   of  
traditional   elders   became   traditional   authorities,   increase  
divided   by   clan.   The   situation   For  Somalis…  statehood  in   when   hybrid   political   orders   are  
only   stabilized   when   all   the   institutionalised.   In   conclusion,  
the  twenty-­‐first  century  
formal   and   informal   actors   from  the  experience  of  Somaliland  
came  together  to  form  a  peace   means  more  than  a  hybrid   Hoehne  cautioned  Somalia  against  
committee.   Since   then,   the   mix  of  local  and  formal   adopting   a   hybrid   political   order.  
model   of   peace   committees   Somalia   could,   however,   be  
had   been   replicated   across   institutions...  [It]  must   inspired   by   the   way   Somaliland   in  
Kenya—indeed,   they   played   a   include  law  and  order,   the  early  1990s  began  to  negotiate  
critical  role  in  the  resolution  of   its   statehood   independently   from  
citizens’  rights  and  
the   2007/08   post-­‐election   external  actors.  
violence.   Although   formalising   competitive  politics.  
In  the  final  discussion,  participants  
a   hybrid   political   order   can     reflected   on   the   trajectory   of   the  
institutionalize   certain   power  
seminar,   which   had   begun   by   investigating   hybrid  
imbalances,   she   noted,   it   also   enables   the  
political  order  and  ended  by  discussing  the  difficulties  
development  of  a  rapid  response  system.  In  the  case  
in  ensuring  checks  and  balances  as  well  as  functional  
of   North   Eastern   Kenya,   formalizing   the   peace  
governance  in  this  context.  Do  hybrid  political  orders  
committee   was   key   to   ensuring   government  
compare   favourably   to   the   democratic   state   built  
cooperation,   which   was   essential   given   the   region’s  
according  to  the  Western  model?  Renders  reiterated  
particular  political  and  historical  context.  
that  they  do  not  offer  an  alternative  model  either  to  
Continuing   the   discussion   on   Kenya,   Abdiaziz   Bashir   aim   for   or   work   against,   but   rather   a   reality   to   work  
described   the   evolution   of   a   programme   of   with.   Policy   makers,   she   said,   needed   to   recognise  
community  policing  on  both  sides  of  the  border  with   that   structures   and   roles   adapt,   and   so   should   seek  
Somalia.   Where   communities   had   historically   been   ways  to  work  with  the  patterns  that  emerge,  in  ways  
hostile  to  the  Kenyan  state,  security  forces  struggled   that   make   the   mix   of   traditional   and   modern  
to   gain   the   necessary   trust   and   cooperation   from   institutions  more  equitable  and  accountable.  
local   communities   to   tackle   incidences   of   crime   and  
 
violence.   By   empowering   local   actors   and  
collaborating   with   them,   significant   progress   has  
been   made   in   combating   insecurity.   He   suggested  
that,   as   police   reform   progresses   in   Kenya   and  
Somalia’s   new   government   extends   its   reach,   this  
cross-­‐border   hybrid   political   order   may   become   less  
critical.  
This   led   Markus   Hoehne   to   reflect   on   the   evolution  
of   hybrid   political   orders.   On   the   question   of   how  
such   an   order   functions,   he   made   the   analogy   of   a  
seesaw:  as  state  or  formal  institutions  become  more  
powerful,   informal   actors   become   weaker,   and   vice-­‐
versa.   Secondly,   he   asked   what   sort   of   order   is  
created   by   hybrid   political   systems.   His   view   was   that      Credits  
they   create   a   minimal   and   temporary   order   that   ©  2012  Rift  Valley  Institute  (RVI).  Published  under  
quickly   becomes   imbalanced.   In   times   of   crisis,   he   Creative  C ommons  Licence  3.0;  free  for  download  at  
said,  hybridity  born  out  of  negotiation  offers  a  means   www.riftvalley.net.  ‘Rethinking  state-­‐building  in  
to  establish  local  peace,  but  such  orders  do  not  foster   Somalia’  is  the  record  of  a  meeting  held  under  the  
or   promote   human   rights   and   democracy   in   a   auspices  of  the  RVI  Nairobi  Forum  at  the  British  
Western  sense.     Institute  in  Eastern  Africa  on  6  December  2012.  It  was  
As  evidence,  he  pointed  to  what  was  viewed  by  some   written  by  Natalie  Moss.  The  Nairobi  Forum  is  
supported  by  the  UK  Africa  Conflict  Prevention  Pool  
as   an   illegal   and   corrupt   Guurti   in   Somaliland   that   sat  
between   2006   and   2010:   its   term   was    

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