Professional Documents
Culture Documents
- Economic Development Behind population change – 5 children by women in 1950 1.7 children in
2100 – is the children an asset or a burden
- Mental health and known and growing challenge
- Diagnosing drivers of the Youth Mental Health Crisis
- COVID19 made the situation worse
- Migration
HK is a place of migration – they come back because they make better money
How do geographer understand and seek to address these issues of migration and populated city
- Cindy Fan
Research on the unprecedented and massive rural-urban migration in China since the 1980s has
highlighted the role of the hukou ( 户 口 ) system (e.g., Chan, 2015; Fan, 2008), a registration
system that gives urban Chinese entitlements to state subsidies and support while allowing rural
Chinese access to farmland. However, access to farmland alone without other state support has left
rural families perpetually poor. Since the 1980s, China’s rapid industrialization and urbanization
have offered a lifeline, as new job opportunities have attracted hundreds of millions of migrant
workers from rural areas. By 2015, approximately 61% of all rural workers in China had left their
home village or town to seek work elsewhere (Su et al., 2018) (Fan 2022:100)
The Confucian ideology that has guided social relations in China for over five thousand years
prescribes individuals’ roles according to their positions relative to other members of society. In
particular, the roles of women and girls are relative and subordinate to those of men and boys in
their lives, as described by the “three obediences:” a daughter is subordinate to her father before
marriage (zaijia congfu 在家从父); a wife is subordinate to her husband (chujia congfu 出嫁从夫)
and an elderly mother or a widow is subordinate to her sons (laolai congzi 老 来 从 子 or fusi
congzi 夫 死 从 子 ) (Dorros, 1978; Fan, 2018). (Fan 2022:100-101) – tradition remain strong in
rural areas
While Mao’s notion of women shouldering “half the sky” has increased their labor force
participation since the 1960s, patriarchy continues to shape the everyday life of women, men and
their households such that it is in essence a determining cultural and contextual factor in Chinese
society (e.g., Hannum, 2005; Ji et al., 2017). For example, China’s high sex ratio at birth, due to
sex-selective abortions, female infanticide and underreporting of female births, reflects the
persistence of male preference. In particular, patriarchal culture is manifested in multiple ways
through marriage (e.g., Fan, 2018). First, under the patrilocal exogamy tradition, the wife leaves
her natal family and moves to join the husband’s family. By extension, her labor and fertility are
then also considered a property of the husband’s family (Croll, 1981). For thousands of years,
China was overwhelmingly agrarian, and the loss of daughters’ agricultural labor through marriage
has undermined girls’ value and discouraged parents’ investment in their education. Patrilocal
exogamy also underlies the prevalence of early marriage, because parents of sons are eager to
recruit a daughter-in-law not only for her labor but also her reproduction, in order to sustain both
lineage and labor supply. Despite the fact that China has urbanized rapidly since the 1980s, the
age-old belief that daughters are less valued than sons persists. For example, although girls now
have greater access to education than their mothers and grandmothers, parents continue to
prioritize the education of sons over that of daughters (e.g., Fan and Chen, 2020).
Second, the mate-selection process in China tends to be pragmatic and transactional, typically
involving evaluation of a potential spouse’s attributes (tiaojian 条件) (e.g., Fan and Li, 2002). The
gendered hypergamy principle is widely used, stipulating that husbands should be “superior” to
wives in terms of age (older), height (taller), education (higher), occupation (more prestigious),
income (higher) and geographic location (better). Attributes can also be functions of specific
political economic contexts. During the Maoist collective period, for example, landlords connoted
bad class origins for marriage, and Communist Party membership was considered a good attribute.
At the household level, it is strongly and widely believed that marriages that connect households
with similar socioeconomic statuses (“matching doors” or mendang hudui 门当户对 ) are more
likely to be stable and successful than those that do not (Hu, 2016). While the “matching doors”
principle is prevalent, for women who have few options other than marriage to improve their
economic wellbeing, the socioeconomic status and potential of the prospective husband’s family
are important factors in their marriage decision-making.
In short, the desired result of the mate-selection process, from the point of view of a rural woman,
is as follows: her natal family and the husband’s family are from similar socioeconomic
backgrounds and origins, but the husband has positive and promising attributes and his family has
demonstratable evidence to offer her economic betterment. From the prospective husband’s point
of view, a wife’s educational attainment is much less important than her health, labor and potential
to produce offspring. The calculus behind marriage decision-making necessitates matchmaking,
largely considered by parents their responsibility. Parents of sons, in particular, are expected to
demonstrate reasonable economic capacity in order to boost the sons’ competitiveness in the
marriage market. What’s more, China’s one-child policy that was enforced between 1980 and 2015
has exacerbated an already skewed sex ratio in favor of boys, further worsening the imbalance
between women and men of marriageable ages, especially in rural areas
Over the years, marital practices in China have evolved. In particular, the age at first marriage has
been gradually postponed, divorce rates have increased and nonmarital sex and cohabitation have
been on the rise in both rural and urban areas (Song and Ji, 2020). Still, patriarchy – and
accompanying gendered norms and ideology – is far from weakening. In rural areas, not only is
marital formation transactional, but women across generations continue to be designated and
primary caregivers for other household members such that their access to education and off-farm
work, including migrant work, remains much more constrained than that of men (Fan and Chen,
2020; Li et al., 2020). In urban areas, women have greater access to educational and occupational
opportunities, but in the marriage market their economic and professional achievements tend not
to be as valued as their young age and good physical appearance and may in fact disadvantage
them (Fincher, 2014; Gui, 2016)
Over the years, with the improvement of economic wellbeing in China and intense compensation
for wives due to sex-ratio imbalances, especially in rural areas, weddings are increasingly
accompanied by hefty bride price and large expenses (Jiang et al., 2015). Financing housing
expenditure and bride price is extremely costly to many rural households, necessitating parents
and other household members to pursue migrant work and send back remittances, as described by
this father: Nowadays, making money is mostly to prepare for a son to get married. Bride price has
now risen to about 70,000– 80,000 Yuan (USD 10,249–11,713).1 (Anhui Province, 2009)
To be sure, remittances also improve rural households’ standard of living, help lift them out of
poverty, and pay for children’s education. For example, interviewees talked about their
expenditures on appliances, agricultural input and school fees. Nonetheless, it is clear that housing
and bride price are the biggest expenditures for parents who have sons. The practice of pursuing
rural-urban migration in order to garner sufficient resources for important life-events like marriage
and to make ends meet is passed down from one generation to the next. Without migrant work,
villagers doubt if their sons would ever get married and if they would ever pay back their debts.
This villager commented on how essential migrant work is: Going out (to do migrant work) is the
only way to have a future. Some young people are too lazy; they won’t go out, and they don’t even
have enough to eat, not even during the Spring Festival, unless they borrow from others. Those
who don’t go out, no one will lend you money, and you won’t be able to find a wife. To have a
future, you have to go out. (Anhui Province, 2005)
Over the years, the economic and material livelihoods in rural China have changed. Marital
expenses have become heftier, new houses are bigger and better, rural-urban migration is no
longer a short-term strategy but a long-term way of life, and the younger generation who lacks
farming experience may have a stronger aspiration for urban living, just to name a few.
Nonetheless, it appears that the norms and values that govern gendered and intergenerational roles
and responsibilities related to marriage have persisted. If they do change – which does not seem
likely in the foreseeable future – then that may signal the weakening of one of the major drivers of
rural-urban migration. As long as marriages are transactional, sex-ratio imbalances are significant
and rural-urban inequality continues to be large, it is likely that large volumes of ruralurban
- How population and resource solution? (Population, Resources, and the Ideology of Science
- Author(s): David Harvey)
Principle of population:
two postulates: that food is necessary to the existence of man and that the passion between
the sexes is necessary and constant (Harvey 1974:258)
two forms of growth: arithmetic (amount of farmland) and geometric (population) cannot
catch up the food demand
two conclusions: misery and famine
Armed with these definitions, let us consider a simple sentence: "Overpopulation arises because of
the scarcity of resources available for meeting the subsistence needs of the mass of the
population." If we substitute our definitions into this sentence we get: "There are too many people
in the world because the particular ends we have in view (together with the form of social organi-
zation we have) and the materials avail- able in nature, that we have the will and the way to use,
are not sufficient to pro- vide us with those things to which we are accustomed." Out of such a
sentence all kinds of possibilities can be extracted: (1) we can change the ends we have in mind
and alter the social organization of scarcity; (2) we can change our technical and cultural
appraisals of nature; (3) we can change our views concerning the things to which we are
accustomed; (4) we can seek to alter our numbers
Somebody, somewhere, is redundant, and there is not enough to go round. Am I redundant? Of
course not. Are you redundant? Of course not. So who is redundant? Of course, it must be them.
And if there is not enough to go round, then it is only right and proper that they, who contribute so
little to society, ought to bear the brunt of the burden. And if we hold ithat there are certain of us
who, by virtue of our skills, abilities, and attainments, are capable of "conferring a signal benefit
upon man- kind" though our contributions to the common good and who, besides, are the
purveyors of peace, freedom, culture, and civilization, then it would appear to be our bound duty
to protect and pre- serve ourselves for the sake of all mankind
Lecture 10: Drugs
- Key concepts: controlled substance, drug, alcohol
- Rethinking the war on drugs could yield important ecological benefits (McSweeney 2014: 490)
- What does geography have to do with drugs
Socio-spatial dimension
Topic: Gen Z is making fun of Millennials on TikTok for drinking wine. They’ve got it all
wrong. (culture of drinking is changing rapidly; different place also have very different rules
for drinking or taking drugs …)
Topic: Geographical aspects of scoring illegal drugs (Alasdair J. M. Forsyth, Richard H.
Hammersley)
“Young drug users (n = 210) were asked where they would go to obtain eleven
categories of illicit drug. From this information it was possible to draw up spatial
availability networks for each drug. There was little difference in drug use between
persons resident in relatively more or less deprived areas. However, people tended to
gravitate from the less towards the more deprived areas in order to obtain drugs. There
was also a tendency for subjects to travel less far in order to obtain cheaper drugs. These
findings imply that perceived drug problems in deprived areas may become exaggerated
by outsiders and therefore inaccurately reflect prevalence of drug use locally.”
Timing is everything: Territorial stigmatization immobility policy, and the COVID-boom in
HK’s Shum Shui Po – HK people has a perception of SSP being a poor place, possibly where
you can get drugs
Socio-economic dimension
Topic: The Biggest Cocaine Boom in History – more and more exporting cocaine country
become a consuming country e.g. Mexico and Africa
While cocaine continues to pour into the US, it's also appearing in increasing amounts
elsewhere:
Seizures in Europe have tripled in just five year
In Africa, cocaine seizures increased 10-fold from 2015 to 2019
The amount captured in Asia increased almost 15-fold over 2015-19
Cartels have become increasingly sophisticated at hiding drugs among the millions of
containers heading into ports such as Antwerp and Rotterdam every year. The perishable
nature of cargos such as bananas, blueberries, asparagus, flowers and grapes works to
traffickers' advantage by discouraging police or customs inspections that would delay
shipment.
Smugglers even infiltrated the world’s biggest shipping line, Lauren Etter and Michael
Riley reported here. As MSC Mediterranean Shipping Co. grew into a dominant force in
global trade, it also became a prime drug-trafficking conduit for Balkan gangs. In the
case of the MSC vessel Gayane, US agents in 2019 found nearly 20 tons of cocaine,
worth $1 billion.
Topic: Cocaine market is booming as meth trafficking spread, UN report says
VIENNA, June 25 (Reuters) - Cocaine demand and supply are booming worldwide and
methamphetamine trafficking is expanding beyond established markets, including in
Afghanistan where the drug is now being produced, a United Nations report said on
Sunday.
Coca bush cultivation and total cocaine production were at record highs in 2021, the
most recent year for which data is available, and the global number of cocaine users,
estimated at 22 million that same year, is growing steadily, the U.N. Office on Drugs and
Crime said in its annual World Drug Report.
Geopolitical dimension
HK started to become a colony because of the opium wars haha]
Cannabis is illegal in HK
- What are drugs
Australian Government - Drugs affect your mind and body
Drugs are substances that change a person's mental or physical state. They can affect the way
your brain works, how you feel and behave, your understanding and your senses. This makes
them unpredictable and dangerous, especially for young people.
The effects of drugs are different for each person and drug. Learn more about the effects of
drugs and the different types of drugs.
Why do people use drugs?
Drugs change the way your body or brain works.
People take drugs because:
they are curious and want to see what happens
they want to fit in or feel pressured by their peers
they enjoy the effect on their body - for example, feeling excited and energetic, or
relaxed and calm
they help them cope with situations - for example, reducing pain or relieving stress
they've have a drug dependency and need to keep taking them to avoid withdrawal
symptoms.
Controlled Substance
Narcotic drugs – convention in UN
Can some drugs be used legally in Hong Kong
Tequila come from Mexico (southern US states) – Central US Vodka – Northern US Whiskey
(different consumption popularity around the US)
Production of Wine
Beer: wheat
Vodka: potato
Wine: grape
Whiskey: corns and grains
Sake: rice
Tequila: agave
Gin: distillated seeds, berries, roots, fruits and herbs and spices
Baijiu: sorghum
- Whats sort of research that geographer is doing and the implications
Kendra McSweeney Reading
Seemingly far from the world of conservation science, drug policy reform could also alleviate
pressures on Central America’s rapidly disappearing forests. Mounting evidence suggests that
the trafficking of drugs (principally cocaine) has become a crucial—and overlooked—
accelerant of forest loss in the isthmus. A better understanding of this process is essential for
anticipating how it might be mitigated by specific drug policy reforms.
First, forests are cut for clandestine roads and landing strips (15) (see the photo). Second,
drug trafficking intensifies preexisting pressures on forests by infusing already weakly
governed frontiers with unprecedented amounts of cash and weapons. Third, the vast profits
that traffickers earn from moving drugs (8) appear to create powerful new incentives for
DTOs themselves to convert forest to agriculture (usually pasture or oil-palm plantation).
Profits must be laundered. Buying and “improving” remote land (by clearing it) allows
dollars to be untraceably converted into private assets, while simultaneously legitimizing a
DTO’s presence at the frontier (e.g., as a ranching operation).
Why Narcos invest in rural land
Business logistics
Situational legitimacy
Money laundering
Land acquisition as path t political power
land speculation and land rent
Mark Jayne and Chen Liu Reading
Public and policy concerns in China have contradictory tendencies towards alcohol practices.
On the one hand, the alcohol industry and late-night alcohol activities have been encouraged
and promoted by the government to boost economic growth in recent decades (Jin &
Whitson, 2014; Lin & Wang, 2011; Zeng, 2009). Now, China is the largest producer of beer
in the world, and over the past 30 years, a proliferation of service-based, cultural and
‘symbolic’ economies and intensification of the consumer culture led by postindustrial and
middle-class consumption (see, Jayne et al., 2021), has ensured that alcohol of diverse prices
is widely available and visible in multiple space/times in contemporary Chinese cities.
Moreover, baijiu – the traditional Chinese grain alcohol – is not only the world’s oldest
alcohol, but also the world’s best-selling spirits category (Sandhaus, 2019)
In summary, domestic drinking, either social or emotional drinking, is not simply a night-time
experience but a longer-term tactic that makes the atmosphere in the domestic feel ‘right’. As
these narratives have illustrated, domestic drinking is described as an emotional and
embodied way of home-making through creating affective and atmospheric assemblages
which can induce complex feelings and moods in domestic spaces (Shaw, 2015; S.
Wilkinson, 2017). The ongoing process of home-making can be shaped by the materiality’s
(such as the taste and texture) of alcohol and the practice of drinking alcohol. These findings
have highlighted the sophisticated ways that young people’s drinking practices are
relationally constituted through the experiences of formal family banquets and public
drinking, created by historical resonances of the ritualized toasting and familial
responsibilities and expectations, and influenced by the time/space they seek to be free from
the hierarchical social order in both family and public spaces.
- Gentrified neighborhood
Drinking bar / coffee shops …
For tourism