THE BOMB IN BENGAL

The Rise of Revolutionary Terrorism in India

1900- 1910

PETER HEEHS

DELHI
OXFORD UNIVERSITY PRESS
OXFORD NEW YORK
J993
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 CONTENTS

List of Illustrations vii

Preface ix

PART ONE: ORI G INS

I A Golden Sunset 3
2 Militancy in a Vanquished Land ~
3 A Bengali in the Maraiha Countr¥ 13
4 Seed-Time in Bengal 24
5 A Year in Gujarat 36
6 Apathy and Despair 49

PART1'WO: ACTION
7 The Temple of the Mother 61
8 Revolutionary Beginnings 7<>
9 Tribulations and T rials XlJ
10 The Garden 1(1~

l l Mother Kali's Bomb 117

12 Upheavals 114
13 Bombs and Monkeys 133
14 To Kill Kingsford IH

PARTTl-IR EE: THE T RI AL

15 A Rude Awakening 155
16 The Trial Begins 166
17 In J :iii and in Court 178
18 Retribucion I X6
19 Before Mr Bcachcroft 197
20 Judgment 208
21 Appeals 218
vi ('ont~nt•

P/\RT ~OUR: T iii AFTERMATH

2l htl~-- 231
23 Aller AhJ"t(C 240
24 Condu\lon ·1crronsm .md 1he S1ru1t11lc for Freedom 251
Appcmlix I rcxwal l\otes 259
Append,. 2; The Compo:.ill<ln of 1hc MJmktoltt Scx.ic1y 268
Reference Note~ 275
B1l>hography 30 I
Index 313
 List of Illustrations
For sources. see list of abbreviauons. pages 275-6

I Bttl Gnngndhar Tilak (NMML)

2 Aurohindo Chose (SAAA)
3 S:trnht Gho<nl (SAAA)
4 Sister Nivcdi111 (SAAA)
S Peter Kropotkin (SAAA)
6 Kakuzo Okakura (Isabella Stewart Gardner Museum)
7 Barindra Kuma r Chose (WBSA)
8 Upcndranath Bannerjee (WBSA)
9 Ull..,,kar Dutt (WBSA )
10 Hem Chandra Das (WBSA)
11 l ndu Shu.an Roy (WBSA)
12 Barcndra Nath Chose (WBSA)
13 81bhutt 8hu5'1n Sarkar (WBSA)
14 Sudhir Kumar Sarkar (WBSA)
15 Indra Nath Nand1 (WBSA)
16 B11oy Kumar Nag (WBSA)
17 Sn1lcndro Nath Bose (WBSA)
18 KrbtoJ1bnn Sanyal (WBSA)
19 Abinu>h ('handra Bhattacharya (WBSA)
20 The Muniktola Garden (SAAA)
21 A shed in 1heGardcn used for making bombs(SAAA)
22 1\ mango tree in t~e Garden used for target practice (SAAA)
23 Sir Andr<w Fraser (SAAA)
24 Douglas Kin&"lord (SAAA)
25 Sir Bampfyldc Fuller (SAAA)
26 AShutosh Bl>was (SAAA)
27 Lord Minto as I lcrcules killing the hydra ol '1narch1Sm': cartoon
lrom /1111d1 Punch (SAAA)
28 Gilbert Elliot. 4th Earl of Minto (SAAA)
29 F. L. ll alhday (SAAA)
JO Policeman near a pit in the gi-ounds ol thc Mamktola Garden
(SAAA)
31 Diagram of a simple bomb, with marking$ in Bengali (IOR)
32 Four bomb$hclls lound at 134 Harrison Road, Calcutta (photograph
by author. SAAA)
viii I .l\t t1/ lll1lftratiQt1S

33 The book-bomb >en110 IJ<>utl·" Kingsford (pho1<>gnlph by

nu1hor. SAAA)
.l4 Khud1ram 6o>C afler ht> a ire" (SAAA)
3S llie Mon1k1ola garden hou-.c under guard (SAAA)
3<> C. ~. Dr" (SAAA)
37 Enrdlcy Nor1on (SAA/\)
38 Courtroom in /\lipore where I he st'l.<ion< 1nal was held (SAAA)
39 The ·SweelS Le11cr'..,nt by Darin Chose 10 Aurobindo (SA/\A)
40 One page or the ·Scnbbhnp· (pho1ograph by Kiran Kakad . SJ\AA)
41 Aurobtndo Ghose's ocll on Ahpore jail, view lrom
ou1s1dc (pho1ograph by au1hor. SAAA)
42 Aurobindo·sccll. view from 1ns1cle(SAAA}
41 Pan oflhc ·44 degrees'. Alipore 1ail (SAAA)
44 Knnailal Dull and Sa1yendra Na1h BoSe in 1he hands of the pohcc
(NAI)
4$ 'l'11c 11un< used to kill Narendra Nath Goswami (pho1ogrnph
by 11u1hor. SAAA)
4o F. W. Duke and Sir Edward Oaker (SAAA)
-'1 Aurobindo Ghose preaching 'mihtrtntswadeshism': cartoon (rom
l/1nd1 P11nch (SAAA)
4N Aumb1ndo >ptakmg m Bcadon Square. Calcuua (SAAA)
4') A block of Cellular J•ol m 1he Andaman' (photograph by Kiran
Kalad. SAAA)
'Ill Lord I lardinge on lhc bock of an clcphanl a1 lhe ume of
h1> ceremonial enirance IQ Delbo (IOR)
SI •Arbond Mandir', a pc:>>lcr pr1n1cd on Kanpur during the 1930s ( IOR)
 Preface

Thi• book i• a narrative history of the revolutionary movement in

Bengal from its origins around 1900 10 the close of its fir-;t pha<e in
1910. This decade was among the mo-.1 interesting and important
in the course of lndi:1"• \lru[!gle for freedom. Many hook~ and
arttcle> ha\'e been wriuen about the men and events of the pcnod.
some so uncritically laudatory that legend has taken the place of
history. I believe this book will provide a more accurate .iccoun1
than nny found in previous narratives and also correct certain
mbiakcs made by academic historians. Out I have tried to muke it
us vivid and fast-moving as the events themselves. When foctual
history i' a• absorbing as this. the cmbelli•hments of the myth·
maker arc unnecessary.
Most histories of the freedo m mo,ement publi,hed dunng the
'""" decades following 1947 were nationalist in approach and
commemorative in nature. The purpose of the ¥iriter.. "''a ' 10
culogi1e the struggles and \Uffering• of the men and women who
helped frtc India from 13rit"h rule . Much a11ention wa\ given to
the participa nts' personalitic> mid to the loftiness of the ideal' thlll
Impelled them. This motive i' not unworthy. but it doc> not always
prt'Klucc reliable results.
Over the last quarter-century a new generation of scholnrs has
puhlt>hcd an impressive bod) of .-ork which bas placed the >tudy
of the period on a more <,(lltd basis. Three main school\ of
mtcrprctntion have emerged: the nco-1111perialist. the na11onahs1
and the Marxist. Recenll) a founh school has mounted a v1gorou\
Jlt3Ck on HS predece..or>. charging them alf with Chfl\tn and
championing the role of the nameless 'subaltern· classes. The
ongoing hermeneutic debate hns great ly enriched our undcr-
st.onding of the economic and ~ocial background o f the period. Out
it has been contincd for the most part to scholarly journals und
conferences and so far ha~ had li11le influence on the general
public.
My approach in this bo<lk i> nationalist in focus. mirram·e in
x Preface

form und chronological in presentation . I offer no apologies for

any of thc-e t"hoiccs Although <;0mc"hat out of fashion in
acadcnuc circle•. the nauonah>t approach h.1< re, ea led much. and
has more to rc•cal. about how men and -.omen responded to the
challcni:e~ of colonial rule. NarraU\C h1\tor). nc•cr a~andoned by
popular wntc,..,, ha\ recently found ckfcndcl"' among historio-
graphers und philoS-Ophcrs. And lhe very \chool that condemned
chrnn<llnf.ical history as ineurahly 'cvcnti,h' (h·1'11e111e111idle) not
long ago announced ' the return of the event '. Perhaps it never
\VCnl awuy.
In choosing 10 concentrate on men and events I in no way deny
the importance of social. economic or political structure,. I have
placed my data in this larger framework in u .cric~ of paper~ that
arc li,tcd in the bibliography. But in this bool. my primary uim h"s
been to arrange the factual darn m the form of a narrative
ae<e<s1hle. interesting and perhaps C\en inspiring to the non-
11c.1dcm1c reader. I have avoided the "'caknc«> ol rommcmorati\e
h"toroc' b) ba<ing my..clf cn11rel) on primary <ource\. I ha•e
made u<e not only of the familiar tto.ernmcnt record< but also
h11herto untapped collection-; of 1udic1al and police c.locument<. I
ha•c also <ought out and read the paper< ancJ puhh,hcd accounts
of pJrtic1pant< and eyewitnesses. The t"o nli11n type\ of material
- offlcial documents and the writing.' of participant< arc com·
plcmcnt.ory. Government sources provide a rchahle 'kcleton of
fllct (even!\. dates, etc.); the participants• uccounts Ocsh 1his out
with in>ide details. Yet even both types of material together do not
provide clear answers to every question. In purticular I have not
been able to establish the dates or even the 'e1111c11cc of some
significant even!',. In the text I take them up 1n what seems tn be
the correct sequence without encumbering the Oow of the
narrauvc with scholarly argumentation . Where di\Cussions of
chronolog)' or other rontroversial mailers were una•oidable. I
ha•e relegated them to lhe notes or append"c'.
The same desire to keer the tc~t free from unnece<sury
argumcn1a11on has led me to a•o1d direct invol•cmcnt in current
academic debate. I have however ll"en '<•me .utcnuon to two
major problems i1 the study of the freedom movement: the
rclauonship between revolut ion and rchs1on nod the rcl~tivc
import:mcc of violent and non-violent method' I <Jen i with the
first of thc<e quc~tions in chapter 7. The 'ccond form' the ,ubjcct
 Preface XI

of chapter 24. bu1 1he en1ire book may be said to be a non·

an<1l)llcal c.1o;c \lud) of one group of violent rc•oluuonanc«.
I h•'c no1 ht:s11a1ed 10 use the word 'lerron<m· 10 refer to 1he
activ111c\ of 1he-.c men. II was a•oidcd by 1he commcmora1ive
hi>IOrians. \\ho preferred the cumbersome and inaccurate 'mili1an1
nalionahsm'. Many readers will feel that 1hcir i.queami~hness was
ju;ufied. Terroris1s have given their trade such a bad na1ne 1ha1 ii
would seem best 10 avoid the word when referring 10 a lcgitimme
freedom struggle. Sidestepping 1he impossible ta>k of as.signing
ahsolutc lcgit inincy or illegilimacy 10 a historical movemenl, I
simply point out thai I employ the word 'terrorism' in the
sodolog1cal und no1 the journalistic sense. In the sociul sciences
'terrorism' mean' the use of small-scale violence. generally in the
form of as.a..s1na1ion and robbery, by small, urban grou~ 10
achieve political ends. This definition exactly fits the ac11v11ies of
the group under study and in the interests of exactitude I u>e lhe
word ' terrorism' 10 describe 1heir work .

In traMhlcrallng Indian words and names. I ha•e u~d a rommon·

sense system 1ha1 oughl to satisfy those who speak the l•mguages
and nm bafnc those who do 001. Ba;ically I have follo\\ed 1he
in1erno1ionJI system of Sanskrit transhtcrallon, hut avoided
diacritical marks. I have used 'I>' and 'j' 10 represent 1ho-;c sounds
in Benguli rcg:trdlcss of their e1ymological origin. ('I hus B(llu/e
A1a1aru111. not Vanfie 1\1a1ar1un ~ Jugantur. not Y11,s:1u11t1r- cxcept
somet imes in quotations.) I have generally spelled personal names
the way the person did if he wrote in Engli~h. If he did not, I have
used the spelling most frequently encountered in >ceondary
wurccs. l'or place names I have used spellings current during the
period under study and not the more correcl form> introduced in
reccnl )C3r\ In quotauons I have or eour'loC followed the
document\ verbatim Thus in quoted nm1enal 'Aurobmdo' is
spelled 'Arab1nda". 'Arabindo' and sc'eral other "''YS as well

II 1s not po<<ible for me 10 list the names of all those who ha'e
helped me in the writing of th.is book. Bui I must acknowledge my
mdeb1cdncs:. 10 1ho-;e who assi.icd me in re)>C;irch in non-English
wurccs. Aloka Ghosh. Ela Ghosh, Arup Mitra and Maurice
Shukla provided me with summaries of Bengali books and aniclcs.
Without their help I could never have gone through the extensive
xii Preface

Bcog.ih hlcraturc on the subject. I used thc<ie ~ummaries as well as

pnnted 1ran~la11on~ v.hilc rendering p;c.sages from Bengali into
Engl"h but em rcspons1ble for the final form of 1hc transla1ed
passage§ I reeei\'Cd help vmh Mamth1 and Gu1ara1i sources from
B. 0 L1m3}C. Ganapati Pattegar. Sreehan Mar;nhe. Jayantilal
Parekh and Sanjay lihatt . Needle~ to >ay nunc of the researchers
named " in any way responsible for the use I have made of her or
lus material. Among the many people who have helped me 10
ob1aln documents. Joya Miner and Lalilu Roy deserve special
mcn11on. I am grateful 10 Bob Zwicker. Barbie Doily. Arup Milra
and Ashok Acharya for reading all or parls or •he manu,cript.
proofs or both; to Ulrich Mohrhoff for help with 1he 1ypesening;
and 10 Jacques Pouchepadass for sharing wi1h me his knowledge of
his1oriography.
PAR'rONE
Origins
•
 1
A Golden Sunset

Dbracli wanted u symbol for his new conccpl of imperialism .

Victoria wanted a style befining her more·lhan·qucenly dignity.
The Royal Ti1les Act of 1876 gratified them both . That year the
royal Chnstma~ cards were signed 'V. R. & I': Victoria R~ginn"
lm~rumx. The Queen of Great Britain and Ireland was now
Empress of India as well. •
The Cro"'n 's representative was not long on acquainting her
Indian subjects with the news. Four months after 1hc paSS3ge of
the Act , Lord Lytton convoked a durbar or royal levee in De lhi.
On 23 December Lytton made his ceremonial entrance into the
city. l'irst came columns of cavalry, then the viceroy and viccreone
in a •ilvcr howdnh on the hack of n magnafkcnl e lephant. They
were followed by their bodyguard. 'then the governors and swells
on olhcr clcphan1s to the number of fifty ; then more cavalry and
artillery. &c.' This wns enough to impress an artist who observed
the spcctoclc from the city's principal mosque . But. he continued.
' nothing I ever saw or have dreamed of could equnl the ru;h of
native chiefs· elephants that closed the procession.· On the
animals" hack• -.ere ' magnificent and sometJmes magnificently
grotesque ho,..dahs. and in the howdqlos a motley crew. men in
armour. men with shields and large swords. men wuh trumpets 8
feet long. all 50rts of wild men shouting and i.cuffling and behind
all the golden sunset.''
The climax of all thi< pomp. and the pomp of the days that
follo"'cd. c;ome o n the first of January 1!177. In .1 pavilion that was
' hkc a gigantic circus'. the viceroy announred to the assembled
'governor~. heads of administration. notables . princes and chiefs'
that henceforth 1hcir sovereign would be known :as l:.mprcss of
4 Tht Bomb in Btt1gul

India or Kaistr-i-Hind. The most prominent or her Indian 'allies'

v.crc granted till~ wch as Fanand-1-Kluu-1-Daulat-1·/nglishia or
'O"n favoured son of the Bntosh Empire'. Some were given
runher rccogni11on as ·concolliors or lhC Empress'.. It was all a
fine example or the verbal legerdemain at which the British in
lndrn excelled. f'ar from being an afhrmatoon or the 'rights. dignity
and honour of Nauve Princes'. to wl11ch 1hc C"rown had been
commi11cd on paper since 1858. the "~'ump1ion of the imperial
1i1lc was an announcement that lndiH WHS and would remain a
aritish possession.
II was a possession more than ten times 1hc size or the moiher
couniry. with a population of 250 million one-fifth of the
inhabitants or the globe. These people. !he hcri1ors or rich and
ancicnl cultures, enjoyed 3 lirc-cxpcCll111C) lhat 31 the end or the
century was calculated at 23. 7 years. This alarming siatis1ic was
due '" part 10 1hc famines that since the m11ldlc or the ceniury bad
made the popula1ion of the country actually decline. The wors1
was 1he famine of 1876-7. Whole the Durbar celebrations were
being planned and carried out. some five molloon men. women and
children perished. Entire villages "ere wiped out . 'I do not know
wha1 we should have done wi1hou1 lhc dogs and vultures' .
declared a Bri1ish witness. Lord Lyuon eventually appointed a
famine commission. but his overworked officials could not do
much. There was simply not enough money to recd nll 1he siarving
people . '
 2
Militancy in a Vanquished Land

In 111113. '" yc1m afler the Durbar. John Seeley publi,hcd his
memtlr<thle ob,crvauon: ·we (English) seem. as 11 were. to have
conquered and peopled half the world in a fit or absence or mind.''
Of no part or the Empire "as this statement more appropnate
than India The British were latecomers to the region "'hen they
founded the Lia" India Compan) on the first day of 1600. ..or most
of the next two centuries Company merchants remained interested
mostly in ' a quiet trade'. It was not until Clive showed how easy it
was to conquer a rich province that the Bnti~h began thinking
senously or empire. Success came more swiftly than anyone could
have imagined. In 1754. eight yea~ after the victory al Plasscy.1he
Company gained possession of most or eas1crn Indio. Dy 11118 ii
hud replaced Mysore nnd the Marn1hns '" lhc don11nan1 power in
the South and West. and by 1856 it was master of all lhe North . Ill·
equipped and without patriotic sentiment, Indian soldier<; were no
ma1ch for Company regulars armed with modern weapons and
loyal to their British orficers. Early on the invadcn learned that
they did no1 even have to do much of the figh1ing themselves. II
was more efficient to let soldiers or one province kill soldiers or
another. and then \lcp In and ronfio;cate the prize
Bui 11 did take some presence of mind to parlay a rew com-
mercial outposts in10 an empire. Faced wi1h resolute armies m Pun·
iab. Maharashtra and Nepal, the Company always managed to end
up on top. Apprecia11ve of a valiant foe, 1he Bnllsh rewarded 1he
Sikh,. Gurkhas and others with the designation 'martial race' and
made them the mains1ays of 1heir army. It was the loyalty of such
rcgimc111\ thal allowed them to weather the Morm or 1857 and 10
keep the counlry's restive populace under control before and after.
6 Tire Bomb ;,, Be11gal

The Revoir of 1851 or 'Indian Muliny' was by no means lbe

firs1 revoh agam<;I llri11;h rule m India . In lhe hundred yean
bc1wccn Pla'-""Y and Meerut. Company -.old1crs v.cre almosl
alwa>'S on call in one pan of 1hc coun1ry or ano1hcr. In Bengal
1hcy had 10 face ~1arving peasants led by "1ffron·robcd holy men
in 1he so-culled 'Sannyao;i rebellion' In 1he hills of Bihar and
ccn1rnl India 1hey 1urned their musket\ aga1n.i lhe bows and
arrow; of 1hc Santals and other 'pnmi1ive' lnbes. Around the
same time lhey had to deal with pea.ant rebellion\ in Tripura,
Bengal and Mysore; lroop mu1inies in Vellore and Barrnckpore;
und crusades of 1he Farazi and Wah a bi cults. Bui 1hese up-
heavals ond dozens of others were isola1ed , badly organized,
easily suppressed. The same was 1rue of 1he various encounters
thn1 made up the Revolt of 1857. This widespread insurrection
miglu have succeeded if leaders in different parts of 1he country
had work~d 1ogethcr. In fact even allies h~e Talya Tope and the
Rani of Jhnnsi were unable lo cooperale.
Sporadic upri-.ngs continued lo occur in the years 1ha1 followed
lhe suppression of the Re,·olt. There wa' the Indigo Rebellion of
1859-62; a recrudescence of Wahabi unrcsl m the early sixties;
peasanl upheavals in Bengal, Maharash1ra and Andhra; and tribal
revolts io 1he Nonh-Wcst, North·East, and Chou1 Nagpur. Most
of 1hcsc uprisings were caused by local gricvanocs and could be
quelled more or less easily by local forces. There was as yet no
organized opposi1ion 10 lhe British. The closest thing 10 a true
rebellion in the late nineteenlb century was lhc quixo1ic crusade of
Wa~udco Balwant Phadke.
Phadke was a Chi1pavan Brahmin living in Poona. 1he former
capirnl of 1hc Marntha empire. Originally confined to a narrow
•lnp in the We~t. the Mara1has extended their lCrnlOry under
Shi,aji and his successors northward to Rajaslhan, eastward to
Bengal and as far sou1h as Tanjore. Successful chieftains took
con1rol of the lands Ibey subjugated but remained uni1ed in a
confederacy under the Pcshwa, a hcred11ary prime minisler
belonging 10 1he Chi1pavan Brahmin casle. Dunng 1he heyday of
the Peshwas ii seemed as though the Maralhas would replace lbe
Mughals as the predominant power in the land Bui 1he British
were able 10 play one Maratha chief off again~• lhe olher and
finally to defeat them all.
Even af1cr 1he Mara1has' defeal the Chitpuvans remained one of
 Md11ancy in a Vanqlli.shed Land 7

1he n1<l'>I po-.crful groups in western India. La1e·mne1eenlh·

ccn1ury Onions knew 1hem 10 be 'inspired v.11h na11onal senriment
Jn<l ""h an amb11ion bounded only v.1lh lhc boun<ls of India
11<.elr Bui che rulers found che talents of 1h1s wcll-.,duea1ed
community indispensiblc 10 !he efficient running of their bureau·
cracy. Some Chilpavans. for example Mahadcn Govind Ranade,
ro:.c co high po;i1ions in the British govcrnmenl. Others. like the
rust ic Wa~udeo Balwant Phadke, earned pallry ~alaries in 1he
lower echelons of 1he adoninis1ra1ion.
In 1870 the 1wen1y-four-year-old Phadkc wa' working as a clerk
in the Poonn oftlce of 1he Commi>sarial Ocpar1mc111. I los Bricish
superior' 1rcu1cd hom and other 'natives' wich undisgui~cd con-
1emp1. I los dislike or 1hem turned 10 hatred when h.- ailing mother
docd whole hos leave applica1ion was under review. During 1he
famine of 1876-7, which struck Maharashtra woth parucular
severity. Phadkc became obsessed with lhoughts of revenge 'My
mind 1Umed against the English. and I "ished to rum chem,' he
wrote. •from morning 10 night. balhing, ca11ng, ,lceping. I -.as
brooding over thos. and could get no proper rc:>t • Unable I<>
arouse the 1ntcres1 of !he educated, Phadke put together a band of
Ramoshis and other backward peoples and ~upplicd them wich
guns. ~words. spears and staves. l<Jtowing he was not yet ready to
meet the British. he began leading hi' men in dacoitocs agaon'1
moneylenders nn<l ocher rich Indian~. I le hoped in 1h1s way 10
obtain 1hc runds he needed to carry out n full-scale rebe llion . His
plan was 10 ~end panics or raiders in every direction. ' from which
great fear would come 10 che English'. He would disrupt commu·
nicauons and free prisoners, thousands of whom would Oock to his
banner. Then he could reali;i;e his ill-defined intention of ridding
the country of the foreign enemies of I linduism.' I los Ramoshis
however were more interested in gathcnng booty chan in taking
PJrl on a doscoplined campaign. Abandoned by ho~ men . pur;ucd by
the Br111sh police. Phadke Oed 10 Hyderabad v.herc he made a la<I
effort 10 rai~ an army. Captured in July 1879. he wa\ "-'nlcfl(.'Cd to
lofe ompnsonment and transported to Aden where he died in 1883.
1 he last quarter oft he nineteenth century was a time or growing
poli11cal consciousness in 1he country. The Indian National
C'ongrc\\ (founded in 1885) gave a forum to l:lngli<h·educmed
professionals but made liule effort 10 reuch the common people.
In 1893 Bal Gangadh;ir Tilak (another Chitpavan Bruh min) suugh1
8 The Bomb 111 Bengal

to Ul'olve the masses m quas1-poh1ical ac11v1ucs by turning the

domestic wor<;hop of Ganapau onto a public festival. Three years
later he started another festival on honour of Shovaji. Al the
Congre'>'I <essoon hdd in Poona m 1895 Tolak emerged as the
leader of the breakaway pany that oppo'>Ctl the linkage of
Congress to a conference promoting Western·Mylc social reform.
During these years or political development there were no
major episodes of violent rel:>cllion. One rca>0n was the passage of
the Arms Act of 1878, which made it illegul for 'natives of India'
(some dignitaries excepted) to posse~s firearms. swords and other
weapons. This effectively disarmed the country. The British
looked with disfavour even on traditional Indian exercises and
sports. promoting games like cricket instead In some pans of the
country youths of the upper classes stopped going w the neigh-
bourhood akhara (open-air gymnasium) to learn wrestling and
other manly sloll~. ' But the traditions of physical culture did not
die out completely in Maharashtra. Youth clubs were founded in
places like Kolhapur that developed into centres of pro-I hndu and
anll-Brimh feeling.•
The most notorious of these clubs wru. stancd in Poona by
Damodar and Balkrishna Chapekar around 11195 hom their
childhoods the brothers, members of a poor C'hitpavan family, had
looked upon the English as their ' implacable enemies'. Their
hatred had no specific cause. but it was certainly connected with
their orthodox Hindu beliefs. They had a 'mo~t secret' feeling that
they were divinely appointed to defend their faith, which was
under tlltack by non-Hindus as well'" 'pcrridiou•' I lindu' favour-
ing reform. In order to drive these noxious clements from the
country the Chapekars resolved 10 build up their bodies and to
gather young men to assist them. They did excrci~s. as many as
twelve hundred suryanamaskars a da). and tried unsuccessfully to
obtain military training. Recruiting in playgrounds they managed
to gather twenty-five or thirty 'fairly proficient lads' whom they
formed onto a club whose tutelary deity was the god Maruti. They
taught the boys tradotional Indian games and encouraged them to
break up cncket matches. Later they led them on stone-slinging
free-for-all~. When they had grown ~uffi<:icn1ly bold, members
stancd ontomidating or anacking passers-by. Most of the victims
were Indian Christians or reformers, along with the occasional
Oriti:,h 1ni~.;ionury or woman.
 Md11oncy in a Vanquished Land 9

When the (hapekar.. round that their ·1ad,. did not show
them pmp.:r re\pt.'Ct they severed their connecloon with the club
and cnntmued o n their own. In the autumn of 1895 the) tarred
a •tatue of Queen Victoria and garlanded 11 ,.,th 'hoes. Later
that year, at the Poona Congress, they anackcd two refonnist
editors. ''""'hong one Crom behind with an iron pope. Soon
afterward' they meted out similar puoll.hment to an Indian
convert to Chri,tianity.'
On the surface there was li11le to distinguhh the Chapck:ors from
u simpk 11""!: of hooligans. But the brothers were cnpablc of acute
if ru<lcly c•prc,sed poh11cal thinking. In hi' Marathi i1111obio·
grophy o.omo<lar wrote that the •pcechofyinit and rcsolu1ion-
P""111g ol the 'self·;tyled educated men· of the Congress could
bc;i he comp:ored 10 the make-believe ceremonies of girls playing
woth dolk I le wanted 10 ask the university graduates or C'ongrc>S
whether there "as ·any instance in histol') "hereon empty talk and
indulgence on eating and drinking bas accompfo,hcd the good of
one·s c<>untry' Even the strength of the 'E•trcnmt' party ·was of
no avail hecause effortS not backed b) ph}"•Cal force arc doomed
t<> failure . The demands of the Indian Natoonal Congres.' ha•e
proved fuule for this reason: •
The Chnpcknrs did not have access to the English-language
pre~ where 111embers or Congress publhhe<l their ~pceches ;md
petiuons . Their preferred medium of in,truction wus the k111/ia, a
trudotional >lorylclling performunce. Al the G1111up111i 11ncl Shivaji
rc~tivals they recited verses lhat 01>cnly exprcs~cd their nim. As
the image of the clephimt·headcd god was carried to the river 1hey
sang: 'Alas. Like butchers the wicked in their mon\lrou\ atrocity
kill calves and kine. Free her (the cow) fro111 her trouble. die (but)
lill the English .. . . This is called HindustJn (land of 1hc Hindus).
How " ot that the Enghsh rule here? It " a great ~hame.' Al the
birth fes11val of MJharash1ra·s hero they rcpro..ichcd their coun·
111mcn· 'Merely reciting Sbivaji's \l()r) hkc a h;ird docs not 'leCllre
mdependenee: it os necessary 10 he prompt in en~agmg on
desperate enterprises.' To those "ho asked them what they were
doong themselves. the brothers promi~d: 'l..1~1cn . We shi•ll risk
our lives on the battle-field in a national war.''
ll1e Chapckars were hardly prepared to wage wur, but by 1897
they wen.: ready for desperate enterprises. That year bubonic
plague broke out virulently in Bombay and Poona . The govern·
JO The Bomb in Bengal

ment took swift and drastic steps to stop the progress or the
disease. which not only endangered ' nau•e' h•e~ but hun trade
and threatened to ~read abroad At fir.I local leaders. including
the orthodox T1lak. 5upponed the go•ernmcnt'\ action~. But later
Tilak's Kesarr and other Indian ncw,papcr> began featuring
rcpons or atrocities committed by sold1eK conducting house-to-
house searches. The Chapekars became 111ccn~cd by what they
read, heard. und observed. and they resolved to kill the chairman
of Poona's plague commission. W. C. Rand. Arter invoking the
blessings of Bhawani, the terrible form of the Mother goddess.
they lay in wait for Rand on the evening or 22 June 1897 . As his
carriage drove past. Damodnr ran up and shot him in the back,
wounding him fatally. Noticing that the couple in the next carriage
had witncMCd the deed. Balkrishna shot and killed the man,
Lieutenant C. E. Ayerst. "' ln the confusion that followed the
assassins made good their escape.
The pohcc were without clues until Damodar sought publicity
by wnting to a newspaper editor. An invesugauon was set on foot
and soon the brothers were betrayed by one of their former
comrades. Damodar was arrested and 'with a view to earn renown•
conkssed to the murders. Later be admitted he had been aided by
BaJkrishna. Damodar was tried. sentenced to death. and hanged
on 18 April 1898. The next year Balkrishna along with another
brother and one of their friends followed Damodar to the gallows.
In many respects tbe campaigns of Phadkc and the Chapekars
set the pattern for future terrorist outbreaks In India. Both
conspirncies were hatched by men who had a gut hatred of the
British people and who attributed all the country's ills to them.
Both leaders laid stress on physical dcveloprncnl anc.l 1hc cuhiva·
tion of manly qualities. Both established secret organizations
sworn to the use of force against their foreign enemies. But unlike
later terronsts neither Pbadke nor the Chapekars had a clear
political aim. It took the personal tragedy or the death or hos
mother and the larger uagedy of a wideo;pread famine to bring
home to Phadkc the oppressiveness Qf the British Rai His anger
might equally have been directed against an Indian regime. The
British were seen as odious more on account of their religion than
their administration. According to one of hi~ Ram<Xhi conscripts,
Phndkc's goul was 'to have a Hindu rai. and establish the Hindu
religion·. 11
 Militancy in a Vanquished 1.,tmd 11

Damodar Chapekar had a clearer grasp or pohtocs than Phadke.

but 11 os impossible to read his autobiography without reeling that
his choer concern was the protection of orthodox Hinduism. His
hatred or Hindu reformers and converts was as strong as or
stronger than his hatred or the British. He justified hos attack on
the rerormist editors of Poona in the following words:

Like )'Our us~ociation Cor removing the obstacles 1n lhc way of widow·
rcmarringc (we also} have formed a society for removing the obstacles in
the woy or the Aryan rcli~ion,' ohat is to say. a league. prepared to lay
down 1hcir li\IC\ as well as 'akc the lives of 01hcr1 ror the sake of that
rclig1on . We like all the Hindu cusconu, 1nclud1ng c"·cn the evil
praC11C'C) . condc1nned by the re£om1crs. ihere 1~ no necessity for any
1nnovat1on whn1ever either 1n our religious obl)iervance\ or our C'U\toms of
the prcs.cnt day. 11

This intense ir not fanatical fundamentalism was behind all the

Chapckars· activities. most of which were directed against their
own countrymen. They killed Rand because he ' made h1mselr an
enemy or our religion', not because he represented 1he go•em-
ment that ruled India.
Hatred and other gut reelings play a part m most if not all
revolutions; but a successful political revolution requires a deeper
foundation. The most that can be said or the crusades of Phadke
and the Chapekars is 1ha1 they were semi-polilical revolls actuated
la rgely hy personal resentment and religious enthusiasm .
The inextricable tangle of religion and politics in India was
brought to light in Tilak·s 1897 sedition trial. On IS June 1897. a
week before the Rand-Ayers! murders. he publi~hcd some
speeches nnd a patriotic poem that bad been delivered at that
year's Shivaji restival. Two of 1he speeches dealt with the most
controversial episode in Shivaji"s career- his killing or the Mughal
general Arzul Khan. Tilak said that the act had to be vie..,ed not
with an eye to the penal code but m the light of the 8/ooga.-ad Gita.
He endorsed Sri Krishna·s teaching that lulhng was legitimate ir
done wnhout selfish motive and for the good or society. A month

• 1llu' pauagc from Damodar·, •Autobtog:r1phy' lhoukl corrctt 1he mjscon.

Ct'ption, created by chc authOf'S of the Ro"•lalt Report 11nd repeated by many
blstor1111u. 1ha1 the nani~ of the Cha.pekar dub wet$ 'Sodc1y for lhc rtmoval or
0°'1aclc!I 10 1hc 1111\du Religion•,
12 The Bomb ;,. Bengal

after the murders he was arrested. It was ""lcly bche•ed that he

"as being \IR!!ICd OUl for punishment because of the anti·gO\CCD·
ment Mance or his ne"spaper and becau...e the police had made no
progrc~s 1n the ca..c The government m fact ll<:hc•cd that Tilak
and h" 3'\0C1a1c,, the Natu brother.., \\CCC ;JI 'the hollom or 1he
whole rnaucr' ·• The Natus were deported wnhout inal; T1lak was
tried, e<>nviclcd of scd1tJOn and ;cntcnccd IO eighteen months
imprisonment. By 1hc lime of his release in Scpicmbcr 11!98 he was
looked on by many as a hero.
It has never been determined whether Tilak conspired with the
C:hupckars in the murder of Rand. I le ccrtuinly hrn.J known
Oamodur for several years before 1897 and is said to have been
informed of' the success or his 'mission· 'hortly after 11 occurred.
I le met the convicted assassin in jail and drahcd hi$ application to
the I hgh Court. Later he helped Balkri\hna Chapekar find
temporary refuge in Hyderabad State." None or this pro•es
Tilak'' comphcuy but wggcsts that he did not d1 ...1pprovc or the
Chapcka"' methods.
 3
A Bengali 111 the Maratha Country

Lo the beginning of the eighteenth century. as the Mughnl empire

bcg;1n to d1~in1cgra1e. anncd bands of Marnthus rode out from
their mountain kingdom. East 10 Vidarbha , nonh 10 Malwa and
Guiarat they rode and conquered. The chieftains who occupied
chcsc regions 'iOOn freed themselves from lhc overlordship of !he
Peshwa Before long !hey "ere 6ghting among thclll>Clves. In
thc<.e ~lru!ll.lle<! the EaSI lndia Company was @lad to lend ns anny
111 C\ChJngc for ccnain fa,ours. Those "ho aeecpccd Bn11'h help
soon discovered that the foreigners were more dangerous than
their neighbours. By 1820 che Maralha kingdoms had either been
annexed or reduced 10 puppet principahties allied 10 the Company
l>y treaties of ·perpetual friendship'.
One of the largest o f these client state~ wn~ the kingdom of
Ourod:1. Pounded 111 1723 by an adventurer numcd Pilajirao
Gaekwar, it passed through a century of intrigues and betrayals
before being carved up by its British protector. ' What remained of
the kingdom became the ·native stale' of Baroda. Its ruler, the
Maharaj a (often called '!he Gaekwar' by che Bnti!.h), wa\ entitled
10 the h1ghc\I honours at imperial functions. buc his orders and
acuons were subject to the approval of the agent of the Company
or Crown rhc Gae~wars tended more than m051 'princes' 10
bridle at British interference. lo 1874 the strong-headed Malhar-
rao was accused of maladministration and deposed I lis successor,
sclecced from a collateral branch of the family, wa; a boy of
'mallc;iblc age' with no experience of court·lifc. In 1875 he
ascended the throne as Sayajirao Ill. ' During his minority the
ruler was tutored by an Engl ishman while his S!ll te was run by a
Bricish-npproved Diwan. Taking up the reins of government in
14 The Bomb i11 Bmgal

1881 Sayajirao soon won pnuse for hos progressive policies. But
hkc hos predecessors he chafed at an) aucmpt by the British to
limn hos royal prerogatl\CS.
One o>f these was foreign tra'el In 1892 the Gack war embarked
on the fir-;t or many tours of the We\l. Whole pa;song through
London on December be was approached by ,1 young Bengali in
need or employment. Aurobindo Acroyd Ghose had lived in
England r,, r most or his 1wenty--0ne years. Taken 10 Manchester at
the age of seven by his anglophile father, he was educated at St
Paul's School. London. and IGng·s College. Cambridge. Groomed
ror the exclusive Indian Civil Service. he passed the written
examinations but was rejected for bis [ailure 10 rake the horse-
riding test. The Gaekwar engaged this tnlentcd young man for a
triHing two hundred rupees a month . Returning to India in
1893. Aurobindo began his service in the \tJtC's land-revenue
depanment.
He found the "Ori. unspeakably honng. In England Aurobindo
had dc,eloped two passions: hterJture and natt0nali5t politics.
Fluent on l::.ngh~h. French, Greek and Laun. conversant wuh
German. Spanish and Italian . he had read most of the master-
piece' of European htcrature in the onginal language>. In add11ion
he had learned Bengali- the ·mother tongue· hos fo1hcr had never
allowed him 10 ~peak-as well as Hindustani und Sanskrit. His
early poetical effons bear 1he imprint or these various literary
traditions. But some of his best student verse was topical. l lome
Rule was the dominant political issue or the 18!10s und Aurobindo
made his Irish sympathies clear by writing 1wo elegies on Parnell.
whose rise nod foll he had followed in the ncwsp.1pcrs.' At school
and unovc"ity Aurobindo read widely in the history or Europe
rrom the Persian Wars 10 the Revolutions or 18411. I lis heroes were
Jeanne d'Arc. Mazzini .and others who fought for the liberation of
their countries.• Convinced that lndia·s civilization was superior 10
Brita on·s. he cultivated a contempt for the ph1hs11nc traders "'ho
had made themselves the rulers or his homeland At Camhndge he
dch•crcd patnotic speeches to a group or Indian student~ and in
London helped organize a shon-livcd ·secret M>Clcty'. romantically
dubbed the 'Lotus and Dagger'. whose members ·vowed 10 work
for the liberation or India'.'
In Augu,I 1893, six months after his return from England.
Aurobindo put his literary and politicul pa~sions to work by
 A Be11gali in 1Jre Maratha Co11n1ry 15

wnung a <;ene< of ar11cles on the Indian National Congress . Vtw .

Lamp.< for Old. as the series was called. was not the fim cmicism
of Congress in the Indian press: but it may have b«n the first
~ystcmatic cri1ique wrinen in English from a nationali\I viewpoint.
It was also significant as an open challenge to 1he authonty of
Congress leaders, whose vapid utterances Aurobindo pilloried in
scornful language. Apropos of remarks by Pherozshah Mehta and
Mano Mohun Ghose about what 'history teaches us'. Aurobindo
quipped: 'When we find 1he intellectual princes of 1hc na1ion light-
heartedly prop:tga1ing such gross innccuracics. we ore really
1empted to inquire if high education is utter all of uny use. I lis1ory
teaches u;! Why, these gen1lemen can never have studied uny
history at all except tha1 of England." It wa; broadly 1rue 1hat the
lawyers and joumalis1s who made up 1he Congress ~lite knew hule
of the hi~tory of continental Europe and about England only what
they could read 1n books. Those who had gone to London had
remained ju~I long enough to be called to lhc Bar. They went
1brough Mill's On Libtrry and returned home wnh the ;anguine
notion thal in India, just as in England. freedom "'ould slowly
broaden down from precedent to precedent.
Aurobindo's knowledge of the British personality and his study
of Britain's political sys1em made him doubt whether meaningful
polilical change could be achieved by cons111u1ional means. 'From
Runnymede 10 1he llull Riots is a far cry.' he wro1c; 'yet lhese
seven ccn1urics have done less to change partially the social and
polilicul exterior of England, than five short years 10 change
entirely the political and social exterior or her immediate neigh-
bour.· France gained freedom 'not 1hrough any decent and orderly
expansion. but lhrough a purification by blood and fire' in a
revolution led by 'the vast and 1gnoran1 prolctanate' So in Rome
the oppre<<;ed plebeians broke out in ·a wold \tum1 of rebellion·
when they reali2cd that orauons in the Senate ,.ere not going 10
help them In Ireland too political change "as in1t1atcd by 'men
who preferred action 10 long speeches and appealed . not to 1hc
British sense of justice but to their own sense of manhood'. • Jn
each instance ii was revolutionary acllon that brought rcsuh<.
It 1s hardly surprising tha1 Aurobindo was not pcrmilled 10
continue in 1his vein for Jong. After the appearance of two or three
instolmcntsof New Lamps for Old. M. G. Ranade. a fonncreditor
of the paper. warned its owner that he might be charged wi1h
16 The Bomb in Bmgal

1>e1h11on Aurobmdo agreed to ione do"n his language. but soon

lo~t in1erc,1 and abandoned the ..en•"' 1r he could not speal his
nund about pohl•<-'> he could sllll "nle "llh cnthu>iasm about
h1era1urc. I II\ ;ir11cles on Bankim Chandrn Cha11cqcc ( 189~) show
he '"" aheady familiar w11h the lc•d1n11 ft11ur<'S of the ·Bengal
Reru.11'''1n~c·, I h1' n1netcen1h-cc1Hury rchg1ou\, "'1C1al, and lilc-
niry ,1\\,1lcn111g had inaugurntcd an crJ of tratl111on·breaking
inquiry in all 1wns or India. Aurob1ndo found much to like in some
or the writers or the period bul he turned 111 dl\)tllSI from 'the
generation formed in the sd1ools of Keshub C~andra Sen and
Krhto Da' Pal. wjth its religious shallowne>s, its lttcrnry sterility
and its madness in s<lcial reform' •The in~plrution of Keshab and
his Brohmo compeers was Western. even Christian. What
Aurob1ndo was looking for wa~ an irnpuhc based on tbe greatness
of the Bengali and Indian past. He found this m some extent in the
wrillnjol\ or h1\ grandfather Rajnarain Bose. a Brahmo leader who
championed Hindu culture. But "h1le he respected Rajnarain.
Aurohmdo 'learned nothing new· from hun. hJ\lng ·gone in
Lngland far beyond his stock or ideas "'htch belonged 10 an earlier
pcnoJ'. •
lie did learn a great deal from Bank1m. l.ikc o ther Bengali
m1ellectuals or his generation. Bankim WU' profoundly influenced
by We>1ern thought and literature. But eventually he rejected the
teuchings or Comte and Mill for those of Sri Krishnn, just a' he
rejected English as a medium of expression by writing his mature
works in Bengali. Together with the poet Michnel Madhusudan
Dull. Dankim created the modern Bengali language und thereby
set in motion 'the revolution of sen11mcnt which prnm1ses to make
the Bcngalis a nation'.,.
No "ork of Ba nkim 's did more to promote this pre-na1ionalis1ic
rc-.val than the no,el.Ananda Math (1882) Ba.sing h1msclr on
accounts of the Sann}asi Rebellion or tbe 1770s. Bankim trans-
formed tbc bands of brigands tbat roamed Bengal 111 tho<;e )Cars.
officially described as 'a set or lawles. band11t1' 's"ollen by a crowd
or starvmg peasants'." into an lnd1an \ers1on of Rohm Hood and
his Merry Men . Deep in the iunglc, m :1 ruined mmia"cry ~allcd
Ananda Math (the Abbey or Bliss). l1vei. an ;inny or ascetics
known as the .rt1111mis (children). Ah hough woF\h1ppcrs of Vbhnu.
they offer 1hcir special devotion 10 the Mo1her-Goddess. who 10
them is the same as tbe Mothert:md. Their purpose is to restore
 A Bengali in 1he Mararlra Country 17

Iler to I lcr fonncr glory and prosperity. which have been replaced
m thc-.c day> of Muslim misrule b) degradation and poveny.
Fammc ha• lard waste to the country but the nawabs of
Mur..h1dabad have not reduced their exacuons. To bnng rehef to
the helpless and to finance their operations the santans raid
government treasuries and convoys. This bnngs them 1n conflict
with the East Indra Company, which is now the real power in the
land. In the end the santans succeed 111 wiping out the Muslim
prc>ence in the area. but this does not lead imn1ediately to the
establishmcn1 of a Hindu kingdom. In the Inst ch:opier Satya-
nanda , the leader of 1hc sanrnns. realiies ii is God"• will that the
Brrush shou ld rule the country. Their benevolent (1dm111i~trntion
will cre:ote the necessary conditions for the re-emergence uf the
Eternal Religion in its ancient fonn.
Within thi$ framework Bankim weave> a melodrama of battles
and valorous deeds. separauons and tearful reunions. tragic deaths
and miraculous restorations to life. l1ie book is filled with
songs- enough to remind the modem reader of a musical cinema.
but of ~uch quality that the comparison is mvahdated . The mos1
famous of them rs the santans· hymn to the Mother/Motherland:
Bonde Mararam (literally, 'I bow to the Mother"). In this anthem
Bankin1 lauds Mother Bengal as a 'richly-watered, richly fruited'
land of beauty a nd strength and abundance. 'showering wealth
from wcll·stored htmds'."
Neither in N~w Lamps nor in the articles on Bankim did
Aurobindo give evidence of religious reeling. llis father, a
rationalist who had repudiated ftrsl Hinduism und then Brahmo-
ism. had not allowed his sons to be brought up either as 1hndus or
Christians When he took them 10 England he asked their
guardian. a protestant clergyman. to let them choose their own
rchg1on "hen they came of age. When Aurobmdo returned to
Indra he con~1dercd himself an agnosuc . Ile '"IS introduced to the
faith of hrs forefather.; by his study of Indian hteramre. The songs
of Bengali bhaktas. the Ramayana and Mahabhara1a. the Upon·
ishad! and the Bhagal'ad Gita convinced the young scholar that the
Mmdu ''ew of hfe had more to offer than the dry secularism
affected by English-educated Indians. He apparently included
himself 1n the 'new generatlon' he wrote of in Bankim Chandra
Ch111terjer: •n generation national to a fault. loving Bengal and her
new gloric~. and if not Hindus themse lves, yet zealous for the
18 Th<' /Jomh m Bengal

honour of the ancient rchg1on and h3tmg all that makes war on it'.
This acceptance of the cuhurnl value of Hinduism had political
overtones. In the same c"·'Y he wmte that he saw the Hindu
revival movement together with rhe eme rging Indigenous Trade
Party a~ omens 'of good hope for !he fururc'. ''
Aurobindo·s acknowlcd~rncnt of rhe centrality or llinduism to
the Indian tradition led to his p;iwvc participation in I l1ndu life
and an acceptance of Hindu wcial forms. When he married he
insi>ted that the ceremony be performed according to I ltndu
rites- a decision tbat could not have gratified his Brahmo
rclallv<-S. A few years later he wrote to his "'ife that he "ould
prefer not to hire a Mushm servant since •after so recently being
rcadmiued to Hindu society I cannot risk it'." But for nil this
social punctiliousness Aurobindo never became an orthodox
believer. According to his brother he ra1·ely took part in 'conven-
tional religious ceremo111es'. If he happened to enter a temple he
never bowed his head to the idol. "
Aurobiodo was not however immune to the forms of popular
religion. Ile found 1n Hindu mythology a set of bcauuful and
meaningful symbols and he matle extensive u~ of them m his
wrning.s. But in tbc year'> thJt follo"'ed tbe pubhcallon uf 8a11k1m
Cha11dra Clra11erjee he wrote comparauvely little. One might
speculate that his early experience with political journuli'm had
oonvinced him that the ·revolution nf ;cntiment' inuiated by
Bnnkim and Madhusudan hud to precede the political revolut ion
he had hinted at in New lamps for Old. But hi~ inubility to write in
Bengali made it impo~iblc for him to panic1pate 111 th1'> move-
ment. So "hilc Tagore ;1nd others conunuctl Banknn\ work 111
Bengal and Tilak and othc" prepared the mind of MJh:tra\htrn.
Aurobmdo remained \llcnt in Baroda. teaching. reading and
"ming poetry and crit1c!sm Among his manuscnp~ of the pcnod
there is only one fragment the draft of an unpubh,hcd pam-
phlet-that touches at all upon p<>litics. In it he S<l}\ that the
immediate need of the C(>Untry is the development of '\trcngth
mcnwl. strength materiul und strcngrh moral'. The lirsl object w;i~
'to improve the mental force of the race' primarily hy means of
deep thinking."
Years later Aurobindt> wrote that he passed thi> fallo" period
studying 'conditions in the country' ' He expressed hi> poh11cal
idea~ only in converl3tions with friends. in panicular three
 '

A Btngali in the Maratha Country 19

Marathis Keshav Ganesh Deshpande, Madhavrao Jadhav. and

Khaserao Jadhav. A brilliant mathematician. Deshpande went on
a scholar1h1p to Cambridge, where he met Aurobindo. After
qualifying for the Bar be returned lo Bombay. where besides
practising law he helped edit the paper that published Ntw lamps
for Old. Al this time he became acquain1ed with the leaders of
l>oth Congress factions in Mabarasb1ra, the const1tu1icmalis1 G. K.
Gokhale und the ;idvanced nationalist Ti lak. I le avoided rnking
sides in the conflict preceding the 1895 Congress; but he made it
clear in a leuer 10 Gokhalc that he shared Aurobindo's distaste for
Congrcs,·, do-nothing ways." In 1897 he was Mo;ocintcd with
Tilak's ucfcncc on 1hc Ke.rari sedition trial. " The next year he left
Bombay and joined the Gaekwar's service in Baroda. Sharing
lodgings with Aurobindo. Deshpande bee.1me acquainted with
the Jadhav brothers, his host's closest friends. Madhavrao, hke
Aurobindo three years younger than Deshpande. was a junior
officer in the Maharaja's army. Khaserao. oldest of the four.
wai. a ranking ci-.1 servant "ho enjoyed the confidence of 1he
Gaekwar.
The 1hrec Maharashtrians and their quiet Bengali fnend found
such means to amuse thcmsehes as the provmciality or Baroda
offered."' But they also spent much time discu<.~1ng the ruture of
the country. They agreed that if India w:1s to pms1>cr the British
would have tc> go. Al limes they •poke of 'armct.I rebellion'."
Aurobindn. lhc1r hi~torian , took it i t'i <.111 axicun 1hat a subjecl
nation has 1hc right to use force to achieve freedom." Bui
conditions in India did not favour the crca1ion of a revolutionary
movement . There were not enough men ready to take the
necessary risks. In Maharashtra the British had been able to crush
the Chapcknrs and put Tilak in jail after an apparently impunial
trial And Maharashtra was the most dis<lffccted region of the
counll) During his visits to Bengal Aurobrndo <aw nothing of the
rc•olutionary temper. The typical educated BengJh was poorly
built. unathlc1ic. unasserthe and notorious!) fainthearted.
Throu!!hout India he was scorned a.s bhiru Bang/a. ·coward
Bengali'. Much of this scorn may be auributed to envy. Bengahs
were clever. did well in examinations and picked up a dispropor-
tionate number of the government posts open to Indians. But
these 'habu•' were not loved by their Brill•h ruler>, who believed
1hem 10 be cowardly. corrupt . crafty. and loquacious. i he locus
20 Th~ 801111> ;,, Berrgol

classicris or lhis prejudice 1s a passage ID Macaulay's essay on

Warren I las1ing.~:

The phy-.1cal Off:dnl ..olllOO or lhC Bcngalee IS rceblc C\CQ to effeminacy.

I le ltvts 1n a con~t.1111 vapour hdth. His pur\utts arc sedentary, his limbs
delicate, lus ntovcnlcnts languid. During 1n:1ny ages he has been trampled
upon by noen or bolder and more hardy breed•. Courage. independence.
vcraaty. arc quahlff$ 10 which hrs con\111u11on a1ld his si1ua11on arc
equally unfavourable . .. Wha11he horns arc to 1he buffalo. wha11hc paw
is to the tiger. whal the sting i~ 10 the bee. what beauty. according to the
old Greek song. 1s 10 woman. deceit is to 1he Bcngalee. t'

Aurobindo conceded that 1he ·na1ural possessions or the

cultured Bengali' included ·u Frail constitution and a temper mild
to the point of pa;sivity'. But the Benguli 'race' (as he called it)
also was endo"'cd with 'a boundless 1ntelleC1'- a gift it shared
with 1hc more sialwart Maharash1ri,1n . These two races were
therefore those 'which have the destinies or the country in their
keeping'.'' It wa'> true that the Bengali was still caught up in the
round~ of quahhcauon and preferment; hut it seemed to Auro-
bindo 1hut 'the de;irc for a nobler and more inspiring patrio11sm
was growing more intense' 111 his h11mc province." This trend
proved insignificanl if not imaginary. Bengalis benefited more
from the Raj than any other group in India. This made them more
anxious than the rest to preserve the siatus quo. Bengal was the
last place in lnd i:1 where one would expect the revolutio11ary
impulse lo arise. It is thus ironic that 11 was the meeting or two
Bengahs m Baroda that proHded the spark for India's fir;t tru~
revolu11onary movement.
In 11!99 there appeared in Barodn a young man from the
Burdwan district of Bengal named Jatindra Nath Banerji. • Tall.
well-built. and ,.,tJi 'bright penetrating C)es'. the twenty·t"'o-year·
old Ju tin was in appearance Md temperament the antithesis or the
typical babu."' After receiving his early education in Burdwan, he
went to Allahabad where he enrolled 1n the Kayasth Pathashala.
Here he became ucquaintcd w1tb Ramananda C'hanerjec, later

• In .i !tilo11c1nent of l'it~ (IOR UPJ/6/AA.1) Ja11n ..ald that he 11rn..,·cd in Oaruda in

1899 O.ncndra Kumar RO) . Aurobu'ldo"$ Bcnpll lulor. •role th.at Jahn 1rnvcd
M>mc tune 1flcr the Rand-AytrSt 1rtaJT (1897- 8) and sbottly hcforc Otnc:ndra left
B::lrod.i 1n l:Hc 1899 Ot curly 1900 (Aurubindo PrusllngiJ 63-4)
 A Bengali in the Maratha Country 21

famou~ a~ 1hc editor of The Modem Review. Finding lhe youth

m1dh!'cn1 hul bored by his studies, Ramananda encouraged him
10 pur;uc his m1cres1 in history. Jatin devoured books on the
Ou1ch Rcvoh>. the Risorgimento, and the French and American
rcvolulloM These fuelled his desire 10 becornc a revolutionary.
Jaun·~ dcvclopmcn1 was similar in several respects 10 Phadkc's
and 1hc (.'hapckars'. Al an early age he becarnc fascina1ed by the
life of the i,old1e1. Pairiol ic pride, based partly on strong religious
belief~. convinced hirn thal India oughl to be independent . Stung
by the usscruon 1ha1 Bengalis were a 'non-martial' race. he vowed
he would oh1.1in mililury 1raining. rhc rules prcvcnlcd him from
entering the Indian itrmy; but m a friendly native srntc he might
have a chance. Arriving m Baroda he gm h1m..ctr admmcd to the
Gaekwar's army through 1he connjvancc of the J adhav bro1hers
and Aurobindo. • Aucni in Hindi Ja11ndra Na1h Bandyopadbyay
(1he proper form of Baner1i) succeeded in passing himself off as
1hc North Indian Ya1indcr Nath Upadhyay. I le cn1crcd 1hc 4th
Baroda Infantry as a sepoy to learn discipline from the ground up.
After a year he was transferred to the Gaekwar's Bodyguard, a
c.1v.1lry rn~ whose adjutant was Madhavrao Jadhav. I lere Jatin
rcrft·c1cd 111' riding skills while wearing the Bodyguard's splendid
~olll u111fo1 n1 "
l>urln~ '"' 1wo years in Baroda, J atin ~poke of1cn wi1h
/\11ruh11nl11 anti '"' friends. L.mcr he da1111ed 1hu1 it was he who
rnnv1111c<I /\111oh1ml11 ' lhnl 11 wru> only by force' 1ha1 a 'more
M11111hk ( i11vc1nm•·n t limn the present one ... could be obtained'. "
/\111llh111do 's writings tn New Lamps for Old. published years
hdurc J.um's arrival. show he did not lack conviclion on this

· lh(rf 1,wmcd1sag1ttmeru as to bow Jahn came to Barod1 According 10 one

,...HJUtll he.-.._'\ ·btoughf there by At.l.J'Obindo and bis (r"nds (Sn AurotMndo. talk
of IH llf, cMh«r 1938. pg.bl N1rodbaran. ed .. Ta/A.I I. 4.S). 1«0rd1ns 10 anothtr he
.,., ,.J"1vd to go to Baroda by Ramananda Chaltcqtt (GOt HPA t.i.ttch 1910.
1 l ...,, • ~ (f J. t.1ulhopadh)ay. ST'U1'Ull 1't' 1TQ/111nb S•-.rmr S. *here lhc: 1u1hof, ~1to
t.nc-• J..a1n pcnonany. Sl)"'S 1ha1 ·a .reU-wisbt'r' ad'-bed him 10 ao 10 the $.Ulte);
atcohhnit 10 1 lherd he came to Baroda on bts o-n 1nc1 •a.ndcnna about northern
hl4-ll• {0 Gh05C, A1;1u1u1 33-6; cf. 0. Roy. Awolnndo Prafongo 64- S) In a
,..,,..,,,n..:nl 1al..en down by a police oCfiotr after bl$ :.nc'' (IOR IJPJ/6'883), Ja11n
•-1\'" th;i1 .1fler l~a\ing Allahabad he Lra\'leUed about u 1 Orahmin I" ~nnya~n].
\l\lllllJ tt'IAny of lhc sacred pl:toe5 of India. Jn 1891) I arrived 1n Baroda.' I le gives
nu tx1,lan1tt0n ft)r ChOC>$ing 10 vi~11 1hi~ pl;K':C, Vrh1ch 1s no1 con~1dcred especially
"-•llf(\J
22 Tht Bomb ;,, Btngal

point. It seems likely lhat each man arrived at his belie(s

independently and found them confirmed in the other. Bui ii does
appear that Jatin's arrival had a ca1aly1ic effect on Aurobindo.
Temperamentally unsuiled 10 play a visible role, Aurobindo
needed an cx1rovcr1 like Jo1in 10 do the active work of organi-
iation. Young, macho. energetic, Ja1in found his complement in
Aurobindo, the studious intellectual with his deep knowledge of
history and his under.11anding of the British character.
Linle is knov.n of Aurobindo and Ja1in's activ11ies before 1902.
In April 1901 Aurobindo was marncd in Calcuua. There "'ere a
number of reasons why he took this step at this time. Among
1hcm, according 10 his friends, were a comparative lack of interest
in politics, and personal depression." The lack of in1erest. if
present, was sbon Jived. During his honeymoon Aurobindo wrole
a postcard to a friend in which he said a certain Banerji was in
Calcuua." If this was Ja1in, as seems likely, it would appear 1ha1
the newlywed was mixing revolutionary business wilh nuptial
pleasure.
J a1in appear.; to have left lhe Baroda army around this time,
possibly because his irregular admission had been dlSCOvcred."
Nothing is known about his activilles during the lancr hillf of 1901
except 1ha1 in October he was in Gwalior, a Maratha native stale
in Central India. From here he wrote a letter 10 Bal Gangadhar
Tilak asking the Poona leader 10 send him a book they had spoken
of earlier ' in which a Russiun Counl has most vividly described the
effects of 1hc mos1 modern weapons'. u It is not known how he and
Tilak had become acquainted or how long the two had known one
another. Bui their associution comes as no surprise; both believed
that India should be free and both were interested in military
training. Tilak had long advocated the repeal of the Arms Act and
was in favour of opem!'8 a Military School for Indian cadets. ''
Privately he went much funher. In the early part of 1902 he seni
his friends Joshi and Khad1lkor 10 Nepal to open a clandestine
munitions factory. Nothing came of this rash allcmpl."
Jatin did not remain long in Gwalior. II had always been his and
Aurobindo's intention 10 make Bengal their primary field of
action . The first step of Aurobindo's 'programme of preparation
and action' was 'to establish ~ecrc1ly or ... under various pretexts
and covers, revolutionary propaganda and recruiting throughout
Bengal' " He also envisaged open political ag11a1ion, bu1 consi-
 '
A Btngoli in the Mora1ho Country 23

dcrcd thl\ uf -.econdary importance. The first thong to be done was

to \l,1r1 " secret revolutionary propaganda and organization of
"'"'h the central object was the preparation of an armed
111;urrec11o n'." At the beginning of the century this idea was not as
qmxouc as 11 would have been twenty years later. Looking back in
the 1940s on conditions in India before the first World War,
Aurobindo wrote: ·At that time the military organiuuion of the
great empires and their means of military action were not so
overwhelming and apparently irresistible as they now are: the rifle
was still the decisive weapon, air power had not yet been
developed und the force of artillery was not so devr1srnting as it
afterwards became.' With 'help from outMdc', prci.11mably from
J.ipan. even the difficulty created by the Arms Act 'might be
overcome and on so vast a country as lndi(I and with the smallness
of the regular British armies. even a guerrilla warfare accom-
panied by general resistance and revolt migl11 be effective. There
was also the possibility of a general revolt in the Indian army."'
Aurob1ndo saw this programme as one that ' might occupy a penod
of 30 years before fruition could become possible'. " It was set in
mouon "hen Jatin arrived in Bengal probably towards the end of
1901. • Re-establishing himself in bis home province he found
stirring.~ of life that had not been apparent when he left it several
ycal'l> earlier.

• In h•i 1tt1tcmen1 10 the police.. Jatio SI)'$ that he lch 8arod1 'after two years·
(IOR lJPJ/618113) Ker (p. 7). aoccpring 1899"' the Wiie of Jo11n'1 orrivat 1n chc
cily. conducJcs 1hal he arnvcd in Cakuua in 1901. I M.)~n1e tluit J1111n's ~•ay in
Gw:1hor 1n October 1001 came be1wcen his deparlurc from Baroda and h11 arrival
in C"ulC'UllO lie ('trlainly W3$ ill Calcuna by the beginning or 1902.
 4
Seed-Time in Benga l

Ln May 1893, 1hree monlhs after Aurobindo reiurned from

London 10 Bombay, a Bengali monas1ic lef1thal pon on his way 10
North America. Vivekananda. as lhe traveller was called. was
bound for a 'Parliamem of Religions' to be held 1n eonnec1ion wi1h
lhe Columbian Exposi1ion in Chicago. Visitors a1 1he parliament
gaped al 1he young Indian in bis orange soil robes and ochre
turban. bur 11 "a' hos commanding voice and presence 1hnt made
horn the most popular speaker in Chicago. I h\ lectures revolution-
ized Americans' nouons abou1 India. No. the people did no1 feed
their children lO crocodiles; yes. their ancient civilization was
superior in many respects to lhe Western. Indeed 1he Vedanta
philosophy thm lay at the root of the religion non- Indians called
Hinduism was 1he highest expression or spiriiunl 1ru1h ever
forn1ul:1tcd.
After 1hc pnrliamem Vivekananda wen! on a three-year !Our of
America and Europe. The 1urban and robes rcmuined drawing
cards, bu11he philosophy at1rac1ed sincere followers. Returning to
India in 1897 he was received by jubilant crowd'> of thousands.
Many believed he ha<! made the Western world acknowledge
India's spiritual primacy. This of course he had not done. The next
year journalists in London and Dctroi1 had other novehoes 10 "rite
about. But Vivekananda did start a significant trend. For 1he first
time a number of ordinary Westerners (and not JUSl a handful of
scholars) began looking lo India for spiritual hght
After his return, in speeches delivered ·from Colombo to
A lmora'. Vivekananda gave .his Indian listeners a message as new
ond inspiring as the one he had taken 10 1he Wes1. India's
grcatnes.!>, he said, was its religion. ' In India , religious life forms
 Sud- Timt in Bmgal 25

the <ctllrc the ke}note of the whole music or na1ional life.' But
now 1h1> mu~1c had turned to discord. The land of the rislus bad
t.1llcn 1nll>poverty and debasement. Who was responsible fo r this
tlcdme? ·The answer comes every time: Not the English; no, they
arc not responsible; it is we who ate responsible for all our misery
und all our dcgrada1ion, and we alone arc responsible.'' What, the
Swami asked elsewhere, was the difference between 1he English·
man ;ind 1he Indian? It was '1ha1 1hc Englishman believes in
him.elf and you do not'. The Bricish in their rash overconfidence
presumed 10 force even 1heir ups1ar1 re ligion on a country tha1 had
no need of it. Ra1her, cried Vivekananda. ' Whm we want is
strength, so believe in yourselves .... Make your nerves s1rong.
What we want is muscles or iron and nerves of s1eel. We have wepl
long enough. No more weeping, but stand on your feel and be
men II is a man-making religion that we want . It is man-making
theories 1ha1 we want. It is man-ma.k ing educa1ion all round that
1
we tAan1:
Like many ongmal thinkers. Vivekananda cared linle for
cons1s1cncy. On one occasion be made his celebrated s1a1cment,
' Heaven is nearer through foo1ball 1han 1hrough Gita We wanl
men of strong biceps. " On another, to those who said of
Hinduism: ' Wha1 is there in Ibis religion? It does not bring any
gri,110 1hc gnnding mill , any strength lo 1he muscle•; wha1is1here
1n >uch u r~h~1011?', he answered: 'They l111lc dreum 1ha11ha1 is the
very .11w1111cn1 wi1h which we prove our religion. bccuu~c ii does
1101 make fo1 1his world ." For all his in1crest in secular mnners,
thi> d"ciplc of 1he mysiic Ramakrishna Parnmahansa never ceased
10 regard his mission as spiritual.• Nevenhelcss 1he Swami's
lcachings inspired thousands of young men who had no in1en1ion
of u1k1ng up lhe spiritual life. What touched lhcm was the man's
masculine qualiucs: fearlessness. rcc1i1udc. pride in 1hc grca1ness
of India Years la1cr. when policc began raiding the hidcou1s of
Bengali revoluuonanes, they found worn copies of Vivekananda'•

• 111• puskblc. by taking passag<"S from Vi\"C:bn.anda\ • ·n11ngs out of context.

to mi1 .. c him took hkc a consciously nalionabstic figure. But 1( one ~oe:s 1hrough the
c·umpl~t~ Wtuk.J d1,pas~atcly one js forced 10 conch~ lh:.t V1vck1nand1 nci;·cr
cca)C1j 1v regard h1.; mt!o.s.ion as a spiritual one. H e once Ja1d· 'N<i11on.il1<im or purely
agJlalldnal f).'Hlcnt cannot carry us f.ar: wi1h pa1riu1hm mus1 be a"'>Oia1cd a real
fee hug for 01hc:h We 1nu"1 oot forget 1ha1 we have al.so to tc:•ch a fl,f\!~U ks.son 10 the
wurhJ. 1lu11"4: gift or India 1J t~ gift or religion and phitosoph)'' (q. h.hcrwood 32$).

l
26 Tht Bomb in Bengal

speeches with disconcening regularity oe.i lo Ananda Math and

bt0graph1es of Mazzini.
One adm11cr of Vivekananda "ho did ioin his order was me
lrish"oman Mar~areL Eliz:ibclh Noble. After mccung the Swami
in a Wcsl End drawing room in 1895. 1h1~ camcsl Victorian lady
became devoted 10 the man and his teachings. Acccpung him as
her guru i.he followed him lo India where he 1n11ia1ed her and gave
her 1he name Si>tcr Nivcdita. For more than a year she worked
and studied in Calcuna. Then, in 1898. she accompanied her
muster on his second trip 10 the West. In America and England she
delivered many lectures and published a book on Hindu saints and
symbolism. Kali tht Mother.
When Nivedita first came 10 India she 1hough1 herself a loyal
subject of the Queen. But a remarkable cultural sympathy induced
her 10 accept not only the Corms but also the inner spirit or Indian
life Before long she became convinced of the moral indefensibility
of the Raj. In another. such a feeling might have lam dormant or
found expression only in literary and social work . Bui Nivcdita•s
•volatile' temperament did not pcrm11 this. lncrca'1ngly she
viewed India's troubles in political terms. The Brnish missionary
in India was. she wrote, 'a snake 10 be crw.hed'. lhc Bntish official
'• fool, playing amidst smoking ruins", the Native Christian 'a
craitor in his own land'. What India needed was 'lhe ringing cry,
the pnssion of the multitude, the loflgiflg for death" in the counlry"s
service. Congress, however well intentioned, could do but little.
So far u; she could see the 'only person' who went 'to the root of
the rnatlcr' was Vivekananda, wich his doctrine of 'national man-
mt1king'. Ancl even he did not endorse the rud1cnl political accion
that N1ved1ca believed neces..ary. •
The Swami"s approach to lndias problems was always essen-
tially spirirual. Rcferriqg 10 his )'Ca" as a wandering monk he once
~1id; ·1 ha•c done much more in the way of poliu~ than Nivedita.
I roamed all over India 10 create re'olu110n. Bul I saw 1ha1 India is
m pulrefoction. What I "am is a group of -.orkers thal will awaken
India."' lie seems to have hoped that the Rama~ri<hna Mission
would ..crvc this purpose. Ni,'edita Wtl\ le•\ <,anguinc about its
possibiliues. Bui so long as her master lhcd ;he kept her acti•itics
within the bounds he set. This did not prevent her from gelling in
touch wilh men of more advanced political view.. Al chc time she
wrote 1hc lcuer cited above, she was in corrc\1iondcnce with two
 Seed· Timt in Btngal 27

thinkers wh<»e ideas o"cd nothing to Vedanta. the Russian Peter

Kropotkin and the Japanese Kakuzo Okakura.
Kropotkin was the foremost of the philosoplucal anarchists who
exerted great influence in Europe and America at the tum of the
century. Now nearing siXly. and mellowed by years of exile. he
kept something of the heroic reputation he had won by his escape
from a St Petersburg prison. Opposed to the doctrine of ·propa-
ganda by the deed" when solely conceived as terrorism , he never
renounced his belief in the legitimacy of tyrannicide. • But for
several years he had given most of hi~ auention to the ~cicntific
bases of nnarchlsm. His latest book. M11111al Aid. was nn examina-
tion of the principle of alrruism in animal and human society.
It was perhaps this work to \lhich Nived11a was referring when
she wrote in a lener of 1900 that she felt a 'fehne posse5i.ivencss'
towards one of Kropotkin's books.• The Russian. she said, knew
' more than any other man of what India needs'. He confirmed her
in her •dttumination towards Anarchy'. not necessarily the
peaceful kind But while she was "glad of every ~vcrc1gn
dcstrO>Cd' she hoped that India. 'the most c1v1hzed country in the
world". might be able to enter the promised land without violence.
One day. she prophesied, 'We shall ... peacefully wa11 upon the
Viceroy and inform him, smiling. that his o;crviocs are no longer
required " Before returning to India in 1902 Nivedita seems to
have vi>ncd Kropotkin in England.••
Mcnnwhilc <he had begun corresponding with another well·
wisher of oppressed peoples. Kakuzo Okakura was not a revolu-
tionury but an art crlric and historian. 'one or the outstanding
[artistic! leaders who revived traditional Japanese art in the midst
of Jupun's westernization'. " Once cur.11or or the Imperial Art
Museum and president of the To kyo School of Art. he had been
forced to resign when be fell afoul of the pro-Wc~tern faction.
Llitcr that }Car he and his friends founded the hnc Art~ Academy
of Japan. lie came in comact .,.ith Nived1ta 1n 1901 through her
friend and fellow-disciple Josephine Macleod. In D«ember be

• A1mllp~na (p 125) v.·n1es 1ha1 1hc book "Jcrrcd to 'n ttv) kucr "'ii) Mutual
A•d. \\Jhld'I f'i11VC'd111 had read in Amtrica. ~1denlJy dunna he• s1ay 1hert in
IK'W- l~l fltµ111al Aul wa" noc published as a boo.. until 1902. hu1 1he c:hap1crs
1ha1 com1~ 11 11p~ared scr1aHy 1n Tht N1nr1etf1tlt Crrrtur_,, bc1wccn 1890 1:tnd
1896. II is possible 1ha1 Nivcdila wa.-. n=rerrlng 10 1hc~ ~hup1c ri. 1n her letter,
though h st('mll odd 1h111 ~he would rerer 10 1hcn1 dS • 'book'
28 TM Bomb in Bengal

and his friend Shitoku Hori accompanied Miss Macleod 10 India.

reach mg Calcuna early in January. uThe official purpose or his visit
was to investigate Indian antiquities on behalf or the Imperial Arts
Commission:" but his chief interest m coming may have been to
meet Vivekananda, "'horn be wanted to 1nv1te to Japan. The two
men met 10 Calcutta on 6 January. after which they v1~ited Bodb
Gaya and Bcnares. Later Okakura mtidc a tour or northern and
western India , stopping at Agra. Ajaota and other artistic sites."
By March Okakura was back in Calcutta. Here he met Nivedita,
who had returned the previous month. Finding that she had
unu~ual aesthetic sensitivity, he persuaded her to edit his history or
Japanese art, which was published under the rnther misleading
title 7"11e Ideals of the East. 'Asia is one· the book begins; ' Victory
from within, or a mighty death without" it ends. These sentences
arc often cited as having inspired Bengal's budding revolution-
aries " This is possible, but the 227 pages that separated them
contained hnle 10 excite the imaginalions or students uninterested
m academic art history. What was or relevance 10 India in
Okakura·s study was a suggestion Nived1ta broug)ll out ID her
preface: ·1t is of supreme value to show Asia JS Mr. Okakura
docs, not as the congeries or geographical fragment~ that we
imagined, but as a united fiviog organism. each pan dependent on
all the others. the whole breathing a single complex life.·" If the
countries uf Asia stood together they might be able to free
themselves more swiftly from their culturnl and polirical subser-
vience to Europe.
During hi~ stay in Calcutta Okakura came 10 touch with the
cream or Bengali society. At one reception Niveditn introduced
him 10 Surendronath Tagore. The young Bengali was struck by
Okakuru» solemn expression. his black silk kimono and hand-
pamted fan and his e.-er-present Egyptian cigarettes. Prompted
by N1vcd1ta the JapaneSe asked him, 'What arc you thinking of
doing for )'Our country?' He was disheartened "'hen Surendranath
could onl) muncr a confused rcply 0 cl<ie" here in Calcuna
Okakura spoke about art. about bis idea or a pan-Asiatic union
and about the British domination of India At a well-attended
rneeung at the Indian Association llall.' he mid Calcutta's
aw:mblcd won hies: · v ou arc such a highly cul11v111ed race. Why

• The v.ntt1J: who n1en1ton thi!> meeting g_ive oo inJic111ton o( when h took pla«.
 Stcd-Timc in Bengal 29

do )OU let a handful of Englishmen I read you down? Do

everything you can to achieve freedom. openly as well as secretly.
Japan will assist you.' Apparently on another occasion he made
the meaning of 'secret' more clear when he remarked: ' political
assassonatoons and secret societies are the chief weapons of a
powerless and disanned people, who seek their emancipation from
political ills.' S1ung by his rebuke and emboldened by his
suggestion, the leaders of Bengali society decided 1ha1 something
had 10 be done."
Ok:okura's vi;i1 10 Calcu1ta was one of several cven1s of 1902
thm resulted in 1he liirlh of India's firs1 1ruc rcvol111ionary sncie1y.
The dcioils of 1l11s genesis are far from clear. The dales and even
the sequence of many of the evcn1s are not known . Whal can be
said wi1h some certainty is that early in 1902 several 1entative
begmnong.s came together in the formation or the group that
became 1he pro1otype of aU subsequenl rcvolu1ionary organi-
zauons an India.•
Secrcl SOC1Cties were 001 a new phenomenon on Bengal.
According 10 na1ionalist leader Bipon Chandra Pal , dunng the
1870s Lhc 'Calcuna s1uden1 community was .. almosl honeycomb-
ed woth 1hcse organisalions.' Their inspirations were the Carbonari
and Mauim's Young Italy Society: bul unlike their llaliao
exemplars 1he Bengali groups were 'without any real revolu1ionary
motive', indeed wi1 hou1 'any serious plan or policy or polilical
action aiming 01 1he liberation of Lheir people from the Bri1ish
yoke'. They were in facl simply undergraduate club;. long on
nebulous ideals bu1 short on action. Pal himself joined a group led
by Brahmo leader Shivanath Shastri 1haL combined a fashionable
inlereot in social and religious reform with some ra1her contra-
dictory poli1ical notions. 'While boldly asserting India's righl 10
self-government'. Shasrri's group deemed i1 necessary ·10 render
la" ful olx-d1encc to 1he laws and 1m.t1tullon> of the prcsenl

AccorJ1n110 Olr.aLura·, Jara~ biographtr. be arnc to India 1n Janu.ary 190'2

and lch the coun1ry 1n Oc1obcr of the same year. no1 to return wn1111q12 (I lorioka
I t%.Jl 9S. 97; I lofloka I 197SI 32-33) Th< mccung 1hcrdo~ mU>• ha-e 11 ~cn plMlC
bct"ccn 1'iarch and Ociobcr 1902. In &he narraH\"C I ha\c placed 1hc meeting early
In 1'1arCh, ,.Ill« 11 WOUid appear 10 have laken ~att before p \11lrJ;'S l~UmpliOR o(
the kadcf'l'.h•r> oJ Anu.~hd;in, ...,.hich i.oemi. 10 havt happened nc•r 1hc end of 1hc
n~nth .
• See At>pt:ndb. I, nocc I.
30 Th~ Bomb in Bengal

Government .· Like the more m1htant club$ established around the

same time in Maharasbt:ra. several Calcutta groups including
Shas1n·s recogni.ced the importance of eult1vat1ng the ' national
physique• Around the tum of lhe ccnlury a number of akharas
were set up in 1he cny and in d1s1ne1 1own~ hkc Hooghly and
Mymensongh. Physical culture was also an 1mponan1 clemem of
lhe Hindu Mela. one of the focal poinis of lntc-ninetccnth-cen1ury
Bengal nn1ionnlism."
The Mela was inaugurated by Nabagopal Mi1rn with financial
assistunce from 1he Tagore family in 1867. Mitra had been inspired
by the wriling,' of Rajnarain Bose , already mentioned as the
grandfn1her of Aurobindo Ghose. Around 1his 1ime Rajnarain
became 1he head of a 'secret society' founded by Jyotirindranath
Tagore. elder brother of Rabindranatb. The poet IAler left an
amusing descnpuon of the society's act1v111es. These included
secret mce1ings (complete with passwords) and 'hun1ing expedi-
tions· 1ha1 usually ended up as p1cn1cs. There is no need to
qucsuon his assertion 1ha1 'there was no1hing 1n our ae1ivitics for
1he go,emmcn1 or the people to worry about.'• Indeed none of
the Bengali ·secret societies' founded al this ume were revolu-
tionary; rather 1hcy were pioneer expressions of organized cultural
nationalism.
None of the early societies survived 1ill the end of 1hc century.
Bui shorily before 1900 there was a spun of in1erest in physical
culture in Calcu1rn. The protagonist of this cflort wns Sar.ila Devi
Ghosal. Grn11ddaugh1er of Brabmo pa1riarch Oebendranath
Tagore. di1ughtcr of Swaroakumari Tagore, a novelist und edi1or.
and Congress leader Janakina1h Ghosal. San1la was exposed from
her childhood to the chief cultural and poli11cal movements of
nineteenth-century Calcutta. In 1890. at the age of eighteen, she
took her B A. with honours in English . In add11ion she was an
accompliUied singer a~d teacher or music. Despite or perhaps
bccauo;c of these anainmeots. this strikingly bcauuful woman
remained unmarried until she was well past thmy. She lra•elled
widely 01 a time "'hen even men rarely left their home pro\lnccs.
Ounng a vasil 10 Solapur, in Maharashtra. ~he wa.\ much impressed
by a physical-culmre demonstration that included ·play• with
swords and /111/tir. The lathi or singles1ick was the basis of a
1rudi1ionnl Indian martial-ans system. Since the passage or the
Arms Acl it had become the principal weapon of self·defcnce in
 Sud· Time in Bengal 31

the country. In Bengal its use was confined mostly to Mushms and
lower-class Hindu~. Wishing to popularize la1h1-play and other
manly spons among high-class (bhadralok) Bcngalis, Sarala Devi
opened an akhara in Calcuua sometime around 1897 She engaged
a Muslim circus performer and fencing·milloter named Muna;ai to
give instruction in 1he use of the lathi and sword. Before long boys
from all over Calcutta were coming to practise on her lawn. As
word •prcad other clubs were started in various pans of the city."
One or 1hem was the Atmonnati Samiti or 'Self·Dovclopmcnt
Society', with which Sarala Devi seems 10 have hnd some
connec1ion. u The groups that sprang up al this 1ime hnd various
object< and orientations. Some put more emphasis on physical
training. 01hcrs on mental and moral development. None was
overtly revolutionary bul au provided soil for the revolutionary
seed
The man "'ho did most or !he sol'ing was a Calcuna I ligh Coun
barrister named Prama1hana1b Mitra. P. Mitra (as he invanably
wa~ called) wa< born in Naihati, 24 Parganas d1stnct, in 1853. Al
the age of fifteen he went to England, and m 1875 was called 10 1he
Bar. While abroad be became fascinated by socieucs like the
Carbonari and resolved to found a similar group m India. A strong
hefty man wi1h a bulldog expression, he was an expert 1111he use of
the lulhi nod club." Present at Okakura·~ talk nl the Indian
A'socia1ion Hall, he was selected by those present 10 be com-
mander-in-chief of the group 1ha1 was 10 be formed."
A co1111111111tlcr-in-chief needs troops. however. and these were
in shon supply in 1902. Mitra seems to have go1 iogc1her with
Sarai a Devi around 1his time. " but Unle came of their efforts until
Mitra came 111 1ouch with the leader or one of the new ~ie1ies.
The name eventually adopted by this group. the Anu<hilnn Samiti,
became a by,.ord for revolutionary terrorism 111 Bengal; bu1 iis
origins l'Cre remarkably unmartial. Around 1901 a group of
students al 1he General Assembly's ln~u1u11on began meeting
under the guidance of a clergyman named Wann. Besides taking
classes at the ln<ti1u1ion. 1he Reverend Mr Wann wa~ pre<idenl of
11s h1crJry ~1ety and g)'lllJlastic club. One of 1he most active
participants 111 these extracurricular ac1ivi11es was a Mudcnt named
Samh Chandra Bose . Like many of his classmates Sa1ish had been
intluenced by Vivekananda's teachings. Once he went 10 Vivck·
:mundu's brmher-disciple Saradananda 10 talk over some ideas he
32 The Bomb ut Bengal

had. Saradananda urged him 10 follow Vivekananda's precepts

nnd sen1 him to Nived11a for lunhcr advice. Nivedila said, 'You
know Swamiji's 1cachings Go to 1he slums and do sanitary work.
Work out with lalhis and clubs. B111ld up your bodies."'
Wann did not permit la1hi-plny in his club, so Satish decided to
s1nr1 one of bis own. Enrly in.1902, apparen1ly in February or
March.• he set up a modesl akhara on Madan Mitra Lane in north
Calcuua. I\ few boys began 10 come by. They were encouraged by
some prominent adults. who suggested that they perform meritor-
ious deeds such as closing down a brolhel. Sa1~h asked one of
these advisors, Narendra Chandra Bhattacharya. 10 gi'c the club a
name. Narendra, thinking of the ideal of all-round development
and selfless service presented by Bankim in his Dharmatatrwo
A111is/oi/a11, suggesled the name A1111shila11 Samiti (Cuhural So-
cic1y). Feeling the need !or an experienced leader. Sa1ish went for
advice 10 Shashi Chaudhuri and Shashi's brolher /\shu1osh, 1he
famous barrister. Ashulosh snid 1ha11he ideal person would be his
colleague P. Mitra and gave Satish a letter of inlroduction Mitra
was overjoyed when Sa11Sh came calling and agreed 10 become the
head of the samiti. "
Things had hardly got under way again at Madan Mitra Lane
when Mi1m learned 1ha1 a member of a Baroda secret o;ocie1y had
nrrivcd in Calcutta." This was Ja1in Banerji. who had come to
iown some rime earlier. His plan. as fom1ulated by /\urobindo,
called for 1he establishment of revolu1ionary socic1ies under
• Secondary sourc.-cs g.ivc ca:l'licr d;Ul'"S for lhc rounding of lhc Anu11h1l.1n Samiti.
t-S 11\c oflen-cited G Ilald.1r (s> 2,31,) 'Who w11hou1 da1a declare) that P M11ra
•fouN.lcd 1hc Anush1lan :MX:tety '"')ul IK97' Thts is unq~11ondblr IOU early.
ffaldaf\ 1n(orm.1nl$ may ha'c btcn lhJnl1ng of lM SC.arl o( Sarnia l)c\1°$ croup,
which btt.t became ~twl 1ntcn..1ncd •11h A.rtu.Sbila.n~ U Satuh Bose ~e 10
N1ttd111 before opeeing hti olh.,,.., • he AYJ he did in bJs '81bni.1' (lhe: mc15t
1mpon:ant documcnl dcahng '\.·1th lhc foundi~ of Anush1lan), he cannot ha'e
Qpencd II txf<>re Fcbru11ry 1902. •hen N1\·cdu1 rc1umed to cakuu• from the Wffi
wl~tc she had been sin« the m1dJlc of IK99. It 1s hardly ~bk on lhc ha"JS of
S.11111oh Bo5e Saccoun1 a!i wcll 11 gcncr.illy reliable ~condary aca>unb ~uch "' ttK>M:
0

or J, I t11fdrir and N. Ray 10 a~urnc a date of 1899 or txrorc. A dale 1h1-. c.arly al~>
w,luld not dovetuil with the tr1•1.h1tt1n1,1 dale of1hc fouodingof1hc 5an1\1I, 24 M11rch
1902 (see next fooulo1c). lfS:11i~h did ntct'I Nivctlila IJ.eforc opening hi ~tllclu1n1 ond
II the tr:1J1tional date of 1bc fount.Jin& or Anu.shtton lS th:tt nt Ille :IOhtlg..im::H1C)n uf
S.111sh'\ and Jatin 8ancrJi"$ grou~ Cli WUCSlt'd by N Ray. P- 23), It tolto~~ that
$111~h's group trras aaivc fur hulc fn(\(C 1han a mocnh befocc bc1n1 amol1ama1cd
~1th Jahn·~
 Sud- Tim~ in Bmgol 33

•various ostensible objects, cultural, intellectual or moral'. In

addition the various groups 'already existing were to be won over
for revolutionary use'. The young recruits 'were to be trained in
activities which might be helpful for ultimate military action. such
as riding, physical training, athletics of various kinds. drill and
organised movement'. While this work was being done 'among the
youth of the country', 'the older men who had advanced views or
could be won over to them· were to be approached for 'sympathy
and suppon and financial and other assistance'." Jaun had wasted
no time getting started. Acquiring a house at 108 Upper Circular
Road, he set up an akharn on the opposite lot and began a
recruitment drive. His approach to the older leaders was focolita-
ted by Aurobindo, who had given him a letter of introduction to
Snrala Ghosal." II was 11pparently through her that Jatin came in
conwct with P . Mitra. The barrister saw that the stalw;1r1 young
man, with his imposing figure and military bearing. would make an
invaluable addition to the samiti. He called Satish and told him
thnt he wanted the club at Madan Mitra Lane to be amalgamated
with Jatin's. Satisb had no ob1ccuons aod on the auspocoous day of
Doi Purnima (24 March 1902)• the expanded Anushilan Samit1
was officiaUy opened.•
From this moment the centre of the sarniti's activitoes shifted
from Madan MJHer Lane to Upper Circular Road. The former
place was kept as a oncctong-place for recruits. who were not
immediately let on on the society's purpose. " Soon the Anu;hilan
Samhi found itself at the centre of Calcutta's nascent cult of
revolution. Under its ioOuencc 'already existing small grou~ and
associations of young men who had not yet the clear idea or any
seulcd programme or revolutoon began to tum in this direcuon'
while groups that ' had alread) the revolutionary aom' began
dc•cloping their acth111e. ·on organized lines'. " But c•cn at
Upper Circular Road thon~ remained low key for a number of
months. Among the group's actovities were lectures by P. Motra,
Nivcdita, and others. Mitra spoke mostly on political and military
history- the Sikh Khnlsa. the French Revolution and the lives or
Mazzini and Garibaldi. Nivcdiw sought to rouse the young men's
• I acttpt 1hc d::ue of the lo\1nd1n& o( Anu-.hilan gi,·cn .n two oftkial hh1onc:s
(N RA)' 23; J 1 laldar 4)_"fllctc k no con1tmpor.tr) t'vKfcncc 1n ~upport of th1-.
d;,nc. but 11 has 10 recommend it ~Jn 11\ trachtional .iuthority the- f1e1 th~u 11
ICCON\ ... ,11 ..1tb SatJSh Bose's · B1bnt1' And other rdi;\)bk ICCOUllb.
34 The Bomb in B~ngal

patriotic reelings arid their sense or duty to the country." She

presented the samiti ,.ith her collection of books on re"olutioaary
history. One of the m<>5t popular volumes was the autobiography
or Mazzoni. The chapter OD guerilla warfare W3.\ often copied out
and circulated.
P. Mitra cxerc1.ed overall control over the s.1miti and served as
the mediator between the members and the older men on whom
they depended for financial support. Jatin, the oldest and most
Impressive looking or the members, was the chief fund raiser.
Often he enhanced his soldierly appearance by making his rounds
on horseback.~ Out most of his time was devoted to the less
glamorous activity of breaking io recruits. He taught horse-riding
10 the hardier boys. bicycling 10 the less daring. There was also
instruction in lathi, drill. boxing and other martial activities. All
this training was presented in the guise or legitimate physical
culture. So crrccttve was the artifice that when the samiti wanted to
give swimming lessons it asked for and received the help of the
pohce "
Almost from the start there was fnction between Jatin and the
rank and file. Both physically and ~ychologically the drillmaster
was cast in a differen; mould from the recruits. Tough and sturdy,
with two years of army experience, he was nn almost fanatical
believer in the value of discipline. But the 'respectable' class that
provided him with his material bad no military traditions and little
inclination to follow orders. Not surprisingly most of the young
men came to regard ' Military Jatin' as a martinet.
An important element of Aurobindo and Jatin 's long-term plan
wa, to e>tablish centres 'in every town and eventually in every
village' in Bengal." Soon arter he bad established himself in
CalcullJ. Jatin departed on a recruitment drive in the western
distnctS. Two or his firsi destinations were M1dnapore and Arbelia
(24 Parganas). Aurobindo's grandfather Rajnarain had spent most
of his working life in Midnapore. instilling the spirit of nationalism
into many or its inhabitants. Rajnarain's eldest i.on Jogindranat.'o
had started a 'secret society' in Midnapore around 1900. • Jogin 's
recruits included bis cousins Satyendra Nath and Jnanendra Nath
Bose and Jlem Chandra Das. The young men began their revolu·
tionary careers with target practice, trekking in the sun and rides

• Sc.c Appcndht I. no1c 2.

 Seed- Time in Bengal 35
on a broken-down pony. They were much e ncouraged when Jatin
paid them a visit. He said he was connected with an enormous
revolutionary network that had branches in every part of lndia
except Bengal. He had been sent from Baroda by Aurobindo
G hose. who soon would come 10 initiate the first Bengalis. "' Jalin
repeated this story when he went lo Arbclia. It was time for
Bengal to embrace the gospel of revolution. Jatin had come to
prepare the way; Aurobindo would follow. •1
 5
A Year in Gujarat

On 28 April 1902 Aurobindo took leave from his work in Baroda

and went to Bengnl. While in Calcutta he doubtless learned of
recent event< there nnd may have met members of the Anushilan
Samiti. • But by 30 May he was back in Baroda. ' One might ask
why he continued to work a thousand miles from Bengal when the
revolutionary seed he had laboured to plant was finally taking
root His decision ma) have been due partly to pracltcal consi-
derations: he had .1 good pos111on on Barod;i. none on Cilcuttu. A
recently marned man could not look without m1s111vong~ on the
prospect of hunting fur a job.' But be may also have felt he was
serving the cause better m Gujarat than he could have done in
Bengal. It was a time of expanding revolutionary opportunities in
Baroda. one of which was provided by his growing intimacy with
the ru ler of the state.
Since 1895 Aurobindo had been working on and off as the
Gaekwar's unoflic1al English secretary. In April 1901 the G;1ckwar
transferred him from the college to the state scr'ICC m order to use
bis liternry talents on a more rcgular basis Summoned to the
palace by liveried messenger. Aurobindo ~pent the day writing
le11ers a_nd drafting memoranda . Most of these documents had to
do with routine administrative or bou"<:hold matters. I le had for
example to write dozens of letters relating to the Gaekwar's

• There are no known documcnt5 showing what Aurob111do did 1n Ca lcuua~

•ndccd the.re are none 8.~l ng th.a1 he actually went 1herc: A letter rrom
Au.obindo co Jogondrnndlh B<>-c ol IS August 1'!02 (A&R 1 IAprol t9nl· t.11-74)
'-hO\\'S that he spen1 e1 lca"t part of hlS lca,·c 1n Dcoghar. It'" h1,µity unl1L.cly tha1 be
vi.Sited Bibar and not Bcnpl Probably ht stopped in. Dcoghar on his way back to
8-:rodl from C'.aliruna.
 A Year in Gujaral 37

gr.mdH"'" r•l.m< for building mansions '" Ooty. Mu<soorie and

o rh,·r ""'"'' But the secretary was also entrusted wuh drafting
1111pnrr.1nt letters to the Government of India . While engaged in
thl\ '"'rk he oould observe the Gackwar's political thinking at first
hand '
During his reign Sayajirao Gaekwar was regarded as the most
sympathetic of Indian princes to the national movement. Some
even thought him a friend of revolutionaries or a revolutionary
himself. There were a number of reasons for this reputation, which
remmns undimmed to this day. 'The Gack war was less obsequious
to the Brill\h than mrn.t ir not all other Indian rulers. fhc viceroy,
Lord Cumin. con\ldcrcd him the 'sole 1mporrnnt prince' who was
'not loyal tu the Clmi~h Government' Cuuon'< \UCCC~Wr Lord
Mnllu wrote that the Gaekwar was 'anything but free from
~u,p1c1on · of involvement in seditious act.-1lle\. • The ruler"s
'coolne'"'' towards the government woo him the applause of the
nauonah<t pre<.,, even as it earned him the animosuy of the
Bnu<h
The be<t-rcmcmbered expression of the Gaekwar's pnncely
pride was an incident of 1911, in which he turned his back on
George v during an Imperial Durbar. This was a serious breach of
protocol to say the least and it is possible that 11 was meant as a
tlchoerntc in~ult. • Whether it was also a deliberate act of
patrmtl'm " •mother maller An c:irher affair, with which
Aurnh111do WHl<ii c.::onnccted, can serve a.\ u louchstone for cvnl u~
111in11 th" and other 'nationalistic' acts of the maharuja.
In /\u~u~t 1900 Lord Curron visited Baroda while the Gaekwar
wa' 111 l'.urope. Curzon requested the ruler to return to India by
No•crntlcr in order to receive him when he was again in Western
lntha l'hc Gaekwar declined, saying that the maharani's health
would not permit tt. In response Curzon issued a circular requiring
natl\c ruler\ to obtain permission from the government before
lca""F the country. Int.his be observed: 'the ruler shall de•ote his
~t .. ncrtties. not in the pursuit of pleasure nor to the cultivation
of al-r.cntcc interest in amusements. but to the welfare of his own
•uhiccl\ and the administration.'• This observation, it should be
noted, wa~ not only just in principle-all princes. Sayajirao

• I he ~1tih1raja of COUl"5C s1rcnuously dented 1h15 1flcrw•rds I le w11s required

H1 ,,. .... c n tftlhcr nbjcc• apology in order to k~p hi' throoe.
3S nr.- Bomb 111 B~ngaf
included. spent an inordinate amount of their kingdom~· wealth on
pc~nal pleasures- but otlso had 'pccial force in 1900. when
Western India was e><pcncnc111g the most devastating famine in its
modern history. Curt.on hud come tn the Bombay Presidency
prcco<ely 'to see for h im~clr 1he ·rarninc-s1rickcn districts in
Gu1cr11t'.' llut Lhe fact r~ma111cd 1hat the circular wa' intended by
Cur1on to punish a man he rc-.cnted To the Gackwur the 1~ue
was whether an 'indepenc.lcm' pnnce ~hould be ~ubJCCt to the
d1<tatc~ of a British adminl\trator.
Aurobindo may have helped \l,llh the correspondence engen-
dered by the Gaekwars rcfu..al of 1900 and he certainly had a
hand in negotiatron~ undertaken three years later, when the
Gackwar desired to return to Europe.• In accordance with
regulations long in force. he had to submit his itinerary to the
resident o r agent of the viceroy, When he did so the resident drew
his nllention to the Curzon drculnr. T he Gackwar hardly needed
to he reminded of this document. which he considered vindictive
and humiliating. 'We (princes] are all supposed 10 be chiefs, but
we are treated "or.c than p;11d ...:r.·ants.' he wrote 111 reference to
11." Re">Oh·ed to safeguard hi\ right to act without con~trarnt. the
nllcr assembled a team of cxpen' to present h1~ caM: 10 the
government. To Aurobindo fell the task of dr.tftrng an official
repl) to the resident. Hi; lener, well-reasoned and diplomatic.
\trcs,ed above all the undesirable effect Lhal the circular 'was
calculated to produc.c' on the Gackwnr's 'status and dignity a~ a
l~ulcr'. n
This easily rufHed dignity seem~ to have been at the root of rhc
Gaclwar's patriotism. He was n proud man. con;cious of the
nohle Marat ha blood flowing rn hi~ veins. 'I !edged rn by d1ffocultics
and rcs1rict1ons. (a prince) lo-.es some of his self-re\pcct and a
large share of personal influence which was the hentage of his
predecessors'. he wrote:" Flattered b) the suggestion that India
could recover its ancient greatness under Lhe rule of enlightened
natrve princes. he cautiou,ly helped a number of nationalist
politicians, givi ng financial ~upport 10 some and letting others
curry out their activitic~ in the relative safety of hi~ donH1l11s."
According to Aurobindo the Gaekwar's long-term pla n was to
create a centre of power within his dominion 'which would serve
when the Lime for revolution came'. This idea. however. 'was not
earned through'." The ruler had a dirficult game 10 pla). Publicly
 A Y~ar i11 Gujarat 39

,1ml olh<1.1ll) his altitude towards the government had to be one or

.1tholu1c luyah) Privately and indirectly he could make small but
tdhng gestures or dissent. But experience made him cautious and
he <lid much less than others hoped be "'ould. This i> 1llu>1ra1cd by
two incidents of the pivotal year 1902 that involved Aurohindo and
N1vcd1ta.
Shorl1y after his return to earoda from Bengal in March 1902.
Aurobindo was summoned by the Gaekwar to Lonuvla, a hill
rcwrt in the Western Ghats. • The ruler. pu•sibly brooding over
his inability to he in Paris or his beloved SL Morit1. '"kcd his
~crctury to wntc u ·document'. pre~un111hly t.1 111cr11orandu1n or
lc11cr to the f!Ovcrnmcnt. Aurobmdo complied but the Gaekwnr
dianj!cd h" mind 'at the last minute' and never 'ielll or made
puhlK what Aurobmdo wrote. Soon afterward;. "' Aurobindo
mtormcd h" wife. 'another very big and secret work came up'.
Aurobmdo did not say what this was: but it probably was political
and Jl<>Nbly somewhat rash. 'The day of( the Gaclcwar'sl downfall
i' rnmmg.' Aurobindo commented; 'all the signs arc bad.' •
Like Aurobmdo. Nivedita had unrealis11cally high hOJ)<'S m
rc!lard to the Gaelcwar. Her life bad undergone a great change
alter 4 July 1902, when bcr guru Vivekananda passed away. For
<,(lnJC time before this unexpected and crushing event, she had
become mcrea~mgly dissatisfied with the non-political stance her
rnc111l•cr,h111 111 the Ramakrishna Order demanded. Two weeks
.illcr Vivckun.indt1'6 death she wrote to the head of the Order
1"k1ng for 'complete personal freedom'. The next day it was
t11rnounccd in the Amrita Bazar Patrika that the members of the
Order und Nivcdna had decided 'tbat her work shall henceforth be
regarded '" free and entirely independent of their sanction and
authorny' ' Until her death oine years later her activities were
centred 'on the national movement in its •arious aspects.
• The only tOu.rtt ot information on Aurobt.ndo'~ 1np 10 t.ona\b and his ..,-wk
fvr 1hc (j.,ct .. .-r the-re JS a kiter that Au.robtndo .,-Ole to h.s 'A"lft oe 25 June 1902.
"""11y •fm h11 r<lvm 10 Baroda (p<Jb Sn Avrol>tndo. 840111• R«li•M UI) In
1hc kucr Aurob!ndo docs not mcnlion the Gack•·ar by name. but ipeaks of
wmconc called lr.t'ncfto (d~ Worm). Thi~ lfncho had wmmin.nrd Aurobindo to
Lan.;ib°'h (l)cagali fM Lonavla) and ast:.ed tum 10 dra .... up 1 documcn1 (ftkh) 1bt: I
only mou\ ,.,ho w111n a posnion 10 do 'his was the Gackw-ar II i; k.nown from 01hcr
wurccs thttl the Oackwar way staying 1n P.1ahubak1.hwar, 11no1htr rcM>rt in the
Wts1crn GhalS an June 1902. h es srifc 10 m•sun1e 1ha1 he :11...o l).t\\etl some nmc
In Lon;1vl11.
40 The Bomb i11 8e11gul

T ... o monlh\ laler Nivedita undertook a fund·rai•ing IOur or

.. e,tem India 1111' brought her on 20 October 10 Baroda.• She
"as received at 1he •talion by Aurobmdo Th" wa~ the first 1ime
1hc 1"'0 h.id mc1. though 1hcy knc"' of each other already.
Aurob1ndo had read and admired Nived11u·~ Kali the Mother.
Novcd11a had heard from people in Caltullll 1hat Aurobindo
'belocvcd on streng1h and was a worshipper of Kah'. This she
undcr.iood i111he intended sense: that he wns a revolutionary. The
lwo 'wor<;h1ppers or force' found lhal they also shared 811 in1ercs1
in lndiun nr1. A' 1hcy drove by the main building of Baroda
College, 11 ponderous sl ructurc with a gro1esqucly oversized dome,
NivcJiia cried ou1 against its ugliness. Later, as 1hcy passed an
unpre1cn1ious dharmasala. she praised it for being in 1he 1rue
Hindu style. Khaserao Jadhav, who was also in the carriage,
1bough1 1he woman musl be a lillle cracked. bu1 Aurobindo
apprecia1ed her d1scemmeot. ,. Dunng her •ox·day •lay in Baroda.
Ni,ed11a broughl him up 10 date wi1h developmenis in Calcu11a. •
The fnenJsh1p the> formed at this time "'ould be renewed ohen in
the )·ca~ 10 come.
Nived11a ga,·e 1hree speeches in Baroda bu1 the main reason for
her coming seems 10 have been 10 meel 1be Gackwar and 10 win
him o•cr 10 1he cause. According 10 Aurobindo. who was present
al her inlerview, Nivedi1a invi1ed the ruler 'to suppon 1he secret
revolu1ion'. It was his duty 10 do so, she said. The G;oekwar
cxrre~;cJ inlcrcsl but refused IO commit himself. We learn from
Nivcdila's diory thal on 23 October she received a leller from the
Guekwar 1hat upse1 her grea1ly. She saw him again 1he nex1 day
bu1 1h1s mec1ing also proved fruitless. She and 1hc maharaja
agreed 1ha1 further communica1ion< on 1hc \Ubjec1 of rcvolu1ion
could pass 1hrough Aurobindo: but the maharaia never spoke 10
him aboul 11 He was :much too cunning to plunge in10 such a
Jangerous business,' Aurobindo commen1ed la1cr."
Thi< may be 1aken a.< the las1 word on 1hc Gackwar's connection
w11h 1he re,olu1ionaries. As the years went b) and he grew "'eary
of harassmcn1. he became more and more modcra1e in speech and
ac1ion. Bui he never slopped thlnking 1h:11 the srn1us <>f na1ive
rulers \hOuld be enhanced. In Augus1 19().1, when Curzon
proposed 1hn1 princes should contribute money and 1roops 10
protccl Brili<h 1erri1ories. the Gaekwar had Aurobindo, now his
lluzur Knmdar or Crown Secre1ary , draw up a memorandum
 A Y~ar in Gujarat 41

"h1<h '"1cJ fhe crearion of !he new obligauon proposed "ould

\Cem to cJcmJnd rhe concession of a corresponding pn,olege, a
rccc>1tn1\CcJ \01ce in the councils of !he Empire . Thos privilege is the
muural corollary of any general militar) fcderarion. and would
alone 1u~11fy rhe creation of new burdens.' " This proposal was
ignored by Curzon, bur it foreshadowed the creauon of the
Chamber or Princes seventeen years later.

One morning late in 1902, apparently a short time after Nivedita

lcfr Barodu. • n rravel-weary youth knocked nt the door of
Khu>crnn Jadhav'\ hou'>i: The servant who answered was not sure
whether 1hc caller should be admiucll. Dressed in dorry clothes
und curr~111g n torn canvas bag, he insisted he was rhe brother of
Gh<"'c Sahcb! U'hcring him somewhat dub1ou~ly inro rhe parlour,
the \crv.int went upstair.; to inquire. lo a moment a surprised
Aurob1ndo came down. Seeing that 11 wa~ indeed his younger
brother Barin he cried out, 'You here? And on such a state! Go
immcd1a1cly 10 the bathroom and change.' After a ~ho... er Bario
put on a clean shin and dhoti borrowed Crom hts brother. He was
now ready to meel the master of the house, the wmy rormenter
Khascrao. Also present at the breakfast table was Khaserao's
brother Madhavrao, with whom Bario struck up an immediate
fricnd•h1p . Before long !he Jadhav brothers had drawn our the
yuung man's '!Ory. and along the way leurncd more about their
rcticcnl hou\'-! )tucst Aurobindo. ' '
The fourth i.on of Kristo Dhone and Swurnulotla Ghose, Barin
wa~ born in Upper Norwood. a suburb of London. in January
1880. A few monrhs before this Dr Ghose had completed
urrangemcnts for his elder sons to be educated in England. He
returned 10 India alone. leaving bis pregnant wife in rhe care or an
English doetor. Panly in honour of I.hi~ man, s... arnaloua called
her newborn Emmanuel Matthew Gbose. Mercifully the name
never caught on. When Swaroaloua returned to India the boy
became known as Barindra Kumar."
Since 11\73 Swarnalotta had been subject 10 fits of madness. By
1880 she was almost completely insane. " Finding it impossible 10
live with her at Rangpur, Dr Ghosc made arrangements for her 10
live near Deoghnr, where her father RaJnarain was staying. Bario

• Sec AppendlX I, OOIC 3.

42 n1e Bomb m Btngal

remained rn Bihar with his mother for almost ten )Cars. It was not
a happy childhood. Me hved in the perpetual rear that Swamalotla
"ould thra'h him a< <he thrashed hrs Mster Saro11m. Sometimes
the ch1klren pa<sed the whole ddy on the veranda "hile the;r
mmhcr 'al muttering io her room Al night 'he kept Barin from
causing. uouble by tying him 10 hr. bed
,,,,,. nii:htmare of child-abuse ended when Dr Ghose took
po,se,<1on of the children. They were brought 10 Calcutta and
placed in the care or a young woman who was a friend of their
father's. 'Rnnga Ma". as Barin and Sarojini called her, gave them
Lhc llr>t real love they had ever known . Once or twice u month the
doctor ca me up from Khulna, where he had been posted, 10 spend
o few day;,. In Calcuna Barin belatedly learned the ulphabel and
began studying under a private tutor. but he was far more
interested rn d1scovenng the wonders of India's greatest city.•
In 11193 Dr Ghose unexpectedl) died. Mos relations. who had
long been =ndah,cd b) his liaison wnh Ranga Ma. took the
children awa1 from her. They "ere brought to Deoghar, where
the} SIJ)C<l "'"h their mother's brother Jogmdranath Bann was
'IOOn enrolled on the local school. One of ho~ teachers was
Sakharam Ganc~h Deuskar. a man of Mahara~htrian ongm who
wrote excellent Bengali. Influenced by Rainarnm and Jog1ndra-
na1h. Deuskar became an o uispoken nationalist and a proponent
of the cult of the lalbi. " Barin was inspired by Deuskar's
pa1rio11"n but spent li11le lime at the gymna>ium. The dreamy
adolescent seems 10 have given most of his anention to the girls he
fell in love wuh one after another.
At Ocogh.ir Sarin got 10 know his older brothers, who had all
returned recently from Engl:md. Aurobindo came regularly from
BaroJa for the Puja holidays. The Cambridge-educated intellec-
tual got along surprisingly well w11h the unsoph1s11co1ed youngster.
As Bann grew. Aurobindo spoke to him more about the subject
that interested him most : the motherland. which had to be freed
from Bnll\h domination .
After SC\eral )Cars of school Bann entered Patna College.
where he <tudicd for about six months Later he went to Dacca,
where hrs ~econd brother Manmohan wa, work mg as a professor.
After a bncf ~tay there he left for Calcutta "'ith the idea of raising
money tn do some farming. Mjs plans came 10 nothing and he was
soon back in Dcoghar- but not for long. After a visit to Ranga
 A Year in G1tjara1 43

Ma and .1n<llher s1ay in Calcuna he went 10 Cooch Behar "here his

eldc'I brother Benoy Bhusan was working. 1-ondong no opening
there he returned to Calcuua. where a fncnd ad\ 1<ed him to open
a 'hop on Pa1na.
Bann 1hought be would give it a 1ry. Renung two rooms
opposne lhc college he pul out a shingle saying ·a.
Ghosc'• S1all' .
Studcnh wandered in, looked at the merchandi-.e. and wandered
out. Deciding to diversify. he hung up a new sign 1ha1 reild
B. Ghosc's
Tea Stall
I lalf anna cu~. rich in c:rcH1n.
l'or a wlulc 11 looked like busincs> wa' picking up and B:inn
enl.irgcd 1hc tea-•iall into a refreshment Mand Bui he o;oon came
10 grief P<:cau-.e he sold 100 much on credit.
Around this ume plague broke out in Patna It clearly" a• 1ime
for Bann to leave B1har. But where to go? lie "lre:id) had tried
living \\1th 1wo of his brothers. Perhaps he would ha\C belier luck
wuh the third So it was 1hat '°metimc in 1902 he hoarded the
tram for Bombay. After the cross-<:<>untry VO}agc (his firs1) and
the overn1gh1 tnp 10 Gujara1 he amvcd. un;innounced. on
Aurobmdo's door•tep.,.
At Aaroda Barin cou ld live the un\lruclurcd ~ort of life 1ha1
\mlcd turn hc,1 I le read. wro1e poetry. played the t.iraj, did ')()me
gardc11 111g nnd developed a passinn for bird-hunung. I le also did a
foir amoum or reading, history being his subj eel or choice. Burke's
lrmrlr Re1•0/1111un. Ranade's Rist of the Mamtlw Power aml
Williurn Digoy's recently published' Prosperous' 8ri11$h Jndw were
among lhc hooks he read." In the evening~ he JOtncd 10 discus-
MOn> hCl"-CCn Aurobindo and his Maharnshtrian friends. He
le.,rncd th.11 the) were m con1ac1 \\-tlh a \Ccrct rc,oluuonary
wc1c1y one that was said (on doubtful au1honl)) 10 ha•c C\l\lcd
since the Mutiny and 10 have some wrt or connccuon ""h 1he
Chapcknf'· group. Its purpose -..as 10 prepare a national m;urrec-
11on·. •The leader of this .ocie1y was a mr"enou~ figure named
Thakur Rams1ngh.
Thakur Saheb (as he generally was known) was a Rajpul noble
(rhakur) of the princely stale or Udaipur. His chief revolu1ionary
interest was 1hc subversion of the Indian army. Aurobondo la1er
wrote thal the Thakur had 'won over 1wo or three regiments', one
44 Th~ Bomb i11 B~ngal

or which Aurob1ndo VtSited around this umc ... As overall head or

the <ecre1 ~oet), Thakur Sahcb ~tood above 1he re,'Olu1ionary
circles tnlO -.hoch 1he rounll) bad been di\ oded Pcrha~ the mosl
active of the-;e was the Wesl India circle. which. according to
Aurobomk>. 'had a Council of Five on Bombay wi1h several
prominenl Maharaua politicians a> its members'." Aurobindo
never mcn1ioncd the names of 1hesc counc1l members. bul it is
prob;iblc 1hat Tilak and his lieu1enant G. S. Khapardc were among
Ihem . • The council's purpose was to help Thakur Saheb 'orgamze
Mahurashtra and the Mah ratta Stutes' such as Gwalior and
Bnrodn. '\
Aurobindo came in contact with Thakur R111nsingh's secre1
society somc1imc in l902. Soon afterwards he 1ook its oath and
was inmxluced 10 1he Council on Bombay.t lie was made
pres1den1 of 1he society's Gujarat circle-an undemanding post,
since the region was then 'vel) moderate' Aurobmdo did
occa~1onall) mcc1 men. mos1ly Maharash1nans, v.ho were inter-
ested 1n the cause. He did not conceal his acuvmes from Dann and
the )oung romantic soon convinced himself 1hat Thakur Saheb's
secre1 society had hundreds of centres. and 1ha1 'thousands of
rcvolu11onarics' 'were sharpening lhcir sword~' on an1icipatioo of
the revolution that in two or three years would dnvc 1hc British

• Au1obindo nowhere said who the 'Mahar.llta pohtiaan!I' w~re but Crom a
1c:rc1cncc 111 a ~uuc111~n1 by IJarind r~ Kumar G IK.J1>C t)11c
may n~umc 1h.1t G . K.
Kh11parJc wa1 one ol them (1-fFMP JV & V 4112). 1'ilak may well have been
.i.nolhcr Aurobi1,do is recorded as saying once 1hat the t.cc:ret &O<:iety w11~ 'started
by ' nfok' (Sri AurotHndo, 1afk or 12 Dcc:cmbcr 194'). pub. Nirodbarun, ed., Talks
4 , 219). (Note tha1 lik.c ma")' non-~1aharas.htrl:an.. AHt•>t'Hn<k1 u1ed 'M1ratha'
-ukl r.pc:lhn1 'M01hratta' or ·~1.aharatta'-to mean ~111lun1..,hU10\n' or 'M1rathi·
spc~k1na' Properly ·~t..t.nt.ba' refers 10 a particular Kshatn)a community of
~1ah.Jrasblfa 8r1hm1M hkc Tilak and Kbaparde 1rc noc t1Jhdy spo.. cn O( M
M1ra1hl,. ) •
t Aurobtndo uys he ·con1~ and jOinccf the sc..:rcl ~cl)' '"°""'here 1n
1902-l' (0• /lumrlf 4). B>rin uys that be ,... pmcol """" AurQb1ndo ,...
1n1ll1tcd. adJu'I& 1ba1 Aurobindo had been m contad ..,,h the SOOCt) for some~
bcf()f'C th.al (A(1'1Jfl' 38) If Bann am"~ 1n 8arod:a 1n 190:' and Wllf. prcse:n1 at lhc
1n1t1auon. the earl.eil possible time for 11 woukt be the mlddlc of thlt )'Car. U {as
Bann !l.lfS) the n1eeun1 ""'ilh Madga"k.ar 11 the Ta1 \1.thaJ ttotel in Dcccn1bcr 1902
followed Aurobindo'i inu.i11K>n, I.be lates1 date for lhc 1n11iahon would be
Occcmf>(r 1902- Aurob1ndo ~-)'$1b.at the person whcun he met 11nd who 'n1rodoocd
him to the Council was a ~rtain Mr Mandallel (Sn Aurob1ndo, talk <lr21 JnnuJry
19.JIJ. pub Nlfodbarnn , ed •• To/ks l, 221).
 A Year in Gujarat 45

trom lndo;1 • Aurobmdo·s O\\R estimate of succc<s after two or

three decades was more realistic. "
In December. 1u<1 before the 1902 i.cs-<1on of Congress.
Aurobmdo and Barin went ro Bombay to take pan 111 a concla'e of
revolu11onanes. The meeting was held in the Tai Mahal Hotel. in
the room of Oovind Dinanatb Madgavkar. A contemporary of
Aurobindo's in England, Madgavkar now was a member of the
Bombay cadre of the Indian Civil Service.• I le was al<n a member
of TI1akur Saheb's society. The chief topic of discussion at the
meeting was the society's plan lo send Madhavruo Jndhav to Japan
for military tro1mng. Madgavkar gave Rs 1000 for the purpose and
M11dhnvrao 11ppnrcn1ly left India soon afterward,."
The 1902 SC>S1on of Congress was held on Ahmcdabad at the end
of December The 1hree·day sitting was preceded by an Industrial
Exh1bit1on. which was opened by the Gackwar of Baroda.
Aurob1ndo. who had wriueo the Gaekwar's speech. accompanied
him as pan of his retinue: The speech is an example of how
Aurobindo's poliucal thinking had an impact on the Gaekwar's
pubhc periOna and perhaps his private opinions as well. After an
unusually brief opening the Gaekwar announced with admirable
directness:
Famine. incrca,in~ poverty. widespread di>ea:.e. dll lhc...: bring home lo
ub lht rncl that 1hcrc 1~ !!.Orne radical wc:akncs, tn our :r;y-c;tcn\
and that
i;orncth1ng mt1'1 be done to ren1cdy it. But there 1~ another and a larger
n:;pcct or the nlaller and that is that this ccononuc problem 1~ our la~I
ord..:a1 ;1s a people. It t\our la.~t chance. F'ail there ond whut c:nn the ruture
brtn~ u~? We can only grow poorer and v.-eakcr. more dependent on
foreign hc:lp; we must watch our indu~trial freedom f"ll 11uo extinction
and drug ou1 o miserable existence as 1hc hev.cr. of wood and drawers of
waler to any foreign J>-'"4C:r which happen~ to be our master. Solve that
problem and you ha'c a great future before you. the future of a great
people. worthy of )Our ancestors and of your old pos.uon among the
naoons. r

Why had Indian industry and trade dechned lo ;,uch an extent?

Panly because of outmoded methods and machinery. But there

• Gov1nd Oin11nath Madgavkar was born 1n 1811. Ak>na whh Aurob1ndo he

p~~ the ICS entrance cxaminacit>n of June 1890. After complct1n3 the course. he
wa.s P»tCd fir$t In Bum1a and Latt.r transferred to 8-0mbay. lie cvcn1ually became
officia1ing Cht<f Jus1ic:e of the Bombay tligh Couri (lOR Rtt<lfd of Strvius 746).
46 The Bomb m Bengal

was. asserted the Gaekwar. 'a runher reason "hich does not
depend on the na1ural "orkrng of economic law< bur which is
poli11cal in its na1ure. 1be resuh or the acqu1\111on of poli1ical
J>O"'Cr by 1he Ea.\1 India Company dnd 1hc al>\orp1ion of India 1n
1he {!rowing Indian Empire.·• The ruler of a pro1cc1cd ;1a1c could
nol go funhcr 1han lh1s 1n cn1Jc1zing 1hc govcmmcnr
Aurobindo remained in Ahmedabad 10 observe 1he session. h
was the firsr tame he had witnc=d the •pccch-giv1ng and
resolu1ion·pa<sing 1ha1 still constitu1cd the funcrion of rhe body he
hud cri1icized in New Lamps for Old. The proceedings confirmed
him in his view 1hat lhe Congress policy was simply •a process of
futile pcthion and protest'. " The Chairman of !he Reception
Comm1nce. Ambalal Sakerlal Desai. opened the session wi1h an
address 1ha1 set 1he 1one for what foUowed. While making the
customary plea for superficial govemmcnl reforms. Desai affirmed
!hat 'lhe basal idea that underlies and runs through all our
actions . •• is 1ha1 it is for our benefit that the BriMh power should
continue to be supreme in our land.' 'Loyall> 10 1hc British
Govcrnmen1.' he declared. 'is the dommanl \Cnl1mcn1 or every
Congrc\~man. ••The pr~idcnt of the -ess1on. 1hc •c1eran ora1or
Surendranath Banerjea, gave no reason for anyone 10 doub1 be
approved of Dcsa1's sen1imen1s. At the end of an enonnously long
uddress. Surendranath cried: 'We plead ror the permanence or
Bri1ish rule in India.' However muc:h he qualified !his wi1h an
c111tca1y 'for equal rights and en larged privilege~· !he foci re·
mamed that the Demosthenes or 1he Congress advoca1cd India's
'permanent incorponition in10 1he grea1 confederacy or the British
Empire· .••
It 1s greatly 10 be doubted whether Aurobindo srnyed long
enough to hear 1his conclusion. Years larer, recalling an occasion
where he had 10 h~ten 10 Sureodranath for half an hour, he said
lhal he •found no lhough1-il was aU word>' . ., Bui Aurobindo did
pay clO\C a11cn1ion 10 another pohttcian at Ahmedabad. Bal
Gangadhar Tilak, whom Aurobindo regarded as !he 'one possible
leader or a revoluuonary parry'. 'took lum our of 1hc panda/
[Congress pavilion) and 1alked 10 bim for an hour on 1hc grounds
expressing his contempt for the Reformis1 movemen1 and explain-
ing his own line or action in Maharashtra'." This seems to have
been the firs1 mec1ing between the two men. Aurobindo, srill
unknown ou1side Baroda, had contacted the cclcbrn1ed leader
 A Y<'ur in Gujarat 47
bcfore 1he Congress, apparcn1ly lhrough friends 1n lhc o;ecrel
soc1c1y. ~ In 1he years thal followed 1he relation~hip bc1ween 1he
Maharashrrian and the Bengali became increasingly impon.101 10
both . •
Shortly after the Congress session, Aurobindo sel down his
impressions of the current state of India's political life. The
Congress, he said. was a spent rurce. The wave of the Congress
Movement bad 'dashed 11sclf against the hard facts of human
nature ... and now there is 1hroughout the cououy the languor.
1hc weakness, 1he tcn~ncy to break up and d1'1C<)herc of 1he
retiring wave.' But, he added hopefully, 'behind and under co•cr
of this failure and falhn11 hatk there has been slowly and ~ilemly
gathering another wave the first voices of which are now bcmg
heard, 1he crests of whmc foam are just mounting here and there
into view.· He and others of '1he new age' who were destined 'to
mount on the rising slope' of lhc new wave-'even if we do not
live IO ride on its crest'-had to swdy the failures of Congress to
avoid us mistakes."
Aumbindo did 001 publt<h. indeed he did nol even comple1e 1he
anicle in which these thought\ were expressed. In the beginning of
1903 there was linle m the country to jus1ify its op11mi~tic
conclusion. To opponents of the Bntisb Raj 1he moM hcanening
of recent developments had taken place on a differeol coniinent.
Inc •uccess of the Boer' in IR99 had been a blow to Hrili•h
prc>1igc. but the ' Khuki Election' of 19()0 wa< held an the
a•sumption that peace had been restored. Yet a handful ()f Boer
guerrillas were able 10 h..rass the British for another two years. In
a poem wrinen 'during the couro;c of 1be Boer War' Aurobindo

' Til•k. P<<OOCUpoed ••th the T11 \uh>r>) """'· cbd !IOI .,Uy a 1111)0< rok at 1h<
Ahmcd..obad Congress. bu1 be,. .. rn-<cnt I= Ll<I of Odep1es. El'C 4 4l7)
l"'utc th.ti the Ta1 /\tahJU3J ca'C' •a• ac.i,ourntd bct•"tt:n ::'!O Occxmt'11fr 19'.'2 i1nd 19
January 1903 {Mohrot1'1 21 D«cn1hcr l~t2 599)) Jaun Baoc.rj1'\ kt1cr ttl ·r1l;d. <'f
Occcmhcr 1901 would suggc111 th.al Id11k "'a' acquainted wllh Au1ob1ndo 11 lca'il a
ycJr before the ConSft$5, lllcy nuAy h11ve met coch other even e-arhc1 than th1i.,
1 ilnL spt1H a gooc.J a1nount of time in Uaroda Ill 1894 in C<lnnct11on wllh 1hc Bapat
C'H~. which inYO)\'Cd the head or 0;1rodt1°!1 Survey Sctllc1ucnt Dtf>llrl1ncn1- 1hc
dtll1tr1n1cnt in which Auroblndo lhc:n wait. 'tl!Vrk1ng. Tll:Jk may h.a\-C been Qnc o(
100-.C Y..hO knew that Aurublndo wa~ the wrnet of 1Vttt· Lcunps for Old K 0
Oc:,hpondc ... ho h<lj>cd defend Tola~ 1n 1he Knori S«lili<>n ca« ul t!!'l7, probabl)
,po.. c 10 lilak abou1 hs.s 6cngaJ1 fncntJ But d1t mectini at the Ahme<.bhad
Concrcu ., the fiq;I ()fl(" ror ... hk"h thtrt h •A) eVldcnoe.
48 rhe Bomb m Be11gol

pra1~d 1hc 'hand of annc.'d herdsmen small' "ho foced fearlessly

lhe -.e1or' of Wa1erloo and Trafal~<lr. • lbou<and' or 01hers m
lndlil followed lhc progrL'SS or the \\ar and c~prc<<ed sa1i<faction
al ol> outcome According 10 Hem ('h.indr.1 ""' ul M1dnapore.
'When ac.-ur.11e nc1" lof 1hc warl wa> rccel\Cd on Bengal ... an
'"""hie 1iuba11on "a• fell in 1hc hciln 1hrou~h.; wpprc'"'J >Cnse
or i.;11"fac11on nnd lccblc hope: ~ If a few Ou1ch farmer; could
cmham"' the migh1y British whal migh1 the united power of 1hrce
hundred million lndian~ accomplish? But India wn~ nm u11i1cd.
Nor wus 1hcre anywhere in 1hc coun1ry on organi1ccl force of
resistance.
 6
Apathy and Despair

In the beginning or 1903. not long after the Ahmedabnd Congress,

Aurobando sent Barin to Calcutta to help Jntin Bancr11 in the work
of rc•olullonary recruitment and organization Before dispatching
the )Oung man on his mission, Aurob1ndo initiated him into
Thakur Saheb'~ secret society. Holdintz a copy of the G11a in one
band und a sy,ord in the other. Bann recited a San~krit sloka.
pledging himself 10 light for India's freedom as long as there was
life in hi' body.'
After arnving in Calcuna. Barin went to the house on Upper
Circular Road where Jatin was living. This wa' the fir;t time the
two men hud met. There could hardly have been a greater contrast
between them . Th111, bespectacled and drcHmy . Barin cut a poor
fii;ure hc,ldc the sta lw;irt Jatin. whose upright figure and pene·
truunggloncc made a favourable impression on everyone. The two
hud o ne thing in common, however: a contagious cnthusia~m for
the revolutionary cause. During his tour of wcstcm Bengal Jatin
had roused a hc\itnnt interest in Abinash Chandra Ohattacharya or
Arbelin Ab1n:"h was sufficiendy intrigued to make the ioumey to
Calculla a fc" weeks later. When be knocked at the door of 108
Upper Circular Road he was met not by Jaton but the recently
arnved Bann. After the usual exchange of civ1h11c~ and wme
generalized eon•el"'ation, Bario suddenly exclaimed, 'Brother, if
India·~ bondage makes your bean ache. don't waste any more
time. JOin us in this work today. this very moment.' 1111s decided it
for Ahinash. Taking hold of Barin's hand. he cried. ' Right ,
brother! From now on I'm wilh you." It was the lirst of many
~uccessful conversions for Barin.
During Janunry 1903 Aurobindo was much occupied with the
50 The Bomb 111 Bmgal

Gaekwar'$ corre~pondence in regard to Ille Cunon circular. But

b) the end of February he wa' \uOiocntl) free 10 take pmilege
leave and jtO to Bengal. ' This "'as hi' 111-:.t '1'1t <ince Ma) of the
pre•·1ous )CM. In the meantime he had bcc'Omc a member of the
"1Ccrc1 >0e1ety of "es1em lndia After hh arrival 'he <poke of the
Society and ii\ aim w P. Mitter (Mitra I Jnd other lca<11ng men of
the revolu11onary group in Bengal und they took the Ollth of the
society and agreed 10 ca.r ry out its objecl on the lines' he
;uggested. Aurobindo's current idea was 10 gel 111 touch with the
'small groups of revolutionaries' that were acting 'without refer-
ence to cneh other' and 'without any clear direction' and 10 unite
them in 'n single organization' with 'a common programme' under
Mitra's guidance. As 'leader of the revolution in Bengal' , Mitra
would be president of a Council of Five "milar to the one
Aurobmdo had contacted in Bombay.• According to tradition the
other members or the council were Aurobmdo. C. R. Das.
Surcndrnnath Tagore and Sister NiYed1ta. •
Ni•cd11a v.a$ probably the busies! woman 1n Calcuua During
the earl) part or 1903 she gave much of her lime to leaching and
adnun1,tration an her girls' scbool. But >he""' al\O "orking on a
book o n Indian culture. editing the sc1cnt1tic paper. of Dr J. C.
Bose. writing articles for several journals. corresponding wi1h men
like Moderate politician G. K. Gokhalc und British JOurnalist
William Stead, delivering lectures. and through ii all finding time
for her spiriwa l praciices. He r crowded .chcdulc made it difftcuh
for her to give as much lime as she woul<I have liked U> national
work: but she remained a dedicated rcvolutiOnJr). lier outward
appcar.incc heired the intensity of her convictions. l"horoughly
femrn1ne. with a 'charming face· 1hat radia1cd 1n1clhgcncc, she
drc,,.ed habJtuallv in unadorned while. a ;Iring or rru/rak.vlra beads
across her l>osom. But '.her very soul came out' \\hen 'he spoke of
rc•oluuon. Describing her later. Aurnbmdo said s1mpl). ·That was
fire.' While >he seems 10 haYe been some\\ha1 ambivalent about
the use of arms, there w-.is. Aurobmdo 'aid. no non·vmlcnce
about her'. "t
If Nivcdita was one of lhc mos1 rnd1c.1I of the oounc11's
member.. Ch1naranjan Das was pcrbaP' the lea\! Unlike his High
Court colleague P. Mitra, Das was by 1crnpcr:1mcnt more a man or

• See Append•~ 1. nc.>1c 4.

f Sec Al)l)(ndl:it l, note ~
 Apai'1y w1d /'Je.spnir 51

leUcr!> 1hnn a man or ac1ion. An oumanding sludcni al Calculla

Unl\CNt) he had gone 10 England m 1890 10 lake !he ICS
c•;immation. Tl!.o }Car la1er he met Aurobontlo, 1hen in the
process of ge1ting reJCCtcd from 1he ~ervice. Un~uccessful in hi~
cffor1 10 emer 1hc ICS. Das joined 1hc Inner Temple and in 1893
was called 10 the Bar. He relurnecl home to fond the legal
prorc ...~ion overcrowded and bis fomily·s finance$ on ruins. Unable
to gel cases. he Mruggled for sc,·eral }ea~ to recoup hi~ ronunes.
Bui by 1902 be ""as doong well enough 10 make generous dona1inn~
to the cause.
A ntorc impor1un1 financial '"Jl)X\rter wa' Surendranath
Tagore. '<ion of""" nf 1hc rido...,t .ontl m<\\I pronuncn1 famohc' of
BCD!!Jl son~-e "" gr.u.luation lrom St Xa• ocr\ College on
Bomi>a\, Surcndran.uh hJd l>ccn 111\0lvcd on v<1roou' cmerpmc'
of 1hc I lou'c <>f l ngorc. Cont"Ct with Okakura. Nivctlita and his
cou,iu Saralu Devi helped stimulate Im in1ercs1 in nalional work.
Saral.1 Dc\I ,...., no1 directly connected with Mi Ira ·s 'amili. bu! she
ga•c hnaneoal and olhcr forms of suppon to all 1hc Calcuna grouP"
and allowed them lo borrow her martial-ans instruc1or 'Professor'
Murlaza.' Her own llira~tami Samitogove physical dcmons1ra1inns
a t a res1ival of the ~amc name. which evidently was modelled on
me fes1ival she had wuncssed years earlier in Solapur. She al<o
borrov.ed from Maharash1ra the idea of me hero-cull. inaugural-
ing a Prarnpaditya Ut•ab on the lone> of the Shi\ Jji fes1ival. J\
lirelcss proponenl of physical cuh urc. she urged her brothcr-in-
law A . C. Banerjee Lo learn and 1cach 1he use of the lalhi, lhc
sword. and the gun . But aU 1his. she !old him. was of minor
imponanec compared to •the high !hong we wish 10 do'.• Ja1on
Baner11 I!. OU Id ha.e a11rced -.;m her on this, 1houg.h they differed as
10 how 1hc 'high thing· was to be accomplished She 'ecms to have
looked upon the onurt ial ans chocny as mean> or developing
phy<ical "rcnglh and manly .11111udcs Jalin and Aurobindo
acceplcd lhese aims but they also thought thal mohtary skills could
be pul to practical use on the coming onsurrec1ion. ln the beg111nong
Jatin occ11<ionally l!.cn t 10 Sarala De,•i for advice; but the 1wo
parted ways over 1hc q ucslion or whet her ii was proper to ga1her
funds by means of dacoitics. Sara la Devi was vchcmcmly oppo~ll
10 thi~. • From this poin1 ·nobody v.cnt to Sarnia Dc•i any more· .
!hough 'he remained involved in other 3'pects of 1hc movemcn1.

• Sec Append~ I , no1c 6.

S2 nre Bomb m Bengal

While Aurobindo was in Beogul in March 1903 he me1 some of

1he ne"' rccrurts One of 1hcm "'a' Abinash Bha11acharya. Taken
to Jatin's place, Abinash found •Aurobindo-babu and Jatin·babu
~illmg on a mn1 •prcad oul on 1hc floor. IUlking ond laughing·.
Aurobrndo examined lhe nCl'\011' ~oung•lcr and Spoke 8 fow
words to him. ' Later he hod a more s1gr11ficam meeting with
l<llindrn Na1h Mukherjee. A handwmc young man whose 'Mature
wus like 1ha1 of a warrior', Jatin e•cclled in pflysleal activities and
was practically fearless. He earned his nickname. 'Bagha Jatm'. by
Singlehandedly killing a leopard (clii1ra-baglia) with a knife. Jn
Calcuna Jaun learned stenography and typing and go1 work rn a
government departmem. bentually he became the confidcmial
clerk to Bengal'' Financial Secretary. II never occurred 10 his
employers that the efficient young 'steno' harboured a burning
desire to drive the Brilr5h from India. After his meeting .,;th
Aurobindo and Ja1in Banerji , Ja1in Mukherjee became one of the
most actl\e rcvolu11onaric' in Bengal."
Jalin Mukherj ee was connected "''th a secret socict} in Ku<htia,
one of the lim 10 be founded outside Calcutw ." Cemrcs also were
nc1rvc in Chandemagorc, a French cncla'c north of the metro-
polis. and other mof11s.<il (district) towns." Apparently durrng his
leave of February-March 11)()3, • Aurobindo und Burm visited the
centre in Midnapure. Their uncle Jogm. the founder of !he centre,
took them to meet the local recruus. one of "'horn was llem
Ch<1ndrn Das. At one point the men retired 10 a nearby ravine to
1ry some 1arge1 practice. 'When I !>aw the way fAurobindoJ and
Bann held Jnd armed the gun. I rcal11cd 1ha1 this'"" the first ume
they had handled one.' noted Hem . who ncvcrthele~' was thrilled
10 have the leader. rn his home town. Aurobindo spoke or his
plans for a revolu11onary orgaoiza11on . Bengal would be divided
into six regions, tach of which would be further subdivided .
Midnaporc would be one of the regional headquarters. "

• Hem Chandra Sil)'!I thtH K·~11bu (cett'1111ly Auroh1ndo) al\d Darin came 10
M1dnap0rc '" 1901. a few mooth' krorc 1 "-CCOml vis.I ~·hteh he place$ 'ptfhups al
d~ end of 1902· {Bllllt/av Blpl"b ZO). f-lo'WC:'cr 11 '"" (ka.r from Ba.ria"s A1n11"1
(r 7:1) thrH the firs1 \ol\11 was after Uann curnc tQ Cakuua to JO•n Jaun·s wt.c1y.
'flus happcnctl 11fle1 1he Ahmetl.1t'lad-Congrc~• of Dcctmbcr l902. Aurob1ndo WW)
on kave lor • """11h from 22 f<l>roary 1\1Cl3 (BSR. b<low Fnglish Educational
Dcp.lrtRKnl T1ppan 26 t-11rch 1901. lcit~f Aurohindo to 0c:..-aR 4 Junt 1903) nu~
WtLS the lint o<:cast0n 11ftcr the Congress -.hen h~ m11ht have \1~11ctl Benpl.
 Apathy and Despair 53

When Aurobindo returned to Baroda Bario and others conti-

nued 10 lllur the districts to SCI up centres. They had indifferent
luc~ in unrcvolutionary Onssa. bcller results in Mymen;ingh,
C'11andcrnagore and other places where the samiti idea had al-
1c;itly cuught on."' Their method was 10 preach the benefits of
phv"cal exercise to >ehool and college students und other young
hh,11lralu~. Once an akhara had been started and recruits were
co111111g 111 they cxpmcd them to political propaganda. In Calculla
H.mn wml>c<I College '>qu.irc ,md other student hangouts. cn-
It..t~1nµ )OUlll' n1cn 1n l'10\cr....111on .ind making a few con\.crt~ . But
he hild d1fhcult) wn-.n<1ng them th.ti• radical chanl!c of govern-
n1cnt w••' n1orc 1111puu.u11 th.in f'.1,\1ng mi.trk~ 1n the I 1J'\1 Arts
l'~illlllllUl l Oll I

ll;in11 had hccn v1w11 the work of touring the tlistncl' hy Jatin
B11ncq1. who rcmamcd 111 ac11vc chur~c of the Calcutlll centre. In
lhc h(!ht of lacer cvcnh. 11 vccn" likely that J:11in guvc him thi<
"'"'~ ul least partly bec11uvc they got on each other\ nerves.
Ml\undcr,tandrngs cau,ed by differences of temperament were
Jnra-.11ed by Bann's rcf~I to take orders from iln)onc but
Aurot.1111.lo. Bario later complained that the older men talked big
and never listened tu the op1n1ons of newcomers . " Prc,um.1hly the
newcomer he had chiefly in mind w:" himself. It ccrlarnly v.;1' true
th,11 there was lots of big tulk going around. Hem Du' noted this
when he came up from Midnapore and soon he was add1ni: 10 the
,um. When Calculla men govc him amazing report• of their
proj(rcs•. he gave them equally amazing report• of hi; own Smee
he knew his own accounts were inflated. he a."umetl th(lt the
othe,..,· were "'well. Looking uround the Calcuna centre he sa"
hnlc to gel c~cited about . After two years they had ~uettctlcd in
oht<1in1ng 'one ho=. one bicycle . . and a dozen or \Cl leildcr\
j?rCal and 'malr '
Th1S comment. delivered 10 the ;arcastic tone I lcm f>Crfcctcd
during his years in prison . makes the centre seem more ridtculc111\
chan it was. A good number of branches had been opened and
-.1me significant additions made to the staff. One was Sakharam
( iuncsh Deuskar, the journali't from Deogh<>r who wa• intro·
1l11rcd to the group by his former student Bario.•• Dcu,kar became
tl1< 'amiti's expert on economic history. In 1904 he set down his
1•1• ,,, _ cs>entially the ' drain theory' of Naoroj1 . Dun and
I >igh) in a book called Dcshu Katha. This became cnurmou~ly
54 Tht Bomb in Btngol

popular and had the distinction of being the first book to be

banned under the Press Act or 1910." Another 1mponan1 recruit
or the 1903 penod was Bhupendntt1ath Dull. younger brother of
Swami Vivekananda. Dun spent much of h1; ume touring t.h c
distnCtS doing essenllal but unglamorou~ gr•l'-'roots work. n It was
however 1rue that there were too many general~ and too few
soldiers at Grey Street, where the Calcuua ccnlrc had shifted.
Resides Aurobindo aod P. Mi1ra. 1here were llcld marshals Ja1in
and Oarin , and a newly recruited brigadier named Debavrata
Bose. No wonder communications at headquaners were often
confused. No wonder. too. tha1 che officers fou nd it hard to get
along with one another.
The conflic1 1ha1 developed be1ween Jatin and Bnrin has become
famous 1n 1he annals of the revolution . Much has been wrincn on
the subject without the central issues being resolved or even
idenufied The two major first-hand aooounts are confusing and
contradictory; later observers are left to judge in acx:ordanoe with
1hcir predilections.• Historians agree in labelhng 1t a ·sordid'
mailer." but 11 is possible to look on ti instead a; \lightly ludicrous.
Yc1 1l cannot be denied 1ha1 the clai.h resul1ed in the division of the
pany and the loss of much time and work.

• l"hc muin ~urcc1 for the J4'1tin-B::trin feud arc I lcm Chandra Das. Kanungo's:
/Ja11glay #111/lih Prnchl'\'Jrta (p. 36 H) and Bann Gt.ot:c·s Ag11i111g (p 78 ff, 99 Cf).
llhupcndn111ath Dull (Dw;llJ'U Swodhinatar S.Ungro'ti 128-9) suppor1~ I lcm while
Abinia\h Oluu1aehnryfl (' Aurobindo' 832. 'liaiplabik Sam11i 192-3) M1ppon.1 Sarin.
0

J.1dutlopal ~1ukhop3dhyay give~ an 1nrom1cd sccomJ-h:1nd Qcxou1U 1h1u is closet 10

Bunn'& .,.Cr\tOn thon Hem's (Biplab1 Jrbuncr S"inlt 16H). Bann·~ acooun1 was
wnttcn 1n the 19-&0s to otinswcrcbarges h!vclcd by llcm l\\CIHY )CIH'\ carh<'r. Th<'re
w,i._, eovukn1ly mu<h bad bk>od between the ,.,.o If U:ann·, account i ~ marrtd by
"'°lf·1u~11hc:aoon, ll<'m l' &> marred b) rancour. In my aic:cC"IU.nt I follow Bann's
0

"CNOn of 1hc t\Cnh but not b.s interprttahun. I lem doc• nut teem to have been in
C'akull• at 1M time and K\o.U..t of the parhcubn in '11th.Ch hf\ 'i<mbn differs from
Bann'1 arc ra1her dubious. He sa15 lor tnstano: 1ha.t 81inn ritponcd Ja1;e·s
m1~ fim IQAumhlndo. •ho rWed m Bann"• favuur.caus.n• man) tndudang
P Mitra 10 !>real ""h Aurobindo (8.n~t.y Bipt.b .18). II ""'mi unlltct~ 1i..11hc
maucr -..lb referred 10 Aurobtndo before \tltra. san« A-..rvh4ndo ••a thomand
mtlc' away tn fJaroda and had to make a lop to ScngaJ 'f)l"Ohcally to adJudate 1he
mo11tcr. Nc\c11hc~ many of Hcm·s cnt.a!>rM uf u~nn 1ttm 10 be ~ell t1.,.cn I
doubt \\-hether Ba.nn iuttttdcd as weJJ as I lcm alleg1."l 1n malan1 Aurubtndo the
1001 or h1' machinations. but i1 is Likely lhat he tried t111 bc\C to du \0. Other points
or d1Hcu:nce arc ol only incidental imponaocc.
 Apathy and Dtspair SS
A' m many quarrels the real issue was masked by a squabble
o•u ""affair of little imponance. Brie8y, the faction led by Bario
11<-cu..cd J,1tm of harbouring a woman of doubtful vinuc. Jatin
mMstcd ;he was his relative and ignored the accusations. Finding
him adamant Sarin and his friends took their tales 10 commander-
m-chicf P. Mitra . Mitra took an especially serious view of sexual
mi,eonduc1. having in his youth repudiated a guru who showed
weakness in this respect. Aggrieved by Barin 's rcpon. he ruled
1h;i1 the womnn would have to go or Jalin leave the centre. Jalin
chose the Inlier al1crna1ivc. He shif1ed lo a mes> on Sitnram Ghose
Street, wlul~ Hunn and his supponcr Abmush move\! 10 Madan
Miller Lull' llcrc they could remain for only two or three
month•, 11hc1 which they wandered off ln >earch of a permanent
home Duroug th!' pcnod the work of the wi:1c1y was prne1ically al
a \land"1ll
When the confrontation between Sarin and Ja1in fin;L came 10 a
head. S<<nn "'rote to Aurobindo giving ham bas side of the story.
Aurob1ndo asked the disputants to senlc things among them-
selves. Six months later, with no settlement in sight, he took leave
from his worl.. and came to Calcutta. According to Sarin
Aurobindo rebuked him for picking a quarrel with Ja1in and
~ucccedcd in bringing the two together. Bui the truce proved 10 be
short-lived. 'The breach was healed only to gape wider as soon as
his [Aurobmdo's] back was turned,' wrote Sarin."
During the peace-parlays Jatin was able to convince Barin 1ha1
the woman who was the ·cause' of i1 all was indeed his relative,
since their feel had the same peculiar shape. But by now ii was
obvious 1ha1 the conRict had little to do with the lady. Bnrin and
I lem. whose accounts are poles apan in most respects, agree 1ha1
Jalin w:1s much reo;en1cd for his military ways. Hem claims funher
that Sarin used Jatin's unpopularity as a ml lying point 1n his effon
Lo capture the leadership of the society. making use of his
relationship "'nh Aurobiodo to further this end But Item was
inlelhgcnt enough to recognize that the real cause of the dissension
was 'the desire of (Jatin and Bario) Lo boss other people around'.
This desire '"'as so great that they refused 10 listen to anybody
else's suggestions'. "
It is a common observation that revolutionary panics tend to
break apart into factions that often spend more time in internecine
56 Tht Bomb in Bt11gal

feuds 1han in action against the enemy.• ThlS is especially true

"hen victory seems near and the o'erndmg concern is which
facuon 15 going to assume power Acconling 10 Hem some of the
member.. of the society thought success so certain 1n 1904 that 1hey
already were exercised over this."' Fact1onah~m has always found
the soil of llengal unusually !en.le. The histonan N1harranjan Ray
is probably righ 1 in considering the connic1 bccwccn Bnrin and
J acin the precursor of "those personalistic feuds characterized by
individun l likes a nd dislikes .. . which have been plaguing politics
in Bengal ever !tince'. n
The negotiacions in Calcutta between Aurobindo, Jatin and
Burin seem to have taken place in October 1904.t Around the
middle of that month Aurobindo and Barin went from Calcutta to
Oeoghar 10 pass the puja holidays with their family. Soon letters
arnvcd from Calcutta containing fresh complaints again~! Jatin. At
th1$ point. according 10 Bario. Aurobindo said: 'I can see that
no1h1ng will ever come of Bengal. Lcc"s go back to Baroda:" It
may be doub1ed whether these were Aurobindo"s exact "ords. but
they seem 10 represent his current stale of mind. Some time
previously, posMbly during the same trip. Aurobando had made a
tour of eastern Bengal with Oebavraia Bo;c.* I h; purpose was ' to

• Eicnnlples coulJ be provided rron1 vinuall)' every rtV(llutiC)n;aty movt:ment in

hi11tory 1 he dn..,)k ('1tses 11re of ooursc the French 11nd Ru\.Sian rcvC'lluuons tn
rclution 10 1hc revolution under study. Jo.Cc: It Ohtbc. ·Sri Aurobindo as I
Undcf',1nnd I ttm' 37~ 8 . O h0$c:, Wounded /lunfut1ilJ' SI: U. •lnnerjet. •A urobin<lo
P11t'lo1.ngi.·~ Sri Aurubindo 10 A. B. Purnnt in Pun1nl, ed., T11IA ~ 17. For 1norc
general rc:rnurk'i ~ee Loqueur {pp. 93-5) and Avrich (p 42)
t Ourin writt'i In AgnJj11g (pp. 111 , 100) that nn1ncd1Jlcly 11hcr the p.1rky:1 with
J.aun he and Aurotiin<lo went to Ocogbar to~ the pufaJ hot1d.;)''\ ¥1'ith thtir family.
In ICJO.I ( 1311 Oenplo era) Durgo Pu1a began oo IS O<ouber The principoJ Fcsuval
da)'. 'lil)Ofd dmltonv, ._as lhftt d.l)"'S later (1n(ormall<ln from P1ndu B C Btuu-
lk"Nrya. (i(wcmmc-n1 AStn.)klgt'r, V'8 Amp M1tn) I lcm D..o wntn lh3t lhc conftict
occurred JM"ob&MY 1n t~ bcc-nrung of 19().1 ( If Kaauo10. 3ant/uY Bq>itlb 37)
i Aurob1ndo rcf~n to this tour SC'"cral tunes tn hn talll.\ •n.d w.n11n~. but never
dalti 1t caM'tly In one ~ace he says ti hApptncd ·!oOmC ~can: •her the dcalb of
R.1Jn.an1n ~. wfiich took plX't": 1n 1899 (On ll11ru,ff lb), 1n ill""''htr ht way~ 1t
'fl'jJ 'lhf(C or rour )'CBr\ ht-Jore the S~'ldtshi IUO\trornl "';ti born', by whld\
prrr.unud>I)' he n1can1 t90S fipeed1 of J9 January 190K. pub Bandt Mataro"1 658).
h doc::;i no1 ..ccn1 ~sibic that 11 could ha\'e tat.en p-h•cc hc.-f<>rc 190:\, Aurotundo
t..'CrUunly n1,1dc the tour wnh Ocba\'Tala Omc. and ii I~ clear from lhc accounts nf
0.1rln und llcn1 C"handra that Debavrala cn1cred the or~alU7dliOn in or aboul 1h.a1
yc11r I he 1our therefore muse ha\•e taken place in 1~3 or 1904
 Apa1hy and Despair 57

v1"1 wmc <>r 1he revolutionary centres already formed. but also 10
meet lcJdtng men of the districts and to find out the general
a1111udc of the country and the possibilities of the revolutionary
movement'. lie found that 'the prevailing mood was apathy and
de~pair'. People were so fearful that they stole away if he or
Debavra1a said anything 1he leas1 suggestive of resis1ance.
Aurobindo looked a1 those who remained and asked himself,
'These are the people who will do litl?' For some 1ime men 'had
believed 1ha1 regeneration could o nly come from outside. that
another nntion would take us by the hand and lift us up'. Out lately
1hey had come to realize 1hat n<> ot her nntinn wa• going to help
thcrn nnd Ma rcsull ·apatny and despair spread everywhere'. "
·1he ·n,111011' that had disappointed Indian nationalists was
Jup.rn Inc help 1ha1 Okakura promised his Cilcuna audiences
never materrnlozed Madhavcao Jadhav is :;aid to have been sent to
Japan for m1lila') training in 1903. 1f he did go (and there is no
indubttablc evidence that he did) he stayed a very short time and
learned nolhong significant. Still, the hope that a foreign power
would share its military knowhow with India did not die out.
Towards the beginning of 1905 Tilak made contaet with the
Russian consul in Bombay, asking him whether an Indian
candidate could be admiued to a Russian military academy. The
con;ul was 111structed by his superiors in St Petersburg to say that
1hi' cmi lLI only be done through official channels. This was or
course 1111po,sihle. '' Undaunted Tilak, Aurobindo nnd others
rni~ed ~0111.e money and sent Madhavrao to Engl:tnd in July 1905.
After u brief stay in London with Tiluk's friend Shyamji
Krishnavarma. the radical editor of Tht Indian Sociologist.
Madhavruo got him'\Clf e nrolled (apparently with Russian help) in
the Swiss military academy in Bern. He passed the officers'
examination at the end of 1906 and then spent a year studying 1he
organization and observing the manoeuvres of the Swiss army. •
Tilak'\ opcmng of negntiations with the Russian consul was a
small point of light in 'the bell of black death' that hung over the
country in the beginning of 1905. Talking thongs over with his
associates. Aurobindo noticed that those 'who were really honest
with them,,., Ives were saying tha1 there was no help for this nation
and that we were doomed'.~ Some of this defeausm seems to have
rubbed off on him. In an 'open letter to those who despair of their
country' he wrote around this time he gave voice to the 'dismay
58 Tl" Bomb ;,, 8mg11/

and wcaln~· or 1hc ·sons of our mo1hcr Bhara1 \\ho disclaim

1hcir sonhood":

\\'e ~re \1ck :and hrok.cn: we arc 1dk and M\\;.irdl~ \\t pcmh e'ery )'tar
rrom fanunc JOd plague: d15e<™: dcClm,lt'\ U... \\Ith (\-Cry d<.."C'.tdc p<)\'~Tl)'
.1nn1h1Ja1c' ((11n1I)' after family; ·when: 1hcrc "ere,, hundred 1n (1nc house.
lhcn: are now ten~ where lhere "'a~ once a n(lun,111ng ~•llou.?,c. the leopard
(uH,I 1hc juckot will soon inhabit. ... Worst o f till 'WC "'e f.1•,un1tt>d beyond
hope o( union nnd without union we mus1 ere long l'ICrhh It nlny be flve
tlccttdc~ or II 1nny l~ ten. bu1 very 5oon th is gl'cn1 nnd nndcn1 n:Hion will
have perished rro1n the face (1( 1he e:lrlh.

Such. he cnn1inued. was lhe "Siren song· wilh which the despairing
one• •lcw "lhc hearts of 1hose who have sull force and courage to
strive a~aiom Fa1e and would rescue our Mother out of the hands
of dc•trucllnn·. Those who succumbed to despair when actoon was
called for were ma1ricides. Some or them. ·1hc "<xicr; of safety
and ca-.c·. "ere contemptible; others. those who rcfu'<Cd ·10 loft her
out of danger le'! 1hey defile their own 'JXltlc•\ hand•". were
unworlh) of c<1n1cmp1. But there wa. a thorJ .on. ·1ho..e who love
and pcrhap~ ha•e s1riven for her bu1 havon!l now grown themselvc•
fo1111 <1nd hclplc" hid others to despair and cca;e·. h was to break
1hc 'pell of this despair 1ha1 Aurobondo addrc;..cd himself 10 his
brc1 hrcn. ·Come·. he exhorted them. ·1c1 us reason calmly
together." But here he broke off.''
PART TWO
Action
 7
The Temple of the Mother

BJnn uccom1>.1rncd ho~ brother when Aurobindl) returned to

Btoro<.1.1 .u the end or October 1904. • lo the htcra1ure of the
rcvolut111n. 1h1; move IS referred to as lhc end or Darin's 'first
campaign' •Al the time tbere was no reason to assume thal 1hcre
would be a second. The centre in Calcutta had effectively been
deslro)Cd The leaders whose clash bad brought 1his abou1 were
both fed up wuh the whole affair. Bario spent mos1 or the next
twelve months al loose ends in Baroda. In December Aurobindo
asked the Gackwa r to give his brother a Rs 60 appoin1men1. The
ruler complied even though tbe service was 'overslocked' a1 that
time. But Bario never reponed for duty and in September 1905 the
appoin11ne n1 was cancelled.' In later statements Bario represented
his siny in Baroda as one of careful consideration of his fu1ure
action. He says he spen1 much of his time studying and talking
things over wilh Aurobindo. But Aurobindo's complain t in a letler
of 1he period that Barin 'never sits s1ill" and his later character·
ization or 1hc young man·s endeavors as ' knocking about' suggest
that Barin's activities in Baroda were less purposeful than his own
accounts would indicate. '
Jahn Banerji also lef1 BengaJ. Sometime m 1905 he pt1t on the
robes or the sannyasm and went on a pilgnmage 10 the Himalayas.

• See At"'l"lf 106 lo 1904 Durp Puja fdl on IS Octob<r Baroda Stal< r<eo<ds
'how a 1•P 1A Aurob4ndo·1 official correspondc:nc:c bc:1-.·ccn 28 Sl.."f)tcmhcr ind 2R
Oclobcr 1904. This5uggc.s11 lhal he was on k:a-.·c JI thll time In a 1tta1cment made
aflcr h1J1 1nCfil 1n M1y 1908 Barin said he returned to Barod~t from Btn..pl in 1903
(COi f IPA M ~y 1909, 112-SO: 2S). This obviouMy inoorrcct d~Hc w11 reproduced
in the Rowlan Report. par. 22. and from 1hcrc has found hs wDy into motit books
~nd ar11clcr. on the pcnod.
62 Tht Bomb in Bengal

This typically Indian act may have been prompted in pan by the
recent death of bis father; bul aa:ording lo Barin the chief
motivaung factor was Jalin's 'disgust and despair' over the way
things had turned out in C.alcuna. • In Nmm Tai Jatin became a
disciple of Soham Swami, 1he 'pioneer of the cull of physical
s1rength and courage in Bengal". who had become a revered
ascetic Receiving 1he name Niralamba Swami from his guru, Jatin
sci off for Punjab and the Nonb-Wcsl fronuer where for some
lime he preached his religio-political doctrines. Among his
converts were Aji1 Singh and Kisan Singh. bolh of whom laier
helped spread revolutionary ideas in the Norlh. Wi1hin a year o f
his meeting with Niralamba. Ajil became a prominent Extremist
poli1iciun. Kisan was responsible for uansmiuing the iden 10 Lala
I lardnynl, the organizer of Sikh revolu1ionaries in Norih America,
and 10 his son Bhagat Singh, the mosl famous Indian revolutionary
of the 1920s. lo 1907 Niralamba retumed 10 Calculla where he
became briefly involved with the nationalist press. But he never
renewed his connection wi1h 1he secret sociely he had helped 10
round.•
This soe1e1y, after Jatin and Barin'• dcpariurc. vmually ceased
10 ex1s1. Mosl of the recruits drifted away. Those hke Abinash who
did nol lacked organization. direction. and rc;,ources. Left 10 itself
the Bcngnli revolutionary movement might well have perished of
inanilion m this lime. It was saved nol so much by the renewed
efforls of ils originniors as by a general cn1husinsm 1ha1 took hold
()r 1hc province that year. This was roused by 1wo unrelated

events: 1hc Russo-Japanese War and the Par1i1ion of Bengal.

Japan's success in boUling up the Russian fleer in Pon Arthur in
February 1904 and the subsequenl land victory at Mukden were
s ufficiently astonishing. But the destruction of Russia's Baltic
Acct al Tsu<hima in May 1905 'electrified the Asi:llic world".
Writing 1n Th~ Indian Rn•iew. the Madras ed11or G. A. Natesan
declared: ·Al most for the first time in the hi•tory or 1hc world an
Asiatic power, hither10 some~hat desp1secJ dnd nor rnken into
account. has humbled a huge European JlO"Cr • An English
commentalor saw even more significance m Rus.-ia's defeat. If
Abyssmin's humbling of haly in 1896 had been "t he fir.I decisive
vic1ory gained by troops that might be reckoned Oriental over a
13uropcan army in 1he open field, for .11 leas! lhrcc centuries·.
Japun's triumph by 'ea as well as by land was ahogelher
 Tht Ttmple of the Mother 63

unpreccdcnred· ·never before in all history had an Asiaric na\'y

won a grear sca·fighl against European Outs.,. One rcsuh of the
unexpected ourcome was a 1ransformation in the amrude of ocher
countries towards the victor. The average Westerner 'was wont to
regard Japan as barbarous while she indulged in the genrle ans of
peace; he calls her civilized since she began 10 commi1 wholesale
slaugh1cr o n Manchurian battlefields'. wro1e Okakura in his classic
Book of Tea.' Indians also had been in 1he habil of looking down
on 1he Japanese-Natesan called them 'a race of dwarfs fed
chicOy on rice'.• Now suddenly Indian joumalhls, Indian barris-
tef' and Indian schoolboys were hailing the Japanese as rhe
champion\ or rc>urgcnt Asia. In Calcuna P Milra , Surcndranath
Tagore and C'h111aranjan Das-oil members of 1he moribund
Bcngul Council gm 1ogether 10 discuss the Jnpnnesc question.
Sarali1 Devi helped coordinate a Calcuna rund-rnis1ng dnvc;
T1l.a k's Ktsuri ~ub<Cnbed 10 a similar appeal in Bombay.• Bur the
mos1 conspicuous resuh of the Russo-Japanese War in India was
the change 11 produced in the self-image of the Indian people. In
June Surcndranath Banerjea's Bengalu gave voice 10 a near-
universal feeling when ii declared: 'We feel 1ha1 we are not the
same people as we were before the Japanese successes.""
Given the dissimilariry in the circumstances of the rwo coumries
and 1hc lack of real comact between them, ii migh1 seem surprising
that Indians in general and Bcngalis in par1icular were so
heancned by Japan's victory. It was 10 be sure a triumph of Asians
over C!uropeans (assuming 1ha1 Ru!).sians are Europeans) bur what,
realisricolly, had this to do with India? Realistically nothing.
sentimentally everything. And Bengalis. perhaps more 1han any
ocher Indian people, are moved by sentiment.
However much it may appear so in retrospect. there was norhing
incvirable abou1 the agitation against the Pani11on of Bengal. The
province was cenainly too large 10 be governed cfficienrly. Most of
what LS no" West Bengal, Bangladesh, B1har and Onssa-an area
as large as modem France with a population half again as
great was under the administration of a single heu1cnan1·
governor and his staff. Proposals to divide the province into more
manageable units bad been under consideration since 1866. In
1874 Assam, along with the district of Sylhet. had been made a
separarc province. In the years that followed 1hc govcrnmenr
considered various proposals to transfer other Bengali districts to
 The Bomb in 8u1gal

Assam . Finally at the end or 1903 a Note was published in which it

was proposed to tnnsfer Chittagong division along with Dacca and
Mymensmgh districts. l.aLer olher d1suiclS were added to the Ust.
The reasons put forward in favour of the transfer were administra-
tive efficiency, general economic uplift and tl1e development of
Dacca and Chittagong as administrative and commercial centres.
But correspondence not made public at the time shows th01 one of
the government's primary motives was its desire 'to split up and
thereby weaken a solid body of opponents to our rule'. " These
'opponents' were the Bengali-speaking Hindus of Bengal proper,
who after partition would find Lhemselves rivalled in the west by
Bihari and Oriya speakers, and in the cast by Bengali-speaking
Muslims.
The government, which had expected some op~ition to the
plan. was surprised by the vehemence of the reaction. Proponents
of panition characterized Lhe objections raised against it as
'sentimental'. Conceding this. the Liberal 1ournalist Henry
Nevinson explained that it was the 'same kind of sentiment as
would set Scotland ablaze with indignation 1f on English Prime
M1n1slcr drew a 1agged line Crom Thurso to Dumfries. and
announced that in future Scotland would consist of two separate
provinces, wi1h one government in Edmburgh and 1he 01her in
Glasgow. " ' During the early stages of Lhe ag1rntion most of the
opposition came from Bengalis of Lhe eastern districts, who were
outraged ot being grouped with the ' backward' Assamese and
apprehensive about losing the administrative, judicial and com-
mercial advantages of Calcuua. In an article written but not
published at this time. Aurobindo warned tha1 these were
superficial issues. 'The true and vital side or the question·. he said,
was to see thnt 'this measure is no mere administrative proposal
but a blow straight at the hean of the nation'." By this he meant
that it was a thrust against Lhe integrity or the Bengali nation.
which he had begun 10 look on as something living and divine. In
the open leuer cited in the last chapter be had referred to India as
' mother Bharat'. Perhaps a year later. in August 1905. he
elaborated the same idea in a celebrated letLcr lo his wife: ' While
others look upon their country as an inen piece of matter- a few
meadows and lields, forests and bills and rivers- I look upon Her
as the Mot her'. " It is possible to trace this id"'1 back to Bankim
Chandra's Ananda Marh. When Mahendrn says thnt the 'richly
 The Temple of the Mother 65

watered' l3nd ,p:lebrated in the song 8a11de Ma1aram 'is the

co11ntry ldtsh), 11 is not the Mother', Bhabananda rcphes, ' We
recognise no other Mother. Mother and Motherland is more than
heaven itself."' But even if Aurobindo denvcd the idea from the
novel. it is clear from many passages in his writtngs that from this
moment he held it as his own.
As Che movement against the Partition became stronger,
Aurobindo realized it could be used to further his revolutionary
ends. 'This i< a golden opponunity', he wrote to Abinash ' We will
get many workers from this [anti-partition! movement.' Around
this time a llood of :1111i-govcmment paml)hlct) began 10 appear,
some of which were extremely vitriolic One of them, No
Compromi.rt, was written by Aurobindo. After gelling Ibis
printed. At>inash took a copy to Congress leader Surendranath
Bancr1ca, "'ho ""' \truck by the quality of the writtng." Like
much of 1hc ephemeral literature of the period. No Compromist
has d15.1ppcarcd w11hou1 a trace; but another pamphlet Aurobindo
wrote during this period bas sunived. This is the famous Bhawani
Mandir, pubhshcd in Baroda somelime before August 1905, "'hen
a copy was noticed by the district magistrate of Broach.'
Although at root an exposition of the philosophical and religious
bases of nationalism, Bhawani Mandir is cast in the form of a
prospcccus. ·A temple is 10 be erccced and consecrated lo
Bhawnni, the Mother, among the hills', the pamphlet begins. 'To
all the children of che Mother the call is sent forth 10 help in the
sacred work.' Allached to the temple (111011d1r) would be 'a new
order of Drahm:1charins' (religious students) 'who have renounced
all in order 10 work for the Mother. · By choosing the name
Bhawani rather than ilS Bengali equivalent$ Durga or Kali,
Aurobmdo evidently was alluding to the Maratha general Shivaji,

• Ahhouth 8ltowat1i Mllltdir •-.s um1gncd. 1t t\ C'C'f1a1n th11 11 •as -..nnto by

Awobln<I<>. S« Sn Aurabindo. On Jrurudf 51 and 8 GllCIC. Agmi•I t 15, ILi.
I JI Kcr(rr .l0-1) ha"his 10 say aboo11he authorslllp or the pamphkt ·[Bh•w:am
~tandtrl fi.M aune 10 nottce in Augvsa 190:5. •"bctt 1 ropy •-u tent a.nGnymously
from Baroda •o d'le Head C'krt to the Ot5tnd Mqastra1c ('ti Broach ThtTc is
no1h1n1 on the pamphlet to show who the author or the pubhmc.1 11.. but 1he Ht.ad
Otrl. •lated at che time 1h~t ht: thought the author v.u •·a Mr ~.a lkniali
Babu who•~ In 1hc employ of 1hc Barodi Oufbar 3nd once passed fur lht l.C.S. but
was te1cc1cd for r111hn1 ro paM' the tC$t in riding.'' 1"tiouah 1he name iJ wrona. this
obv1ou11ly refers 10 Amblndo Ghosc. who was a Profcuor in lhc G11ckwar"s College
a1 Untodu c.i this 1hne, and 1here is no doubt 1hat he wa~ 1he 1u1hor '

l
66 The Bomb in Bengal

who worshipped 1he molher goddess in the form of 8hawani and

felt he was ac1ing under her inspiration." But Aurobindo's
Bhawani was nor 1us1 a form of !he mother goddess of popular
llindulSm. she was '!he Infinite Energy. which 51reams forlh from
the E1crnal'. nus is the language of philosophical tantrism, which
sees the fcmnle principle (prakriri or nature) a' the expressive
energy or shakri of the Absolute. The Mot her had to be
worshipped as Strength or Shakti, wro1e Aurobindo, because this
was the form in which she was chiefly manifest in 1he present age.
'The Shak1i of war, 1he Shakti or weahh, the Shakti or sci-
ence ... are a thousand times more prolific in resources, weapons
and insrruments than ever before in recorded history.' The
Western Powers and Japan embodied her strength. bur India ,
otherwi<;e w rich, was 'empty of strength. void of energy'. As a
result India's unparalleled knowledge (jnana) and devotion
(bhaku) had become ineffective and the country had fallen in10
decrepitude But India could not perish, for India was 1he
repository of some1bing nei1ber Japan nor the Western Powers
~~d: 1hc religion of Vedanta. which held the seed of 1be
future religion of all mankind. If India wa~ to give this gifl 10 the
world , the Indian people bad to worship S1rength or Shalc1i. Hence
the need for a temple to Bbawani. And since 'adoration will be
dead and ineffec1ive unless it is transmuted into Karma (action]',
there had 10 be 'a new Order of Karma Yc1gins (followers of the
spiritual path of works] ... who have renounced nil in order to
work for 1hc Mother'. Jn an appendix Aurobindo enumerated
seven genernl and eigh1 specific rules to be followed by members
of 1he new order."
From the momem of its appearance Bhaw1111i Mandir has been
compared 10 Bankim's Ananda Math, and the similarities between
1hcm arc obvious. In • both a band of sannyasins vowed to
renunciation dedicate themselves to service of 1hc country
cnv1~aged as the Mother. This service takes the form of religious
"'orship (in both cases rccogniuibly Hindu) and '"'ork for !he
country'. Bui there arc imponaot differences between the 1wo
orders. The presiding deiry of Ananda Math 1s Vishnu, and the
~antans are Vaishnavi1es; Bbawaoi Mandir clearly is of shakra
inspiration. The santans engage themselves chiefly in military
oper:llidns; the work of Bhawani"s devotees is social: education,
nursrng, charity. industrial development. general national uplift.
 Tht Ttmplt of tht Mother 67

This 1s somewhat surprising considering Au1obindo"s cnucism of

social ac11vism bolh before and after 1905, and it suggests another
parallel 10, if not ac1ual influcn~'C on, the Bhawani Mandir scheme:
Gopal Kri$hna Gokhalc's Scrvancs of India Society. which was
launched in J une l 905. •
There are many similarities between Gokhale's society and
Aurobindo's ·order·. Both were to consist of men who pledged
thcmo;clves in a religious spirit to the scrvfoe of the Motherland .
Members of both organ1zallC)n~ had to give absolute obedience to
the head of 1he order and to lead hve$ of moral punty Po,o;c\.-ing
no money on their own. they would receive from the organiuuon
all they needed for a decent laving In add111nn to 1hc1r main work
of educating 'the peopk', th<'y would promote 111du,1nal dcvel-
opmcn1 and help csrnhh"h gnod relations hclwecn dirfcrelll com-
munities. Some would be sent to foreign countries to study various
arts and sciences.
The'e remarkable similarities are more than offset by funda-
mental differences. 8/rawam Mundir put forward a visionary
scheme 1ha1 was never realized and perhaps never intended to be
realized. The Rules of Gokhale"s society were practical from stan
to finish. But the two documents differ most strikingly in their
underlying assumptions. Gokhale wrote that members of his
socic1y would 'frankly accept the 8ri1ish connection as ordained,
in the inscrutable dispensation of Providence. for India's good".
He culled for ·public life (to( be spiri1ualized' but was carefu l to
avoid any appeal to sccrnri:1n sentiment. To the Hindu-turned·
agnostic, religion was service or the people. To AurobincJo, the
agnostic-turned-Hindu. service or the people was one form of a
new religion of nationality. It was in Bhawani Ma11d1r that his idea
of India as the Mothcr-'not a piece of eanh. 001 a figure or
speech. nor a fiction of the mind' but 'a mighty Shakti' was first
articulated. And the mission of this Coun1ry-as-Goddess wa; 'to
purge barbarism (Mlechchhahood) out of humanity and to
Aryanize the world'. Nowhere in the pamphlet did Aurobindo
write or even imply thal the Mlcchchhas he referred to were the

• Aurobindo did oot admire Gokhtlc as u political thinker (On Hinutt/ 49): hut
1h1s would not nec:ess.arily have prc"cntcd him f«HTI giving hjj own 1.:llgio-pol1tiClll
turn 10 Ookh.alc·$ notlOns. There tS o( COUl'$C no way tlus conjectwc an be proved.
bul AC'Om:parison O( the proposcd Ofpn1Ul10as O( the leading Moderate 1nd rno&I
rac:bcal E1ucmisc of the pcncxl may bt 1M1Nn1\oe in any case

l
68 The Bomb in Bengal

British. Rather he seemed to suggest that Aryahood and

Mlcchchbahood "'ere universal conditions affecting all human
endeavour. Echoing an ancient trad11100 he said !hat both were
po"'e~ of the one Divine Shukt1. But to India alone was 'reserved
1he h1ghes1 and most splendid destiny. the mos1 essential to the
fu1urc of the human race', tha1 of sending forth 'from herself the
future religion of 1hc entire world. the Eternal Religion that is to
harmonise all religion, science and philosophies and make
mankind one soul'. 1
~
The idea that India was charged with the mission or giving its
e1ernal rchgion to the modem world was or course not new to
Aurobindo. II is the main burden of Vivekananda's writings.
particularly the Kumbakonam speech of 1897. 'The world', said
!he Swami. was 'waiting' for the two grand ideas enshrined in the
·universal religion' of Vedanta : ' universal toleration' of all reli·
gious fom1~. and 'the spiritual oncn~s of the whole universe',
demonstrated 61"'1 by the <ages of !he Upanishads and lately
confirmed by modern science. The •ame idea•, variou~ly stated.
are fou nd a lso in the work> of writers like Rammohan Roy,
Keshub Chandra Sen. Dayananda Saraswati and B. G . Titak . To
1h1s cen1ury-old nouon of the supenonty of Vedania to Western
religion, Aurobindo added the T<lntric idea of the worship of
Sirength or Shakti .
The Bliowoni M1md1r scheme wa~ never put into effect and
Aurobindo soon los1 interest in i1. •1 Out the pamphlet is significant
as the first articuta1c expre•\ion of what ha~ t>ccome known as
·religious na11onahsm'-a strand of the national movement that
still attracts urdent cntics and passionutc defenders. The firs1 und
most vehement critic:!> were the Briti,h. While there is no e\1dence
thnt the district magmrate of Broach gave Bhawatii Ma11dir special
importance when it first appeMed. once it became known that its
author bad conspired to overthrow the government. Raj officials
cl.11med 10 find m 11 'the germ of the I hndu revolutionary
movement on Bengal'. These are the words of Jame' Campt>cll
Kc1. personal a~istant of 1he director ol criminal intelligence, who
reprinted the entire pamphlet in h.,, mfluenhal report Political
Trouble in lnt/111 1907- 1917. Drawing heavily on Ker, the authors
of 1he celebrated Rowlatt Report featured Bllawani M1111dir as the
fiN of three revolutionary publicauons ·of a mischievous o r
specially inflammatory kind'. Subsequently the worl.. was gi,en
 The Temple of the Mother

'pccoal mention in former Bengal Governor Lord Ronald,hay·s

lleurt t>f Aryal'Drta and in a speech on Indian terrorism by Charles
I cgun. commissioner of che Calcutta police during the re,olu·
cmnury period." At first si11h1 all chis attention would seem to be
unmcriccd. The pamphlet urtcr all said noching seditiou> and was
m:rnifc.ily impraccical. Whal •cems to have struck the au1hori1ies
w"' II\ aniculaceness and per.ua~ivcncss." What frightened them
"'·" 11\ uppc:al to 'rclil(iou,· cmmions The auchors of chc R0\1.latt
Rcron called it •a rcmarkahlc in\lance or perversion of religious
1dcah 1n pohuc:il purr<'''" Ron,ild,hay claimed that 11> ,1uthor
'did more ch.ln an~<•nc co hrcathe into the s1nl\lcr 'J'<'Ctre of
anarchy chc .i1.1l"'"8 inllucnlc of rch111un. · '
To early·t"'cnttcth century flnton\. any a~soc1.111on of rchg1on
with politic<. •mucked of lunaltll\m lney themselve> were beyond
chai sore of ching: no w11r ol 1cllgmn had been fought in Urnuin for
a couple or hundred years 'l'o be sure. as lace as 1914 Brnish
policician; could gee worked up over the is.5ue of Welsh d1SC\tab-
ll\hmcn1. Bue only che benighted Irish and Asian' actu,tll) /<>1111Ji1
in the name or religion. Faith wa\ fine so long as ii remained where
11 belonged. in church. mosque. or cemple. If ll tried to c<;eape
che~ confines it was a threat to the Pax Britannu:a
rhe Bntish in India were especially susceptible to 1h1s wrc or
chinking. The 1ournahs1 Valenune Chirol. writing in the /1111e.> in
1909 on 'the literature or Indian unrest'. deplored 'ib appeals to
the I lindu scriptures and 10 the I lindu deities and the exploitation
of the religious sentimem for the promotion of racial hatred'.
Chirol ciced Aurobindo as a leading representative of thi~ ·grnvc
phenomenon'. but w~ willing to acknowledge his 'scnccrn)'."
M<Kt Britons in the government were not. F. C. Daly. che writer of
a 191 I confidential police repon. imputed to Aurobmdo 'the
sagacny 10 see lhac the surest and safest gmund to proceed on
would be religion·. He and other ' men ofleaming and ab1h1y' used
their 'ingenuicy' 10 de,elop 'deep religious convictions' in their less
gifted followers, whom they then incited to revolucionary crime.
The same note is struck in anmhcr police report of 1913:
Aurobindo expounded in his newspaper arcicles ' the doctrines of
revolu11on by violence under chc guise of religion'. Developed
over decades. this interpretation has become the standard expla·
nation or Aurobindo's motives among one school of h1s1orians.
According to one defender of the Raj. Michael l:.dv.ardcs.
70 71re Bomb in Bengal

Aurobindo had s<> liulc success arousing 'antr-Bntish reelings

among5l 1he educated classes' of Bengal that he 'decided that the
only way to >Irr up poli1ical cnlhusiasm wns to give politics a
religious bias'
A number of Indian wniers, staning from a qu11c dirrerem set or
assumpiions. reached much the same conclu;ion Aurobindn's old
associate llcm Chandra Das blamed the ull11na1e fotlure of the
movcmcm on Aurobindo's misguided attempts Lu infu,c it wilh
Hindu ideas. Hem claimed that during ils firs! 1wo years the secret
society had 110 conneclion with religion except for 1hc ceremony of
taking oa1hs on 1hc G ita . Aurobindo himsclr showed no interest in
religion u1 this time. h was only around 1904 tha1 he accepted 1hc
idea. lir.i suggc~tcd by Dcbavrata Bose. thal the liberation of
India could only be achieved tbrough supernatural or religious
mean>. l'rom 1his point on he delibera1ely mixed religion with
pollliCl> , with disastrous results. " This in1erprcta1ron has also
developed O\Cr the decades and became con•cnllonal wisdom to a
number or Indian imeUectuals. Onetime Cominiern leader M. N.
Roy. "'ho stancd out as an Aoushilan re\olutionary. wrote 1ha1
Aurob1ndo, one of the creators of ·Rchg1ous Nauonalism' .
'adapted the teachings or Vivekananda to poht1cal purpose>'. A
modern proponeni of this view rebukes Aurob1ndo for ·appealing
to religious passions' while a major historian endorses Hem's
asseriion that Aurobindo and his followers 1urned one means 10
achieve independence into an end in itselr. "
It cannot be denied 1ha1 from the time or 8/rawani Mo11dir
Aurobindo used religious terminology and imagery in his poli1ical
writing~. His reasons for doing so arc less ccriarn. Wa~ he a secular
polrtician opponunisttcally using religion to achie•e poliucal ends?
Or wa~ he a man of religious conviction. sincere in his expressed
belrcf that na1ionalism was ·not a mere pouucal programme' but ·a
rclrg,ion 1ha1 ha• come from God'?•
Much or the trouble that rum-of-the-century Oruons had "i1h
Auroh1ndo's \pintuality s1emmed from 1hcrr knowled~e that he
had had 1he benefit of the same education as they I low could a
man who had won pri1es a1 St Paurs School and King's College,
C'ambrrdge, give any credit to the cult of Shak1i. tO which ·are
a!»Qeiatcd ... some of !he mos1 libidmou~ and cruel of liindu
surcr.titions'? " In face when Aurobindo was in England he
rejcc1ed all forms of religious belief, c>pousing 1he agnoslic1sm
 The T~mpl~ of the Mother 71

lh<n 1•.-luonable on unl'Cl'Soly circles. But before his return to

ln1h,1. whole reading an English translation of the Upana~hads, he
had whal he later described as n ' menial experience' of the Atman
or universal soul. This did no1 in i1sclf convert him lo I linduisn1 01
any other religion; but aflcr his relurn to India he gradually
cmhr:occd Hindu ideas and sociol forms as part of hi> cffon to
recover hos cultural heritage. Much or his reading at thi' 11me was
of text; belonging to the Indian spiritual tr<ulition; Bengali
tlc1ot1onal poems. the Rama~ana and Mahabharata. the Gita and
Up.1111\had•. By 19111 he took pnJe in regarding h1m\Clf as a I hndu
r.11h<1 thiln a Brahm•>. lhc \C<I ol hoth sides of ho; f.1m1I) llis
~fO\\<lllJ! 1111cre"'il 1n the l11d1;1n \.,tluC-\\'\tem 1n1rudcc.J 1n10 a lnerary
u111dl' he wrole the S<llnc year ('oncludmg a do>cu;\1011 of the
111cd111cval poe1 K.ihd:isu. Auroh1ndo admoni;hed his readers 1ha1
lncJ111's 'one chance of salva 11on· was lo shake off ' the \Oil~ and
hhh' of her downfall aml rt(lSScri ·her peculiar individuulny nnd
na11onal type against the callow civilw1tion of tile Wc;,l' . • In this
e''k') he chd not mention llonduism by name. 1rca1ing. India's
rclo11ious tradition as part of 11s \pt.'Coal cuhural heritage Bui in
another lo1eral) article wriucn a short while later he wro1c 1hat
I lindu1sm-not the 'ignorant and cu>tomary Hinduism of 1oday
hu1 1he purer fonn of Vedanta'-mighl alone he able 10
ptC\Cnl India from plungmg 'in10 the voriex or sc1c1111hc atheism
and the breakdown of moral ideals\\ hich is cngulhng Europe'."
l'locsc pa•><•gc; muke ii elem thut Aurobindo's imcrcM in Indian
religion was at this poinl clo'>cly associated wi1h hi• rejection uf
Western values for those of hos native culture. Thb 1s in "'elf a
po1cn11ally political stance. Modern critics have cmphas11cd 1ha1
cuhural imperialism is at leasr as tlumaging as the military and
economic kind. U 'the 11npos111on of foreign armies' leads 1us1i·
liably 10 revolt. "'rites Terry Caj!lcton. the 1mpos111on of ·alien
"'")'of expenence' also crcalC'> a 'iluauon in which ·culture ''
vornlly bound up with one's common idcn1i1y that there 1;, no need
'°
10 argue for its relation lo poloucal siruggJe·."
If Aurobindo's interest in religion did not go beyond an
intellectual recognition of its ccn1rnl importance 10 Indian life, il
1111gh1 be argued that hb u~c of religious terminology was
opporrunis1ic. Bui Aurobindo did not just accept 1he philosophical
undcrpinnin~ of Hindui:.m; he prac1ised variou> method\ or
'piri1ual discipline. ancJ according 10 his own testimony he anJoncd
72 The Bomb in Bengal

some signitican1 resullS. During his stay in Baroda he had a

number of sponraneous 'spiritual experiences'. ' " Bur. striking a.~
these "'ere. 1he)' did not induce him to take up a life of spiritual
practice Indeed he later wrore that 'he did not associate rhem at
that time' with the yoga discipline he later adopted • lie was. he
explained in the 194<r... too preoccupied with 1hc idea of Indian
independence 10 dcvore himself to any 1ime-coMuming spiritual
practices. Bui when some of his friends in Baroda. among them
K. O. Dcshpnnde, rold him that the spiritual discipline known as
yoga could be used 10 obtain practical powers, he decided 10 give it
a 1ry. In 1904 or 1905 he began that form of yogic practice known
as pra11ayoma or breath-control. This gave him, he said, cerrain
non·spiri1ual results, such as increased tluency in writing. Al the
same time he and Sarin began to experiment wilh whal spiritual·
is1s call 'au1oma1ic writing'. Some of the resulung communications
seemed 10 him at 1he 1ime to originate Crom disembodied entilies.
though later he auributed most of them to 'a dramatising clement
111 the subconscious mind·. t One of the 'spirits' cont11cted in
Baroda. v.ho identified himselr as Ramakmhna Paramahaosa,
told them 10 'build a temple'. This was the (occult or subconscious)
origin of the Bhawani Maodir idea. A short time la1er. in August
l90S. Aurobindo began practising some of the spiri1ual as opposed
to psycho-physical techniques of yoga. By the end of 1he month be
could report 10 his wife tbat his preliminary experiences had
convinced him 1hn1 a man could have direct experience of God,

• 1111c i' nOI 1hc place (or an ~nquiry ttUO the vtihdhy of spln1ual cxpcncnce.
One m1Jhl OOIC tn rass.ing howe,,-e-1 tha• judtpng fnnn Auroblndo'ti own pot"liC:
lkKnpcoon< ol hi< B•nxl• txpeneoces (Coll«Wd f'omu IJll-9. IS:I-~) 1h<:y "'ere
of th< <!Ort th.at mY\lics of many cultures and pcf'ioc.b ha .. c dauncd 10 have, and
cvt<kntly •<re quite powetfuJ and s:triltio.g..
t In 19-IS So Aurohndo w.rote that he b«amc 1ntcru1cd 1n 1utomat1C writing
after Sitcutg '6(HftC '"tc-ry extraordinary' aamf*s done by Bann '" Baroda 'He
dcodcd 10 hnd UUI by ptXOSl"I lhlS Jund of WnltA8 1"11.lllKlf •hit lhcrt WlrS bctnnd
11 · Bann WT1tn of these cxpt"nmc:nts io cbapccr 10 of "'"''"' Thtrc 1s abo •
ck-1.ill('d .itttoul\1 ot one ~.uni.ft a Government of lndt1 rcpon (The attutaC'y of
th•' a<:a,unt. 25 fM_ISu~ against accounts b)' Au1-*1ndo and one of hrs fncnds:
J'tatcmt:nt nf R N Pat\ar 1n Sn Aurobtndo pctpcn. rub Puran1, J,,1/~ 65). it a
rcm.• rknh~ ooofifmauon or the cf6ciency of 1hc Unl1'-h espionage toyMem.)
Aun*"inJo (;(ltU1nued 10 pr'dlClice au1omat.c wntinll for 11omc 11n1c afttr his
w11hdo1wnl 10 Pondu:heny. but evcn1ually 'dropped LhCk.' tXf1Cri1ntn1s altogether·
(011 l/lr"wlf•\S).
 Tlrt Temple of the Mother 73

JU'I •" the ancient .criptures said. It was on the same lcllcr lhnt he
tolJ her ul h" conviction that lodia was a hving god<.less. •the
Mother'
1 he 1hrcc cons11tuents of Aurobindo's ·rehg1ou~ nJuonalism·
-ho~ belief that India was not just a piece of earth but a living
goddc": that ln<.lia was charged with the nnssion of hrmging 1he
light of 11u1h, in the fnnn of the eternal religion of Vcdanm. to a
world 1n <lunger of succumbing to Western sc1cntism and moral
anarchy: untl 1ha1 India had therefore to be libcrnted from
Wc<1crn domin:uion were all prcscnl 111 hi\ thinkmjl by 1904 or
1'10~ 'lh" w11' I"" the momcnl 1ha1 he l>e~un promotin!( 'rcli·
l-''u"'' 1h..:n1c'> in 1hc rC\rOlutionarv 1novcn1cnt. I he attested
tk\du1•1111·n1 ol 1hc\C bchcfs over a perooJ of 1hirtecn years
1t1th11.·~, un~ to :tcc('pt ('hiror'\ ru.~ssn1cnl that they were ''nccrely
held 1 he ,,,me ideas are found con">tcntly m Aurohindo's
\H1l1n~' 1hrou~hout hi' later potitieal career and even afterward~.
lltc ph1l<N>flh1cal conceptions lhat underlie 81100.-tmt Ma111lir
arpcar al"1. matured hut ba.~kall} unchanged. rn some of the main
"orks of Sri Aurohindo the philosopher and )ogm. for c~ample
noe Sp1tl1e10 of Yog/l ( 1914-1921) and Tire Motlra ( 192ll). Thc"<C
books. wruten after Aurobindo retired from pohllcs, do not lay
strc'' on the idea of India as the storehouse of 'Jliri tuality ;md as
M•Ch the de,tincd \avior of the mankind. But o ther works wrinen
at the '1tmc 111nc nnd even later 'how !hut Sri Aurohindo nc•er
abanJoncJ hi\ belief 1ha1 India had a divinely ordained >ririlual
n1i~sion. '\
Aurobindo certainly wok the rcligio-philowphical basi' of Blw·
wtml Mt111tlir 'criously. but he does not ,ccm 10 have given much
importance to the prnciical realization of the scheme. I le l:ucr said
that the pamphlet ·was more Barin's idea than his· and that the
idea of founding a temple and starting a monastic or<.ler ·was won
dropped a' far as [hcl "as concerned'. since: he knew 'II -..ouldn't
work out'.· But Sarin""' 100 taken "''h the no11on 10 let 11 drop.
Bc>1des he lacked occupation io Baroda. Sometime in the laner
part of 1905 he weni off in search of a holy place ·among the hills'.
•far from the contamination of modern c111.,._ and a~ )'Cl hnlc
trodden hy man, in a high and pure air steeped 1n calm and
energy'. where the temple was 10 be establi,hed. Deciding that the
bc>l place would be the Amarkantak Holl where the sacred river
Narmada takes its source, he went off to the highlands of central
74 The Bomb in B~ngal

lnd1a. Aller a period of "andering he \\ as obliged 10 return to the

contamonallon of modem ciries when be concracted a serious
fc•cr." By October he "as back in Baroda, but as usual was
unable to sil stoll 'His energy ne,·er Hags', "'role a seemingly
exasperated Aurobindo 10 his "'re. 'A; ~n as he gets a litrle
bcllcr. he goes out in the service of his country.'"
II was probably at this lime that Aurobmdo. Sarin and
Deshpande paid a visit to Cbaru Chandra Dull. an ICS officer
serving in TI1ana, near Bombay. Acoording to Dull the reason for
their coming was 10 enlist his help in establishing the Bhawani
Mandir order. Darin was still anxious to build the temple ; but
Aurobindo assured the unreligious civilian that the order's real
purpose was revolutionary. 'Look upon the ochre garb !of the
sannyasinsJ M a uniform,' be said. Dutt was attracted by the idea
and promised 10 help, but nothing much happened for n year or
more."'
The Ohawan1 Mandir idea was kept abve in Gujarat by K. G.
Deshpande, Aurobindo's Baroda Criend. Deshpande had been
present at the seance where the idea originated. and later decided
10 g"c 11 his own form. In May 1907' he and wme others
established a school near Chandod.. a templc·town twcniy·five
miles from Baroda. Keshavananda Swami, the mahant of the
Ganganath temple, was put in charge or the school, which became
known ns the Ganganatb Bharatiya Vidyalaya. Moneyed men of
the region con1rib111ed 10 its upkeep. The Gaekwar himself was
sa id 10 be a patron . .,
The Ganganath Vidyalaya was one of the first schools in India to
offer what became known as 'national education'. This meant
among other thongs instruction in the vernacular, hls1ory taught
from the Indian viewpoint, and instruction in 'self-defence'. As
previously in Maharashtra and Bengal. traditional games were
made the basis of a quasi-military training. Some time later, when
Dutt was asked 10 'inspect' the school, he 111itncsscd a rough game
of 'king of the castle' that left two of the boys injured. ' But the
great point was that neither of the two whined,· the inspector
•Two poha: sources (GOM CID repon 7 (1909). 80-l. GOI l!PO Occob<r
1909. 29: 2) 11\IC the date of founding as 1905. but l'W'O \·try dc1a1Jcd rcpons
cornptlcd by the Baroda police ror 1hc rcsidcn1 in 1908 and 1911 &J\'C the date a~ 17
Ma)' 1907 (BSR. RepUrt fron1 Police Comm1ssk>ncr's Office 4 July 1908, 'McrtlO CH'I
01.1ng.1na1h ln51i1u1ion').
 Tlit Ttmplt of lht Mothtr 75

rcpor1cd. " No1 long aflerwards lhe school allrac1cd 1he unfriendly
ancnllon of 1hc police and i1 was forced 10 move 10 Baroda There
11 surv,.cd uni ii 1911, when i1 was suppressed under pressure from
the govcrnmcn1. "
 8
Revolutionary Beginnings

Bann never mnna!(ed to set up hi< Temple to Uhuwani or to

C.'>tahll\h hi\ order of revolutionar) sannyasin>. Out he could nor
get the 1dea OUt Of his head and at intervah over the llCAt t\\O >Ca~
he tried to find the right spot for the temple and the right guru for
the order During the last pan or 1905 ho\\evcr he '>pent mO\t or
h" time in Baroda and Dcoghar recuperating from h1~ fc"~' B' '
being alhcnt from Calcutta at thi.' time he mMcd out on ..ornc
extr.,ordin.iry event' When he returned to Bengal he found the
once ;tpathe11c province in the grip of an unprccctlcntcd cnthu-
t\iasnL
During the first six months of 1905 the government <aid little
about partition and rhc public agitation ta1x:rcd off. Then in the
first week of July the rulers announced 110 1 only that the plan
woukl be implcmc111cd but also that the area uffcctcd would be
larger than expected. In the wake of the m1n<1unccmcnt hundreds
of protc<t meeting~ were held and hundred;, of pc1111ons drnfted.
But the feelings that were roused were too P<l"crful to be
contained by the usual channels ol protest. 'The publication of this
murderou piece of nows [about partition! doc\ not find the
Benl!alis hlcle;,;,', declared the San1frum. 'Rather it finds them
rci.ohcd to undenal;e a severer struurlc than c•er ·There \llOuld
be more meetings. petitions \\lth more signature,, dcputauons
with more delegates to England. But the Sa11Jll'Ulll al\11 ~uggt"ted a
form of mas~ re\ponsc that went beyond verbJI protest. A> long as
par1it1on lasted the Bengali people should ob~rve ' national
mourning'. During thi• period 'the use of articles of foreign ma ke
will be rcgnrded as the greatest sin'.' The idea of n boycolt caught
on quickly and soon associated itself with a drive to promote
 Rtvolutionary Besinnings 77

swudt>ht or indigenous products. Resoluuon~ in \upport of

swadc,h1 and boycon were passed by numerous meetings all o,·er
the province including a gigantic one held at the Cakuna TO\\n
llnll on 7 August. The turnout and cn1hu>1a>m "'ere ·w11hou1 a
parallel in the annals of Indian agi1a1ion'. commented the /111/ian
Mirror. ' Never "'ere the people in such a fever of exci1eme111'. yet
their mood was one of 'grim earnestness'.'
Resistance hrcd repression which generated further rc,istance.
Men ano women bc11an shouting the opemng words of Bankim''
hymn ' llun,lc Mnrnrom ' ( Hail, 0 Mothcr)- fir<I "' a pntriotic
!tlo'"'-''" and lhcn ·'' a hallle-cry. '"fhe Govcrnn1cn1 or F..1stcrn
lll'lt}'UI '''u1.•d u c1rcul~1r n1uk1nir. th1\ 1llc!:_!al I he practice in-
trc.1,cd Other .:ircular' "ere 1s;ucd pmh1b111ng \tudent' from
uncnJm~ n>c•I'"~' or takmg par1 in demon'1ral11>n< Boys
cnJan~crc1l thcir pn"pcc1' by Jef~mg them Many were expelled
and ..omc "lmols -.ere disaffiliated. In response to th" the Anh·
Circular Society"';" founded and leading men of the province met
10 ron,1dcr the establishment of an alternative srtem llf educa-
uon. At one Novemhcr meeting Subodh Chandrn Mulhck. heir 10
a Calcutta <h1pbuilding fonune. promised to donate ,1 lakh of
rupee> towards the cs1ablishmen1 of a national college For his
munihccncc he was hniled as ·Raja· '
Ma>S p;irucipation in the movement reached a peak on 16
October 1905. when the partition went in10 effect. People all uvcr
Bengal observed the day as one of mourniog. No fires were lit.
Men :ind women wa lked barefoot to the Gange; for ccrcnwnial
bathing The custom of tying rakhi threads around 1hc wrhis of
male rclauvcs w:1s 1ransformed 1010 a ritual of national brother-
hood. The swndeshi-l>oycott movement haJ b) th" 1i111c 'prcad 10
C\Cry di~trict of the province and to c111e> a' IM "way,,. I ahorc.
At a mcc11n11 1n Baroda on 2.t September. Aurobmdo mo,cJ a
resolutl<)O \lrC<\lng the need 10 make comprchcn\l\C ctforl\ 10
cn•urc that 1he wa.e of popular enthu".L'm J1d not rcccd.: • I le
bad been quick 10 rcahze the 'alue of boycott. hut unlike the
Icade"" of the movement felt ii should be used opcnl) '" ,, poh11cal
"capon Only Bn11,h products should be bo)cnttcd. not those
from Au,tna America, etc. He wro1c from llJrt>da \"king
"hcthcr it wtluld not be pos.<iblc . .. 10 crc<11c an org;ini1ation in
wluch men ol 111du,1rial and commerciJI al>1hty .uul cxpeliencc and
not politician' rdnnc could direct operation;', ' T his proved to be a
78 TJre Bomb i11 Bengal

vam hope smcc 1he men of finance and commerce " ere for 1be
most parl on 1hc '1dc of the status quo.
Before 1hc year "as o,·er Aurobindo decided 10 lcnc his job in
Baroda anu come to Calcu11a. He wa• ~iven a chance 10 do so
when Subodh Chandra Mullick offered hun J JlO'ition on the
m1tional educatton system. In November or December Aurobindo
went to Bcn{?nl 10 make arrangements. At 1h1\ tome he made his
dehul in Bengal ix>litics as a 'silent listener' at a meeting preceding
the Bcnarcs session of 1he Indian Nation;tl Congress. '. At lhe
sesoion even 1he presence of arch-Moderate G . K. Gokhalc in rhe
Chair could 1101 prcven1 1hc pas~agc or u resolution giving
conditional su1>porf 10 boycou. Af1er the Congrc:.s Aurobindo
rel urned to Baroda and applied for leave. Red-iape kepi liim -in
Guiara1 for anorher two months; bu1 on 2 March he boarded the
trJin for Calcu11a. By the 71h he was bu~y with mcerings of lhe
Executl\c Commi11ee of tbe National Council of Education .
U1s younger brother arrived in Bengal around the sumc time.
Bann brough1 w11h him a copy of 8hat1.·a11i Ma11dir and had ii
printed <ecrerly a1 a press in Calcutta .• No doubt the secrecy was
prudent. bur really 1here was nothing in !he pamphlet tha1 mighl
have endangered the printer. Many more overtly seditious
pamphlets were being circulated. One of them , Raia Kt? (Who Is
Our King?) , accused the ruling power of destroying the counrry's
commerce and indus1ry and ruining both cul1iva1ors and land-
owner> by over1axa1ion. The people should boyco11 not just
foreign goods but the whole edifice of the foreign government.
I lindus and Muslims should stand together agam~I 1heir common
enemy .' Many or the same themes were touched upon in another.
more famous pamphler: So11ar Ba11gla (Golt.fen Bengal). 'This is
1he ttmc for 1he Bengali to show the people of rhe world 1hat (sic]
he can do ... Brothers~ Hindus. Mussalmans, gird up your loins
for 1he honour or your mother. Since all must one day die. why
rearr•
These pamphlets were distributed 'on a very large scale' and
caused much constemarion among rhe Bri1ish. Bui no legal action
was taken unril March 1906, when a sixleen·ycur-old boy was
charged wi1h sedition for dis1ributing Raja Kt? in Midnapore. The
accused. Khudiram Bose . was a recent Jdui11on 10 the secret
sociery headed by Aurobindo's 'uncle' Satyendra Naih Oose. On
28 February he had been stopped by a cons1ablc while handing out
 Rtl'ollllumary Btginnings 79

oop1cs of the pamphlet 10 all and sundry. When the man tncd 10
arre>I him, Khudiram gave him a blow and disappeared. A month
later Satycn and two others were summoned by the magistrate for
questioning. Satyeo spoke what the magistrate took to be lies and
as a result was dismissed from his government post. Khudirum was
taken into cus1ody the next day. His case was commit1cd for trial
but la1er wi1hdrawn by the government. Perhaps the jibes or the
nationalist press bad told. The 8t11galee had written: 'the spcciacle
of a lad of fifteen (sic) being prcxecu1ed on a charge of sedition
does ~tnke the onlooker a< a nd1culous one.· The only clear resuh
of the affair was a strcng1hcn1n~ of 1he resolve of the M1dnaporc
'-CCrcl ">ClCty I
Ncw;raJlcrs like 1J1e IJ1•1111alrr and 1he Amrita Bazar Patnka
M>u11h1 10 pnrulnrile \wadc•h1 und bnycoll by publishing rcporls of
mcc1111gs :mu uemons1n11irn1'. Their editors, Surcndranalh Oan-
erjc11 und Mn1ilal Ghose. became 1hc recognized leaders or the
movement. Bitter rivals bo1h in journalism and in politics. they
never1hcles~ had much in common. Both were old·line Con
grc$smen wedded 10 1hc methods of constitutional agnation:
pra}Cr. petition and protes1 A new son of political thinking was
emerging. however. most clearly in 1he wntings and speeches of
81pm Chandra Pal and Brahmabandhab Upadhyay. Pal. an early
follower of Banerjea and for many years a political moderate. had
started 10 pul forward a more radical programme in the column\ of
his journal New India. Upadhyay·~ Sarrtil1ya was even more
outspoken. On 8 August 1905. a day when 1b e Indian newspapers
of Calcuna were congratulating themselves on Ille boycott rcsolu·
tion. Sandhya asked: 'Have we become so habituated to begging
that "'c can uner nothing but the words "give us alms" "give us
aJms ..?' 12
L.ike Upadhyay. Aurobindo con~idercd the boycotl ag11auon 10
be only a slight improvement over the usual 'mcndjcant' Congress
tactics. To an extent ii had taken fX'lillcs out of the lec1urc·hall and
into the s1ree1. But this was not an unmixed blessing. for it gave
the few who were imeres1cd in revolu1ion a safer outle1 for !heir
anti·Brilish feelings. ·11ie thing 10 do now was to take advantage
'of the Swadeshi movemem w popularize the idea or violen1 rcvol1
in 1he fu1ure'. " The sus1ained propaganda required for this was
more than an occasional pamphlet could provide. The party had 10
control a paper I.hat would 'preach open revolt and the ab<olute
80 The Bomb in Ber1gal

denial or Bnto<h rule" ... Neither or lhe CJ<JSllng radical newspapers

wai. su11ablc. \'ew lmlta ,.as wrillen in Engh<h and 1hcrcforc could
nol reach 1he ma<..c<>. Sar1dli1'a S cd11or wa~ a d1fhcuh man 10 work
0

w1lh and hi\" rnmg ·of lhC lllOSI rabid l)pc ln\ICdd of addressing
the MUe~. llrahmabandhah ahu..cd C\el)onc <Ind anyone in
langu.1gc that c•en his friends considered 'cx.:rrahlc'.
In March U:inn and three of hi' a'Ml<:1Jlt:~- l)chavra1a Bose.
/\b111J,h Bhn11nch;1rya and Bhupendranulh Dull dccu.lcd 10
launch their own newspaper. Barin took the pl"n 10 /\urobindo
who ll"vc his consent and helped him to find the nccc"ary fun<ls."
IL wu' ugrecd tu cull the paper Jugcmlllr (The New /\ge). a name
borrowed from a novel by Shivanath Sha,tri. On 12 M.lrch Juga11-
wr"s 'decl,mllion· or sia1e01en1 of re>pon~ibility was filed with the
(lOVCrnmCOI. This was done in the name or Bhupendrnnath, but
the ac1u.1I men m charge were Bann. Dcba>raia and /\binash . •
B.rnn. OcbaHata and later Upendranalh B.innerice IACre 1he
paper' chief \\rtlCr\. The las11wo \\ere ·ma.,tcr.. ol Bengali prose'
and 1hcir ...:mullaung articles ga•c 1he paper 11' charnc1cnmc
s1,11np At their f1c,11heir language""' ·w loft> , o,n pathetic. and
so 'urnng· that II defies 1ransla1io11. An Indian ...:hol;ar \\llh no
S) mp<llh) for the movemem "~ forced to admit ·Nothing lil.e
tlu"c artoclc' ever appcnrcd before 1n Beng;ih l11cra1urc."'
l'rom the •tart Jugantor made it clear that the ;wadcsh1-boyco11
m11vcmcn1 should be looked on as only a fir;i o,tep. In the issue of
18 March. apparently the first one published. the cdiwrs declared
in a l'IU.1h!tncnt of purpose: 'An1idst all the various agitation-; and
a11cmp1s lh<:ing made) bear it in mind ·.vw11</e~l111 !one's own
cnuntr~I comes lir<t and nvudeshl [the thing' ol one·, country!
after. . Sw111/f,/ii is u>eless wi1hou1 ~wac/r.1/111." '' I hrcc weeks
later Aurobmdo se1 forth Jugantars credo 111 an article called 'Our
Pohtocal ldcar. In a 1ill}e or national awakening a high and noble
1dc.1l """a pressing nece'<Sily. Without the wr111n8'> of Rou~"u·
Jefferson or Maaim 1he political life of !'ranee. America or Italy
could ne•cr have been transfonned. India had no poli11cal ideal
hccau..e 1he men capable of formulaung one were 1n a sia1e of
..erv11udc. Like children they were con1en1 "''h the •to}' 1he
rule~ ga.e them: telegraphs and r.11lway,, univcr<1t1es and
munic1p,1h11cs, the lndfan National Congrc!.s. They lived in chains

· S\.."C Arrcndu: I, note 1.

 Re•olutionary Begi1111i11gs 81

bul y,CrC 'nOl 3\h;mtcd 10 boast lhat these chain• \\Cre Of gold or
silver'. Bui happily more and more people y,erc beromrng
conscoou~ or their debased condi1ion . 'The idea 1ha1 1h1s all·
pervading •ubjuga1ion can no longer be borne. 1ha1 indcpo.:ndcncc
in our cducalional, commercial and poLilical life has 10 be anained
by any ineans possible, is spreading throughoul lhc coun1ry.' It
was fuule to assemble in Congress eacb year 10 beg for an increase
in 1he number of Indian civ~ servanll> or fo r minor cli.tngc~ in an
economic sys1e111 1ha1 was designed 10 urain India's wea lth 1'1
Brirnin. India had 10 become self-re liant. Every \•illagcr hall 10
bnyrnu l~riti<h 1100<1, The chiluren of 1he mochcrlnnd had 10
hccomc w in1U\1ca1cd w11h lhc idea <'l pa111nl1c \crvocc 1hn1 1hcy
"""Id h.oppol) ((" 10 JU•I lor the country\ >a~c. II w;" 111nc lO 'cul
1hc golucn di.ion· Th" was che road 10 'al•al1un (muktir put/i); all
othc" led onl) 10 lhralllom.
In '>Ub>equen1 t'\Sues Jugantar s1rcs.t-d. more boldly and
aruculatcly than any Indian paper before 11. lhe fundamen1al need
of independence (swadllinata). To those who said 1ha1 hberty
\\OUld come m lhC wake of all-round progre.,., J111:a111ar replied
1ha1 11 was 'lunacy to look for all-round progrc--. on our prcscn1
stale or servitude'. Once independence ""' achie•ed . progress
would follow. To 1hose who harped o n social reform. ~ayonf!, 1ha1
1hc mullicud innus problems of Indian sociely hud 10 be solved
before freedom was possible. Jugnrrtar declared 1ha1 110 wcial
progrcos wns IXl"-\iblc wi1hou1 libcriy. Differences or cascc and
creed would not in lhemsclves prcvenl lhc attainmcnl of inde-
pendence. If men of cliffcrenl easies and creeds fough1 mgc1hcr for
liberty. 1his would produce the needed unity. The removal of
povcrly could only follow lhe acquisition of poli1 ical indepen-
dence. Without independence even lhc 1radi11onal palh' of
sponlual advancc111cnc could not be follo.. ed ' In this age 1he field
for the prauice of religion is not 1hc fore>l or chamber. bul 1hc
blood.iaincd field of banle."
One of J11.~11111ar's aims was 10 ·preach open rcvoh' It did 1his
with ;uch fr;inkness thal in relrospect it 1s hard to hclie\c 1ha1 1he
Bnli>h allowed 11 to go on for as long a> 1hey did Al fiN 1he
appcu l W3' couched in rhe1orical 1er111s similar 10 1hosc used in
l<u10 Kr? and Somir Ba11g/a:

Wnr or rcvolu11on i~ n thou~!lnd times better than th:ic 'peace' underwh1ch

82 The Bomb in Bengal

mortality ~ fast rising rn India Would no1 the disappc;uance or filly

million men in an attempt 10 del1\ler India be a hundred times be11er than
this impotent death under Ilic grim \helter of peace .•.. If yott cannot be a
111a" In life be 01rt'. in deulla 1'he rore1gncr has come and fixed the way in
which )'OU Jive, but 1'ow }'fJll t//,. tlrvtnd.f tntlrely on your~·r/f. u

As the writers became bolder. 1hcy began dropping hin1s of a

'secret conspiracy' and 'bands of secret assassins'. 'Gratitude and
loyally ougllt not to be e~pectcd from an oppressed nauon: one
wri1er proclaimed. 'India 1s oppressed. therefore the people
should not be loyal bul should rise."'
Aurobindo wrote only a few aniclcs for Jugantar. I le was not
sufficiently ftuenl in Bengali lo con1nbute regularly to a weekly
newspaper. Besides, his work at the National Council or Educa·
tion was keeping him busy. But he did find time lo try to piece
together the fragments of the revolutionary society. It no longer
seemed necessary to maont:11n a 'close organization or the whole
movement'. since the taking up or the idea by 'many scparulc
group'l led 10 a greater and more widespread diffusion or the
revolutionary drive and us acuon' P M11ra·s Anushilan group had
survhed the Bann-Jaun spht and "'as now beginning to 'spread
enonnously', particularly in East Bengal. '' The mmt acuve cen1re
was Dacca, which had been visited by Mitra and Pal in November
1905. Pal, a stirring speaker, called for volunteers who were
willing to sacri6ce all for the motherland. Eighty you11g men
•tcppcd forward , one of whom was n tough twcnly·eight·ycar-old
named Pulin Bihari Das."
Training under Mortaza had made Putin one of the best lathi
and sword figllters in the province, but he showed even grc;1ter
aptitude in revolu1ionary recnutment and organiwt1on . After his
initiation (according to.a go,ernmen1 repon on terrori>m com·
piled a quancr-<:cntury later) thesom11i 'spread hke wildfire' Soon
there were five hundred chapters. bound together in a 'close and
dewiled organization'. ln•pcctors sent Crom headquancrs submit·
ted regular reports on mofusstl societies. 'Careful and detailed
instructions' were sent from Dacca. The sturdy young men of
Eastern Bengal were the sori or material that Jatin Banerji had
sough1 in vain in Calcutta Pulin became what Jatin had always
wanted to be: 'captain·ge11eral' or a well-oiled re•oluuonary
machine. The Dacca Anushilan 'soon overshadowed 1ls parent
 R..•ol111tonory B..ginnings 83

society' am! became the region's pre-eminent revoluuonary

samui. faentually it absorbed most other East Bengal groups;
but ror i.cveral years local samuis nourished io the district town~.
Mymcnsingh had two: the Suh rid Samiti and the Sadhana Snmnj or
ll cmendra Kishore Achuryya Chaudhury. Manoranjan Ouha
Thakurta's Brati Samiti had branches in Khulna. Faridpur and
other places. " Both Britons and Bengalis were struck by the
'order and method' shown by members or the various groups. a
new sense or discipline in what Niud Chaudhuri termed 'that \Cry
undi'ICiplined people. the lkngah<' ' The government niulJ
hardly ObJ~l to young men hu1ld1ng up their bodic' and domg
commun111 o;ervice. Ne1cr1hck" the CID b.:gan d1-.crcctly to
1nvcsugatc .111J onf1hra1c the new organi1.ations.
One uf 1he rc:osuns fn1 the rapid '>prcad or samitis in Eu,tcrn
Bcngn l wn\ the 111tnlcr:ol)lc adm111istrntion of the provrncc's
licu1cnnn1-governor, Sir l3a111pry1Jc Fuller. The disorder that
per-;isted even after the partition became a ·seuled fact' prevemcd
thi~ pclly despot from enjoying 1hc perquisites of his office. When
Fuller arrived in bis capital he was met by a few hundred men
"'horn the loyalist Na" ab of Dacca had managed to assemble. The
next day fi•e thousand people turned out to receh·e B1p1n Chandu
Pal. "ho con•ened an ant1-p3rl1tion mceung under the heutcnant-
govcmor's nose. Things did not improve for Fuller when he went
on tour. At Faridpur 'the rai lway poners refused to touch his
luklgage which had to be curried by police-constables.' Before
going on to Batisal, one of the onain centres of protest in Lhc
province, he had a hundred Gurkha military potice sent ahead.
When he arrived in the town he asked Aswini Kumar Dull and
other local leaders to witbdra" n pro-boycoll circular thal they had
issued. Wishing to avoid the riots he \\as sure \\Ould follow h1>
arrc,1. Dull complied. Fuller wns satisfied but left h1\ Gurkhas
v.hen he depaned. Such 'puni111c police· were ~upposed 10
pre1cn1 d"lurbances, for ex•mplc by helping Muslims purcha'\C
non-swadeshi cloth. According 10 persistent reports however they
took a<Jvantage of the s ituation 10 rob, rape, and generally crcare
turmoil ."
Unublc to rule by law. l'uller resorted to government by
ordinance. It was bis government that issued the infamous '13andc
MaturJm' Circular and one o f the circulars prohibiung student
participation in the movement When schoolboys m Scra1ganj
 Tile Bomb in Dtngol

refused 10 ioe 1he line. Fuller scni in pun111ve police and

demanded tba1 1hc ~hool be do<affiliated. Finding few Hindu
friends he cullivated 1hc favour or the Mushm~. gaining wide
noioric1y for h" remark Ihat of h1~ 1wo wive,. I lindu and Muslim.
he preferred the Inner. By one of hos corcuJars he ruled that a fixed
proportion of the new !!Overnmcnrs po;ts would be reserved for
Muslim~ whether qualified or nol perhaps the hl'\t application of
this con1rover<;ial pohcy in India's history."
The unrest in Eastern Bengal came to a head on 14 April 1906
when 1hc Bengal Provincial Conference of the Indian Na1ionul
Congress was held in Barisal. Congress provincial conferences
generally aurac1cd a couple of hundred delegates and visi1ors.
This umc there were around ten lhousand. All lhc big Calcutta
nationuhsls attended Aswini Oun and other local leaders pleaded
with 1hc delegates to net discrcc1ly. But the Calcuua men were
spoiling for a figh1. and when the police pas~ed an order
prohibiting procession,. they decided to test its validity. Ranging
themselves in columns the} march<-d down the sueet chanting
·eande Ma1aram · Ille police let 1he leaders pass and then
auackcr.I the younger men wilh luthis. Many were injured .
Bancrjea courted arrc\I and was gratified by a fine for contempt of
coun." "!be next day he found himself the most famous man in
India. hos position as leader of Congress in Bengal secure. As ne"s
of hi( arrest spread. indignation meetings were held in every pan
of 1hc counlry. Mos1 nationalis1 papers were sali~ficd with the way
things had turned ou1, but Sa11dltyo wrote tha1 it was 'a mis1akc to
offer one's head to be broken by the Fcringhi [haled European)".
Jugamar commen1cd: 'Foree must be opposed by force, deceu by
dcceu: •
Bipin Pal, Aurobindo and Subodh Mullick had been present a1
the Barisal conference. Afterwards. wishing 'to know first hand
whal sort of people" w~re ruled by Bampfyldc Fuller. they toured
the districts of East Bengal. Pal spoke 10 large and enlhusiasllc
audiences. Jn Comolla be ·gave a fiery speech-hrnung at bullets
and ca nnons and so forth'. Aurobindo and Mullick, both unable to
address meelings in Bengali, held ·croscd·door diM:ussions· with
local leaders. In Mymensingh and other places Ihey made contact
with revolutionary socieues such as !he Sadhana Samaj. In all 1hc
three men spent a month and a half on the road. returning to
Calcuua by the end of May. "
 Rerol111ionary Beginnings 85

ll•nn Gho<;e lc/t the capital for eastem Bengal JUSt around the
ttme hi\ brother arrhed home. After three months as eduor of
Juga11111r he,.., beginning to get restless. The paper "as anracting
some 011cnt1on, bu1 mos1 readers still preferred H1tu>Y•d1, St1111i-
mm and Sntrdliyu. Somelimes Barin and Abinash had to go 001 on
the >lrccls 10 hawk copies. ~ This was not the son of work Sarin
had rn mind when he came to Bengal and in May he got a chance
to do something more subs1an1ial. • Nirode Mullick. Subodh's
cousin. offered him r• thousand rupees l<J kill Bampfylde Fuller. "
Oari11 ncccp1cd the commission. Tl\ king a couple of revol ver~ nnd a
crude homc1nndc lmmh he went to Shillo11g.1hc summer ca1>irnl of
the prov111cc It wa< agreed lha1 he would complete certain
prcparallon' nml thcn wire llem Chandra Da' of M1dnnpore, who
had been 'elected as 1he hit·man.t After rccc1v1ng llarin'~
1clc~ram I lcm \l;ir1ed for Shillong, only 10 meet Bann nn his wa)
bad to the plains. The leader bad decided 11 would be bcncr to do
the JOb in Gauhau When they arrived in th<ll to"n Bario decided
it would be preferable 10 do it in Barisal. Wherever the) ~topped
Hem "01s a~tOm$hcd 10 see the alacrity with "h1ch Baran took
people into his confidence and told them the whole ~tory. ' This
circumstance,' he la1er wrote. 'made me wonder whether my
evaluation of Bario as a first-class revolutionary worker was
correct ·I le concluded that Barin's main obiect wa~ nm killing rhe
lieu1cnun1 gMcrnor bur carrying out 'revolutionary propaganda
and :tclr·:1dvcrtisc111cnt'."'
At Borisul the would-be assassins received a cordial reception
from 1hc local people. many of whom expressed plc11sure on
hearing their plans. But none of them were willing 10 a\sist the

• Ok: c\ocnh r«t>Unttd 1n this and -5U~uent p.i.ragraphs 1ool pl.ICC, ac-·
cmJ1n1 h\ tl(m Ch.anJna lb$, af1cr the first week of May and t-ctorc 1M cnJ of
July lYI:"' CIJatt,lnt 81rlab. ch3(Hcrs 9-11 ). Aurobtndo mc:nhoMd Oann's dw.rc
10 ~ 10 \h1Uon.a 1n a k11tr to hes f;)thcr-111...law cb:rcd 8 June 190f> CAcfR I
(December 1977) l<S)
t In h,. accoon1 Clhmtl""f B•p/ab. cbapt<r 9) Hem docs not m<nuoo ch< nam< of
the u°M.11\rldual '\timed but it tS AJffic::icntl)' evMkn1 1ha1 It ....,, he . In a t.u1tmtnt to
1bc pol1« 1n 14110 Uren Banerjee said lb.al the auemp1 vn fuUcr 1n Rangpur v.·as
m.uJc h~ ltc1n Da• and Bann. auistcd by PrafuUa 010.k1 •nd ~1ani Uh.i n (001
1-IPO Au(l.U\I 1q11 , 9· 13). (In llis accoun1 l-lem aJso 1ncn1toned 1hc 1hcn dead
Cho.li.1 by no&mc.) lJpcn Wtt.\ no1 directly ronnee1cd w11h chis ;iucmpt hu11hct'e i~ no
rc.aSC1n h> tloubc his 1c1hmony on this poinl Arun Ouh;1 ~l.!ioO wrote that Hem was
ln't'OIYcd in the .,.ullcr ancn1p1 (Fln.·t Spark 210).
86 Tht Bomb in Btngal

assassins and 1he lieu1enam-govemor left the town unharmed.

Leaming tha1 he was planning to go to Rangpur. Sarin and Hem
wenl 1here to ""'ai1 his arrival. Bui by this llme they were running
low on money and Sarin >ent Hem 10 Calculla to get some from
Aurobmdo. Aurobindo had only Rs 25 10 ~pare and, according to
Hem. ~uggcs1cd they rob someone to gel 1hc needed funds.
Aurobindo scnl n new man named Narcndra Na1h Goswami to
help them do 1his. n Narendra, the son of a Serampore landowner,
had decided 10 dedica1e himself 10 the cause after being moved by
what he read in Jugontar. After his admission he was informed that
ihe society would get money for arms and ammunition by looting.
C haru Dull referred to 1his as the 'Mahralla' me1hod. an allusion
10 the plundering raids of the eigh1ccnlh·ccn1ury Mara1ha free-
boolcrs. ~
According 10 Naren. Aurobindo gave him 1welvc rupees and
some cartridges and sen1him10 Rangpur. The cartridges, it turned
out. did nol fit the gun Naren had been given by Ab1nnsh, and he
had to be re~quippcd." In Rangpur Naren met Sarin, Hem and
the local rc,olu1oonaries. Since Fuller wa_\ sull delayed they
dcc1ded 10 go ahead w11h 1he dacoi1y. The 1n1cndcd victim was a
widow who lived alone. Sarin organized '"'o partoe' and sen1 them
on I heir mission. himself slaying in Rangpur in order, he said, 10
direc1 1he operalion. The dacoits go1 close to the widow's village
when 1hcy learned that a police sub-inspector was 1herc. They
returned 10 Rangpur, not at all un.happy aboul their failure. Sarin
wa> di,appointcd bul glad his men had made (1n ·hones! a11cmpl'. ••
When ii became clear that Fuller was not coming 10 Rangpur.
Hem and Prnfulln Chaki, a new recruit from thnt mwn. wenl sou1h
to Naihat1 Junc1ion. Guns io hand, 1hey wa11cd for 1he 1ieu1enan1-
govcrnor's 1rnin, in1en1 lo board it, break IRIO his compartment
and open fire . Fortunately for Fuller (and the young despcrados)
hi\ special did nol take its expected route. D1sappo1n1cd. Hem and
Prafulla \l>Cnt 10 Calcutta, where 1hcy 1old the whole SIOI) 10
Aurobindo. · fie lislencd 10 it calmly and iold (lhcml 10 go
home .~"
The unsuccessful a11empt 10 kill Fuller was pmbably 1he first
seriou> efforl 10 commit a political murder 111 Bengal's modem
his1ory. As such ii was 1he predecessor of dot.ens of at1emp1s,
some of 1hem successful, in the decades tha1 followed. The
lauglwblc bid lO rob 1hc widow of Rangpur was similarly the
 Revolu1io111Jry Beginnings 87

predecessor of scores of polilical dacoities. According to Hem 1he

idea of political murder and dacoi1y had first been put forward at a
mec1ing convened by Aurobindo shor1ly after his arrival in
Calcuna. Besides resolving 10 bring out Jugantar and 10 esrnblish
Bhuwani Mandirs, the participants decided it was time 10 carry out
'actions'. In the vocabulary of the revolution, 'action' meant a
terrorist attempt. in particular the murder of oftlcial~ or 1he
robbery of rich men or government 1reasuries. The reasons
~dvanced in favour of these acto>ilies were, first. 1ha1 successful
a11emp1s would ca1ch 1he anenuon of 1hc public and faohtalc lhc
spread of 1he re"oluhonary 11lea; and second, lha1 1he perform·
ancc of danng deeds would help 1hc young men of Bengal lhrow
off 1heir perennial fainl·hcuncdness and develop manly qunli11es.
There were also financial consider:olions. Robberies would fill 1he
society's coffers direc1ly . assassinu1ions indirectly; for there were
plcnly or nationalist sympalhizcrs ready 10 pay for lhe dea1h of
someone like Bampfylde fuller." I lem says tbal lhe idea of raising
funds by means of daco11ies was 1aken rigb1 from 1he pages of
A114nda Math. It was also supposed 10 be practiced by Russian
revolu1ionaries, !hough no one knew quire exactly bov. ." In fact
'cxpropri~tion' (as the Russians euphemis1ically termed 11) has
been prac1iccd by mos1 revolu1ionary 1errorisrs. By undcnakmg
polillcal assassinarions and robberies lhe revolutionaries of Bengal
were simply adop1ing the universal 1ac1ics of 1errorism."
By his own (retrospcclivc) :1ccount. Aurobindo was opposed 10
1erroris1 mc1hods, preferring ra1her a steady preparalion for a
general uprising. 'My idea', he said in 1938, 'was for an open
armed revolution in the whole of India .' Assassina1ion and
dacoi1ies 'were nor a1 all my idea or in1cn1ion'. Nevertheless he did
1101hing 10 s1op the society's tum 10 terrorism. Asked "'hy years
la1er he replied: 'It is no1 wise 10 check things' hke this.
panicularly when lhey have taken a ·s1rong shape'. 'for somclhing
good may come out of them'."
The exac1 na1ure of Aurobindo's connection wilh Bario and his
tcrrorisls remains a controversial question. • II is complica1ed by
the foci 1ha1 later in life Aurobindo became a revered spiri1ual
leader whose disciples find ii difflcull 10 picture llim as an advocate

• I hl\'C d1scuued 1bi! question II arcater ltnglh in "Auroblndo Ghole u

RcYOlu11oaary' (So..t.lt At"' 15 (19921>
8S The Bomb in Be11gal

of robbel") and murder. Some statement~ or Aurobindo's lend

<upport 10 the belief that he had no direct connection with the
terrori~t>. 'The "hole mo•ement "as on I Bartn'sl hand~.' he said in
19311. 'I had no time for it.·... If I had been the head. I \\Ould ha'e
been much more cau11ou;:- But Bann htm-.clf declared lha1 while
Aurobando 'had never taken pan in an) O\Crl '"' of rcvolu11onary
or terrorist nature'. he yet was 'the very soul or lite Irevolutionary)
movement'. Barin also claimed that Aurobondo wn' he hind ccnain
spccillc uc1ions including the a1temp1 t0 kill l'ullcr."
There can be no doubt in any case that Aurohindo was
cogni£an1 of Bari n's uctivities. Among those who affirmed this was
C. C . Oun who, writing in lhe context or the 11llemp1 on Fuller.
$;lid 1h.1t Aurobindo 'knew everything' about the revolutionary
"ork. c11her before the attempt was made or Jhcr. • Whether
Aurobondo nc1ually initiated or helped plan any s~..:ific action is
more difficult lo determine. Hem Das and Narendra Nath
G°'"ami both claimed that Aurobmdo 1n1toa1ed the Ran~ur
attcmpl But Aurohtndo said th:ll Bann and ho~ a<'\lluatcs ·wanted
to do 11 but did not'.~
Some of 1he :ipparent dispanty between ;uch a\-.cr11011s may be
due 10 Aurobindo's <t}'le of leadership. Bhupcn Dull\\ rote or him.
' lie didn't 'ay, ··oo 1his. do lha1": bul for :my ue11on ho~ sanction
w;1> ncces,ary.' " This accords with Barin's clanm that Aurot>indo
g:ivc hi~ wuno;cl (paramarsh) <>r sanc1ion (1111111111111) in connection
with ccr1 .. h1 actio ns. Whal exactly Aurohindo'• 'counsel' consis1cd
of is unclcnr. In ccriain instances discussed in later cltnptcrs Barin
seems 10 have received a general approv:tl rrom h•• bro1hernnd then
pre.cntcd it to his a.socia1es as Aurobindo'' ·order'.
Baron himself admillcd that Aurob1ndo was '<cldom lthe
movemcnl'sl ac11vc leader . . . but rather 1he in,pirer and the soul
behind 11. I being at the helm or things on worlmg its i.ccret and
mncr detail~'. ' This agree> in general term' w11h Aurobindo's
statemcnh I le never denied being a re•oluuonaf): indeed he
wrote a long no1c gi,ing the lie 10 the notion that 'he was opposed
in principle and in pracuce to all violence and that he denounced
terrorism. 1n•urrec1ion, etc .. as entirely forbidden by the spirit and
lc11cr of the llindu religion.' The notion lhal he was opposed to
these 1hings was ·quite incorrec1-. he said. adding w111t obvious
reference to 1hc Gandhian cult or non-violence thn1 he wns
'nei1hcr nn impotent moralist nor a weak pucolht'. "
 9
Tribulations and Trials

The aburtl\e ancmph al a'"""""11on and daco1I) in 1hc summer

of 1\101> "'ere 1hc \O<:ICI)\ l,1,1 ";1(IH)11~· for alm°'I a )Car Barin·s
heahh was Sllll precarious and he '>JlCnl much Of lhi' period in
Dcoghar 1ry1ng 10 ~ha~c off h1> fever.' Hem Das. afler his munlh·
Ion!? wild-goo'c cha.sc. had become d1sgus1ed with Bario and the
society in general. When he go1 back to Midnapore he sold pan of
hi' property and bough1 a uc~ct for Mar,collc,. If nobody else
knew how to run a rcvolu1ion he would find out how lo do so
him!;Clf. Before leaving India he obtained lcuer1ofin1roducuon10
1hrce radical cdi1ors working 111 Eumpc One of 1hcm was Ti1.1k·s
friend Shyamji Krishnavarmn. who hJd helped Mmlhavrno Jadhav
on hi~ w:1y 10 ncrn. '
J\ltcr ,i:-.en<ling 'cvcr:1I unproducli\'C 11ul1Uh~ in Sv.•icl'crlan<l and
Paris. I lem wcnl to Lomlo11 where he met Kri-hnuvarma . ·1 he lwo
men did not hit it off. Oc,pi1c h" "' idc111 udvo<"acy or Indian
I lome Rule. Krishnuv:ormu ""'" O(lpmcd 10 the use of force . When
he lcmncd 1hnt I Icon wn' in1crcs1cd in bombs. he rcfu":<l 10 offer
him any :"'"'""cc. Some of 1hc young men a1 "India Hout<e·,
Kn,hnavarn1c1·-i: 'tudent ho,t1:I , had 111tCrC!,l~ si1nih1r to I lcn1·s: but
"hen I lcm applied for ,, job al 1hc ho'1cl. Kri~hnavar111a drove
hun oul. I le rcwrncd '" Pari,. "here he wa> IJlcn up by S. R .
Rana . :1 K.11hiawari R•JPUI "llO "•"on 1hc JCWclry businc" Rana
!!"vc I km and h" fncnd P M B.1p.11 .•1 M;ihara,hlrian who had
just conic ui..cr frtln1 Lngland. cnou)th nloncy 10 ~tart ~tutl~ing.
chcn1is1rv. •
Al 1h" po1111 - .1pp.1rc n1I~ 111 Jul\ 1907- llcm and Bapat go1 in
10uch ""h ·1 1ben.1d·. a pronuncnl l rcnch anarchl\l. L1benad
ga\C 1hc )OUng Indian' worl o n h" ncw!>p.iper and encourd!fCd
90 The Bomb in Bengal

1hem 10 auend anarchis1 meeungs. • Before this Hem had 1hought

1ha1 anarchism w.as jusl ano1hcr word for revolution. When he
learned whal anarchists actually believed. be stopped allending
1hc meetings. Bui by this time he had met some people who were
inte res1ed in his plans , among 1hcm an American anarchis1 who
may have been Emma Goldman.t She in1roduccd Hem and Oapat
to 1he leader of a French sociall\I orgHnization. a reclu,ive figure
they knew only as 'Ph.D.' Alter obtaining 1hc n~ssary rec:om·
mendauons, 1he two BengaliS "ere admined to Ph .D's pany.
Badly in need of money. 1hey decided 10 approach Krishnavarma,
"'ho had receolly shifted to Paris af1er a question was pu1 in
Parliamenl abou1 his actiYJt1cs. Wi1h the help of Ph .D., Item and
Oapa1 were able 10 win Krishnavarma over. in pan because he was
impressed by 1he growing maturity of the nationalis1 movemcni as
s hown by the writings of Juga111ar and ocher Calcutta papers.•
Ph.D. and another man , identified by I fem as 'a former officer
belonging 10 his p:irty', 1:iugh1 him and Bapal history. geography
and economics. along with wcinlism, communism, e1c. Finally
1hcy began to inslruct them on the organiza1ion of secret socie1ies
information the studenl\ eagerly jotted down in 1heir nOIC·
books The 1eachcrs were al first hesiran1 about gi,ing informal ion
on t>omb·making: but finally 1hcy relemed and goi a member of
1hcir pany 10 ins1ruct Hem and Bapat in explosive chemis1ry and
demolition. '
One of Hem and Bapal's teachers was 1he Russian revoluli<lnary
Nicolas SafranskL During this period of revolutionary upheaval in
Russia. many ac1ivis1s had emigrated 10 the West. Accordmg to
Paris police, by 1907 there "'ere some 1500 Rus.\1an 'terrorists' in

• Llbenad (real name J()l(phAtbttO was born in Bordcau.1n IH71_lie -.en1 to

Pars.~at cht •ge or ~"<nry~ and t0on became one or 1be pot10p1l f11urn 1n the
1nd1\otdualis1ic school or an.arthi~m . v.-htch -...s opposed to 1he s:yndK:altMn that at
that 11mc domina1ed lM Fttndl •orLcrs MO\'C-mtn1. In 1905 l 1bcr1ad launched the
nev.sp.a~r L •Artarrlrit. He was ~nl 10 J*'' more lhan oocc ror vanou~ ofrcntti. the
ld~I tune 1n Jun~ 1907. 11 was np~rcnlly 11 rcpon of his sentencing on 1hc 30th of
chi' month that hroug_hl Hein Chttndr:i Oa~ In hi\ door. Libenad died in N1wcmbcr
190tl (Mnilron. Du:tionnalre. vol 11, 291; MailrCJn. /Ji.\·to;re, 277-S: AN P/7/IJOSO,
'L'iurnrchl!'mc en France' 23: rJ?/1272l pn-.11inl)
t lh~m (who mcnrioncd re-.. n1unc~ 1n h111 :1ccuun1) ~kt or 1hi..11 pe~n 1u :1
tem:ift unarchi.s1 "·ho hved 1n Arm,:r1e.., P"'n' pohcc rtportcd that Emma Goldman,
1hc R"~"'rnn·born anatchast rc11d..:nt ~1n~\' tkr ch1lJhood 1n Amero, WI! lldl\'C 1n
P•"' In Sepccmbct 19U7 (A)ol Fnlll>o"l-4 n I. 33)
 1r1bularions a11d Trials 91

the city. Safranski was regarded as the leader of the 'maximalist'

faction of the socialist revolutionary pany and he was kept under
close surveillance." When the police came to know that be "as in
contact with Indian students they decided to inform their counter-
parts in London. Sometime in December they sent a note through
the French embassy, the contents of which were transmitted to the
India Office. On 30 Oe<JCmber Lord Morley wired 10 the viceroy,
Lord Minto: 'The French Government bas furnished a Memo-
randum by the Paris Police in which it says that Nicolas Safransk1,
Russian Anarchist, has been instructing natives of India at Paris in
manufacture of explo~ivcs.'' In Jnnuary British delectives cried to
gather furthor informJl1on in Pari• 'Oley were unable to learn
anythina about Hem hu"c'er. for he had left Europe around the
middle of Oc<;ember '
Dunng the year und o half of I lem·s absence in Europe the
advanced nationalists became a force to be reckoned with in India .
In June 1906 Ttlak came to Calcutla to preside over a celebration
of the Shivaji festival. His lieutenant G . K. Khaparde noted that at
the time there were three parties in the city: 'the Moderate party"
led by Surcndranath Banerjea, a middle-of-the-road group led by
Motilal Ghose, and 'the party led by Bepin Babu (Bipin Chandra

• Hem Chandra does ftOC stve t.bt umcs ot any ol the soa1lu:Lt In a file tn 1hc
French Nt"onal Archrv~ (AN Fn/12894. n· I) there is an c1g.hl·pagt: dossac:r on
Nicolas Safransk:i, in whach It t:J slated thal tn No"cmbcr 1901. •..·cry prectSely' on
1hc slxth or the month. Sfifran&ki met certain lndian$. apparcnlly Bcngah~. 10
whom he g.a\·c ICSSOfls 1n bomb·making. According to thit rc1'tQr1, Sufranskl Wiili
born in Pohava (io 1.be present Ukraine) in 1878. was 'formcrl)' 1 bnlliant officer 1n
the RU:Qi.in army'. Nd. come 10 Pans lD January 19'11. and wa." con.s.tdercd 'lhc real
bead o( the maJ1malist party' of 1hc Russian 'IOC:lallSt re...-01ution1ncs· I ttunk there
[s no doubt 1hat the man known to 1bc P1ris police as S:ifransk1 was one or
H ein Chandra's 1eachers- probably the former officer bu1 f)0'~1bly Ph.0 11 i'
cenain thol Sarrans.ki wa11 a Cormcr military offlocr. on the other hand Mcm
Chandra dc1mbcs PhD Ii 'a r..tudt:n1 of l-lindu philosophy 1n a European
un1~n.1y• and the Pan:s pot.ex KpOft that S..franY.i -.-as cnroUC'd 1n re:c.o.c dn
c...n..,.. OncnW... a fact that .... ccnfi._.s by Bruisb pol>« la1cr (K<i IJI)
Gharpurcy (p. 412), who cl;ums Bapa1 11$ an 1nfonnaot. 1ay1 that the 1c-achcr or
Hem and Oapat was ·a young Russian rcv-Olutionary 1n Pans' Dircndra Chandra
St-n. iroprl ..oned with Hem in 1908, says 1ha1 the nu1n 1lcm con1octed in Pat'is wa11
·I.he Rus.si~n rcvolutj(\nary M1ronow-a,, citied mili1ary engineer ttnd a Sanskri1
scbolor· ('Sri Aurobtndo.,. I Rcmcrnb« Ihm· 21) II may be that B•pa• •old
Ciharpurcy atio.u $.aframl1. and 1ha1 Hem Chandra 1okl Sen •bout Ph 0 . Thal one
or bo1h or 1hc men l#Ctc Ru~1an 5ttms ccruun
92 The Bomb in Bmgal

Pall' which was ·1be real popular pany' corresponding '10 Tilak'•
pany in Poona". ' Dunni; ,1nd af1er T1lak'• visit his follo,.cn; and
Pal'< hegan to regard lhem-.clvcs as pans of a single enti1y. This
wn< the origin of the pariy th;ot soon became known 1hc a•
Extrc111is1s. •
/\fler Tilak left Cakulla the co111lic1 bc1ween the Bancrjcn a nd
Pnl fac1ion~ assumed 'alarming propor1ions'. 1· The clash ccn1rcd
round the selection of 1hc Reception Committee £or the l'l06
SC'-\IOn or Congress. \\hich wa~ .cheduled to be held'" Cakuna'"
Occember. Unlike mo:.1 Congre\S bodies 1he Reception Commi1-
1cc v.as of more than ceremonial importance ~incc 11 v.a'
empowered to chose the pre<1tlcn1 or 1he session. The Extremists
"ere hampered in their effom to promote their programme by
lhcir lack of a ncw,paper "11h 1hc clou1 of Bancrjea·s /Je11g11/ee
11111.l G hosc's Patrika. A l the end of July Bipin Pal decided 10
launch a new English duily. to he called. provocatively , l)a//(/e
illlllll rt1m. After seeing the fir"\t h<ue through the press on 6
/\ugu<t. he dashed off on" ,pcaking 1our or East Bengal . Before
le.I\ mg he ntrac1ed a promi-.c from Aurobindo to contribu1e on
;ort1cle e•ery day."
Smee hi' return to Cdkulla m June, Aurobindo 11'ld had hulc
11me for political. much le'~ rcvolu1ionary v.orl.. "" chief
prc0<:cupu11on \\"3S lhe BcngJl NiillOnal College. \\hic:h opened llS
doms on 15 Augu•t wilh him .1~ ii; fir.1 principal . During the las1
parlor the year Aurobindo gave lllUCh of his tin1c lo ;1drnini~trn1 ivc
w1>rk ;111d leaching. But the College proved to be u di,appoin1-
mcn1. Mos1 membc.- or the N111ional Council of l:.tluc;11ion were
reluctant 10 Jo anything tu offend the government They wcnl ~·
far •" 10 prohibit students from 1.1k111g pan in pol11kal mccllnl!'·
forgc11ing 1hat a prunar) re.Nin for 1he e'tahli,hmcnt of 1he
>)"Cm wiL~ to assist Mudent' v.h<,_., p<•litical acti\lsm had got them
expelled. Under such <,(c\\;ird\h1p ·nauonar education l><.'Came
li11le bc11cr 1han a second· r.llc copy of the Brill\h \MICI).
Wha1ever its meri1s. 11 no lon~cr cou ld be con<iJcrcd a parl ol lhc
nutionul 111ovcmcnl as a wholt.!.

• Ill" ll.lmc was firs I applieJ 10 ihc p.1rty hv 1hr LonJu-n 111ttrs anl..l IJtcr llll.'~CO
up h)· 1hc 111,•;11 party. ¥.llo were cJlkd 1hc ~todcralt!• by the ' l''<trcou,1..· l hc
Urtl(tn.1lly IK"JOntli\'C n1cln.1mc... C\\ ntu.ill't h«-:1mc .....t,thleihcJ ol.\ 1tk· r.ir(I('\.
no.1nl'l',. t>o1 neither ot them •01( C\lrl'cnt unttl ttJ07~ 1 use rhcm tkr~ to i\\t'td
<onru.'l•ln
 Tribula11011s a11d Trials 93

I .On!\ before Lhi;, failure became apparent. Aurobindo";, interest

had 'h1ftcd from the College to Bonde Mararam. Hh wri11ng. a
blend of lucid thinking and subdued passion. attracted the
attention of nationalists across the country. As the jou rnal grew in
slature it became the object of n power siruggle between lhc
supporrcrs of Bipin Pal and n more radical group that favoured
Aurobindo. The mos1 acute differences of opinion were over the
attitude 10 be taken towards 'secret rc\'olut:ionary action". "Bipm
Pal wa;. opixxcd· to thi;,. Aurob1ndo e•plained later. "'hilc •other;
')mpathi1ed". In October. "h1lc Aurohindo "'as bedridden "uh
fc,er. h1' supporters manai:cd 10 ou\I Pal and ha\e Aurohmdo
dcd.irc1l editor Aurohmdo rc!lrcttcd th1~ move ·a~ he rc~ardcd
the q11aht 1c~ of Pal a\,, grcai ""cl co the Bunde Mawr1111,., On the
ocher hand Aurobindo"s IX»ttion '"unchallenged heat! oft he paper
cnahlcll him io tr:in,form it' editorlal policy and financiAI scruc·
turc." Rcorg~n ized as a joi11t·stock company. Bandt Mu11m1111 was
rnkcn up by the Bengal Exrrcn1ist' os their ofliciul organ.
With the Congress session lc>S than rwo months away the issue
or the moment was the sclcctoon or rhe presidenr. Aurobmdo and
h1' :"o;,x:101cs supported T1lal. To block the Mahara,htnan ·s
election Surendranath Baner1ca offered rhc post to Dadabhac
NaoroJI. misleading the elder \tJC<"'man by declaring !hat even the
Extremists wanted hm1 1n the chair '' Wben lndia"s ·Grand Old
Man · accepted. Che supportc" of I 11.11. were obliged to withdraw
hi• name. Realizing the need for more organized political ucuon.
Aurohindo ca lled a meeting of the Be ngal Extremist!. and in,istcd
that they 'give up the behind-the-scenes jostling wuh the
Moderates. and declare an open war on Modera1isnf. pl.1c1ng
hcforc the country 'what "a.' practically a revolution.tr) prop:•·
gJnu.1·. The others agreed and the rawcalized Bonde M111arum
'<Xln won an cnonnou' follow in~.
Unhkc li1Kantar. "'hich a' J ·vcrn,1cular· paper escaped to some
c~tcnt the scrut111y of the government. /Jar1de Mawram never
'poke openly of revolutionury ucllon. But it was iusc as fort hright
a> }11g1111fllr in pulling forward 111dcpc11dcnce as Che goal of Che
national movement. In a11 a rticle chat was reproduced by the
London Times as an example of how ching,5 h~d got out of hand in
C:ulculta. 8a11de Mararam dcdareJ:

lllc 11nte ha' come when .. our Bn11,h fncnJs should be d1~t1nctly 1old
 The Bomb iJt Beng11/

that . . we cannot any longer suffer ouncl•es to be guided by lhem in our

anempts at pohlacal progress and emancipaboo. Their point of view is not
ours; they ~are to make the Go•emment of India popular, without
ceasrng an any sense to be essentaally Bntasb We desire to make it
autonomous and 1b<iolu1cly free from Bnush control '

As Aurobindo's activities ' turned more and more' in the

direction of politics and journalism, his 'secret [revolutionary]
action became a secondary and subordinate clement'." But it
never ceased a ltogether. From tirne 10 lime he went on inspection
tours to revolutionary centre.~. Once, for example, he visited the
Sibpur (Howrah) branch of 1be Anushilan Samiti, encouraging
new recruits and attempting to resolve the inevitable differences
between local leaders." Anushilan was prospering in western
Bengal in its original incarnation as a sociely for physical and
moral training. Under P. Mitra's guidance, Satish Bose had
conunued to SCI up akbaras even after Jatin and Darin's quarrel.
When Bann returned to Bengal he got in touch with his old
8™>Clates and established a loose connection bct.,.ccn his group
and Anu,h1lan; but fundamental difference~ of approach kept the
organitations apan. Mitra was against premature forays into
terrori.i ac1ivi1y; Bario 'believed in the sword alone'. Mitra
encouraged young men to take part in the boycon movemem;
Darin referred to this contemptuously as 1he ba11ia (shopkeeper)
movement.•• But as the movement gained in intensity the
boundaries between the Moderate-led hoycou , the more radical
approach of Mitra and Barin's revolu1iooary ac1ion began to wear
thin . The 'nntional volunteers', who used picketing and intimida-
tion to keep people Crom buying foreign goods, were gradually
absorbed by Anushilan." A similar process of radicalization
1ransformcd Chhatra Bbandar, the 'Students Store', into the
revolutionaries' commercial front. The declared aim of this
enterprise was 10 engage in wholesale and retail commerce, a
share of 1he profits to be donated to philanthropic causes. Its
actual act1vit1cs were spreading propaganda, lr:linrng "orkers, and
opening branches in ever)' pan of the provrncc. Eventually it
became the ·material centre' of the samil1s. Among its functions
were the supply of funds 10 revolutionaries in the guise of
philan1hropic contributions and the purcha..c and disuibution of
arms mid ammunition. " A 'fairly extensive' arm~ 1rnffic had begun
 Tribula11on.s and Trials 95
to dcY<lop and 'the posses.soon of revolvers and guns' became 'a
son of elementary symbol of membe11Jbip to the revolutionary
societies'. Ci.l cuua was the focus of these activities but mo/ussil
groups did not lag behind. Branches of Anushilan were opened in
several towns of Howrah nnd Hooghly districts while established
groups like those in Chandernagore and Midnapore were bccom·
ing more and more active."
Late in December, when men from all over lodia converged on
Calcutta for the Congress session. the Bengal revolutionary pany
held it~ first 'provincial convention' in the house of Subodh
Chandra Mulltck . Distnct rcpr~ntatives described the actMtics
in their territories. Aurob1ndo and other leaders 'addressed the
workers as to the programme of work and tbe method of
organiuuion'. From the chair P. Mitra called for increased support
for J"ganwr and related projects." Meanwhile, and with less
secrecy, the leaders of the Extremist Party were working out their
strategy for the session. The Bengal and Maharashtra parties put
together a joint fourfold programme: swadeshi, boycott, national
education and, most imponant, swarajya. This word, used in the
days of Shivaji to mean territory under the Marathas' direct rule,
had been revhed by Tilak and popularized by Deuskar m the
scn'iC of political 'self-government'. The more advanced Extre·
mists had begun to use it (usually in its clipped form swara1) as a
code·word for 'independence'."
The only real action at nn11onal Congress sessions took place at
the closed meetings of the Subjects Committee. It was here that
the resolutions to be passed without debate by the assembly were
hammered out. Up to 1906 the Congress oligarchy made up of the
Bombay group of Phcrozshah Mehta and like-minded men from
other provinces bad dominated the Committee and so controlled
the Congress. At Cakutta the Extremists made the first successful
challenge to this power monopoly. The principal point of discus·
sion "as the boycott resolution. which the Extremists wanted to
&irengthcn and the Moderates to tone down. During the dehbern-
tion~ P;ol , Aurobindo, Khapardc and rwo hundred of their
followers wnlked out, forcing the Moderates to seek a compro·
m1;c. The next day. Madan Mohan tv\alaviya. the Moderates'
spokc;mtm, met Tilak. Pal, Aurobindo and Lala La1pa1 Rai of
Lahore. The resolution that they agreed on incorporated most of
the Extrembts' demands." Pal's speech to the assembly 'ictori·
96 Tht Bomb in Bengal

ously seconding the resolution was looked on by many 'as the

speech of the Session·." To the Moderates it was salt rubbed in
their wounds.
The E1C1rcm1s1 press Cl<pressed cautious optin11sm about the
outcome of the Congre55, but Jugantar was unimprcs-.cd. Passing
resolution~ 111 the hope thot the government would reform itself
wn• as profitable as milking bulls. it said. What the people really
needed was not ·amateur conferences· but propaganda that would
•excite in them a desire for treedom'." During 1ts first year of
publication Juganrar had been spreading this sort of propaganda
with increasing boldness. It spoke regularly ol' the need for
'complete independence' and declared that active, not passive
resistance was the way to achieve it. Where the rulers used brute
force to oppress the people. moral force was not enough to bring
about a change. But when 'oppression attains itJ. fullest measure-,
the people would rise and the ruling power "ould be 'exter-
minated 10 its roo1·."
Juganturs mo<;t daring enunciation nf its revolultonal) pro-
gramme .. as an ankle called ·Tue Formation of Bands' ' If only a
thousand out of the eighty million pc<;>plc m Bengal cheri~h the
desire for liberty in their hearts.· the piece begin,, 'thc!>C thousand,
united in a common determination, can bring about a change in
the thoughts and efforts of the whole country, directing them
towards one great goal. But first of all these thousand must form
themselves inw a b!lnd.' The writer went on to speak of the
formation of 'distric1 bands' whose r1im was ' to direct loca l thought
and effort toward~ independence". Once establhhcd. di~trict bands
woul<I uttcmpt to exp;md. capitalizing on conlcmpornry events and
local disturbances. Discipline. order and above .1'1 secrecy were
essential. New members would be admitted only 1f they could
prove they po;sessed s.ix qualities: loyalty. energy. selflessness.
perseverance. reliability and obedience . Once admitted, member.;
would 'stake their lives on increasing the ICOf'C of the bands', '.II
the <amc tune <eeking out opponuniucs to use \'3rtOU\ ·under·
takings and ag11ahons' 10 keep the country ma Mate of c<citement.
At the close of this do-it-}oursclf guide to agitprop. J1111a111ur told
iLs readers that if informed of the formation of a band. 11 would do
its best 'to give council and to connect it with other bands'. Persons
ha'''"S communications on this subject should of course not trust
the po~t , but bring them 10 che office in person . ' 1
 Triblllations and Trials 97

ThL' audacK1U' announcement did not go unheeded Score< of

young men. many of 1hcm still in Lbeir teen<. "andercd 1n from 1he
d11.tric1> and found their way to 1hc lugantar office One of 1hem
was Upcndrana1h Bannerjce of Chandernagorc. After passing his
F A . examination and l'inning a gold medal in French. Upen
became a medical s1udent and then a sannya<in. Two )Can; in a
I limnlayan ashram were enough for him howc,cr and he came
back to Bengal aml found work as a sch-oolteachcr. Then ma copy
of Bmule M11wrc1111 he rend Pal's demand for 'ahM1lutc nu1onomy
free from Brili<h con1rol'. Electrified, he rushed 10 Calcullu 110d
volunteered h" >crviccs. He hau heard !hot the Ju11111111iroffice was
a very 'den of rcvolu11onarics'. The word' 'made his blood sing'.
'The long proce""on of revolu11onary heroes from Robespierre
down 10 the lnte\t firebrand nashed acro5s' h1< mmd Slopping in at
1hc office he found a few young men s11ting around doing no1hing.
I fo di~1ppoin1ment was in1ense bUL short lived for 'lhe )OUng
hopeful!. soon supplied with tall Lalk what they lacked in 1he ""Y of
war equ1pmen1'. There was diversity of opinion on many \UbJCCIS,
but about one thing all were agreed: they "'ould ha•c no trouble
kicking the Brill~h ou1 of India. In a )Car or two the J11go111or office
would move 10 Government House where there would he more
room for 11s nctivitics. 11
II " ea~y 10 laugh al 1he prcsump1ioo of 1hc young insurrec-
llOna>C. ; hu1 overconfidence in tbe face of ovcrwhehninit odds is a
recurrent 1f nOI 1ncv1tnblc feature or che early srngcs of rcvolu·
lion>. One is reminded of 1hc member of the l31nek I lund who said
of hi' youchful cfforl' to free th~ south Slav;. from Au~trian domi·
nae ion: ' In cho\C days all of u~ were mad.' • Word<wor1h'' hncs on
1789. 'IO often quoted by Indian revolutionaric> (who were obliged
10 read the pocl in cheir classrooms), arc even more approprimc:
'Bliss was ii in 1hat dawn to be alive. Bui 10 be young was very
heaven!'
Bann was slill ir> Deog)lar when Upcn came 10 Calcu11a; bu1
some 1ime la1cr he returned and met the new man in the Jugantor
office. Afler his bou1 with malaria the always lean Barin was 'all
bones w11h a bare covering of skin'. But through this unprcpos·
se;.s1ng ex1erior radiated a 's1rcngth of imagina11on and m1cnsi1y of
feeling' 1hat seemed LO Upcn sufficient to 'break down all
barriers'. In li11le more than a minulc Barin hod convinced him
lhat India would be free within ten years."
98 The Bomb in Bengal

Upen became one of Jugontar's principal writers. sharing the

responsibility with Debavrnta and Barin. The journal continued to
test •he limits of the government's toleration. On 3 February 1907
it begun a series of articles entitled ' Principles of Revolution' . The
liN<l instalment dealt with the moulding of public opinion . Five
means of propaganda were listed: newspapers. which had to be
'filled with discussions of independence and the ncces>ity of
revolution'; musical performances similar to the charano songs
beloved of the Chapekars; hrgh literature such as Banl;im's novels;
popular entenainments like 101ra panics; and secret mecungs and
associations. The writer reminded his readers of the nocturnal
gatherrngs at which the santans of Ananda Moth collected arms to
use in their righteous battle. This thought was taken up in the next
instalment, which spoke of the three main methods for obtaining
weapons: secret manufacture , importation from abroad, and raids
on annouries. The third instalment discussed the collection of
funds. In the beginning volunteer donations would be enough to
defray the society's expenses. But at a later stage increaJing
expenses would make it necessary to rcson to theh and dacouy.
Since the government was ll!>elf nothing but a thief, it was perfectly
legitimate to loot government propcny. ~ lo another anicle
pubh;hed the same day. the paper took up the question 'of how.
being weak, we can enter on a trial of strength with the powerful.
English'. ' Be not afraid,' the writer began.

The number or Englishmen 1n the cn1irc country is not more than a ln~h
nml a hair. And wh•t is 1he number or English officials in each d1s1nct?
With• firm resolve you can bnng l:ngh>h rule to an end on a single day
The tome has come to make lhc fnghshmen undcrsland tha1 enJOymen1 or
the s"'ects of donun1on 1n tile country or another, after wrongfully taking
possession or it. will 001 be pcrm111ed to contonue ror ever. Lei him now
fully reahze that the lilt of a·1h1cf who <reals the properly of another 1s no
long<r an easy one in this coun1ry. Begin yielding up a life for a lilt ..
Dedicate your life as an offering at the temple of liberty. Withou1
blood<hed worship or the godde,;s will not be accomplishc<l. •

The governmen1 was nol unaware of what Jugo11tar and other

'vernacular' journals were publishing. Week after week translated
transcripts were reproduced in the Report 011 Native Newspapers.
which was distributed to provincial officials. Why. one mighl ask .
did the British put up with such an open challenge to their
 Trib11/ations and Trials 99

authority'> Bann himself wrote decades later, 'It was Strange

indeed how the Government gave so much latitude for the
movement to grow.' The lrufian Na1ion. a Moderate English-
language newspaper of Calcutta. was probably nght when it wrote
in Apnl 1907 that the son of provocation that appeared in Jugan·
tar •would not be tolerated by any [colonial I Government but the
English'. ,. In pan the government countenanced J11ga111ar because
of Britain's traditional defence of press freedom; but a more
significant factor was that the paper 'was not al first taken
seriously'.~ Oy the beginning of 1907 however the government's
indu lgence wa' gctung strained. It had nt its disposal a number of
laws that emr<lwcred it to suppress sedition. h was under one of
the~c that Tilu~ had been tried and convicted ten years earlier. In
1906 and 1907 the governments of Puniab and Bombay had
instituted case~ against newspapers in those province~. Now it was
the turn of Bengal. In the beginning of June Calcutta was rife with
rumours that the governmem was getting ready to act . It did- but
not in the way upected .
On 7 June no11ces were se111 to lbe editors of Juganrar, Sandhya
and Bonde Mataram warning them that they would be prosecuted
if they again published articles that were ·a direct incenti'e to
violence and lawlessness'." None of the papers changed their 1one
and 1he govcrnmen1 resolved to proceed again~l Jugamar. Earlier
in lhc ye;ir police inspector Puma Chandra Lahiri hod gone 10 the
paper's office to fincJ ou1 the responsible persons: editor, printer,
publisher, proprietor. Bhupendra Nath Dull, who was among
1hose prcscm, replied: 'I am everything'. On I July Lahiri
returned with a search warranl. He found Bhupcndra Nath,
Abin~h Sh311acharya, Bibhuti Bhusan Sarkar. Upcndrnnath
Bannerjec and several Others. Again he asked who was respon-
sible. Bhupcn answered that he was the editor, Abinash ·the
manager and Sa1lcn the sub-manager. Labiri made a note of this,
seized some papers. and departed. " Four days later he returned
with a warrant for Bhupen's arrest. The young man surrendered
himself and was taken to Police Coun where he was charged with
sedition under Section 124A of the Indian Penal Code. This was
the mrn.t serious charge that could have been broug)lt against him.
Conv1c1ion would mean transportation or imprisonment 'for life or
any shorter period'.•• During a night spent in jail while his bail was
being arranged Bhupen had occasion 10 repent of his rashness. On
100 The Bomb in Bengal

the first opponunity, according to a government report, he 'sent to

the commissioner of police a petition to the cffCC1 that he was
young and 1ne•perienced (his age being in fact about 28) and had
been misled by the swadeshi agitator.'. ' When this backsliding
became kno"'n 10 the pany 'it wru. decided that the Yugantar. a
paper os1cnrntiously rc>olutionary advoc;ot1ni:. nrmcd rn~urrection,
could Mt Jo 1hn1 fdefend itself] and 111u\t rdu..e to plead in a
British court.' On Bhupen's behalf Auroh1ndo wrolc a statemen t
in which the uccused declared that be was 'solely respon,iblc for ;lll
articles in quest inn' but declined to ' take uny further actio11 in the
trial'. I k would not deny his involvement. for he had actec.I 'in
what I have considered in good faith to be my duty to my country'.
The statement was a m<1s1er stroke that 'immcn-;cly 1ncre;1wd the
prcsuge and inllucnce of the paper'."
On 24 Jul) Bhupen. his composure restored, wa' -.entenccd by
chief pre~idcney magistrate Douglas H. King~ford to one )Car's
rigorou' 1mpri<0nmen1 Across the country nat1onah\I neW'lpapcrs
!King h" pra1<c\. Even the loyali<t llrdra11 l:.mptre called Bhupen's
stance 'bold and unequivocal" and ' without a parallel m 1h1~
country'. The \\omen of Calcutta <bowed 1hc1r apprcc1a1ion by
present mg Bhupen's mother 'with an address imprinted on a \llkcn
cloth put on a \ilver tray'. Whereupon. as R.1m,ay Macdonald
commented. 'the old lady made an aggressive reply'. Bhupen's
mentor Sister Nivcdita wrote proudly 10 a friend : 'l le is manly and
heroic :111(1 wcm 10 prison, entirely in order to screen others.'
Bhupcn served his time but after his relea,,c left the country when
he learned that he might become embroiled in an even more
serious prosecution."
The government was nonplussed by the result or the J11gantar
trial. •Counsel for accused did not even addrc~ court', wired the
viceroy to the secretacy of state in London w But the Bengal
authoriucs were commined to rooting out ~J1t1on and no" they
had to go ahead The next newspaper on their list was Bande
Mataram . Six day11 after Bhupeo's convicuon the pohcc searched I
the paper's office. hauling away numerous documents and account 1
books. They had come with a warrant for the arrcM of Aurobindo.
whom they had ht.en told w.is Bandt Mararam·~ cd11or. In fact the
paper had np declared editor and this Lime no one stepped forward
to claim the honour. The confiscated documents were not much
help: all entries showing 1ha1 Aurobindo wa; the editor had been
 Tribulario11s and Trials 101

'cr:l\cd by lhe knife'." In addition lhe government had trouble

hnd111y material publ!lihcd in Ba11d~ Mataram lhal clearly was
i.cd110011s. ··n1e paper recked witb sedition pa1ently visible between
ncry lmc', complained the Anglo- Indian newspaper Th~ Stot~s·
ma11, 'bul it was so skilfully written lhat no legnl action could be
taken '• In the end tbc authorities decided to lake actioo on two
non-editorial fea111rcs: a letter 10 the editor and reprints of the
official 1ransla1ions of the anicles in Juguntar thal had been found
...:d1110us. Informed by 1he mlvocatc·gencral 'lhat ii would be
1nadvi,nblc to proceed agaum 1hc manager and 1he prinler.
h:av1ng out the cd1tur. "ho wa' the most rcspon~1ble person', the
l)Ohcl' made 'sltcnuuu, cffom' to dc1ermine the editor's idcntily
and hn.1lly .mc,tcd Aurobindo on 16 August.' Considering lhis
c;,"c d1ffc1coi from 1ha1 of Bhupcn, who was nei1hcr a writer nor a
polilKliln. 1hc \taH of Band~ Mararam made arran~emenl\ for
Auroh1ndo'~ defence. 111slructing 1he witnessc~ to give evidence
'thai was Jll false' ~One former employee was induced to testify
1hn1 Auroh1ndo was 1hc edjtor. but his evidence was not consid·
cred conclusive. When 1be government subpoenaed Bip1n Pal .
"ho c~1dently was in a posirion to nnme 1he editor, he refused to
take the oath or to answer questions. Charged with contempt. he
was found guilty by the chief presidency magistrate •nd \Cntenced
IO six months' imprisonmenl. The same magistrate found Auto·
hindo not guih) . ' Mcermgs -..ere ... held m many place< m India to
rejoice over his 11c,1ui1wl.' no1cd a disappointed governmen1. •
Even before lhe conclusion of 1he 8011de Matarum trial the
government took funher action against J11ga111t1r and al<o ini1in1cd
proceedings against Stmdhya. In July, at rhe same time that
Bhupcn was sentenced. magistrate King.\ford had ordered 1hc
confiscation of 1hc press where J11ga111ur wa' printed This order
was contested by Abinash Bhauacharya and ultimately overturned
hy lhc Calculla High Court. In the mean1imc. afrer only a "cek's
gap. the paper began appearing again 'a IJllle improved m siLc and
ge1-up'." Sympathetic editors of oihcr papers such as 1hc Hittll'adi
:md Sm1dhyt1 allowed Abinash 10 u~ their pres.\Cs at night. On 7
Augu" police searched 1hc Sa11dl11•fl ortlcc and seized Jut1u111or
material. A "eek larer Basan1a Kumar Bh.11tacharjee. the paper"•
regi"ered printer, W'dS arres1cd. Like Bhupcn . Busanw offered no
defence and on 2 Scp1cmber he was sen1cnced to a fine and two
)Can.· imprisonment. Kingsford observed 1hat the offending
102 The Bomb in B•nga/

articles >eemcd even more inflammatory than those that had

brought about the first prosecution.' The next "eel. a boy named
Puma Chandra Sen came forward 10 register h1m<;elf as Jugamars
printer and publisher. lie gave his ~ge as >Cventecn. Dedanng
chat he looked more hle thirteen. Kingsford denied the applica-
tion . For 1wo months J11ga111ar did not appeur while Abinash
looked around ror another 'jail-<!dilor. Mean,. hi le the authorities
p1occedcd against Sandhya, arresting the editor Brahmabnndhab
Upadhy11y on 3 September. The case came up for hearing on the
23rd, immcdiuccly nher the judgment in the Ocmde Mat11r11111 case.
[lrahmab•tr•dhab 1ook responsibility for the article in question. one
in which he had wrinen: ' Arm, brothers. arm! The day of
deliverance as near. ' Following the precedent established by the
two Jugamor trials he declared he would rake no pan in the
heanng •ince in carrying out ·my humble share or 1hi~ God·
appointed mission or Swaraj' he was not 'in any way accountable
IO che ahen p<.'Ople "ho happen 10 rule over us·. A month later he
died in hosp11al \\bile his case "as pending.
Before 11s final suppression in 1908. Jugamar "•' p~cu1ed no
less than si~ tomes. Needless 10 say ii is d1fhcut1 to run a new<;paper
when C\Cry month or so the printer is arreMed and the plant
confl...:a1cd. Arter che first two arrests Barin decided chat he had
hud enough . ·No use wasting strength like chis". he told his friends,
"t he Ori1ish are not going co be moved by big talk. What we need is
action.' Uchind this bluster was the fear chat the paper was
at1ruc1ing coc> much auention. If the police continued to make
;c.irchcs they were bound someday co make nn unfommate
discovery. Barin ;iccordingly recommended that the party aban-
don J111(c111111r. But the Chhatrn Bhamfor group led by Nikhileswar
Roy Maulick 1hough1 1he paper 100 1mpor1anc and too profitable
to be ullowcd to laP'C. • 1J was now the most popular JOUmal in the
country In a le" months 11s circulation had soared from 200 10
711011 and "ould 'IOOll re-Jch. and then c>cccd, che unprecedented
figure or 20.0IXI. • Both as a propaganda org.in and a generator of
fond' 01 w;" mdispensahle. Nikhilcswar and Bann could not ct•me
co .111 agreement and the mauer was referred to Aurobmdo. h was
decoded that the Chhacrn Bhandar group ,.·ould ctlntinue 10
puhh'h J11ga111ar "''"le Barin and those who ">hared hos interests
would cmburk in a new direction. « With clrnrnc1criscic boldnc's
( that, ju,c us cl11m1ctcris1ically. was al cross purposes with his
 Tribu/01io11s and Trials IOJ

clesor~ for secrecy) Barin published what amounted LO a notice of

his intentions."' In an article called 'Our Hope', published on 19
August , the writer dedared: 'If only a few determined men can, by
their example, implant' in the mind of the people the idea that 'the
English are not superior to us in strength'. then the 'diadem of the
English shall roll in the dust'. So far this message had been given
by words alone; 'but the time has at lasL come to show this by our
actions. Now will begin the Lrial as lo who is the stronger.' To
those who said. 'I lush, hush. the police will at once arrest you,' he
replied thnt power was not 'a monopoly of the police'. It was time
' to iake a life for a life'. The writer concluded: those who read
Juganl/Jr ~hould beur in mind that the paper was 'not meant for
perusal only; we are looking to every youth of Bengal 10 rnke up
the worship of the Mother in this manner. It is with our eyes
towards you that we are rushing forward on the path of death. It is
you who are our hope."'
 10
The Garden

Since the t>c"ginning of 1907 Barin had been spending part of his
time on a piece of land in the Cakulla suburb of Maniktola that
belonged to him and bis brothers. On this l"o-acre plot stood an
abandoned ·garden house· of the kind that the "cll·to-do of the
city u..ed 10 retire 10 for brief holidays. The suburb. one~ verdant.
h;id 11,.,1 much of its charm "hen factories began to appear. No one
in the famil) Vl\l!Cd the place any more and II had gradually gone
to rmn Bui 1n remembrance of bener du~ they >1111 referred 10 it
as the l>ap,011 or 'Garden'.
To !(Cl 10 1he Garden from North Calcutta you had 10 cross the
Circulru C'11nal, nlnke a sharp turn 10 the cast and almost
immediately another 1urn onto Muraripuku r Roud. Af1cr follow-
ing this winding lune for about half a mi le you had 10 look out for a
narrow unm arked drive. Taking this to its e nd you reached a pair
of musonry pillars marking the cnirJnce to the Ghose's property:
32 Mumripukur Road. Unenclosed by walls it wa~ bounded on
three side\ l>y tllhcr 'gardens' and on the fourth by an open licld. A
path ran through ii 1ha1 people of the neighbourhood sometimes
u.cd . Bui 1he ~pm was still quite secluded. There were a number
or fruil-lrees in the gJOunds-mango. jackfrull. coconut and
be1clnu1-and 1hese togc1her with 1be barn~ and underbrush
made 11 hard for passc~·by to see 1hc hou,c. S11ua1ed in 1he cenlre
of lhC plol, lhe dilapida1ed onC-51oried bu1ldmj: cons1slcd Of a
single large room wilh 1wo veranda< und an .111.1chcd shed.
Another <;ep;ira1e shed stood nearby. In the grounds were a couple
or ronds llllcd with >limy water. ' II was jus1the >0r1 or place 1ha1 a
bunch llf young men could feel at home in. Hubitu~s of 1hc
/11gm1111ror11cc began visi1ing the Garden from the early pnrt of the
 Th• Garde11 105

>"•". llut 11 wa\ not until after the pany split up in August that
Dann rcall) decided 10 put the property to use.
Bann had not forgouen his dream of csiabhshing an A11a11da
,\f(Jl/1-\lyle temple as the headquaners of a band of sannya,in·
revoluuonaries. The idea also appealed to Upen. himsclr a lapsed
sannya\in. When the two left J11go111ar they resolved 10 make the
Garden their centre of operations. To be sure 1tn industrial suburb
was le" dcmable a location for an ashrum than the source of the
holy Nunnada. On the other hand it was more accc;.>itilc. Among
the first to join them here were Prafulla Chaki. u ve1eran of the
a1tcmp1 to kill Fuller. and Bibhuti Bhusan Surknr. u >ludcm of the
Nauonul College who was cager 10 mke pan in •omc1hing similar.
Abnmsh Dhauacharyu was obliged lO spend m<J\I of his time in
Calculla 10\l~mg uf1cr Aurobindo's hou>ehold, bul he occas1onally
found 11mc l<l make the trip to the Garden. a; did Upcn's friend
Mrish1~c•h Kan1ilal. Other trusrwonhy mofussil men hke Naren·
dra Nath GOl.wami were also occasional visitors. And the arrival of
fiftccn-)ear-old BijO) Nag of Khulna was a sign that new recruils
"ould nol be wanting.
As a year of social and political turmoil , 1907 was an excellent
time for rccruument. In East Bengal detenorating relations
between Mind us and Muslims led 10 a number of serious riots. For
a< long a< anyone could remember the two communities had lived
\heir 'c11arn1c lives in peace. But the swad~h1-boyco11 movement
hud polaii1cd them. Many Muslims had opposed the partition
when It wu~ first announced; hut they soon rcah1ed they had much
to gain rrom the new arrangement. The Nawab or Dacca. an early
supporter of the anti-partition movement. b.ad been seduced 10 the
opposite view by a timely British loan. Since then he had done his
beM to convert hi< co-religionists. encouraging them to ignore the
boycolt and 10 organize anti-swadeshi demonstrations. Few
arguments were needed to convince the Mushm majority of East
Bengal thJl 1he boycoll was not in their intercsls. Most of them
"ere landless cultivators who felt little incenll\e 10 pay higll prices
for -ccond·ratc goods in the name of a cause they did nor believe
in. In order 10 enforce the boycoll Hindu volunt~-ers lectured their
Mushm 'brothers' on their duty to the motherland; hul they often
had to rc~rt 10 veiled or unveiled threats to !!Cl their point acro<S.
Smouldering resentment was kindled 10 fl:unc by the infamous Red
/'11111p/1/e1. which persuaded the sons of Islam 1ha1 no penahies
106 The Bomb in Bengal

"ould be cxac1ed for crimes against kafirs. l11ncr:m1 mullahs

~prcad cquall) fon1as11c 'wries. In March . when 1he si•u•uon was
becoming \Ola1ile. the na.. ab of Dacca "'ent to Comolla to address
Joe-JI Mu\hm~. R101s broke ou1 th;i1 ""re onl} suppreS-'iCd "'ith
diflirnlty. The nc" month more serious d1~turbanceo. crup1ed in
Jamalpur. llerc Mu•hm rowdies a11<1ckcd I hndu volun1cer<> \\ho
"ere des1royong foreign·made goods a1 a fan . lncn they went on a
rampage. burning down shops where ~w;idesho p1oduc1s were sold.
The breakdown of law and order encouraged Mu'""" 10 •c11 lc old
scores wi1h Hindu lundlords, moneylenders und collcctoos of the
temple·cess (iswar·bri11i). ' Mobs attacked landlords' hou.es,
destroyed debt bonds, and smashed an image of Ourga. This act of
desecration outraged Hindus in every part of the country. Ba11de
MC11tlfam fanned the Rames by publishing an etching of the broken
imuge along wilh headlines like ' Hindu Women Wait with Knives
in Their Hands./ Rather Dea1h than Dishono ur ' The picture of
the bro.. en image was, it said , ·a picture ol our o" n shJme, uf
dcmoralizatoon under long subjec1ion. of our loss of manhood and
even the scmblanre of a grea1 and religious people· 'The cry or
rehgoon on danger and womankind in danger had predictable
resultS. Bunde Mauuam' s sub-editor Hcmcndra Pra;,ad Ghose
~poke for hundreds when he wro1e: ·11 make\ one"s hlood boil to
think of it . ... Revenge is the word that escape> onc·s lips.· 01hers
were no1 conlenl just to uncr the word. A band of five you1hs wem
to famalpur from Caleuna and in a confrontation with local
Muslims sho1 and wounded one of them. • Not surprisingly this led
to increased tension. In the metropolis 'wild rumours' circula1cd
that Muslim hooligans were making plans ·10 1c;1ch a lesson to the
swadcshists' . •
The five Hondus who 1ook part in the Jamalpur shooting- Indra
Nandi , Sudhir Sarkar. Naren Bose. Sisir Ghosc and Bipin
Ganguh - "ere all com1ected with the revolutionary network.
Indra la1cr disclosed !hat they had been sent to East Bengal by
Auro bindo. \\hO gave them money for thcor passage and insuuc·
tions to help victims of Muslim violence. The anac~ was
pre,umably 1heir own idea. Aurobindo and 01hcr Ex1rcmists
believed in a policy of ·masculine courage on speech and action',
but did not propose tha1 this be directed par11cularly against
Mu>hms. • In fact Ex1remis1s and revolu1ionaroes had made efforts
to e licit Muslim <upport. The pamphlets Sonar Bang/a nnd Raja
 The Garden L07

K e? bolh con1ained pleas for united action agains1 1he common

enemy. J11ga111ar"s emblem incorporated symbol or both failhs:
crossed 1ndcn1 and sword, ";1h 1he crescent above and chakra
below. ~cw Muslims were won over by such gestures, however.
and as communal disharmony increased some of 1he samitis,
including the Dacca Anushilan, excluded Muslims from member-
ship. This cut 1hc revolutionaries off from a potential source of
strcng1h.
Contemporary Hindus round it convenient to put the blame for
the riots on the Bri1ish. A diary entry or 1lemendrn Prasad Ghose
i< typical: ' Mnhomcdun, , encouraged if not instigntcd by [the
Briti>hl /\uthuntb, looted Hindu Swadc,hi \hops, broke image
11f u._.11111 l>ur~.1 " Th~re ;,, no actual evidence of such encour-
,1gemc11t or '°'11i:a11on , though 11 is probable that the British
draued their heel~ when called on 10 protect '>ed111ous' I lindus. •
The government viewed 1he riois as by·products of a widespread
movement or pro1cst that was entering its third year. They did not
yet consider the Bengalis as serious adversaries. and so were not
unduly concerned about the situation. They had reacted quite
differently when disturbances rocked Puniab. a; Sikhs from that
province formed the core of Lhe Indian army. Changes in Punjab'<
agnculturul policies had caused widespread d"affecuon . Speakers
like Ajit Singh (Jatin Bancrji 's disciple) a nd Congress leader Lala
Lu1pa1 Rai took advantage of the situation to spread nauonalist
idcu, . On 21 April, urtcr a particularly inOamrnutory speech by
Ajit . riot~ broke <iut in the garrison city of Rawalpindi. The
Punjab Governor. Sir Denzil lbbc1so n, flew into n panic and a~ked
Lord Minto 10 deport the two ·agitators'. Minto con~ented and in
May Lajpat Rai and Ajit Singh were sent lo Burmu without arrest
or trial. The nationalist press erupted in a chorus of protest."
Aurobindo ,. rote m 8a11de Mataram: ' Men or the Puniab! Race of
the hon' Sho-. these men who would StJmp you into the dust that
for one Lajpa1 they have taken away, a hundred Lajpats will ansc
in his place .' Jugantar drew a bitter comparison between the
unresponsiveness of the Government or Bengal to the swadeshi
agitation and the quick steps taken by the Government of Punjab
to mollify public opinion after the Rawalpmd1 riot' and depor-
tatio ns:

• Sec Aflpcndlx I. OOH~ fl.

108 The Bomb in Bengal

In 0..n&•I ,.e have cried ounclvcs boar11t durin& lhe lasl two years and
sent up the pn<e of paper in the b;uar by iising up quires upon quires
• ubm11t1ng pcutoon> couched on the most wn«t and clcpnt language.
But as the rc<ult of all tht< ,.. have been fortun~te enough to get roolhing
but thrum of lathos. and panuooned Bengal rcmam• paned In the Punjab
a hue a_nd cry 'A•as raised as ~o as the wa1e1 ·rate ~J' enhanced. The
penod or making reprt~ntatioa~ and ~ubmttc1ng f>ttlhon~ dtd not last for
more than two weeks. The people then apPlicd the remedy which 1s
alwayo applied to fools. There were a few broken hc:od' and" few hou.es
were burnt down nnd the authorities gave up the idea of enhancing the
watcr·ratcs. 11

Goaded by the gibes or the radical press, young Oengalis began

to shed their traditional raintheartedness. When the police came to
search the J11ga111ar office on 7 August. Sailcndra Nath Bose. the
acting manager, went to the door and alencd some passing
students In the scuffle that followed two European inspectors
were in1urcd. This act or aggression "'as ' the first of i1s kind', wrote
Mcmendra Prasad Gbose. As the authontocs ttrcw 3ware of the
Bengahs' changed mood they began to increase the strength or
pohce statoons, attempting 'to overawe people by a '>how of force•.
They found 10 their surprise Lhat people bad 'grown bold enough
to defy power and ridicule a show or ir. " On 27 August. during
the 1rial of Bipin Pal by magistrate Kingsford. n crowd gathered
outside the building where lbe trial was being heh!. One or them
was Sushil Kumur Sen, a fourteen-year-old student of the Bengal
National School, who happened to be passing by. As he mingled
wilh lhc crowd the police began driving it away. A European sub-
in•pector gave Sushil a blow, who immediately returned it.
Overpowered by several policemen. he was pl;oced under arrest
and the next day produced before Kingsford. The magistrate , not
wishing 10 .end the boy to jail. ' let him off wilh 15 stripes'. This
was a harsh bul comtilOn punishment for JUVenile OffCnde~
- strokes of a rattan cane delivered lo the bare bullocks. In
Augus t 1907. however. the ' monstrous sentence' was ready-made
for nationali>t propagandists. The magistrate's 'bn11al11y', hypcr-
boh:icd Bande Mataram. had ·unnerved the "hole city of
Calcuua.' The day after bis ordeal Sushil was brought in pro-
cession to College Square, where thousands were gathered 'to do
honour ICl 1hc brave boy• . He was garlanded , ' given a unique
ovation' . and proclaimed a manyr by nationalist om1ors. A short
 The Garden 109

while later he d1'1.1ppeared from vie"' and after a few months

turned up al 1hc Garden ."
Re,oluuonary recrui1men1 was now on full swing on Calcuna. It
was at thos moment tha1 Jugantar announced that 11 was ume ·to
~how by our actions' that ·1he English are not ~uperior 10 us in
slrength'. Enough would-be revolutionaries go1 1he message 1ha1
Sarin began thinking abou1 expanding 1he operations of his
suburbun i\11a11do Matlo. Bui firs! he had 10 find hi• Satyananda: a
guru who could ins1ruct his revolutionary sannyasins in 1he
subtleties tlf Vedanta philosophy while lhcy learned 1hc use of
fircaron,. I le und Upen were convinced 1ha1 wi1hout n solid
ground in~ in spon1unli1y 1heir efforts al revolution would come 10
nothong." llurm had received promising report~ from the Ganga-
nalh VoLlyalilya. K G. Deshpancle's national school near Baroda.
Pcrlrn~. he 1hought, the maha111 on charge of the school would be
the guru they were looking for. Caught up on one of his
enthus1,1~ms he made a trip across the country. accompanied by a
rather reluctant Upen. In Gujarat they found the Shawani Mandir
idea stoll 'on the air' but nothing being done about it . '11lc mahant.
Swamo Keshavananda, was in Sarin's opinion 'a dry as dust
pedant .. . knowing no higher yoga at all'. Upen , equally disap-
pointed, returned to Bengal. Sarin stayed in Gujarat and won met
a onorc i111cres1ing prospect. Sakharia Baba, besides being re-
nowned u~ a holy omon. was said to bave fought on 1hc rebel side in
1857. I le !lave Onrin a mantra of initial ion, which 1hc young man
promptly forgot. /I rcw days later Barin came across yet another
yogi. a man of undoubted spiritual realization nomed Vbhnu
Bhaskar t.elc. After ;,iuing with Lele in meditation Darin had his
fir.I 'f"ychic experience'. Soon afterwards he returned to Calcuna.
I le had nol succeeded in bagging a guru; but he was confident that
he and Upen would now be able to gi'c their group the needed
spiritual orientation . 1•
11 ".is now Oc1ober 1907. A new. nameless samoti began takmg
shape at the Garden. Charter members Prafulla and Bibhuti
Bhusan were soon joined by a self-taught chemist named Ullaskar
Dull. of whom more in the next chapter. In the monihs that
follo"cd ano1her dozen came to stay: Prafulla Chakmbarti, Nolini
Kanta Gupta, Parcsh Mallick, Sisir Kumar Gh~. lndu Ohusan
Roy. BiJOY Kumar Nag. Sachin Sen. Narcndrn Nmh B11kshi,
Puma Chandra Sen, Birendranntb Ghosc, Nirapada Roy and
110 The Bomb in Be11g11/

Sushil Kumar Sen. A number or others Sudhor Sllrkar. Bhaba-

I
bhusan Mura and Sushil's brothers Boren and I fem- used to come
and go.
Nohni Kanta Gupta "as in many respect;, a t}pical recruit. A
bright ;tudcnt from politically ach•c Ran~pur, he had taken part
in the s"'ade•hi and national educauon mo•cmcnt• from the age or
•ixtccn . While a studcm or literature and plnltN>phy tll Presidency
College he wa> introduced to Bario by l11s fcllnw·1<1wnsman
Prafulla Chandra Chakrabarti. Prafulla had been " gold medalist
at 1he Bengal National College when he decided ltl con tinue his
studies m Manik1ola. Nolini t<X> "pent some time at 1he National
College. al least partly with the idea of studying ch~mi~try. Eager
10 master the an of bomb-making. he approached S1~1cr Nivedita
and asked her to persuade her friend Jagadis Chandra Bo-;c. 1he
famous ph~ic1s1, to let him use his laboratory Jognd1s Chandra
wa> sympathc11c and made arrangements for Nohn1 10 "-Ork in the
laboratOr) of the prominent chemist Prafulla Chandra Roy But
before 1he cager \tudcn1 had a chance to Start his c~pcnmenls he
11:01 caught up in the life or the Garden. Lari) on he lrarned that
there were 1"'0 "des to the work · 'ci•il' and 'm1ht;.1ry'. The cl\11
..cctoon was concerned with recruitment and pubhcny: J11gan1ar
and so forth. Nolini opted rather for the milnnry hoc. proving his
mcnlc by successfully delivering an unlicen!.ed revolver. But he
never lost his 1hirs1 for knowledge. re:~ding instead or /'C1radise
Lost and Tlot Prelude works like Clausewiu.'s 011 War, Frost's
Secret Sorietirr of the Europea11 Revolution, and Gibl>on's Decli11e
tmd Fall of tilt Roman Empire. He found Gibbon's book fusci-
nuting but regrened 1ha1 it gave few hints on how 10 undermine
empires."
Like all Other members of the secret society , Nohni was a
Bengali I hndu. Almost all of them belonged to the three
cas1es- Brahm1n , Kayatba and Baidya- lhal ma~e up Bengal's
bbadralok, 1hc rc<pcctable class. No~ni was some1hmg of an
e•cepuon in coming from East Bengal. The maJOnl) of the
members came from 1hc districts around Calcuna The senior men
were o•cr 1wen1y-live, most or the recruit~ under l\<Cnty. some as
young as fifteen . All of them were fairly well educated. A few had
failed chcir cxamina1ions, but others like Nohni and Prafulla were
unusually intelligent. Bui all, whether good students or no1, were
'animated by something uncommon'- 10 use a phrn~c of Upcn's.
 Th<' Gard<'n 111

In otlw!r word; the) had 'more stuff than ordinary steady students
even though for the most pan they were ' bad boy:.': 1na11entivc m
cla<t>. unconcerned about their prospects, ready to pick a fight . As
her~ and martyrs of the re•olutioo the)' h~•c been canonited by
a grateful motherland: but it is worth remembering that at the time
they were the despair of their parents and teachers and. needless
to say. on the wrong side of the law."
As recruit~ drifted in, a rough distinction wa~ made hetween
newcomers or 'st"dents' and old hands or •workers'. The ;iudents
aetunlly did spend a fair amount of time \tudying. As might be
expected at an ashrnm, there was o specia l emphasis on religious
texts. in par11c11lnr the Girn and Upan1shad~. Upcn and Barin
expuundcd these ..cripturcs in the traditional way, even going to
the trouble or •ccmg that their charge~ pronounced Sanskrit
without .1 Bcngilh accent. But they let it be known that the real
obiect of the study was to become 'spiritually advanced to such an
e1nen1' that they would be able to serve the motherland and in the
end 'to secure its independence". After a run year's training, which
would prepare the students 'to undergo all sorts of hardships and
privauons', they would be fit to dedicate themselves to this great
work . ..
Successful neophytes had to take two oaths. one in Sanskrit and
the other in Bengali. The Sanskrit oath. probably wrinen by
Aurobindo, • took the form of a Vedic sacrificial hymn. Invoking
Varuna. Agni nnd other deities as well as the divinizcd ancestors,
bowing down to 'the ideal heroes of India that sacrificed their lives
to save mother-land from the grip of foreigners', the oath-takers
poured their hatred and shame Like ghee into 'the fire of our
resolve to save the mother-country'. Renouncing sll life's plea-
sures, they vowed to dedicate themselves 10 the esrnblishmcnt of
the Dharma miya (the kingdom of Righteousness) Then bowing
to a sword. 'crown of all weapons, the symbol of death', they lifted
it up in the name of the Adya Shakti (original Energy, concei•ed
as the goddess Kali). The Bengali oath con110ued with praise of
the s..ord and of the Gita. 'source of all, pregnant with all truth~'.
• Aurob1ndo wrote Sansknt poetry alld prose h l> unhkc.ly that any othc:r
member of the liOCicty had an equal command of the langu1,c There arc many
s.unil1rit1et httw~n lhe oath and Bhawani Mandir lbc ICIU or lhC oath has been
1051; .. t~i)l~ Ofll)' in 1he form or a clu.msy Eng_li~h lran'ihtlt041 preserved IR a
Oo\•cm1ncn1 document (GOI HPO May 1908, 17: 6).
112 The Bomb in Bttrgol

Holding these objects in his hands. the aspirant took six specific
pledges banding himself to the duty of estabhshang Ohanna raj ya.
obedience to the community. etc. The oath concluded: 'If any way
I da~honour or break this vow. let the curses of the great patriots.
ancestors, and of God that knows the heart ~n ovenakc and
destroy me: • It appears that when some aspirant• reached the
Bcngah oath, which they could understand, they rather unccrc-
momou•ly took to their heels. "
In the Garden i.chool 'religious training' con•titutcd one of three
main sections of the junior curricu lum . The other two were
·1>olitical training' nnd 'physical training'. According to a hand·
written syllabus that was apparently the work of Upen, the
political training consisted of Economics. 1listory and Geography .
There was al<0 a special course in the Philo&ophy of Revolution
and a critique of the methods of the Moderates. The main
textbook an Economics was of course Sak.haram Ganesh Deusk.ar's
Dt.~lltr Katha. Popular historical boolcs included Ma;aini·s aut<>-
biograph) and Siklatr 8alida11 (The Self-Sacttfice of the Sikh). a
oollcctton of stones by Barin·s cou"n Kumudtnt Mura showing
bov. the Sikh> ·gave up their lhes but did not ror..akc God·."
Required reading in military science was 8urtoma11 Rni1a11iti
(Modern Warfare), an adaptation in Bengali of J. S. Bloch·s
M odem W1'apo11s a11d Modem War. The Bengali text covered the
organiwtion tutd operations of modern annic:. and drew heavily
on the lessons of the Boer War. It discussed the latest weapons
- ·On bursting, a shrapnel is red uced to 34(1 fragments, which fall
like a shower upon an area 880 y:1rds in length and 44-0 ya rds in
breadth' ·and evaluated the latest tactics. panicularly those of
guerrilla warfare. 8artamo11 Ro11a11iti was published by Abinash
Bhattacharya in OclOber 1907-just in 11mc for use at the
Garden." A month later Abioash issued a second edition of tbe
school'~ mo.i popular· title: Mukli Ko11 Pothe~ (Which Way
freedom? ). This reprint of some or the most incendiary Jugantor
articles .,.as used for indoctrination not only at the Garden but by
other groups as well. " The teaching of geography at the Garden
was largely empirical. Besides giving a "thorough knowledge of
Bengal and general knowledge of India. the teachers showed the
boys how to read maps of Bengal and its districts, sections of
ruilway lines and plans of magistrate"s houses." The medium of
instruction for all courses was Bengali, but students were also
 The Gard•n 113

requor~d to learn Hindi and Sanskrit. English. which most of them

spoke. wa• an optional subjecl.
Technical training was to be given by 'other departments". for
example the department referred to in one of Upcn·s notebooks as
'Ex+ Mech+An'. which may have meant 'explosives. mechamcs
and anarchism· . Theoretically at least s tudents had to pass through
several srnges of training before being initiated in the mysteries of
·action". But in faC1 even neophytes received practical a• well as
academic instruction. Fifteen-year-old Kristo Jiban Snnyal said
that ' in the garden Upen Babu used to icuch us Up1111islwds and
politics und Burindru Babu Itaught I Gita and lltstory of Russo-
J upanc'c war and Ulln~ Babu delivered lecture\ on explosives".
lndu Ohu.an Roy spent his time ·studying G1w and preparing
shells' while Otten Ghose. auracied to the Garden because he "had
a rchg1ous turn of mtnd". was assigned the task of arranging fort he
supply or dynamite ."
As tn many educational institutions. finance was a constant
source of worry. Most of the students bad left home without !heir
parents· pcnnission and as a result had no money of their own.
The establishment's expenses >Nere met mostly by donattons from
rich men like Nirodc Chandra Mullick and ManoranJan Guha
Thakurta. C. C. Dun contributed thirty rupees a month ."
Attempts to supplement this meagre income with the eornings of a
vegetable garden and a chicken flock did not come to much. The
boys were obliged to lead ascetic lives as much rrom necessity as
conviction The vegetarian diet they were sworn to as monks was
as economical as it was purifying. Lacking servants these sons or
respectable hou<es had perforce to do the kitchen-work them-
selves. E•ery day a new pair of cooks whipped up an almost
ident1tal pot of khichri. Aher meals they washed the exiguous
ve5*1S a crockery plate and coconut-shell eup for each-in the
dub1ou\ water. of the pond ."
Thc '>Choors 1tmetable was as demanding as that or u traming
camp or monastery. II may be doubted whether the )Oung men
actually followed it: but it gives some indica1ton or their pre-
ceptors· intentions. The students had to rise at 4 o'clock . Before
their first class two hours later they had to wa~h . meditate. and do
their physical exercises. After class there was cooking :ind shikar.
which gcncrnlly means big-game hunting but here appare ntly
connoted rnking shots at crows or at a target painted on a tree.
114 The Bomb in Btngal

After bath and meditation came the main meal of the day. after
"hoch the <ludcni- could rest until three. Later on the afternoon
they bad 10 auend more classes. follo"ed by exercise. meditation,
study. cookmg and supper Before hgh1s oul al ten there was a
period se1 aside for conversation :md Mngong. A favouri1e topic
was how 1hcy "ere going 10 a.<>a>s1nn1e the "ccroy. the com-
mander-on-chief and o•her high official\."
These udolcscen1 revolutionaries had a re1m1rkably onsoucinn1
auitude 1ownrds the dangers of their si1ua1iun. No douhl they
avoided leaving bombs and rifles lying about; but 1hey made no
effort to hide their names or those of 1hcir comrndes, leaving
leucrs, inscribed books, library cards and 01her personal effects
seauered about the Garden. Seventeen-year-old Narcndra Nath
Bakshi used an old school notebook. with his name wriuen neatly
on the cover. to copy out an explosives manual. " The adults
sho,.cd hule more caution. When Upen drew a chan of 1he
society's structure the only effort he made to conceal the names
was the transparent use of initials. In the case or the recruits such
carelessness may be excused as youthful folly . In the case or Bann
and Upen one os inclined 10 set 1t down to plain stupidity.
Although sworn 10 secrecy and silence, Bario i.cemed to cnioy
dropping hints 1hat he and his friends were on lo something big.
Pre11y soon the word got around. From as early as March 1907
dctcc1ivcs began hearing reports of a 'my~lerious garden some·
where in the suburbs of Calcu11a where arms were being col-
lected'. In October this vague information was confirmed and 1he
Criminal lnvcs1iga1ion Depa rtment star1ed 10 make inquiries.
They did this 1hrough their own channels without bothering to
inform the local police. All that the Manik1ola bca1 cops knew
about the Garden was that a sadhu was teaching the Gola !here.
One unsu$peC1ing inspector was so imrigued by this sign or culture
•n his neighbourhood that he occasionally dropped by 10 listen.
The boys always made him feel at home."
As overall head of the GaJden. Burin must take most of the
blame for its failings along with most or the credit for its
achievements. h was he who made the group·~ da}'to-day
decisions. or1en in consultation with Upen and Ullaskar. Barin was
able. unlike 'Military' J:ilin Banerji. 10 win respect and command
obedience withou1 acting the tyrant. Despite his easy·going ways
the younger 111embers regarded him as 't he chief whose orders had
 The Garden 115

to be 1mploc11ly obeyed'." ffis authority was not unqualified,

howc,cr I le was responsible to the financial backers or 1he
soaeiy- notably Subodb and Nirode Mulhck and C. C. Dun
-and of course 10 his brother Aurobindo. In the argo1 or the
Garden. Bann was chhota kana. ' little boss'. The big boss. bara
karta, was Aurobindo.
At the time the Garden was taking shape Aurobindo was
preoccupied with the Bonde Mararam case. He had linlc detailed
knowledge or wha1 was going on at Maniktola, but he ccnainly
·knew lhc cs~e11 1iuls or A:mn 's ac1ivi1ics. 1 he Garden was after all
the culm11n11iun or hi~ cffons since 1902. Before coming 10 Bengal
he had l<K1kcd on revoluuonary accion as the princ1pul means by
whach lmlt.1 would illlOlll independence. If he had g.-cn mtl\t or ht,
umc ~once 1906 to politics and journalism. 1t was because he
regarded thc;e ac11v111es as essential for the necessary ·organiza·
tion of all forces in the nation for revolutionary action' lie joined
Bandt Mataram because he saw the launching or the JOUmal as ·an
opponun11y for staning the public propaganda necessary for his
revolutionary purposes', of which the 'central' one was •the
preparation of an armed insurrection'."
In Aurobindo's view rebellion could come about only when the
minds of the people had been prepared by radical propaganda.
The youth of the counc ry had to be willing to devote themselves to
the cause. scorning hardsbips, imprisonment. even dcuth. J11ga11·
tar, 8a11de Mararam and other publicat ions had done much to
bring about the needed change; but it was still confined to a
comparntivcly small segment of the population . Anocher side of
Aurobindo'• long· term programme was 1he sowing of di'k1ffection
in the Indian army. Before coming lo Bengal he had made a start
in this direction with the help of the West Indian leader Thakur
Sabeb. But 1hese efforts were cut short by the Thakur's death.
apparently 1n Manchuria during the Russo-Japanese War."
Bengal offered few opponunities for troop subversion , ~incc its
own men were not permitted to enlist . Rangpur rc,olutionaries
had had some success m winning o•er the commander of a corps of
nuhtary police. ~ but isolated effons like this could only have made
a difference only if they had been sedulously followed up and
org1m1Led. Sarin and his friends had neither the time nor the
tempermncnt for this sort of work . They and their backers wanted
spectacular results and they wanted them fast The only way to
116 The Bomb in Bengal

produce them was by an increasing resort to terrorism.

In a statement given to the police in 1908, Bario said that he
never thought political murders would bring about the regenera-
tion of the motherland. But he felt that they were an important
'means to educate the people up [sic) for facing death and doing
anything for their country's sake'. There was, he said, 'a wide and
persistent demand all over India for one successful political
murder in order to stiffen the back of the people and satisfy their
spirit of vengeance'. Or as Upen more graphically put it: the
jailing of the editors of Jugantar and Sandhya and the outrages
done by the police so enraged people that everyone seemed to be
saying, ' No. This can't go on. We'll have to blow the head off one
of these bastards.' Since no one else was up to it, Bario and his
friends were 'compelled . unwillingly, to take up the task as slaves
of the nation '. J<>
In later statements Barin and Upen dealt with the subject less
rhetorically. If they and their friends were slaves, the real masters
were the society's supporters. These men demanded assassina-
tions, advancing specific amounts towards the death of specified
officials. After the resignation of Fu ller the target of choice
became Sir Andrew Fraser, the lieutenant-governor who had
helped to partition Bengal. Towards the end of 1907 a meeting was
held at which it was decided that Fraser must be killed. JJ
 ORGAN IZE RS AND INS PIR ERS

3 4

5 6

(1) Bal Gangadhar Ti lak. (2) A urobi ndo Ghose. (3) Sarala Ghosal. (4) Sister Nivedita .
(5) Peter K ropotkin . (6) Kakuzo Okaku ra .
 LEADERS

7 8

9 10

(7) Ba rindra Kumar Ghose. brothe r of Aurobindo, became leader of a revolutiona ry secre t
society in 1906. (8) Upendranat h Bannerjee was responsible fo r the society's religious
instruction . (9) Ullaska r Dutt was the group's principal bomb maker until He m C handra Das
( 10) , re turned from Pa ris , where he had learned political theory a nd explosive chemistry from
the Russian Nicolas Safra nski and others.
 RANK AND F ILE

11 12 13

14 15 16

17 18 19

Me mbe rs of the secre t society sta rted by Barindra Kumar G hose: ( 11 ) lndu Bhusan Roy ;
(12) Birendra Nath Ghose; (13) Bibhuti Bhusan Sarkar; ( 14) Sudhir Kuma r Sarka r ;
( 15) Indra Nath Nandi; ( 16) Bi joy Kumar Nag; ( 17) Sailendra Nath Bose; ( 18) Kristo J iban
Sanyal; ( 19) Abinash Cha nd ra Bhattacha rya .
 T HE GARDE

20

21 22

(20) The Ma niktola Garden. showing part of the house tha t was the headqua rters of the
secret society. (21) A shed in the Garden used fo r ma king bombs. (22) A mango tree used
for target pract ice.
 TARGETS

23 24

25 26
(23) Si r Andrew Fraser, Lieutenant-Governor of Bengal. escaped unscathed from several
assassination attempts. (24) Douglas Kingsford , a n unpopular magistrate, was the target in
the Muzaffarpur bombing. (25) Sir Ba mpfylde Fuller, Lie ute nant-Governor of Eastern
Bengal a nd Assam ; several a tte mpts we re made o n his li fe. (26) Ashutosh Biswas, public
prosecuto r in the A lipore case, was shot dead in the courthouse .
 CARTOONS FAON THE •HINDI PUNOK."-1008-

(27) Lord Minto as He rcules killing the hydra of 'ana rchism'. As in the legend, the beast
proved difficult to dispatc h. Cartoon publishe d in Hindi Punch in May 1908.
 LAW AN D ORDER

28 29

(28) G ilbert E lliot, 4th Earl of Minto , Viceroy of India 1905-10; (29) F. L. Halliday,
Commissione r of Police , Ca lcutta, in 1908-9 ; (30) Policema n near a pit in the gro unds o f the
Maniktola Garden whe re a case of firearms was unearthed .
 BOMBS

'*- •t'{(!t'";'J~ ~~~~i \

,,., I .
F€"T"CO S<.IO?t Cc.t-,
1; '3 ( ) - ~ e<r~ Clll~ ~I
..:>tlG'"fl
. '\5 ~f"'U - ~~'<'! -~n:~;;risrr.r "ID'f''tSQ:1
Ji~ ~l(f~1 ,;
31
-e•2f- 1>11.PM .,,~\;~ ln~I :.f.17Y>-~
-'-'---'--=-~~.....,..,.,.~~J

32 33

(3 l) Diagram of a simple bom b, with ma rkings in Bengali. (32) Fou r bombshe lls found at
134 Harrison Road, one is the brass knob of a bedpost , a nothe r the ball cock fro m a cistern .
(33) The book-bomb sent to Douglas Kingsford , consisting of a law commentary ho llowed
o ut to receive a cocoa-tin fi lle d with picric acid .
 IN TllE H ANDS OF THE LAW

34

35

(34) Khudirarn Bose after his a rrest; (35) The Manikto la ga rde n house under guard .
 THE TRIAL

36 37

38
(36) C. R . Das, leade r of the defence; (37) Eardley Norton , leader of the prosecution ;
(38) Courtroom in Aliporc where the sessions trial was held.
 DOCU MENTARY EVIDENCE

39

I
40
(39) The 'Sweets letter' sent by Barin Ghose to his brother Aurobindo: 'Now is the time for
s weets all over I ndia.' (40) A page o f the ·scribblings' , found in one of Aurobindo's
notebooks. mentioning 't he small charge o f the stu ff'.
 THE JAIL

41 42

43
Views from the outside (41) and inside (42) of the solitary cell in Alipore jail where
Aurobindo G hose was imprisoned . (43) Part of the '44 degrees' where most of the other
prisoners were kept.
 RETRIBUTION

44

45

(44) Kanailal Dutt (right , with spectacles) a nd Satyendra Nath Bose, after shooting Na re ndra
Nath Goswami in Alipore jail. (45) The two revolvers used to kill Goswami: on the le ft the
Osborne .38-ca li bre pistol he ld by Satyen, on the right the We bley .45 used by Kana ila l.
 A DANG EROUS C H ARACTER

46 47

48
(46) F. W. Duke, C hief Seeret~ry, Government of Bengal (left) , and Sir Edward Bake r ,
Lieutenant-Governor of Bengal 1908-11 ; they considered Aurobindo Ghose the most
dangerous man in India after his release in 1909. (47) Aurobindo preaching ' militant
swadcshism': cartoon published in Hindi Punch on 20 June 1909. (48) A urobindo spea king in
Beadon Square. Calcutta.
 AFTER ALIPORE

49

,
,... I

50

(49) A block of Cellular Jail in the Andamans. where many revolutionaries were imprisoned.
(50) Lord l-lardinge (Viceroy 1910- 16) on the back of an elephant at the time of his
ceremonial ent rance into Delhi on 23 D ecember 1912. Shortly after this photograph was
taken, Basanta Kumar Biswas threw a bomb at l-lardinge, seriously wounding him.
 AUROBINDO 'S INFLUEN CE

(5 1) Arbind Mandir ('The Temple of Aurobindo'), a poster printed in Kanpur during the
1930s , showing Aurobindo Ghose surrounded by north Indian revolutionary heros such as
Bhagat Singh .
 11
Mother Kali's Bomb

111 lh l' ,111tu111n of 1907 Sir Andrew Fraser went to Darjeeling, the
s11111111c1 wp1ta l of Bengal, to pass the puja ho lidays. Cha ru
< h.111111 ;1 Dull , the revolutio nary civil servant , also was there.
< \111\ 111n : d that the 'Q uee n of Hill-Statio ns' o ffered excelle nt
11pp1111u111t1cs for assassination, Dutt summo ned Pra fulla C haki
I 111111 ( 'aku tt a. After studying Fraser's movements. Dutt decided
lh l' hc\t time to kill him would be while he was walking to church .
1111.' pla n was for Prafulla to wait o n the road with a bomb that
I >1111 h.1d brought from Calcutta . When Frase r came by Prafull a
wo uld throw the bomb a nd di sappear in th e confusio n . Dutt would
hi w.11trng o n th e railway platform. That Sunday, Divine Provi-
cl1 m 1· ... 1111kd o n Sir Andrew, sending him to church with a police
1 '11 11 I I )ult and Prafulla put off the a ttempt until a late r cricket
1
111.111 h wlrn:h Fraser did not atte nd.
/\..., 1hc weapon o f choice of E uropean a na rchists, the hand-held
ho111h had co me to symbolize viole nt revolution. Months before
ll'itl hotnb' were used against real victims in India, Brahma-
h.111dh.1h lJpadhya y had writte n in Sandhya:

I 11 1s ,1 111.1 1tn 1111

111.1111il .1l
r 1ca t rc101cing th at a n excelle nt kind o f bomb is being
llll l'd I h" hnmh ,., ca lled Kalt Mm 's boma (the bomb of Mother
K,1h) II " hc 111g c-:pcn mcnt cd on. and if it come\ out of the test
'llll'l''"tull y 11 mu\t be kept in eve ry house. Thi!. bomb is so li ght that o ne
1·.111 walk with 1t in o ne'!. hand . It has not to be set fi re to : it explodes with a
loud ncw.c and sha kes the earth if it is thrown o n the gro und with some
h111l· torcc . . .. A son is wanted from every fam ily who must practice the
2
v 111111·-. of the Klwtriya (Warrior). Let the m play with Kali Mai's boma.

'I he purpose of this passage was intimidation . It is unlike ly that

118 The Bomb i11 Bengal

it was taken seriously either by Sa111//1ya's readers or by the British

police . But it is true that revolutionary groups m Bengal had been
experimenting with bombs for a year or so before the anicle was
wri11en . The first auempts used crude mixtures of amorphous
pho•phorus and chlorate of powssium-the ingredients of &afcty
matches. The results were not deadly; at be;t such bombs were
·sufficiently powerful to sc:ire away mobs' It wa;, a ;,how bomb or
this variety that Hem and Banrr lugged around East Bengal in
puri.uot of Bampfylde Fuller. '
A desire for more powerful explosives drove o number of young
Bengali;. 10 clandestine experiment. The first 10 'ucceed was
Ullu;,kar Duu. Whole a student or Presidency College, Ullaskar
bad won renown for slapping an arrogant British professor with his
slipper.' Thinkrng it best to leave the college after the incident, he
went to Bombay 10 study textile manufacture. But uficr reading a
few copies of Juga111ar he decided he would rnthcr learn bomb·
making instead. With such a skill he might be able 10 join one of
the o;ccret socieucs whose existence the paper had hinted at.
Returning lo Bengal Ullaskar t<1ught himself chemistry and
performed experiments in the laborntory of ho> IMher, a profcs\or
at Sibpur's C ivil Engineering College. Having mastered the
rudiments of his trade, he 'approached the secret societies. und
was readily taken on'.•
One evening late in 1907 Ullaskar invited Boren Sen and other
student-revolutionaries to his Sobpur laborntory. Afler treaung
them 10 klsichri (he was nn excellent cook) Ulla>kn r showed his
guests a phial containing nitroglyccnne, the ba$iS or dynamite. and
another containing fulminate of mercury. The fulminate was u..ed
as a detonator in bombs made or pocnc add. which was considered
better than dynamite for do·it·your~elf terrorists.• In those days
picric acid could be bought across the counwr since it hud a
number o f legitimate usts. in the tunning industry for instance . or
course one had to be careful melting its honey.coloured cryst.ils.
for tf hc;lled too fast they explode. But once suca:~fully melted,
the compound cou ld be poured mto a shell or other object that
s uited 1hc purpose. The fulminate was more difficul1 to prepurc,
since it 'has a properly or exploding on slight friction'. Ullaskar
was a competent cbcmi,t, but to the end of bis hfe he had a scar on
hi• forehead that was produced by a bomb that went off
um:xpe<tcdly.'
 Mother Kali's Bomb 119

High spiri1ed and an exceOenl smger. uua,~ar W3\ a lavounlc

of the Garden boys. He became lhe head of 1he bomb secuon.
opera1ing a small forge and mmniaining s1ockp11c'> ol dynami1e,
picric acid and 01her explosives. Commercially made dynamue
was more rchable 1ha11 home-made s1urr bu1 i1 wa~ very d1flicul110
obtam. S1ill. Bario managed 10 get 1hrec-quaners of a bucke1ful.
Some of 1t11s was purchased from a 1rading company in Oauha1i,
the res1 supplied by nationalis1 leader Manoranjun Guha Tha·
kurt:i. who ciwned a mine in Giridih. • The revolutionaries a lso
smckcd up on sulphuric acid and other chemicals used in making
explo<ivc~. buying rcasqnable amounts from different suppliers in
Calcuuu. A1 ahc same time they were making efforts 10 obtain
lircarms and Hmmunition. In time they accumulutcd two guns. six
rifle>. and a dozen revolvers. Many or these came from the French
enclave or Chandcrnagore. where 1he Arms Act was 1101 in lorce.
Olllers were obtained through the in1ermed1al)- of Indra Nandi.
whO'IC fa1her. Lieu1enant-Colonel Nand1. IMS. was exempted
from the A~ •
A week or 1wo after his Sibpur demon>1ra1ion. Ullaskar
announced that he was ready to put together a n11ne 10 blow up
Andrew f'rn~r·~ 1ra1n. Bario learned from 1hc ncwo;papcr lhal
1-ra,cr would lea'c Darjeeling o n I No\'crnhcr and. af1cr o;pcnding
1tw "'e<'kcnd 1n C'11lcu1ta. would begin a lour of Bihar four days
taler ' A lnend in Burdwan who worked 111 the telegraph office
g.1vc 1hcn1 the rimcrnblc of the lieulcnant·govcrnor's 'JlCcial.
l)cciding thn a the best place for the a11c111p1 wu~ Munkumlu, a
town ju'>I Nouth of Chandcrnagore. Bario mudc n number of
journeys 10 1he French enclave 10 work things out with 1hc local
rc"olu1ionaric>. Their leader. Cbaru Chandni Roy. did 1101 want
an a11cmp1 in his own backyard: but Burin had made up hi' mind
(llld could not be talked out of it. A son of Manoranjan Guha
Thakurta brought wmc dynamite from G1rid1h. "h1ch Ullaskar
charged in a hefty iron C}linder. On the 5th he. Barin. Upen,
Narcndra Nath Goswami and Hnshikc~h Kan11lal \\COi 10 Howrah
and caught the train 10 Cbandemagore. lrom !here Ullaskar
walked back towards Mankundu. kecp111g his eye ou1 for a place to
lay the mine. Oi.iurbcd by passers-by. he selected his spot JUSI
minu1cs before the irain approached. Unuble to set the mine. he
tossed a couple of s1icks of dynamite on the trac~s. The detonators
exploded harmlessly as the train passed over."
120 Th~ Bomb in Bengal

Undaunted, Bario decided to try again "hen Frawr returned

from Bihar ten da)• Inter. Taking a mine made b) Ulla,kar. he,
Bibhuti Bhusan and Prafull,1 Chaki went 10 Mankundu Cho<»mg
a spot near a bridge. Barin asked B1bhu1i to dig u hole . 111cn. on
the night rhe special was cxpec1ccl, 1hey lay in wait. ready 1t1 pine"
th~ mine before the train ;irnvcd. It never did. Once agnin Bario
und hi• companions had to return 10 Calcutta di,appointcd •
Clearly a good de.al of planning was necessary tf one wanted to
blow up a train. panicularly u train carrying Bengal's h1ghe•t
official. But the scheme "as still anracuve. not least bccau1e C. C.
Dutt had persuaded Surendranath Tagore to give a thousand
rupees for a successful attempt." Leaming that the pcripalctic
lieutcnant·governor was planning 10 visit Orissa. llarin decided 10
lay a mine near Kharagpur. a rnil-1unc1ion on 1he way 10 that
region. Close by was Mldnuporc, !he town where Smyendrn Nath
Dose-Aurobindo and Burin's ·unc1c· - nm an active branch of
1hc secret society. Ullaskar mndc 1he mine. charging ~ix pounds or
dynamite in a iron vcs.,el purchno;ed in the bazar. I le al-.() made a
detonator and fuse of a picric ccmpound." Bibhuli Bhu.an and
Prafulla Chaki. both veterdn' or previous auempts ...ere ;;elected
10 do the spade•\\OF~. 10.. ards the end or Novcmhcr or the
hcginning of December Ihey took the Puri Passenger to Bcnapur,
len miles south of Kharagpur 1-rom here they walked :1no1her four
miles south in the direction of Narayangarb. The stretch hc1ween
1he 1wo 1owns was desolnte and rail lramc infrcquen1 . If 1he
1imc1ablc supplied by a Kharagpur signaller was adhered 10, the
lieu1enam-governor's special would reach il in the dead of night. "
I laving found a suitable spot the men waited out 1hc evening
under a tree. Around nine they began digging a hole. p:irtly under
the rail and panly under a poMleeper, the metal bowl filled with
hallast that supports the rail. After five hours· "ork 1he hole \\as
fini,hed. Pilling it l~I) wnh soil, they returned to Calcutta."
On 1he 3rd of December Burin, Prafulla and 61bhuti went by
1ra111 10 Kharagpur nnd 1hencc to Narny.mgarh. One of them
carried a bag containinit !he ves~cl charged with the dynamite and
th~ dCl<)nator. Another brough1 1he fuse. wrapped carefully in
cotton-wool and placed in a shoe-box. From Narayangnrh they
walked 10 the spot where they previously had dug the hole. There
1hey •et the mine and waited bu1 again the train did not come.
Before dawn the) returned to Kharagpur. c-.irrying the explosives
 M01Mr Kali's Bomb 121

"11h them . l'rafulla and Bibhuti waited at the station while Barin
111111 ocd back to Calcuna. I-le returned the next day with a copy of
the l!t1glis/11111111 containing an announcement that Fraser was uue
to depart from Orissn on the 5th. On the arternoon of that day the
three men went to Narayaogarh and walked to their hole. Under
Oarin"s supervision Prafulla and Bibhuti lrud the mine. limshmg
the job around clc•cn. After shanng a snack of sweetmeat~ with
the others. Barin walked to Narayangarh to catch the last trnin to
Calcuua. After his train passed the spot where Prafulla and
13ibhuti were waiting, they carefully ~t the fuse and started for
Kharagpur ,.
lln•ong finl'hcd h" tour of the jtOvernment relief works 1n
tJnune·stnckc:n OrMJ Sir Andrew l-r3>Cr boarded the 'pec1al
that "ould c.1rry tum had; to Calcuua on the evening of the 5th
Sometime bct.,.ccn tl'·O and three m the morning his cr.un passed
through Narayangarh. When the engine hit the mine there was a
tremendous explosion. It seemed to the driver that the engine w;1s
being thrown upwnrd. But incredibly the train was nut deru1lcd.
When the p(lssengers got down, they saw that one of the ""'' had
been twisted up like wire. Several sleepers had been broken and
others blo"'n to pieces. Where the mine had been was a crater the
feet deep and fi,c feel across. Later investigators dedared that ·a
rnn~1derablc amount or knowledge and ingenuity was di.played" in
the l.t)tng of the mine . Sor Andrew's train . they said. hud 'had u
n11rilculous ~1>c· ••
l'hc government begnn 11n investigation immediately. The locid
police. untlcr pressure to make an arrest. managed to find u coolie
that did spade-work for the railways. who ·was induced to make a
statement· imphcating himself and ~vcn other coolies. Soon the
whole lot had entangled themselves in a web of accuSJtoon and
counter-accusation. All eight were put on tnal and on 9 Apnl 1908
;ox of them were convided and sent 10 1:111. 111ere they remained
for rwo years. after which an official ·surn11scd' thnt their 'incre·
dible' sta rements 'mu'1 have been taught' them while they w~rc in
jail ' in the interests of the police who held the enquiry' Belatedly
deciding that all the coolies were 'cnurcly innocent' thl' govern-
ment released them m 1910...
Although happy ro behe\'e that the coohc~ had done the spade-
work. the Criminal Investigation Department was from the
beginning convinced '1ha1 the coolies were the tools of bcuer
122 The Bomb in Bengal

educated people'. presumably some influential Calcuna men."

Using their o"'n met.h ods the CID began aSM:mbling data. The
onforma11on that there was a ·garden· in the suburbs of the city
where arms were being collected now seemed more interesting
than it had t>cfore. Investigations also "'ere <;ct afoot in Midna-
porc. hcadqu:1ners of the district where the outrage had taken
place. It wu~ here that the CID got their break In course of his
cn4uines into 1he bombing incidcn1. Maulvi M111harul llaq . the
dhtrict's deputy superintendent of pQlicc. ob111incd clues leading
him 10 ·suspect the existence of an anarchist pnny in the town'.
Needing un informer 10 provide him wilh further informmion, Haq
upproachcd a former tenant of his named Abdur Rahman. Until
recently Rahman had rnugbt lathi· play and wrestling in various
Midnnpore akh .. rns including the one run by Sn1yendra Nath
Bo~. ·ocang a Muhammadan'. as a candid Briton later put it,
Rahman ·was likely 10 give 1rnst,.or1hy onform:uion on the doings
of the I londu Extremists. towards whom he •tood in a unique
JlO'lllOn· On 19 January 1908 Rahman entered the employment of
1h~ police and two days later began supplying them wnh infonna·
t1on I le quickly won the ·fullest conlidcncc· of S:tl)Cn. who told
him :ill about the Narayangarb incident tond also ahout a ccnain
homh factory in Calcuua. Prompted by lluq. Rahman asked
Satycn for a revolver. When Satyen complied. l~ahmun asked him
(or u bomb. Pleased with hi~ zeal (Rahmun had volunteered to kill
1hc district magistrate) Satyen gnve hi111 u lcucr introducing him us
11 ' known Muh:unmatfon hrmhcr of Midnupore' nod sem him LO
Calcutw. There Rahman met members of the A1monna1i,
Anu~hllan and other sami1is. His wish to sec the bomb fnc1ory was
not 11ra111cd. but he learned u great deal about the org:onization
and operation of the secret society. including the role of
Aurobindo. Back in Midnaporc Rahman rcponcd has findingJ; to
I luq . who communicated them 10 bis superiors. The Bengal
government was glad 10 have the inform<ltion but considered ii 'so
scanty and unccnam that it seemed dangcrou> 10 mk losing touch
altogether with the mminals by 100 great haste an ancmpting to
capture them'. After high-level consultation>. the chief secretary
or the government urged Calcuna'> comml'SlOncr or pohce. F. L.
Halliday. 'to take no action in Calcutta as 11 wa~ feared that the
conspirn1ors might take alarm and re-form M another centre which
would not be known , und would tberefore presumably be 1he more
 Mother Kali's Bomb 123

J.onj!crn1t\ llalhday consented 'in the public 1ntercsl' and

'""l!ncd de1cc11ve policemen to watch a number of places
frc<1ucn1cd by members of lhe society in Calcuua and elsewhere.
In one of its repons ro the Government of India. the
Governmen1 of Bengal complained lhat the ·conspirators showed
grcar caution'." Given the rapidity with which the wciety was
penetrated this may safely be called an overslalement, eviden1ly
intended by Bengal to absolve itself from rc\ponsibility for the
'outrages' 1hr11continued10 occur. his however 1rue 1hnr after the
N:1rayangnrh ottempl 1he terrorists decided to pluy ii CQol for a
while. Over tea o ne artcrnoon a relative of Upcn's t0ld him 1ha1
~omc I~""""' Nihilbts had come IO India. The nu1hori1ies, it
'ccmcd. were well infonned :1bou1 the whole aff:ur. Concerned
:.bout thi• and other reports. Upen made up h" mind 10 go on a
p1lgnmagc A\ often his motives were mixed. On 1he one hand he
still longed 10 find a guru. revolutionary or otherwise. On the
01hcr he thought he might loca1c a good place for the ~1ety to
experiment w11 h bombs. Sometime around the middle of Decem-
ber he. Ullaskar. Prafulla. Bibhuti and another man "'cnt to Bihor
and v1si1cd Deoghar and 01her places. In Patna they fell in with a
band of ga11ja-smoking sannyasins bound for Dhuni Saheb in
Nepal IJe\ldc< being eager 10 visit this sacred spot. Upcn 1hought
(:i\ ·1ilt1k had 1hough1 before him) that 1hc independcni I limalnyan
kmgdom n11gh1 be n 11ood place for the manufoctul'C of munitions.
Srnnding on the free soil of Ncpnl. Ll1c pi lgrim,· minds were filled
with 'a gay Ouucr of cxci1cment': but soo11 lhc mugnetic altr.lclion
of Bengal drew them back to Calcuua_ They found 1he Garden
prac1ically deserted. Many of1he boys had disappeared . and Barin
had gone wi1h Aurobindo to western lndi.J."
 12
Upheavals

On 7 0cccmbcr 1907. ihe day arter the Narayangarh bombing, me

Midnaporc Dislricl Conference was held in Midnapore 1own,
twelve mile~ rrom the scene of the auemp1. Disinc1-level Congress
meeungs generally anracted linle auen11on ou1siJe lhe immcdiale
arcoi. Bui m 1he (barged aunosphere or 1he umc . 1he Midnapore
01s1nct ('onfcrencc became the most 1mpor1an1 pohucal event in
Bengal since 1hc Cakuna Congress. During 1907 Exiremists and
Modera1es had become increasingly polari1cd and hos1ile.
Members of 1he na1ional Modera1e oligarchy sirove 10 recover
their old monopoly. But ExlJ'em1sm was 011 lhc n~. Ille wr11mgs
of Aurob1ndo. Tilak and other Extrem~t spokesmen were being
devoured in every part of the country. Readers were Stirred by
ttccou111s of 1he Punjab deportations, the press t rial~ in Calcurta
and the cmJJ inuing repression in East Dengal. ·rhc Swade.~hi
movement, 1hough ac1ually levelling off, wnR s1ill able 10 generate
en1husiasm, allowing people from Pesha\\ar to Mudras 10 make
gcMur~s of solidarity with the Bengalis.
The progress of Exiremism had been especrnlly significant in lhe
Ccncral Provinces. whose capital. Nagpur. h.id been chosen as 1he
hOSI or 1he 1907 annual session of Coogreso The Modera1cs had
..culcd on Nagpur 'on pufJ><™' to exclude Tilak rrom the
pre>1dcncy'. Bui as the time for the session drew near. Nagpur·s
M0<Jcra1c\ found themselves locked m a 11rugglc wilh Extremists
for conirol or 1hc RecepllOO Comm111ec. sun in the minority. the
Extrc1m s1s. led by B. S. Moonje. resorted 10 IJCllCl> or intimidation
ond ob~1ruc1ion. Realizing that the situation \HIS \lipping out of
their conrrol, Nagpur Moderates announced th.11 1hc city would
not be ahlc 10 host the session . On 10 November a cabal of
 125

Moocra1c\ mccung in Pherozshab Mehtas residence shifted the

•enuc 10 Surat . an ultra-Moderate town in poht1cally inactive
Gu1ara1 .
The Nagpur imbroglio had been followed with in1cres1 by
Moderates and Extremists throughout the country and by the
Government of India as well. Afrcr Mchtu' s m:1gi;,tennl manoeu-
vre , Aurob1ndo and other Extremists wun1ed to break with the
01hcr party. boyc\lH 1hc Congress and hold a separate Conference
in Nagpur. Tilak however wished the pariy 10 make a strong
~howing in Surat nnd his view prevailed. Ncvcnhcless it was
decided to hold scparJlc Extremists cvnrcrcucc~ llCCorc and after
1hc sc>~ion . '
Thi' was the position when 1hc Midnaporc Conference was
held. The organizer> had invited the principal Icade" of both
panics Surendrana1h Banerjca and his as.oc1a1cs for the
Moderates. Aurobindo and his allies for 1hc E.(tremists Not
surprisingly the conference turned into a Struggle for po"'C'- The
Extremists packed 1he meeting place with Nauonal Volunteers
wearing show) 1urbuns and badges and carrying la1h1s. They were
led by Sa1ycndra Nath Bose. captain-general of the M1dnapore
secret society. The Extremists demanded 1ha1 the Chairman.
Moderate barns1er K. B. Dutt. speak oul in favour of sworoj.
When he refused to go along the National Voluntcctl> created an
uproar The Moderates appealed 10 Aurobin<Jo tu restore order.
Aurnbindo snid and did nothing. The next day the r;x1rcmis1~ held
a separn1c meeting instead of altcnding the Conference. 'The
incvirnblc schism bas rakeo place.' wro1c llcmcndra Prasad
Ghose. adding prophc1ically: 'This is the begin rung only."
W11h U1pin l'al in jail. Aurobindo had become the lender of 1he
BcngJI Ex1rem1s1s. Thi:. put bim wider coru.1dcrablc mental stress.
h was. he wrote to bis wife before departing for Mrdnapore. ·a
lime of great anuct) for me. There are pulls from CVCI) ;1dc 1ha1
arc enough to drive one mad.' In Calcuua he did ·nol ha\'e a
minute 10 <pare. I am m charge oflhe \lofllJng. I am 111 charge of 1hc
Congress ..-ork: I ha'e 10 settle the 8a11de Ma111ra111 affair. I am
finding 11 difficult 10 cope with 11 all. Besides. I ha'e my own "'ork
10 do: 1ha1100 cannot be neglected.' ' Aurobindo's ·own work' was
hi:. prac1icc or yoga. whicb was becoming lncrca..111gly imporrnn1 LO
hun. IL will hc recalled that he had wken ii up w get power for
uction, ~pccificnlly political and revoluuonury action . Far from
126 Tht Bomb in Bengal

pulling him away from the movcmenl. yoga had opened up 10 him
sources of guidance and energy that be had never known.
Oa:asionally he sought guidance by means of 'au1omatic wri1ing'.
One o f his e~pcrimenrs from thi~ period has s urvived. The 'spirit'
behind lhe writing addressed him as ·you·:

BengolL< are a ttm1d rncc bu• 1hcy are very desirous or being brave
Many moke a11empts but few can <ucc:ttd Yoo do 1 lot of work but
nm properly Bcca""" you do not <CC to the ei<ecution
Bimn may try but be wdl not •ucceed when you canll()( help h1m-
Sudhir -.ill be a good man for 1he nCJ<t attempt. Pr.1Julla has lost
confidcrwc in himself. Because he w.ll not do it. Many "'lll try but fail ...
Ye>, make a good a11empt- [11/•sib/e)-You will not be lillegiblt) with
the small chargeorthescuff. Bai 111 mokes mistakes- Be more self·reliant. •

/\urobindo kept an open mind abom 'automatic writing' bul did

not believe lhat all such 'communicalions' were valid. Neverthe-
less he did think some or them were remarkable or even
prophetic. ' It is not known whu1 he though1 of the above example;
bu1 it shows, bcl.idcs the obvious fact that he knew wha1 his
bro1hcr was doing. that his 111tcrcs1 m ·spiri1uar matters extended
even 10 1hc down-to-eanh bu,iness or revolutionary action.
/\fler re1uming from Midnapore, Aurobindo was swept up in
1he preparations for the Surat Congress. Al a meeting on 11
December, he and other Extremists 'decided to ancnd the
Congres.~ in large numbers.•• /\sin 1906 the most oon1en1ious pre·
Congress issue was the s.:lcction of the president. The Bombay
Modcra1es had given the post to Rash Behari Ghosc. a Calcuna
lawyer who was acquainted with the viceroy. The Ex1rcmis1S
wan1ed Rash Bchari 10 s1ep down in favour or Lala LnJpa1 Rlii ,
who had been released Crom Mandalay jail in November. On 14
and 15 December two meetings were held in Calcuna ' lo suppon
1hc claims of Lajpa1 Ra1". Aurobindo spoke a1 both-his firs1
public addresses. Oo the 151h Slones were lhrown al 1he police, as
a rc;uh of which funher meetings were banned.' Six duys later the
Congress delegaies left for Sumi by train. Among them was Sarin
O hosc. Although unintcresled in Congress politics. he had
accepted an invitation 10 go in order to mee t Extrcmisls from
other provinces 10 sound them on his revolu1ionary programme.••
Barin·s society was not 1he only group in Bengal lhat was in
favour or revolu1ionary action. On 6 December. ooincidcnrnll) the
 Upheavals 127

s.imc day as the Narayangarb allempt. a group of men led by

N.1rcndrn Nath Bhatlllcharya (later famous as M N. Roy) carried
out a successful dacoil}' in Cbingripota, a town l\\el•c miles south
of Qilculla. Two weeks later. while ihc delegates were on their
way 10 Surat, three members of the Dacca Anush1lan shot and
wounded Dacca's district magistrate, B. C. Allen. News of the
a Hack created a sensation. From the comrortable d1~tanoc of
Whitehall. Secretary of State Morley wro1c inn philosophic vein 10
Lord Minto: ·11 has long been evident thnt Indian antagonism 10
Government wnuld run slowly into the usual grooves, including
;is,a~sinntion.'" Delegate.~ arriving in Surat lc;1rncd that Allen's
life was dc•paired of. 'The news; wrote Gtwrdia11 correspondent
H W. Ncvin'>On. 'threw the same gloom and consternation over
the Indian party of reform {the Moderates! a5 struck the lmh
Home Rulers on the ncwi. or the Phoeni~ Park murders'." Many
Extrem1s1s "ere anything but gloomy.
In Surat the parues siay_ed in separate c.1mps. a physical sign of
the deor·etll separation between them. They differed not only in
their stance on major issues- swaraj. swadesh1. boyoon-but
also in their approach. methods and aim. For the Extremists the
Calcuna swaraj re<olutioo had not gone far enough. the Mod·
crates believed that it had gone much 100 far. They were anxious,
in the words of A. Chaudhuri. 'to regain what we have los.-. 1h:1t
is. to overturn 1he 1906 resolutions. Surat looked 10 he the place
where they could do this. There were, wrtllc Modcrntc lender
R. N. Mudh•}lk:1r 10 Gokhale. ·no extremist~· in lhc town ' beyond
the half n dozen cranks'. Mudholkar was confident 1h111 a t Surat
'neither Sj. [Srijukta] Arabinda Ghose or Lalit Mohan Ghosal or
Lok manya Tilak & Khaparde can do much mischief. Nevertheless
some trouble was anticipated. In the middle or December
Surendranath Banerjea had wrinen 1... Gokhale, ·1 fearTilak & his
party mean mischief about the election of the pres1dent.'"Tilak in
fact did want Rash Bihari ·to retire in Lalasfavour' This "'ould be
•001 only honouring Lala' but also 'effec11vcly protcstjingl against
the high handedness of Gove1 .1ment' m deporting him. The
Extremists intended 10 press this point. But there was widespread
~peculation that 1f they pressed loo hard the Congress would 'be
split into two institutions'. This might mean the end of the
organi1,..•u ion...
Tllak was oware of the danger, but he assured a correspondent
 128 The Bomb tn Bengal

that ' I or the new party so far as I can comrol it will n0t allow
Congress 10 die.' He repeated this conviction in a speech made at
the Extremist Conference on 24 December, two days before the
session. The party he said, ' had nm come to Surat to wreck the
Congress but to strcngl hcn ii '. '' 1lis idea was to establish the
Extre mists as a second force within Congre...s ond lhen 10 capture
the o rganization from within. Out for the moment compromise
was necessary. On this point Aurobindo and other 1rrcconcilablcs
bowed 10 Tilak's authority. 8ut all were agreed that there could be
no backpcdalling on issues hle swaraj and boycott. A negoha11ng
committee consisting of Tilak, Aurobindo and Khapardc was
constituted 10 carry on parlats "ith the Moderates. There was
much coming and going between the two <'.'a mps. Tilak paid a call
on some of the leading Moderates but was treated contcmp1u-
ously. Lajpat Rai , who had angered the Extremists by refusing 10
srnnd as their candidate, held talks wilh Tilak, A urobindo and
Khaparde. He pleaded with Aurobindo to work for uni1y.
• Aurobindo replied, ' You cannot fill the cup till you have first
• empucd it,' emphasizing Im. po1n1 with an appropnalc gc.turc.,.
No agreement could be reached he fore the 26th. the first day of
the session. Tbat morning a delegation of Extremists ailed on
Surcndranath Banerjea. They said they would raJsc no Objection
10 the election of the president if the Calcutta resolutions were not
changed and some ·graceful allusion' made 10 ' the desire of the
public 10 have Lajpat Rai in the Chair'." Banerjca st1id they would
have to speak with ·rribhovandas Malvi, a Sumi bigwig who was
head of the Reception Commince. Malvi , engaged in hi~ devo-
tions, declined to see them. At two in the afternoon the d<:l<'gntcs
assembled in the pavtLion The Modera tes outnumbered their
nvals. but the Extremists were conscious of their strength During
Malvi's "'clroming address Tolak was given a copy of the resolu-
11ons the Moderates planned 10 propose. This made 11 clear that
thC) planned to alter the Calcuna resolutions.
The delc!!ates sar through Molvi's speech in silence and raised
no objection when Ambulul Desai proposed Rash Bchari Ohose lo
the chair. But when Surcndrunuth rose 10 second the motton. he
could speak only a half-t101e n words before pande monium broke
loose. ' Remember Midnapore' cried Extremists from Bengal.
'Remember Nagpur cri"d E•tremists from the Central Provinces.
Soon ten thousand men -. ere on their feet ·shouting for order.
 Upltetwals 129

,f111u11n!\ foe cumuli"." After some unavailing a11emp1s 10 silence

1hc a\~Cmbly lhe siuing was 'U!>l>Cnded.
Thnt afternoon Surendranu1h inviled the Bengal Ex1rcm1\I~ to
his quaners and pleaded ror uni1y. Producing u compromise
ugrccment. be asked for signatures. The paper was pnssed from
one man 10 anolhcr. no one signing. Finally Sa1yen Bow said.
'Wail, sir, give i1 to me." Slill incensed over Surcndranatb"s
Midnnpore betrayal. Satycn 1orc 1he J13per to pieces Th1' was
more 1h<1n the old guard could bc;ir. As 1be Extrcmis1s filed out. n
d1'linguisbed ModcrjlC ra1~-d his lh1 and abused Aurobindo in
1he mo<1vulgar1erm> 'I hi\ dnl l111le 10 calm E..ircmi,11cmpcn. "
1 ila~ mcan"h1le wus trvrng 10 mend thrngs as best he could. The
'whole 1t1111g'. he explamcu ' had been a mislake' When 1he
'es,ion reconvened the l'x1reml;i, would give the speakers a
hearing. ~o long as the Culc111111 rc:.olu1 ions were 'replaced in 1hc
origina l form· ... Nego1iations wcm on through Ilic evening und
night. By 1hc morning of 1hc 271h 1hcre was some h<1pc 1hn1 1hc
session would go forward a\ plonned. J3cfore 1he specchc; began,
T1lak &enl Malvi a no1e asking for a chance lo say \Ornc1hmg abou1
the election after the =ondmg address bad been dch•crcd. But
af1cr Bancrjea finished his speech and Mocilal Nehru s;iid a few
word\, Malvi declared Ra'h Behari elened wi1hou1 calling l'1lak to
the platform. A~ 1he pre,idcn1 lnunched into bi• :idclrcss. Tilak
nppro;1ched the chair <111d dcm:1ndcd to be he<lfd. l~u'h Behun
dcclarccl him o ut of order. ·r1luk s1<x1d his place. Even as bedlam
broke loose he remained lirm, urms folded across his chc;,1, f:icing
1he hostile delega1c,. Ru•h Bchari swod on the table and rnng 1he
bell <1' Modera1es threatened Tdak with bodily harm. A ~hoe Oew
through the air. apparently meant for Tilak bu1 sinking Banerjea
and Meh1a instead. Maharashman volunteers streamed on 1he
pla1form s"rnging lath1~ Aflcr a free·for-all the pavilion wa~
cleured by the police .
Poli1ics had failed. Rcrnlmion was on the rise. Bann. Sa1~en
and their associutes had nOI come to Sura1 10 rnke purl in 1he
dcbmcs. They wan1ed '1lction' ond were ready for il m any
momcn1. A1 one poinl i.lurln~ the session S:n yen wen 1 up to
Aurobindo and told him 1hat he wn~ carrying a pistol. Did he wani
him 10 shoot Surendranath Bnnerjea? Horrified, Aurnbindo
an,wcred that tbl' would no1 be necessary." Barin·$ plan~ for
a'>Sassina1ion were less impulsive. While oihers in the l!xtrem1st
130 The Bomb i11 Bengal

camp .-ere ialk:ing over the issue<. he had been trying 10 organize a
meeting of revolutionaries. On the 27th (the day of 1he melee) he
wrote 10 Aurobindo: 'Dear Brother, Now ll> the time. Please 1ry 10
ma~c 1hem meel for (our I own oonfcrence Wtt mu~I ha,·c sweets
all over lndin readymade for imcrgcncic• (.ucl I wall here for your
anM\Cr. •·"By 'I hem' Bann meant leader.. like Tilak By 'swccis' he
mcnnl bombs .
Whnl answer if any Aurobindo gave to 1his inc.li«ercel lc11cr is
not known. At any nite neither he nor Tilak auended 1he
'conrcrence'. Mos1 other Marathis also begged off. Klrnparde and
Moonjc included. These 1wo, it Lmn>pired. suspcc1cd 1ha1 one of
1h~ men invited. a certain Punjabi Muslim. wn~ nn informer. In 1he
end the only persons IO a11end were some Punjnbis, including Sufi
Amha Pra~:od, Aj11 Singh and the dubious Mu1hm: a few lesser·
known Maharash1rians. including Dr. V. M. Bhat; and Barin and
ho> a'S<lCtale•. Bann told 1bem of his plan for a countrywide
upri>1ng The Punjabi Muslim was en1busias1ic. saying 1ha1 \\hen
1he rounll) \\3S in turmoil 1he Amir of Afgham~lan \\Ould 1hunder
down to 1he plains. Thi~ idea me1 "'ilh a cold reception and 1he
mceung ended inconclusively.
Barin was acu1ely disappointed by the lack of Mahara~hlTian
pJrlicipalJCJn. Since the time of his ini1ia1ion lnlO Thakur Saheb's
scx;octy, he had been sure 1hal 1he race of Shivaji would be lndia·s
salvu1ion. More recen1ly a prominen1 Marmhi lcuder. upparemly
Klwpordc. had informed Barin lhal when he gave 1hc order his
men would hlow up bridges, capture distric1s, ond so forth.•
Seeking out Khapardc and Moonje after lhc meeting. Barin
learned thnl Thakur Saheb's secret wc1e1y no longer cx.istcd.
Despondent. he asked Tilak for an interview. Tilak ~cnl word 1ha1
he was sympatheuc. bul that his own path was chalked ou1 before
hom and he was too ol(,l IO change. "
The failure of the conference had n decis1vc cffcc1 on Bnrin. All
along he had been hearing tha1 every province excepl Bengal was
ready for rc,olulion. Now he dosoo,-ercd 1ha1 Bengal was in the

• U:trin did nut mention the' ~13h1rashtnan\ n;unc 1n Atrtt.td(uh1n1 hu1 spoL.c of 1
-..:ti-known ~4rulnh1 leader lnvo1'1ed both 1n Extrcl'fh;;t poh1te$ and rcwlucion In 11
ktlcr of 19SS (flf't.il' IV & V 41/2) he wro1c of Kh.tJ'l•Htk o~ hic1n.tt c,.-pcciaUy
k1lolw.lcd11:cahlc otl1out Thuku1 S.ah1b's. ~>etet)'- tl1$ ft1hc in At,,ttJk"lun' Lh.at 1he
·~11.1riuhi lc.1dc1 fttd aero~~ the kaS ..... he11 1h1n~" bt.'"mt d1flkult 1nay he: a
1 ufcr~nc..·e to Khupar<lc's ~'""& ·10 Engl::u1d 1n Augu)t llJC:)~.
 Uplt~ai·als 131

vanguard. It became clear to him that 'we had to walk our lone path
and somehow convince and initiate the whole of Congress-minded
India into this new creed of violent and armed re•-olution'."
McMwhile 'Congress-minded lndia' was undergoing changes 3$
decisive 11s 1hose affecting the terrorists. After 1he break-up of the
session on the 27th, the two parties had withdrawn to their
separate camps. Both of them issued statements that blamed the
break-up on the other pany. Both held conferences from which
members of 1he other party were excluded. Before entering the
Moderate Conference delegates had lo sign a 'creed' affirming
their adherence to 1he party's tenets. Seeing that the Moderates
were in a posiaon to t.ike conuol or the machinery of Congress.
Tilal. expressed his Wiiiingness to sign. He thought if the
Extremists were adn11lled to the conference they would eventually
be able to wrest power from 1heir opponents. Moreover he hod
been warned by Lajpat Rai that 'the Government had decided, if
the Congress split. to crush the ExtremisLS by the most ruthless
reprc:..<s1on.' Ttlalr. thought. corrcelly as it turned out, 'that the
country was not yet ready to face successfully such a repression'.
In order to circumvent this. and lo bcut the Modcrutes at their own
game. he proposed that the Extremists enter the convention.
Aurob1ndo and others were vehemently opposed to this and
predicted bes.ides that no Exuemists 11;ould be perm med to enter.
ln fact no known btremists were. Following a proposal of
Aurobutdo's, the purty held a conference on the Z9th in order lo
set up a separate Extremist organirntion lo rival the Moderate
Convention." On the Inst day of 1907 the ExtremislS finished their
Coogr= business and went their separate ways.
Aurob1ndo was bound for Baroda. There . be•ides seeiog some
old friend~. he planned to meet Yi<hnu Bhaskar Lele. the yogi
who had impressed Burin in September. In response to a wire from
Barin, Lele came from Gwalior and met Aurobindo in Kbaserao
Jadhav's house. Needing 10 escape from the crowds that thronged
to see the leader. the men retired 10 another house where for ten
days Aurob1ndo meditated with Lele. I le proved 10 be an apL
disciple. Wi1hio tltrce days. he later said, he was able 10 reach the
state of consciousness known to yogis as the 'silent Brahman' or
Nirvana The latter term means 'e.iinction·. the idea being that the
individual ego-personality is aboli~hed When Aurobindo =urned
work - meeting people. delivering speeches, even visiting a Poona
132 The Bomb in Bt11gul

boml>-foctory- 11 appeared to him that his actions were being

performed by someone else. " From tlus potnl on Aurobindo was
primarily a yogi. He regarded bis "ork and wntings as the
exprc<Sion> of a higher will. When he returned to Calcuna. he
cxplarned this new m ental state to hi\ wife:

I w•< tCl have come on the 8tb January. but I could not. This did not
happen of my own accord. l had 10 go whero God took me. • • The state
or 1ny mind has undergone a change•• . • J oo longer am the master of my
own will. Like a puppet I must go wherever Ood takes me: like a puppel I
nlust do whatever he makes me do .. .. l nm no longer free. From n<>w on
you will have to understand that all I do depends not on my will but is
done at the command (adesh ] of God.•
 13
Bombs and Mo nkeys

Bario ha.r acc<Jmp<1nicd Aurobindo to Baroda and while there he

al;o p.1'sc<l some ume "11b Lele. Not ncurly so proficient in
mcd11at1on '" his brother, he soon went back to his ordinary
pursu11s. During his stay 10 Baroda he made a bomb using a
formula Ulla~kar had given him. Before leavmg town he passed
the formula on 10 Chhotalal Purani. a local revolutionary. 1
Returning to Calcuua by mid-January, Bann founJ things ot the
GarJcn in high gear. Upen. Ullaskar and company were back
from Nepal and recruitment was going on apace. During February
and March around eight new men began staying at the centre,
more than doubling its strength. ' The growing numbers made the
fi;adcr. uneasy. Whal if the Garden was under police s urveillance?
They decided nothing risky should be done there any more; the
Ga rden would be un ashram and nothing else. The anonymity of
the city seemed to o ffer more security than the seclusion of the
suburbs. While they se1 about acquiring sare houses in Calcutta.
some of the boys started spending time at I lcm Oa;·, place on
Russa Road.
After more than a year in Europe. Hem had returned to India rn
the fir$! "eek of January. His sta) on free soil had made him
sufficiently confident to send a collectton of re•olut1onary lner-
ature ahead of him in a sea parcel. As his ship neared Bombay he
·was overpowered by a strange fcehng of fear'. 'With much
trepidation he cleared the parcel and then made contact w11h some
Maharashtrian revolutionaries known to his friends in London.
After meetings in Bombay, Nasik and Nagpur. llem reached the
same conclusion that Barin had in Surat: the Mahnrashtrians
talked hig but were too cautious 10 act. If anyone w11s going 10 start
134 Tht Bomb in Bengal

a revolution it would ha'e 10 be the Bengalis. Before re1urning to

Bengal at the end of the month. Hem arranged for one or 1wo of
1he more spirited Mara1hb 10 srudy a1 1he Garden.'
Before leaving for France in 1906 Hem bad grown di,,cnchan1cd
wil h Bario and Aurobindo 1he latter because of his religious
ideas. 1he former 'because whnlever he did was revealed either to
1he public or 10 the police'. With cncouragemenl from Charu
Chandra Dutt, Hem decided 10 Mart his own party. But soon he
ran into financial difficullic>. His backer supplied him wuh plen1y
of 1alk but no cash. When Aurobrndo came 10 Calcuun from Surat
Hem again fell under bis spell. Aurobindo sen1 htm to Bann who
advised him to sci up a separa1e esrablishment in the city. Hem
pa">ed on to Bario lhe material on revolutionary organiimion and
bomb-making he had brough1 from Europe. Bario though1 1ha1 a
Wcs1crn-s1yle set-up would never work in a spiritual counlry like
India. ' I le was glad h()wcver 10 have Hem's bomb-making manual
and soon had his charges copying it<)ul. A translation of o Russian
work acquired by Hem in Pnris, the manual provided firs1-ra1c
ill'lructions on 1he manufacture of Cl<J>losives. the fabricauon of
~hell~ and the 1echn1quc' of blo,.ing up buildintc>. bndges and so
fMth It was. an c•perl llltCr IC>llfied, 'the best guide to cxplosi•es
I h~vc ever seen: Wnttcn in 'imple non-1echmcal language, 11
penmued a layman 10 'use the con1en1s of a OtemJst's shop for the
m:inufocture of explosives' Its general purpose was described in
i1s opening sentence: ··rhc nim of 1he presenl work is tn pl ~ce in
the hands of a revolutionary people such a powerful weapon as
explosive rnatLcr is.. ,
Once he resolved 10 join up wHh Barin. I lent lo~t no time
gcuing started. The publicily genernred by the allcmpl 10 blow up
the heu1enant·governors's tr.1111 made it necessary 10 chooo;e a new
target The ob"ous choice was Douglas H. Kingi>ford. \\ho as
chief presidency magJ~lratc hod <ent Bhupen Dull 10 jail and
ordered the caning of Su,h1I Sen. Kingsford was living closely
guarded in Garden Reach. Calcuuu. Hem thought the he'! way 10
1>cncir111e his defences wou ld be 10 deliver a bomb to his door. He
got hold or a ropy of A Co111111m11Iry on rht Common I.aw
designed as !mroductory IQ its S111tly. a 1075-pagc tome by I lerherL
Uronm. LLD. and cut 11 ~4uurc hole <)UI of i1s middle. In 1hig he
in<erted a Cadbury·, ('ocoJ tin conu1iniug a pound of ricnc acid.
three dc1ona1ors and a mech~111cal device meant 10 >el off the
 Bombs and Monkeys 135

charge when the parcel was opened. Hem was by now an excellent
bomb-maker and his infernal machine was weU made. Wrapping 11
up in brown paper he entrusted ll lo Pare.~h Mallick . one of the
oew recruits. Dressed up as a posrnl peon. Paresh delivered the
bomb 10 Kingsford's servant, who took it 10 his master. Kingsford
looked a1 the package. decided it was a book being returned by a
friend. and put it on a ~belf. The rcvolutionarics ... ailed in vain for
oews of the eic:plos1on. When none came some su,pected that
Parcsh had got cold feel and thrown the bomb inn rubbish pile.•
Around this time Barin and Ullnskar decided to shift the
socie1y·s bomb-making activities to Dcoghar. Ullaskar, Upcndra-
nalh and some of the others had ;pent some time in this hill resort,
Barin\ childhood home. during their recent wanderings. In
January l'larin , Ul1;1skar, Bibhuti, Nolini and Prnfullu Chakrnbarci
wen t 10 swy in Raidi, 11 village close 10 Deoghar, on a place called
Sil's Lodge.' Green liclds stretched from the door 10 the distant
hills "here Santai tribals lived. Roi.mg before dawn the sadhu-
rC\'Olu11onanes chanted verses from the Upani;hads m the silence
of that lonely country. After breakfo~I 1hcygo1down10 business.
Por <'xpcrimenrnl purposes, Ulluskar made a small picric-acid
bomb Nolino and the others helped out. When they were linished
1hey c.irroed their crc;lllon 10 the top of a hill on 1hc other side of
the tr.1<h I lcrc Jmong the rods they found a place: that offered a
i:ood ,.,rl,1<c l<>r 11npJtl "'well 3\ 'helter from the C•plosion. To
1'1rolull.1 wu• given 111<· honour of throwing the bomh. Ullas ~tood
nc'1t lum while Bann Jnd Bibbutl hid behind the rocks and Nolini
chml>ed a tree to get a beuer vie.... From his perch the young.,ter
saw a ftash or light and a puff of smoke and heard a sound li~e 'a
hundred simultaneous claps of thunder'. Thrilled, he clambered
down his tree and ran towards the ot hers, crying out 'Succe!>S.
succc;,s!' But as he drew near he .:ow Prafulla han~ing in UUaskar·~
arms, hos head mu1ila1ed and bloody. Instead or exploding on
impact the bomb had gone off in the air Prafulla had not bad hme
10 duck and a splinter had pierced hi; ~kull. kilhng horn instantly.
UUaskur also had been hit, but ho. wounds were relatively minor.
Tuking MOck of the situation. Barin decided the lirst priority was
getting Ullaskar to a doctor. The only person the) could trust was
in Qilcuna They had 10 depart at once. Lc:av1ng Prafulla'\
motionless body "here 11 lay, the men climbed s1lcn1ly down the
hill. At one point Nolin I blurted out, ·we were five when we went
136 TM Bomb in Bengal

up. bul no" we're only four.' 'No sen1imen1ali1y. please; Bario
ans"cred. •
The leader took Ullaskar 10 Calculla and wa.' relieved 10 learn
that hos wound~ werr not dangerous lie then pocked up
Upcndrnnath and returned 10 Deoghnr. "'here the 01hers were
waiting. After a day or 1wo they decided to Mnle camp and go
back 10 the Garden. Needless to say the death of one of their
number. a you1h considered by some 10 be 'lhc be~• of the whole
lot' . wus a terrible blow to 1he group. But at the same time it 'tilled
them with the resolve to finish what U1ey had shorted'. Back in
Calcuua Upen noticed 1ha1 Sarin seemed to be 'looking anxiously
into his heart in search of something he coulu rely on'. Not long
ahcrwnrds Barin wrote to Lele, the yogi who had Initiated him and
Aurobindo. n~king him to come to Bengal. • Lele came and passed
some 1ime with the young men, both at the Garden and at
Deoglt.ir Bario had 6nally succeeded in obta1ning a Satyananda
for his Ananda Math; but Lele declined to play the role. When he
found out what the revolutionaries were up to be 1old them that
they were bound to fail. 'A work hke this.' he \aod. 'demand~ dean
hearts; otherwise it will end in useless blood~hcd .' What was
needed was a group of men who knew 'God's mandate'. Only such
could be trusted to lead the country. Lele assured 1hem: 'India will
have her freedom; but not by these means l have found this out
through twenty long years of meditation. Believe me, a time will
come when 1111 power will simply pass into your hands. You will
only have to work out the administration.· I le nskcd them to come
with him to practise yoga. If they obtained no results they were
free to go back Upen and some of the others ~ccmcd interested,
but most thought Lele was telling a fairy story. 'This is nonsense,'
cried Barin, convinced that India could never achieve freedom
without violence. Besides, he had his backers to con~ider. They
had govcn him 1hous.ands and were clamouring for results. Lele
warned him that if he persis1cd he would rcgrel ll ' If )OU mean
they'll make me dance at lhe end of a rope. I'm not worried!'
Bann declared. The yogi told him that "hat would happen would
be more terrible than death. Bario stuck to his gun~. however, and
by the time of Lclc's departure Upcn too had made up his mind to
stay. But Prarulla Chaki, to whom Lele bad wken 11 liking, decided
to follow 1hc guru. h was only Upen's last·monute pleading that
convinced thQ boy to siay.,.
 Bombs and Mo11ktys 137

I ~k .1h.o 'f>C"l '><>me time with Aurobmdo al hi> new Calcuna

1<M<lc111;c Inc yogi asked him bow his )ogic prac1ice "'as going.
i\uioh1ndo replied that he had stopped regular mcd1ta1ion, not
.u.ldrng 1ha1 he found himself in a state or cons1ant inner
conccn1ra1ion. Lele told him be had taken a wrong 1urn.
i\urobindo was no• concerned. II was around this 11me that he
wrote 10 h1\ wife: ·AU I do depends not on my will but is done at
the command of God.' There can be no doubt that he felt himself
in conrnct wnh a supernatural power that was guiding his
foot.icps. I le was apparently convinced that this power would
protect him and those who accepted his lcadcr~hip. Despite
appearances to the ~-ontrary. he was not unaware of the danger
that he. Sarin and their followers were gelting into. On 11 March
he wld Sudhir Sarkar to write to Sirs Lo<lge 10 mform Upen nnd
the other> 10 return co Calcuua. In a postscript Sudhir added· 'The
cond1hon of the garden is bad. Monke)·s arc entering' " By
•monkc)>' Sudhir meant the police. The fncndly vi>it> from the
local sub-inspector (who in fact knew nothing) were mak.ing the
boY' ncrvou•. Besides they sometimes seemed to be followed-as
in fact they were. On 8 February, after the fiN repons from
M1dnaporc arrhed. the CID put a dozen men on the ca>C. For
'>(>me umc they were without specific informa11on . Then Abdur
Rahm.in 1nt1de hi' visit to C.alculta. Ironically h1< 'ueccss in
f'l'lltll.it1ng the 'nc1e1y came ju't at the tune thut Borio and Upen
""" 11y111i: tn pronwtc greater security. But once the centre and
II• 111 l>.1hlt.111ts hntl been identified, the •hift to new location• in the
dty )u't meant that there were more place; for the C ID to watch.
In the mid<llc of March Inspector Purna Chandra Biswas went 10
.cc the Gorden himself. Throughout March and April his men
shadoweu the revolutionarie< wherever they wcnl Boys from the
Garden led detectives to Hem's new hou~e on Raja Naba Krishna
Street. which afler that was kept under close surveillance. As it
happened there was a brothel acrO<S the \treet. An enterprising
dctecll\C ·used 10 go there and stay some 11me and pay something
to the "'oman' -prcsumably for the pri\'ilegc of IOokmg out of the
wrndow." Other detectives kept watch O\er the st>eiety's book·
shop at 4 Harri<0n Road, its 'f>O't offlce' at 3012 llarrison Road.
nnd other places as well. Before long the CID had pieced togct.h cr
a fairly complc1e picture of the 0<lC1c1y·, ac11vi11cs. But the
government asked lhe department not 10 make any <irre>ts since
138 The Bomb in Bengal

'dcfinirc evidence alone was wanring to connect their operarions

with one or or her or the •pecific outrages'. ''
One or 1hc places 1hc de1ec1ivcs kept under ob!iervation was 23
Scott's Lane. where Aumbindo wa~ living w11h his wire 3nd sister.
Abmash Bha11acharyn also stayed there. d\ did Sailcn 6<Xe Ar1cr
serving his three mon1h,· impn'<lnmenl for 1he Juguntar office
u>;.sauh . S:1ilcn had gone home 10 1hc 24 Parganas. where he took
pan in lhc C'hingripot.1 dacoity 1\rterward' he came to Calculla
and started living wilh his fellow-to.. nsman Abina~h Sudhir
Sarkar. anorher revoluuonary. al<-0 occasionally s1ayed at Scott's
Lane, and mnny members or the socic1y visited: Barin and Bijoy
Nag frequently, Narendra Nath Goswami. Puma Chandra Sen and
01hers more rarel}'. Dc1ecuves made copious and detailed notes of
their comin[~S and goings. •4
On 5 April a pan ieulnrly imporlant meeting took place at Scou's
Lane. Baron and Upen wanted 10 talk over the si1uation in
Chandern .. gore with Aurobindo. The town's mayor. L . Tard1>cl ,
hnd recen1ly lllkeo steps 10 control 1he :1rms 1raffic between French
und Brilish India. I le had also begun 10 in1crfcre wirh lhe activities
of local Extremi~1s. On 3 April he banned a mee1ing that was 10 be
addressed hy Bipin Chandra Pal For these reaM>nS Chdru
Chandra Roy. 1he lender of lhc Chandcrnagore secrc1 society.
decided 1ha1 Tardivel mus1 be e liminated Mi~ri Babu. a ?amindar
of neighbouring U11arp..1ra. put up 1he monC)' for 1he iob. Upcn. a
former member of the Chandemagore group. wanted lhe Garden
socic1y to 1ake part. Burin also 1hough1 it would mn kc a good
'action'. T he 1wo come to Scou's Lane 10 gel Aurobindo's
approval " Acrording 10 Abinash. who was prescnl, the conver-
sa1ion ran wmething ltke this:

o...RIN: Sejdto [older brother]. I wan! 10 kill lh< mnyoror Chandernagorc.

AVROBl..,U<>: \Vby?
OAR": I le broke up a sw1dcstu mttltng and oppressed tho Inca! pcorfc.
Au ROe•NOO' So he <>usht 10 be killed? How mony f'<'Ople will you kill in
this way? I cannot give n1y consent. No1hjog will 1.·c.1me o( it
BARON: No. Se1da. if this i.\n't done. 1htse oppr~rs will n<>er team Ille
&c ...son ""C ha\C 10 leach them ~
Al•ROBIN()(,; Very "'ell If chaf~ "'hl.ll you 1h1nk, do it. '

Aurobtntlo's passive consent sc~ms 1ypical or hos auitudc

toward-' B•ortn's arli•ilie«. He \\3'\ too busy with htS poh1ical \\Ori.
 Bombs and Mo11uys 139

and l11111dt Muturam writing to play a more aClivc role. Besides

<1>ntnbu11ng most or the paper's editorials he had to struggle
ag;un>t its mounting deficit. He sometimes >pent the morning
trying to sell some company shares so that the paper could sun.i•e
another day." At the same time he was. unul Pal's return in
March , the most prominent Extrem1st in Bengal. In February he
led the pany at the Provincial Conference at Pabna, East Bengal.
In the weeks that followed he attended do:iens of pul>lic and
pr1va1e mcc1ings. often acting as the principal >pcaker. Ir he had
1my rrcc lime he dcvo1cd 11 to his yogic prnctice . When there was a
lull u1 work he olten passed into mcditution . If someone came 10
"'c lum he .it once lwgan to speak or write a needed anicle; but as
'K"4tn u' lht v1,11or dcpar1ed he wcnl back to hi\. mcd1totion. ••
Alter 111< 5 April meeting with Aurobindo, Darin told the
rc>nlu11on.1r1c' that bura karta had con•cntcd to 111' plan.•• A week
wa.' spent preparing for the attempt. Around this time P M.
Ba pat. llcm ·~ chem1stry classmate from Paris, came to Calcutta
with a mcs.\3ge from the Indian revolutiooancs in London. They
advised the Bcngalis to go slow. It was umc for quiet prcparauon,
not anen11on-ge11ing action. Hem and Bario heard Bapat out and
went back to their preparations. They both h:td had their till of
Marathi circumspection."
On 10 April Sarin , Narendra Nath and lndu Shu•an Roy met at
the Garden. Naren had taken part in some of the group's earliest
act ion•, inclul.ling the Rangpur dacoity . Eighteen-year-old lndu
had joined them only in February but was eager to prove himself.
From the Garden the three went to I lern's house on Raja Naba
Krishna S1ree1. They were followed by two CID detectives and on
arrival noticed by the private agent assigned to watch the house.
lie 1mmed1ntcly informed Inspector Purna Chandra Biswas, who
was siauoncd nearby. While the four detccuvcs talked the
situation over, the four revolutionaries d110J<""d their plans Hem
gave the assasMnation-team a picric-ac1d bomb packed m a shell
that looked like a carriage lamp. Taking this along. Dann, Naren
and lndu . ro11011ocd by the four detccuvcs, 11ocnt to llowrah Station.
There another priV"dte agenl joined the parade. ·1he three terror·
ists, followed by the five detectives, got mto a north ~uburban
train . At Mankundu , the station before Chandcrnagore, all eight
got down. 1'he detectives formed two parlies. only one or which
followed Bnrin and the others 11110 Chandcrnagore. In the
 140

cro11.ded bazar the detectives l<Xt Naren and lndu but managed to
lrail Bario to the hou...:: of a Chandemagore revolutionary. While
Barin was inside the dctec1ivc; went to repon t0 Purna Clwndra.
Apparently during lhcor ab>ence Burin left the hou.e , wcnr to the
bnznr and met Naren and Inc.Ju. It was now 8.3(). Bill'in lll<>k his
comrades 10 the house of lhe nwyur. bur found the gal~ locked ."
The three passed the night in an open 'pace nellr the railway
station. In the morning Burin returned to Calcutta while Naren
anc.J lndu went 10 Naren·~ hou'\C in Serampore. where 1hey pa~»Cd
the da). (Two dclcctoves follo"'ed them there from Mankundu.
lhen went back to Calcutta. Puma Chandra Biswa~ spent the
morning looking for Burin in Chandemagore. Tiien he loo went
home.) Re1urning to Chandernngore in the evening Narcn and
lndu met Barin in 1he bul.1r. Again they went lo the mayor's
house. Tt\is time I lis Honour was 111 home. Through a wine.low the
woulc.J-be assassins suw the Frenchman eating dinner wilh his wife.
llurin guvc lndu 1he bomb nlong with some las1-minu1c lips. Then
he and Naren hid in u l;onc . Clnnbong up on a ledge lndu lO"cd the
bomb 1hrough the latuccs of the window and ran a' 11 c~ploc.Jcd.
T;ird1'el's luck W3! a<o gooc.J a' rrascr·~ and Kin~ford"• The
c.Jc1ona1or went off but the pocric acid did not cxploc.Je. If 11 had 11
"ould have caused great damage; an expen later reponcd 1hat 1he
twmh W'dS 'powerful enoutth to wreck a large room and kill
c' eryone in it'. As it wa~ ·1he lac.Jy fainted and her hu•b:ond
received oenain slight injuric,·. Unaware of the failure of their
mls•ion. the 1errorlst8 hoi footcc.l i1 10 Lhe bank of the I looghly.
l which they crossed by lxnol. An hour later they took a train to
Calcutta. reaching the Garden on the morning of the 121h ·r hat
afternoon Sarin met Abon;o'h at Scah.Jah Station and later "'em
w11h him 10 23 Srou"s Uinc. 1he place (as the dctccto•c following
1hcm reported) ·where Aurobonc.Jo Ghose was 1hen loving·.
The detecth-e submlued hrs report 10 CID m<pector Soshy
Bhu,an De. Soshy Bhu~Jn had been on the case since October.
Now he felt he was really gelling somewhere. On the 14th 1hc CID
dcpu1cc.J a number of men to keep close watch on the houses
frcqucn1ec.J by 1he >U>pccts. The next day the Chantlcrnngorc
police reported the ~ilempt on Tnruivd to their counterpart< in
Calcutta. F. L . Halliday. the commissioner of police. sen1 1wo
officers to Chandernagore 10 take part in the investigation Shortly
afterwards these men "ere withurawn and the ca'IC was taken up
 Bombs and Monk~:)'• 141

by the Bengal C ID. On the 20th Halliday met with L. r. Mor\·

hcnd, officiating in~pcclOr-gencral of police. Bengal, and C. W. C.
l'lowdon. head of the Bengal CID. Mor~head and Plowden ·s11ll
pressed the foci chat they were not prepared to search hou;,es· in
C-alcuna or else,. here for fear that the culprits would escape and
regroup. The following day Halliday and Plowden met "nh che
governor of French India, the administrator uf Chandernagorc,
and Mayor Tard1vcl. They promised che Frenchmen all the help
chey could give chem. The bomb that hud failed 10 kill Tardivcl
wa• sent to Calcu11a for annlysi:i. 11
In the week> that followed inforniacion flowed in from Soshy
Bhuo;.~n·s detec1tv1:'- Inspector Sati~h Chnndrn 8aner1ea wa> u
pan1cularl) rop1ou\ and daring wurcc: he 'sometim~ pa<~d
"'llhm a cub11 ul h1\ 4uarT) as he shado..,ed first one and then
another of them around Calcuna. On 1he 20th Saush Chandra
followed Upen. l\irnpada and Kristo J1han from the Garden into
C11lcu11a. KrislO Jiban turned off tow11rds Bngmari while the other!>
proceeded to 4 I lnrrison Road. On 1he wny they Slopped and
spoke wf1h 1he1r new friend Balkrishnn Hari Kane , one of 1he
Marathis sent 10 Calcuna by G. S. Khaparde. On the 21st another
detective trailed Nirapada and a friend when they went to
D . Waldie &. Co 10 purchase chemicals. Two days later plain·
clothesmen folln..,ed Barin, Upen, B1bhu1i and Kane when 1hey
paid a visit 10 I lcm Da< m IS Gopi Mohan Dun's Lane. On the
24th Bario went ulonc 10 23 Scott·~ Lano and 1he day after Lhul 10
Hem's house. 10 the workshop at 15 Gopi Mohan Ouu's Lane and
10 48 Grey Street. The last address was the office and plan! or the
Nabashakli. a Bengali paper that Aurobindo recently had agreed
10 take up. Ile wa$ planning to mo'e his household from Sam's
Lane to the upper floor of the Nabashak11 office.''
At the same 11me !hat the CID's detcc11ves were following each
member of the sec1e1 .ocicty each lime 1hey wen t 10 Calcuna, the
Mnniktola be.at cops continued to pay friendly visits 10 1hc
Garden. They ' had no suspicion about the place', one later
reponed. they simply liked the boys. One day in April Sub·
Inspector Dinabandhu Bhattacharya had a nice chat with Sachin
Sen, who told him he was sru<lying 1he Gita with Upcn.
Dinabandhu also talked with Upen and found his con,ersation
s1imulating. He could well imagine "tha1 he would interest young
people'. When Dinabandhu went oul he took no notice of 1he
 1-IZ The Bomb 111 Btll[luf

Cl D plainclothesmen stationed around the Gdrden.

The bo)' "ere not so unobservant. B) the end of Apnl it wru.
<>b•wu< that they "ere being -.atched C1carly they had to do
<amcthinit ill><lut the incriminating miltcn.1l tha1 they had Jccumu-
latcd On the 21st eveJ')'thing 10 llem\ hou-.c on R.ip Naba
Kri<hna Street was t11kcn to the new pl;1ce on G11p1 Mohan Dua·s
Uinc. Five days later, apprehensive I hat th•• 100 "'"' being
w;ilchcd (as indeed 11 was) Ullaskar took a ba,,kc1 containing a
bomb and three trunks fifled with an assortment of chemicals.
cxplo~ivcs, delona1ors. etc. from Gopi Moh;m Du11·s Linc 10 134
llarrison Road. where his friend Nagendra Nath Guprn httd :1
pharmacy. Ulla~ told Nagcndra 1ha1 he meant to leave some things
with him for a while. Nagendra had no objection~. Dcrcctivcs
followed the move carefully and reported ii to their superiors.'·

•
••
 14
To KilJ Kingsford

Since the summer of 1907 Barin had been ·obsessed wnh rhe idea
of killing· Douglas Kingsford. For finding various men guihy tlf
sedition and for scnrcncing a teenage boy to be Hogged. the
magisuate had become an unpopular man. Barin was informed
tba1 the thousand rupees promised for the assassination of Fraser
would also be paid ff ' Kingsford could be killed'.' He nnd his
friends had tried to get him by means of I tern's book bomb.
Before another attempt could be made, Kingsford was given a
judgeship and transferred to Muwfforpur. This unimportani town
wns headquarters of a Jistrict famous chielly for its nrnngoes nnd
litchi~. It was also-and thi~ wa• the deciding factor-as for away
Crom the Cllpn.11 as an) )Udtcamrc m the pro•mce. IGng,ford's life
had been thre~tcned m Calcutm and the government thought 11
belier not to lake chances. The new Judge reached Muzal'farpur on
26 March 1908. ' When hts library was shifted. Broom's Comnu11-
tary 011 1/1e Commo11 Low, snll wrapped 1n brown paper and still
containing a li•e bomb, accompnnied his other books.
The fact thut the hatec.l Kingsford was three hundred miles away
did not diminish the tcrroristS' interest m him Less than a week
after his tran_,fcr n was dcctded to ~nc.l <omcone to MULJffarpur to
kill him. According to Burin, this decision wn~ taken by Auro-
bindo. Subodh Mullick and Charu Chandra Dutt.' later writers
have transmogrified the 'order' of the leader, into a 'death
sentence' pa>.-ed by a 'revolutionary tribunal' ' Thi\ detail was
ccrrainly a later addition. apparent ly borrowed from accounts of
lhc tribunal that sentenced Czar Alc~ander II to death. Whether
the rest or the story h fictitiou.\ is more d1ffkult to determine.
Aurohindo. a\ we have seen, denied playing an accive pan in the
 144 The Bomb in Bengal

tenorists' affairs. although be did admit that Bann sometimes

came to him and Mullick for advice. ' But Bann was not 1he only
insider 10 say that Aurobindo helped to plnn 1errori~I 'action~'.• In
regard to the Kingsford attempt. Aurohondo·, friend Abinash
Bhatrnchnrya said: ·1t is true that Charu Dull. Suhodh Mullick and
Aurobrndo gave their consent to 1hc murder of Kingsford.' But
Abina;,h was quick 10 add: 'It i;, difficull 10 say JUSI how far
Aurobindo really consented'.' Perhaps not very far, pnnicularly if
his •consent' was similar lo his reaction 10 8nrin's plan 10 kill
Tardivel. ln 1ha1 ins1ance, pressed by his brother, Aurobindo at
last suid 'very well'. Sarin reported this to 01hers as ' Aurobindo
approves'. He may have dooe the same in the King.1£ord affair.'
Al ony rate, once the decision had been mken it was up 10 Sarin
to select the a'ISassins. His first choice was Su~hol Kumar Sen. the
boy Kingsford had sentenced 10 fifteen stripes. Sushi! certainly
bore no love for the man who bad hum1ha1ed him and this easily
c~plaoned resentment would prove advan1agew~ ;r he was
captured. He oould simply tell the pohcc that he wan1cd to kill
King>ford ou1 of re.-engc. This might keep the au1hon11es off the
track of 1he sccrc1 society.•
However eager he may have been 10 mkc part in an 1mportanJ
acuon, Sushi! was still a neophy1c and lacked experience.
Someone else was needed to support him. Barin's choice fell on
Prafulla C'haki. Only nineteen, Prafulla had been a member or 1he
society since 1906 and already had taken part in four attempts.
Remembered by his neighbours as a 'meek and docile' lad with a
'meditative and thoughtful' temperament. he was >piri1ed enough
• 10 1oin 1he swadeshi demoostrmions in Rangpur. Expelled from
school. he and his classmates became member> of Ocngal's firs1
insti1111e of national education. the Rangpur National School. 8u1
by this umc he had lost his interest in conventional education.
When Rarin and Hein came 10 Rangpur in 1906 in pursuit of
Sampfytde Fuller. Prafulla leapt at the chance 10 ioin 1hem. From
thl.S momen1 he wru: one or the most ardent members of Bann's
M)Cocty: bu1 in many wa)S he remained a 1yp1cal Indian <ehoolboy.
I le ·could 001 forget bis mother and occa;ion<1lly wrote leners to
hcr- w11hout a return address. lo one of them he infonned her
1ha1 he 'had c>poused the orc:ier of Rrahmacharya [i. e. become a
rehg1ou> student) and was making fair progrcs~ in religion. and in
the s111dy or 01hcr subjects'." One of these wa~ the chemistry of
•
 To Kill Kingsford 145

cxplosi•es. After four failed attempts 10 put bombs or bullet§ 10

use. Prafulla was more eager than ever to kill a British official. If
Aurobindo's automatic writing was right in saying 'Prafulla bas
lost confidence in himselr. he had not lost his remarkable sang-
froid. More than once at the Garden be rook an unloaded pistol
and announced: 'If they ever get hold of me I for one won't stay
alive. The police won't get a chance 10 torture me or 10 tempt me
into c9nfcssion. Look, this is the way I'll finish myself off.' Shoving
the barrel into his mouth he pulled the trigger. 'This is the only
~ure way.· he explained. 'Any other w11y und most of the time you
just wound yoursclf. .,,
Sushil und Prnfulla leh Calcutta for Bihar around 4 April.• In
Muzaffnrpur they took a room in a dlwmrosala run by a Bengali
named Kishon Mohan Banerjee. Oo the way Sushil. now known
as Durgn Das Sen. lost most of the money they had been given.
This obliged Prafulla. renamed Dinesh Chandra Roy. to write to
the Garden for more. After explaining the situation and appealing
(hke other adolescents) 'please send money soon'. he added: ' I
ha•c seen many places here. Nice. not bad. We have not seen the
bridegroom even now: They had however seen the bridegroom's
house . which was also ·not bad·. Prafulla closed his note: 'In
sending the money, please do not pul any address or our place
there. l>ut o wrong 11ddress.' This was a good piece or advice from
one tcrromt to ano1hcr. An even better one would have been to
tell his friends to destroy his lehcr with its Mutaffnrpur poSI·
mark. "
The young assassins' financial difficullics were solved on 9 April
when they received a money order for 1wcnty rupees sent by
Bibhuti Bhusan. They remained in Muzaffarpur o day or two
longrr 10 obser-e the lie or 1he land and to "'atch the bridegroom's
movement> Then they wen1 10 Calcutlll to ialk 1hin~ over wirh
the others. Arter another reoonnaissance m1~1on 10 Muzaffarpur

• I wumc th•• Pra.fuHa •rote his kt1ct to the Garden lhc: d.\y ht arr1,~. that
1he k:ttcr ltfl\·cJ 1n C.1cutta one or 1wo days t.atcr. •nJ 1h.t1 the mtmcy orckr ...8$
!!Cftl lhc da)' lhr IC11Ct "'aS recch·cd Ot the day lfkf l'ht n~:•AC)' order ¥.'a~ In fad
!Cnl from <:alcuna on April Rth and re~i,·cd on 1he 9'h f AOT rrtor<b XV:
JSO,-M). Kt,.tH)fl Mohl\n Banerjee tktifi«I 1n ooun 1h..il PrafuUa c~ me 10 thl'
dhan111n.al• 11 the end of ~1arcb (Band~ >taU1r,11n w«.. I)' 3t May 1~ 15) He
!lt<t'M"' 10 h;,1\IC het-n retying on his memory and no1 on a ttgi\ler. Kinssford did 001
arrive in Muiorfa1pur unul 2ii ~1o rcl\ .
 146 The Bomb ;,, Ben11al

the) returned 10 the Garden to make the final arrangements." At

th•~ point Sush1I learned that his father was close to death 111
Sylhct. Torn between duty tn the mothcrlnnd and duty to his
fumily. Sush1I chose to go to his father\ bedside."'
A replacement had to be found. I fem O:h <uggc\ted Khu1ltram
a~. A year younger than Prafulla, Khudtrnm hacJ been mvol\l!d
in the revolu1tonary movement for as long or longer. l~ccnutcd 1n
• his m1tive Midnapore by Satycndra Na th Bose. he had lLndcrgnne
the <Ociety'\ political and religious training and also had learned
how to shoot a gun. Actm.! m the bo)cott movement. he took
plea<ure in burning Briti'h cloth and <inking boats loaded w11h
Uritish salt. Then in Febnonry 1906 he was arrested in the Sonar
/Jang/a sedition case. After his relea\C he became one of the most
actl\C member< <>f the Mtdn3pore soctCt). In December 1907 he
"a' one of the tumultuou! National Volunteers at the Midnapore
Conference. Eurly the next year he went to Calcuua where he put
up with his fellow·townsmnn Hem. He was delighted when he
learned he hnd been selected for a maior action
Sometime to,.;1rds the end of Apnl 8Jrtn took Prafulla from the
Garden to 15 Gopi Mohan Dun's Lane. I lere they picked up the
bornb that llcm and U lla>kar had made ror Klng,ford . In a tin
'rhcre smaller than a tennis ball the two had packed ~i• ounces ol
dynJmite. a dc1onator and a black-powder fuse.' From Gop1
Mohan Dun\ Lane Uann and Prafull:t went 10 Hem's hou>e on
Raja Naba K11shna's Street. where they mcl Hem .111<.1 Khudfram.
Barin in1roduccd Prafulla as Dinesh Chnndra Roy: Khudirum
apparently ne,cr knew him IL' anythmg else. A short while later
the '"o went by 1rain to Mu~ffarpur There they tool a room tn

• Khewan Kak,1r, 1~c ('/tUwladat a1 Klsbou ~tohon·.s dlw r1111ualt1. stated 1n the
ooun th.al Pru(ulla's comp.'lnl()n on h1!!> i:~rty \islt(s) \\it) Kh1.uhtam Du":.
a.ei~ions
Bui Ktshori ~1ohan ..a1t! 10 tfk "12\C' C:C>Urt \hilt Khuchram "'·"' 'not 1he SJtn( .a.
Ours.a 1)3) "'ho camt' tn M.vch' (ABT rtcorth .XV ISOS-8). Ci C Denham. •bu
p1kucd tM go"cmmcn(i case nc Ahporc. "''* 1old by an un1dcn11fit.~d Ahpnre
Donlh l'ri::d con1.-i(.t 1h:i11r was Su1ioh1I whQ aQCOn1p,1nicd Profullu on th!! early ,,,.,ih
rite CID oO"accr bcllc.ved t~ •to~ 1rue. as I haJ '11Woa)'s lbought the (\1uz.iflaq,ur
w11nr<..~~ had ~en 1duky O"i<t the kttnti&1tJOn <lf Khud11um •b 1he boy who h.ttl
MOf'f'l'(J •tlh Prafulla Chaki ._,the Otw1nasala "'>mee1mc. J'l'C\IClU\ hl tbt munJ.;r·
(GOil pol. conl 2M or t9tu. "l"'n da1cd l2 July 19ltl) Su•hol <>cn·s ~ 1mh<r
811-.:11, 1n h1!> retn't!<.!)Cetl\c- mc:mttfr. ull!O arfinned 1ha1 Sush1I was Prafull:is on~111 al
aunp.1n1on. N~>lc 111~> 1h1-1t Khulllr1Hn Base wa.11 M:cn iJl ~hdnapon: on IY Ap111
(M1Jnap.ne- report fl).
 To Kill Kingsford 147

Kishori Moban's dharmnsala. Their o nly luggage was a Gluds1one

bag containing 1heir clothing, three revolvers and lhe bomb."
Abinash late r claimed that it was he who gave Prafulla and
Khudiram their revolvers. This may or may not be true. What i~
certain is that it was Abinasb who gave 1hc plan away to the
police." Sometrme around the middle of April he bragged of the
scheme to an acquaintance named Ra1am Sarkar. This man was in
the pay of the CID."" Rajani ga\·c hi~ information 10 his contact
who communicated it to Deputy Superimendent Ramsnday
Mukheijee. On 20 April. while the investigation of 1he C hander·
nngorc bombing was gathering momentum, R:•msaday informed
Po lice Commissioner HnUiday !hat '1wo umdentified pe™>ns had
lcf1 Calculta for 1hc purpose of killing Kingsford at Muzaffarpur'
This was apparen1ly Sushi! and Pmfulla on their second recon-
naissance mission The <aine day Halliday wro1e a letter to J . E
Armscrong. the Muzaffarpur superintendent of police, informing
him 1hat the C l D had heard a 'pretty strong rumour' that a Bengali
man accompanied probably by a Bengali youth had lcrt Calcutta
three days e arlier in order to ' make (lll au empt on Kingsford's
life'. The informauon was ·so shadowy' Ihat Halliday did not wi~h
10 write direct to Kingsford. He asked Armstrong to 'make
c nqumcs (vcr) quietly)' and Lo "arn the judge. Kmg>ford
.uwched no nnporlanc:c to the rcpon Nc,·enhele'iS Arm~lrong
""'t:ncd 1wo conMublc' to v.1ucb his hou\C nnd two to follow him
when he went w 1hc club, the only 01111ng he was permitted.''
Back in Calcuttu Aurobindo wus prepa ring to take <Wcr the
editing of the Nabuslwkti as planned . Abinash went 10 Gindih to
~peak to Manoranian Guha Tha~urta about the fate of the p.1per.
which had not come oul since a scd1uun conviction tv.o months
earlier. Delighted that Nubaslrak11 "ould not ba'e 10 fold,
M:inoraojao 1m•e Ab1m1\h the last of h" capuaL'" On 28 Apnl
Aurobindo. h1~ ,.,re, hi< sister. Abina'h und Sailcn shifted from
Scan·~ Lane Lo the Nabll<l1flkti office at 48 Grey Street. Dctcclivcs
took note or lhc removal and ul~o of the visits that various
mcmbc"' of the 60C1cty, among them Nurcndra Nath Gmw.1m1.
paid to the of6cc ..,
• Sarkar was a hl(-nJ of (·10 i.nspn.1.u• Purn.a C"b.andra Oi-.-..·.i., In his
«pc11$1Han an Che ""·~vn-. rouf1 BtS\lt·as clituncd lh~• he h..J 001 hard R•J.Jni'\
1\atnc for a num~r ol )'t'#~ 1 hu, t'Vldcnlly ""'*"
lu prvtC'CI h1.n1 frorn rc1>ri\,1ls
(A llT records X: 2.l-1).
148 The Bomb &1 8etJgal

Once settled in at Grey Street Aurobindo began a new routine

of going daily 10 the Bande Mataram office. I le was sull writing
most of the paper's editorials. which at the ume "ere principally
concerned with the Extremist-Moderate oonfttcl Al a meeting at
Allahabad on Ill April, the Modcrutc lc;1dcl"\h1r had adopted the
four tenets drafted at Surat as the official Congre•s creed. This
effectively shut out the Extremisis. In a commeni published on 29
Ap1il. Aurobindo wrote of this exclusion io almost apocalyptic
terms. 'The times are thickening already with the shudow of a
great darkness. The destruction of the CongrC$S. begun al Surat
and accomplished at Allahabad, is the prelude for the outburst of
the storm that had long been brewing. ' In tlte sequel he suggc~ted
that the destruction he foresaw would extend for beyond the field
of politics:

The gnm forces that have been moving under the surface "'ill n<l'N find the
field open to them by the shattering or the key<tone or the old political
tdili« The r.. r hopes of an orderly and peaceful C\'Oluuon of self·
tt0'emmen1. "hid! the fim energies of the new mo'emcnt had fostered.
a1e gone fo1 ever. Re.-olut1on, bare and gnm.1> prepanng her battle-field.
mowing dnwn the centres of order "'hod\ were evolv1ns a new CO<JllQ!> and
budd1n& up the materials of a gigantic downfall and a m1ghry ncw-
crcation We could have wi•hcd it otherwise. but God"s will be done."
The day Aurobindo's article appeared. Kltudiram and Prafulla
passed the evening in the mllidan opposite the Muznffarpor Club.
A boy playing football asked if lhey wanted to join the game. They
told him that they had to mcel someone. Fayozuddin, one of the
plain-clothes policemen depuled 10 watch Kingsford. saw the two
Bcngalis walking back and forth. Jn this he showed more alertness
than the delecrive who had broughl llulliday·s leuer to Arm-
strong After looking around for a week lhi5 man decided there
were no ·suspicious Bengalis' io the town and on the afternoon of
the 30lh he boarded the train for Caleuua. ~
Thal evening Kbudiram and Prafulla re1urned to the maidan.
Th" ltme 1hcy carried a small tin box. Around seven, as they were
walking down the road near the club. Ibey "ere accosted by two
men- Faya1Uddin and another plain-clothes constable- who
a~ked them who they were. They answered in bad 1lindi that 1hey
were schoolboys sta)ing at Kishori Mohan's place. The men
answered. 'The sahebs pass by this road, move on.' One of them
 To Kill Kingsford 149

~rtcd the Bengnlis (their province was ob' 1ou, from their
accent) to the boundary of the dub. They walked twenty yards
down the road , then turned into the maidan . Nobody was playing
football. so they went neru- the goalpost and tool.. out the bomb.
Leaving the box behind. they walked to a place across from
Kfogsford's hou\c where the road was bordered with trees. Here
tl1ey hid, took off their shoes, and waited . h grew ''cry dark, for it
was /\nrnvasya, the night of the new moon."
Kingsford was playing bridge in the club with his wire and the
wife und daughter of hls friend Pringle-Kennedy. A pleader at the
Mu.,aff:orpur Bar, Pringle-Kennedy was u grnduutc of Calcutta
University . No typical Anglo-Indian, he bad taken part in several
sc~sions of the Indian National Congress. Hos wife and daughter
Grace, a 'tall, good-looking young lady'. were popular w11h the
local cn11hsh society. Arouod eight-thirty the four<-0me finished
their la<t rubber. 81dd1ng the Kingsfords good-mgh1. Mrs and Moss
Kennedy go• onto their carriage and started for home. The
Kini:sfordl. follo"'ed on an almost identical carriage. drawn like the
Kennedys' by a single bay horse. "
/\~ the lira carnage passed Kingsford'~ driveway. Khudiram and
Prafulla ran out from under the trees. The coachman and the sycc
saw them o<>ming. The syce cried out 'aie aie'; bu1itwa•100 late.
KJ1ud1ram ran up t<> the carriage and threw the missile msidc. •
There wn' a 'lcrrific repor1 and blinding flash', Young Miss
Kenne<ly. who absorbed most of 1hc blast, buffered lerrible
injuric>. I lcr mother's wounds were ahno>l as severe. The sycc
was hurled across the road as Lhe back of the carri~gc was blown
away. The horse bolted. Miss Kennedy fell backwards and was
dragged behind the carriage. her long hair ua1hng in the dust.

• Alter hn arm1 Khud1ram admaued to lhrowlng the bomb He dtd noc r<tracl
h1t s.t•temtnt t~<n ahtr lcamnig that Prafulla was dead The c:ioachrnan Kk.nnficd
Khudnam a.i. the one ..ho thre.. the bocnb Lba:t caused the dcathl KhOO.aram did
noc dDP'flC tha.~ 1n court bu1 racber atglae.d v.1th tbt coachm.tn o\Cr 1bt manner in
•lucl! he had burled 1hc n11SS1k. 'Thc SCS$101!$ Judgc ruled th•• Khud1rt111 alonc -
Ille._. tn 11tc High Court. Khudmun. Ktutg oo le... advoc:c. d"mccl INll he
had ncnh1ng 10 do ,....ith the thr09oing of the bomb. HIS new iie.wy ... all~tht-r
unc:oo\.1nang and 1he Judge ttjCC'ttd ll Wilson. the neighbour ,.,ho CB.me 10 the aid
of the l•dica. Utd c.l\11 he had heard two cxpk.JisK>N The «iarhman allo d1Jmcd
(wr.nc 11mc: af1c:r 1hc t\•cnt) that 1... 0 IU(':n bl!ld thrown nbJCC'l' 1hal caused
CJtpk>llOnJ. Ou1 the two-assassin theory was not occcpced b)' the lhgh Q)urt (I liJ.h
Court juJg.nlcnl. reponcd in Band~ ,\fo1ara111 weekly 19 July J908: l6)•

..
150 The Bomb in Bengal

When the horse stopped a man named Wilson ran up and

extinguished the fire that was burning the upholstery and the
ladies' clothing. Theo he had some men drag the carriage 10
Kingsford's bunga low where he and 1hc judge, who had reached
home without realizing what had happened. carried the ladies into
the house. Grace Kennedy died withm the h<>ur. her mother '"0
days later."
Kingsford reported the n11ack to the magistrate, who came and
took staremcnl• from the coachman and the syce, despite lhe face
that the latter was in 'pretty bad shape' Kingsford then spol.c to
Superintendent Armslcong. after which he remembered he had
important bu•incss in Motihari and left town precipitously.
Armstrong sent sub-inspectors down both rail lines leading south
with orders to drop off plainclothesmen at every srntion. They
"ere 10 look for two Bengal,., young. barefooted and bareheaded.
A reward of fi•e thousand rupees was offered for informatjon.
The moment the bomil exploded Khudiram and l'rnfulla s tarted
to run . The constables standing near the Club gave chase but soon
Im.I the fuglll•C~ in the darkn=. Another constable passed them
on the road and called out but they ran on When they reached the
dlrormasalo they decided to split up. Khudiram covered twenty·
four miles during the night , reachi ng the small town of Waini ,
eight miles from Samastipur Junction. the next morning. Entering
a grocer's shop near the station he asked for parched rice and
water. While he was eating two men approached him and started
asking questions. Flustered. he mixed up his story. Noticing that
one of die men was wearing boots. he gu~d the worst and fled .
One of the constables tackled him from behind. In the tussle that
followed a revolver fell from the bundle under Khudiram's arm.
I le drew another but before he could fire he was overpowered.
That afternoon he was taken 10 Muzaffurpur where he made a
statement mentioning 'E>incsh' but taking full re<>p0nsibili1y for the
auack. He had done u himself. be !>aid, beQusc he had 'the
greater zeal (btshi iccho) for the work '. I le regretted that he had
killed two mem~1hiils instead of Klngsford out otherwise showed
no repentance. 111
Prafulla also managed 10 get out of Muzaffarpur. On the
afternoon of the first he appeaTed at Samasupur Junc:tion station
dressed in a clean white dhoti and new pair of shoes. After
purchasing a ticket for Mokameh. where the line to Calcuua
 To Kill [(jngsford 151

hrJnches south. he waited on the platform for the e'emng tram. It

pulled m around six o'clock. Ounng the half-hour hall he got to
t.i.lkmg with a Bengali passenger who bad stepped down to take a
,troll. When they found they both were gomg to Mokameh, they
decoded to travel together. ,..
Prafulla had chosen a bad companion . The man was Nandalal
Banerjee. an off-duty sub-inspector who had just pa~scd his leave
in Muz:ifforpur. Before leaving the Lown he had heard nbout the
bombing and nboUl 1he five-thousand·rupec rewarcJ . llis suspi·
dons about Prnfulla grew stronger when he recognized his accent
ai. 1hat or East Bengal. Excusing himself Nandulnl went ti) the
station and scn1 a telegram to his grandfo1hcr, a government
pleader in Muzaffarpur. He mid him to go to the police super-
intendent or magistrAtc LO ask ' whether I ~hall arrest [on]
s uspicion'. The reply should be sent to Mokrunch . When NandalaJ
rc101ned Profulla 1bcy again got into the same compartment. On
their way south they talked of many things: Swadesh1 {which
Prafulla supponed): the Muzaffarpur outrJgc {which interested
him greatly); and ammunition {he preferred the German kmd).
Nandalal al<,0 a;,ked Prafulla about his studies. I le said he was
aucni.hng ..chool 1n Burdwan (in West Bengal). Finally, annoyed
h~ 1hc mun·, incessant questioning, Pr:1fulla went into another
,·01111i.utmc11t Soon he fell asleep, as did Nandalal.
I hi.· ncxr 111u111in~ Nandalal !L~ked Prnfulla how he had passed
1hc 111~h1 l't11full.1 \!11<1 he felt 'rHlher jaded'. Nundnlal ~aid 1hat he
would !l'Cat 111111 io breakfast when they reached Samnria Ghal,
where 1hcy would cross lhe Ganges. At the gha1 Prnl'ulla went
down to drink from the sacred river. Then !he two boarded 1he
steamer, where Nandalal ordered breakfast for both . By the time
they reached Mokameh their differences of 1he night before had
been forgoucn. As 1hey stepped off the tram a plain-clothes

• ThaJ 1nJ 1hc na.1 paragraph$ arc bucd the 11-atcmcn1 made hy N.1nd.ala.I
B>lKfl" 1f1u Prafolla'• .uicide and lhc: d<poou""" he mad< i.:r,_ lhc:
Muulf1rpvr lllllgtilrltt and ..,.;on. judge ( ABT r<eunh XIX). 1l!cr< ate some
IOOON..l~ICOCICS 1'1ict•·ecn the$1;ttcmcn:r. wh1dl tsqU:Ut' dctarkJ . .JIMJ the dcpoMl1on~
I h11.·c lefl out liOmC' ",f lhc tT10re lncrcchblc dcwls. such ~ PrJfult•'• dccl.aration
upon IC0in1ing lhitl K.hudinim had been arrested 1h.:.1 lht: m~n "ho ltad Men
arrcMcJ "-'Ould be a fool 1r ht discJO;S(>_d lhc name' or the piu'ly to ~-hic-h he
belonged' 8u1 e"·cn th" is noc ahog.cther uobclic<vablc. Nrtnd.ilttl repc:etcc.I the
<lt:rnil •boo1 lhe (icrn\an ammunition before the !it~1on5 J"IJ~c
152 Th< Bomb in Btngo/

polioeman handed Nandalol o telegram.• II read• Arrest and bring

the man here.' Nandalal turned to Prafull a and told him he wns
placing him under arrest. Prafulla broke away and dashed down
the platform. pursued by a constable and the ploioclothcsman.
They called to a local constable to cut him off Prafulla drew his
pistol and fired at his pu~uers. Tiicn. seeing that he was trapped,
he raised the barrel to his lhront and, just :1s he always said he
would, pulled the trigger twice. "t
Prafulla 's corpse was taken to Muzaffarpur where it was shown to
Khudiram. I le identified 11 as that of Dinesh Chandra Roy. Later
Prafulla's head, which bad been almost blown from bis trunk. was
cul off. kept in spirits and sent 10 Calculla for idcntilication. "
Khudirum was charged with murder and commiued for trial by
the lldditionnl sessions judge of Muzafforpur. I le pleaded guilty to
the cbarge and look lit de interest in the trial. About the only witness
he cros.~-exam1ned was the Kcnnedys' coachman. l'hom he tried to
set straight as to precisely how he bad thrown the bomb. The iudgc
was obbged 10 advise him that 'the object of cross-examination is
not to incriminate [oneself! but to discredit the wilncss'. After
hearing the evidence the judge found Khudirnm guilty and
sentenced him to death. " The High Coun upheld the verdict and on
11 August 1908 Khudirnm Bose was hanged The day before his
execution he told his pleader that be -..ould die as fearlessly as the
Raj put women of old'. He mounted the r.caffold with erect body,
'cheerful and smiling'. Reporting the event, Bonde Mataram
commented: 'He not only read the Gita but also acted it.'"
•Thi:-" pal'I ()f Na.ndalal'& SWI')' d1ffen in tub oC ht"! lhttc Statements It -Ol.6ld
appear t.h&l 1n 1hc c:arlltf ~'"'ht ulcd 10 male his U'#n devttneu- and 1n111a11w
5eem gru1cr lh.~n they •-ere'" 0tdcr 10 quU:fy for the Rs SCO> rA-ard and pc~
a mcd1J as v.cH Compare hes 11a1cmcnt and depo$1oon1w11h1he dcpositJOn o<1hc
other ~ub-in,pcttor, Pubhc W11ncs1 20 in &he sc~ions coun {This man &eid the
1uicidc look ~ace al Mok1ut1ch Ohal, a 1ru1ernc111 lhi11 ccrca1nly i5 wron3. The
telegrams to nnd from the place of lhc suicide all have 'Moknmch'.)
t LcgcrKt hn..~ it that when NandaJal went to ant:$1 Prafulla. the laucrcned out.
0
'You arr• lknpli , ho"'· dare you arruc me-. )'OU.r wun1rym:an? oc socneltun& 10
l.ba1 cfftt1 _ l'hL' llll'llCU\"e ptcce of dtaloguit docs IOC fonn pan of any of 1ht
~LS of f"oijndalat 8-.ncqec OJ the other wb--tnspt(\Of In hrs first m1cmcn1
N'andah'I -.·a_s qu11e forthoomina abou1 other ch1ngr. 1h11 Pra:fulla said 11 Vinous
1·imcs.. The 'lus1 '4'0tdi fin.1appciircd1n Lhe oe•~pc.-. some time after the cvcn1
0

(e.g. 8t1rgultt' June 1908). 'Jl1ey 11lnlMI c:e:n.oinly were: 1hc creation of n journalisa
with h1er.uy •mbita<>ns. his highly unhkcly that anyone in Pn1fut1a·$ poo;ition would
b.lve wasted his 1jmc mak.in1 $UC'h I qooeAble dttlaru11on
PARTTllREE
The Tri al
 15
A Rude Awakening

When news of the Muwffarpur bombing reacheu Dorjccling and

Calcuna. the Bengal Govemment, the Criminal lnvest1ga11on
Department and the city police swung into aclton. In the summer
capital Andrew Fraser had his chief secretary draft a request to the
Government of India for pennission to depon five men-
Aurobmdo Ghosc. Barin Gbosc, Satycn Bose. Abinash Bhana-
charyo and Hem Das-who were believed to be the 'the prime
movers and principal culprits' of the recent 'outrages',• Fraser
informed the imperial government that the pohce had proof of the
e•i,1encc of o secret socic1y that undoubtedly was t>ehind all these
trlme•. llut owing 1<1 the lack of an adequate law of oon,piracy, it
would he 'impnssihlc 10 proceed against the society u~ such' since
·~0111c ~peciftc offence must tie chnrged and proved' This, he

• 1he1cml 'dcporuulon·, used in cootemporaty documcnli t1nd ncw~pcn und

by modern h 1 ~1orian,, tS M>mcv.-hat misleading. Prisorh:R dtloiintd un<k:r Bengal's
RcgulJuon 111 or UU8 (and corresponding rC'gulatt0~ in OombJ)' 11nc.J ~iadr.L'i')
-.ere \COi out~Je 1M-1r ho111t pro...-ince but not ouo.tdc Dt11~ India (Burma. a
trcqucn1 dd11nat1M. •""fl o'f to\usc pan or Botish lnJ1.;,a un11I It/_\~ ) lhc rtgulat.oe
permitted 1ht So\'trnm-gcncral 1n cnunal ·10 pl.a. und<r IX"""•' fe';tnun1
indt ...tdu.-h apt:nu •h<>m 1.hiert ma) noc be ,uf6ctt:nl Jrtl'Yni.l\ to 1n\htulr- anv
JlKha:al proc:·tt~n.p· h l.lllOUftltd. t i a S)(':~r or ~t1nto•, OJWK1l ~f\oi 'llhtlt
the CbC •p1na:t Aurvti.ndo • • undrr coos.cktallOft. to • ~'PC'"klA al Habt'h
Cofl'J'U' ·~·nee the detained person •-;i:s OOI g1,'Cn lbc: bcncr11 c.•f k'"' ""~ or- tnal
L~bcral Mh ,.,ale of 1he Rcgulattan as bcin1 ·1ht' pnnapk or 1hc lrtl1t' di' 01t·btt
unckr I ()UI~ xiv· 11nd 'dta'1y UntOOSlilYhonal ir the h1dil)l• (_.o;na h.ad any
mcaruns' I \'tn an •mpcrialKttC 11mf'-{ joornaJi\t adnuucd '""' ·;uch " mtasurc'
Wit!i '\CIY ttp11gni1-1ll In Rn lfll'h tr;uhUOl11' and Bn11~1 M:ntirntnt' ((1()1 llPA 1'1ay
19lN-!. 104 11. Y. Ii( WcJg.cw()t)d 01nd tvtaC'kamc"" m Drh11t~1< '"' ,,,d11111 Af(lun•:
l l ruHt! ~1{ ('01n1t11>10, "I S. Ghose JU7: C'h1rnl 9~J
156 Tht Bomb in Btngal

feared, was ·not pracocable nt present". Even if the Mui:affarpur

murderers we re captured (as they soon were), it was probable that
they, like the Naraya11garh coolies (who were sllll believed guilty),
would not implicate the others. Deliberately unde<'tnting the
fuels, Fraser claimed that the police's connection with the society
' was very slight, and any mischance or leakage might desiroy it
a ltogether'. Since there was 'no pre'l<!nt hope of getting conclusive
e\ldence regarding any or the offences already committed" the
'only course' was ·10 resort to the special provisions or the State
Pnsoners Regulation Ill of 1818' -the notorious measure that
permitted the government to deport any person without arrest or
trial.' Fraser was not the first administrator, nor would he be the
last , to assert lbat British law, with its insistence on the right of
habeas corpus, was inappropriate in a country like India.
Meanwhile in Calcuttn the r>CJlice were deciding how to deal with
the situation in the city. They had been waiting for the society to
commit an oven act. The Mutafforpur bombing was certainly that.
Commissioner Halliday wanted to search the Garden and other
centres immediately. CLO Deputy Superintendent Plowden was
s11ll hesnant. He wanted to wall three more da)s un11I )Carches 1n
Calcutta and Midnapore could be co-ordinated . At thi~ po1m
llalhday was interviewed by a reporter from fht Empire. a
Briti~h·run evening newspaper. The Empire's Bihar corrcspon·
dent had wired details or the outrage that morning. The \tory
included a state ment by Kingsford thtll he had been warned by the
police that two men had been sent from Calcutta to kill him . T his
wa~ u grave indiscretion on Kingsford's part and I lallic.lny asked
the paper not to publish the statement. But it was obviou5 now
that action had to be taken promptly. Hallida) telephoned Mr
Thornhill. the officiating chief presidency magistrate. and reques-
ted him to remain i~ court in order to bear an important
applic.>tion. At five o'clock Halliday, Plowden and Puma Chandra
Biswas. the C ID inspector who had been in charge of the
shadowing operation, drove to Thornhill's court to obtnin legal
sanction LO search und make arrests. Complaining ng11in\I the
activities or 'Arabindo's gang of outlaws'. Biswas asked for and
received warrants to search eight places frequented by members of
the society. Two hours later a meeting was held at Halliday's
rC\1dcncc at which ofticcn; or both tO"n and provincial police were
prc<;cnt. Elaborate arrangements were made for the nc~t day's
 A Rude Awakening 157

operation. Several European officers. numerous mspecto~ and

sub-inspectors and at least a hundred constables were mustered.
Eight posses were formed for searching the Garden and se•en sites
in Calcuua including 134 Harrison Road. 1he Nabashaktl office.
and IS Gopi Mohan Dun's Lane. The searches and arrests would
be carried ou1 simultaneously early the next morning.' A cipher
telegram was seni to Midnapore asking the Superintendent of
Police to seurch the house of Sa1yen Bose and other places and 10
arrest suspicious persons.
'OOMO OUTRAGE IN llEHAR./EUROPeAN I Al)V KILUZO.iATrEMl'TTO
ASSASSINA1'!l MR. KINGSFORD." cried a headline in the issue of
Empire that hit the street that evening. After giving some details
of the event. the paper reponed that Police Commissioner Halli-
day had. ·confirmed 1he tragic intelligence. bu1 was rc1icen1 as 10
pamculars'. h added however. 'The perpetrators arc believed to
be well-known." When Aurobindo read this article a1 1he Bunde
Matoram orncc. he took special note of that sentence .•
At 1he Garden Bario and the others bad been anxtOu~ly awaotmg
news from Muiaffarpur for several days. Around eight •that
evening Abinash rushed over with a copy of the Empire. Finding
the article on 1he l)ombing o( more than usual in1eres1 Bario
marked it in blue pencil.' h was now apparen1-if ii had no1 been
bcforc - 1hut 1he police were closing in. Thai very evening the
l1)Cal con>table paid one of his friendly visits. This did not bmher
the boy> very niuch; but later on there were movements and voices
in 1hc tlark. • Clearly they had to abandon the Garden. This they
would do before daybreak; bu1 first they had to conceal o r destroy
the incrimmnling ma1erial tha1 was lying about .' Besides the arms.
ammunition. and explosives a1 the Garden there were 'ome guns
a1 1he Naboshokti office. the explosives and apparutus on 1hc boxes
at Hamson Road. and various materials at Gop1 Mohan Dutt"s
Lane and cf!.e,.,herc. Priorily was given to the N11bashakti office. A
group sent from 1hc Garden removed the guM and brought them
to Manoktola. "here they were put in bc>•es 1ogether with the
ma1enals stockpiled there.• The boxes were placed in shallow
•The four &CC\>Uftl~ 1h11 mcnuoo 1f\1s 1nddcn1 all d1)31rce wnh on<: another.
l"hc m~c complete and dcta1kd ~·crst0n 11 th111 ot Allin.•sh Oh.aH1t('h1uy.;. "'h\J
~ro1c In 19SO thttt JU ~round ciiht o'clotl in cht evenul,s he bti>ugh1 li\e nftes and
n~e bniJ.' of c.anriflg.Ci 10 Orey S1rcc1 and kepi chc1n 1n" r<K••n un the ground ftoor.
whcl'c M.lfnetlnc w~-. 10 come and pu;k 1hcm up. Whfn Aurohln<.lo lc:urned u( tht'i he
158 The Bomb in Bengal

holes in the garden and covered over. For Barin it was a traumo to
do even this. Thos~ arms ' were our lifeblood. terribly cJifficuh to
obtain in our disarmed counuy". he Inter wroie. • While the arms
were being buried some or the boy' 1tarhered up paper<; and
bumed them. Their "'ork accomplished. they put a pot on the fore
and started boihng nee. The pot cracked. causing much laughter
Only Upcn saw the incident a~ a bad omen lie had returned to the
Garden dead 11red after a day of walking the streets. When he read
the news from Muza ffarpur he had wanted to tlec at once, hut
ngrecd to leave with the others in the morning. Al around ten the
young men finished their dinner and an hour or two larer. quite
exhausted, went to sleep on a platform in the enclosed veranda or
the house.•
About four the next morning those who slept fitfully were
awakened by noises outside-the snapping of branches and
creaking of boots. Peering lb rough a crack in the door, Ba rm and
Upen saw men Manding in the darkness. Realizing thnt ' the ftr..i
ch~pter of the history of Indian independence was over', Upen
slipped through u side door into 11 lumber room. where he hid
behind a screen or burlap. Medn"hilc. filled with 'desperate
courage'. Barin pulled the door open and found himself facing a
turopean holding a rcvol\'er. 'Your name?' Inspector Frizonni
demanded 10 Hindustani. 'Barindra Kumar Ghose: came the
answer. · Barrdlio 1.1kol' (Tie him up!). the inspector cried. While
three or fo ur constables were engaged in this task a do-Len more
rushed in and laid hold on the men and boys inside . Nolini Kanta
t61d Abin.il!\h 101c1 nd of the th1np immcdmtC"t)' and to tell Bann hJ do the \amt at
1ht Garden. Abtn.t.~ •cnt to the Garden •nd l'in'lvaht bad Darin and half a W1co
0<hcrs. wbo deond out Jhc bliilding (A Bhauacharya. 'Awol>uido· SM-51 In 1
talk ol 19'0. Auntbindo- •h>t on t.bc .,,. of the !ltard! Bann brought'"" bombs
to hk residence Aurobmdo told him. 1"akc them awa)1. Dwf1 you know IMt the
house is goi.n.g 10 br $eardled? And remove 1hc 1h1n£:S from M;in1ktal•• (Sri
Aurohindo. talk 28 February 1940, pub Nuodluuun , Talks 2 &. 3: 258). Nolinj
Kr1nta Gupta wr\He 1h11t the men 1u 1bo Oardcn re3fizcd th:u rhe gun~ h11d 10 be
.-~mu1rt:d frQlTI lhC Ore)' Slrtel orficc. A p~rty or lhem went ovc:r. look. away lhc
guns tuKI brought thc111 OOc:k 10 tht- Garden -.here th()' buned them •k>n1 ..uh the
other things (N Oupca. Snvitir P410 52). l lc:m (h01ndr1 Oas •rote that he and
Otht-""' had b«n IClllfll 8.ar1n (or some II.me t.bal he OUJ;hl to ,el nd 0£ the lhlftg1 Al
the: Garden, bul that 8au11 ~ them F1n:alh on lhc C\-CRIJ1.@ of M•)' lc;;t
Aurobindo ·called IJ•nn ..nd Ofdem:i him' IO htdc f\~r,th1ng. Bann QrncJ out
1~ Qt<krs ooly a1 1hc Ci..lrdcn (Bangfct'f Bip/;1h Z7tl) Sann did not mcn11on 1he
1nc1dent 1n his account of the ~archei 10 A1mu411Ju11i
 A Rude Awoke11ing 159

Gupia, sull groggy with sleep. felt a hand gnpp1ng hi< shoulder
and heard a voice commanding 'Come: Soon thirteen dro"sy
terrorists had been arreS1ed: Barin. Nohn1. lndu Bhu'3n Roy.
Ullaskar Dutt, Sisir Kumar Ghose. Sachrn Kumar Sen. Paresh
Chandra Mallick . Kunja Lal Saba. B1joy Kumar Nag. Narendra
Nath Bakshi , Puma Chandra Sen. Hemendra Nath Gh~ and
Bihhuti Bhusan Sarkar. Police searching outside hauled in two
Oriya gardeners and rwo boys from rhe neighbourhood who had
chosen the wrong morning to lake a stroll. Terrified they pleaded
their innocence in vuin. 111
As the young men stood in line, guarded by abusive rifle.
wielding conslnbles, rhc officers starred to search Lhe house and
grounds. Afte r a number of hours Lbey su~-cccdcd in finding only a
few spent shells and the previous day's t:mpire with the Muzaf-
forpur article marked in blue. 'lnreresting nc.,.~. isn't it?' a
sergeant asked Bann. The constables taunted them. saying. ' Why
didn't you fire at us? We would ha•e run: In fact the captives
ne•er had a chance. Before Frizonni knocked on the door. fifty
constables had fonned a cordon around Lbc house Escape .,.ould
have been 1mpos"blc. Not realizing this. the boys were happy to
think that Upcn had got away. Then Frii.onm violated hi~ lumber-
room purdah . Upen leaped out into the arms of a con~tablc. ·isn't
it runny,' quipped n European sergeant when he saw the patheiic
flgurc. 11
i\s the search went on Bario was tortured hy che thought that he
and he alone wns responsibl~ for rhc dclJade. II hurc him to see
young boys like S(1chin bullied by the police. Making up his mind
to take the bin me on himself, he declared that the youngMcrs knew
nothing. He nlonc knew all and was willing to tell. Grabbing a
piece of paper he scribbled out a statement. Aware that thi~ "ould
he vuluele's in court. one of the officers was ~ent to fecch a
magistrate. While he was gone Lhe search w;os h•hcd After a
couple of hours the officer returned to say chat no magistrate was
avaJlable. The search resumed, this time -.uh Bann·~ a'-Si<tance.
Going out to the yard he pointed out some p3tchcs of fresh soil A
few stro~e\ of a spade uncovered the society's exiguous ar..cnal:
three opomng rines, two double-barrelled shotguns. nine re>ol-
vers. fourteen boxc~ of cartridges. and three bombs. one ready for
use. A l'IO discovered were twency-five pounds of dynamite.
dynamite cartridges. la rge quantities of picric acid and other
160 The Bomb in Bengal

chemicals. t"o bomb>hells and a forge for c:as110g 1hem. Oocu·

men ts discovered included a copy of the Pari~ e•plosivcs manual ,
several 1cx1books on the ;,amc wh1cc1. books on mihwry 1ra1ning
nnd 'numerou.~ papers 11nd correspondence indica1ing 1hc exis-
1cncc of a secret socfoty'. I hcsc included organw11ional plans
(wi1h 1he members' 11111iah) and 1hc lc1tcr ;,cn1 by l'rofulla from
Muzaffarpur in which he ;,poke of Kingsford as 'the bridegroom'.
A coai. claimed by lndu, had a notebook in lhe pocket "'ilh an
entry gi\ing the date and umc of 1he auempt to kiU the mayor of
Chandernagore. There "as alw a record of revolver repairs "ith
the name · Indra'. The collcc1inn and burning of the prcVlous night
had not been very thorough."
TI1e same time the police were carrying out their uncxpcc1edly
successful searches at the Oarden. another posse was busy ni 134
f-larrison Road, 1he site of the chemist's shop owned by Ulla;,kar's
friends Nagendra Nath amt Oharnni Nath Oupta. Arrcsring these
1wo and their companion,, Bijoy Raina Sen Oupca. Ashok Nandi
and Mmilal Bose. 1he police began 10 search tbe prcmhes. In 1he
~hop·~ outer room they found only a few boule\ of innocuous
111ed1cme>. But in a storeroom they came across the three loc~ed
trunks and locked bJ>kCI that Ullaskar had dropped off the
prcviou~ week. The pohcc asked Nagendra what the trunks
conrnined. ' Books and clothing', he replied. He and his friends
1hcn wa1ched silen1ly as 1he police opened the trunks. The firs1 two
contained chemicals. bu1 nol the sort usually sold in pharmacies.
All 1old there were 1wenty·lWO cartridges of gelignite ;Ind a pound
of picrnte of potash (all highly unstable and soon aflerwnrd.'>
de~troycd}. five additional boxe~ of gelignite. u bucketful of
dynamite and 'mixed expl0\1•cs' amounting 10 around thirty
pounds There were al>o large quanuties of strong acids and other
chemicals used 10 make explO\l'es. and a collectJOn of glass 1u~.
retorts. e1c. J1 was late~ catcula1ed tha1 1he materials found in 1he
trunk> were enough to make two hundred small bomb-.. The
baskc1 contained six live hombs ready for use. One. described by
1hc government's explosives examiner as a 'peculiarly handy little
bomb' was 'made of the hrnss knob of a bedstead filled whh picric
acid'. 01hcrs consislell of bull cocks from cisterns tilled with
lyddite (fused picric acid). Such bombs had been used su<'Cc~~fully
by Imh 1crroris1s. Among 1hc documcn1s discovered was a ireause
on artillery and an aruclc from an English ne~p;oper about the
 A R11dt A 1>·aktning 161

attempt to blow up the koog and queen of Spain. with a diagram of

the bomb employed. "
Not for from Harrison Road, at the Nabaslwkti office, the police
pounded n1 1he door a1 :tround four-1hirty. When no one an$wcrcd
they decided to resort to a ruse. A •ub·inspcctor knocked nn the
door crying out 'open up, a 1hier is inside'. Al length Aurobmdo's
sis1cr came down the stairs to find out what was the matter.
Opening 1he door she saw men wi1h guns in 1heir hands As she
\Creamed a douo policemen. lead by Superintendents Creagan
and Clnrke, ran past her and up the "aircase in lhe back En1cring
Aurobinclo's room they found him deeping on the floor wi1h hos
wire . When he opened hi\ e>e' he saw he was surrounded by
armed policemen. After exchanging a few words with Creagan. he
signed 1hc search warninl. Crcngan then declared 1ha1 he was
under arres1 and had him handcuffed and bound.• Al 1he same
1imc nn inspector downstairs was arresting Abinash and So1lc11. H
For the next six hours Aurobindo nnd his companions looked on
while 1he police ransacked the hou-;e. seizing hundreds of lcucrs
and papers: llteraf) 1-r11111gs. •lfl•cles. press mailer, etc. A
panicularly rnterestinl! hnd was 1hc leuer Bario had "nucn at
Surat. 1elling Aurob1nclo that 11 wa' now ·ume for s"cct' all over
India'. Aurobindo apparcnllv had pod:e1cd 1hi\ compromi~rng
documeni, carried it acros~ M.ihan"h1r:i 10 Calcu1ta and from 1he
houo,c 1n Sco1t"& Lane 10 the N"l11iflwkri office. Ano1hcr c~c111ng
diM:ovcry 1w1s :1 bic)'cle wilh a Ku,h1in lahel, Kushtia being 1hc site
or n recent a11ack o n a Brili\h mi<sionary. De&-pi1e 1hcse find> the
police were disappointed by the haul al the house or the S('ICiety's
'ringleader'. They dbcovcrcd no arms, ammunition or explosive~;
the nearest thing 10 a dangcrou~ ~ubs1ancc was a lump or \I.hat
looked like day. This wa~ a piece or the hut of Ramaknshn:i
Paramahansa that a folio" er of the yogi bad gi,en to Aurob1nclo
The pohcc thought of sending it for anal)"lis, but fioall) decoded
again<t this.''
Four other houses in nollh Calcuua were raided at the •mnc
time. At 3814 Naba Krishna Street 1he police arre<tccJ llcm Oas
• In Ott ll1niSl!lf (p. 52) AurobinOO !U1~11 that he V.'M tied l.lul n1Jl h.111tlcurf~d .
M<Kr cotltt'.'rnpornry accounls lnclud1n& /\urobindo'.s o.._,--n KaraJcaltin1 ( 1909) t1nd an
1n1crvttW Aurobtndo gave 10 I.he nt"S"ltt lhc .satM )'ear ~)~ th.al he •as holh
h.andn.lllcd and PCd ln lbe ~' t~rt Supcn,.1c-ndcat Crta"'11 uMI under oath
lh>l l>c lwd Aurohondo hdnckullcd bul""' hed (ABT t<ror<k Xll
162 The Bomb in Bengal

and seized bis chemical apparaius. books on chemisuy and

n>SOr1cd correspondence. Much more would have been found a
week earlier. The same is 1rue or IS Gopi Mohan Dun's Lane.
where lhe police found only 'ome chemical debris and a noicbook
oonrnining lhc formulas of nilrnglyccrine, picric acid and fulminn1e
of mercury. flere 1hcy arrcMcd Nirapada Roy and Kunailol Dutt .
At 3012 Hamson Road the police found a rew documenis. Al 4
Hamson Road and 23 Scou's Lane 1hey round nolhing and made
no arrcsis.,. The nexl day the C'alcuna searches and arrests were
completed when Drndayal Bo>e. Sa1len·s brolher. was taken inlo
cu\lody al bis workplace and 'i<lme co~pondcnce was seized
from his residence at 80 College Street."
The only unsuccessfol p:irts of 1be whole operation were 1be
searche' and arrests in M1dnapore. The local police superinten-
dent. whose informa11on about the socie1y had been 1he cause of
ii;, penctralion. was unable 10 decipher the 1clcgrnm scn1 rrom
Cnicutta directing him to >carch the houses of Sa1yen Bose and
others. Sometime on the 2nd Sa1yen received word 1ha1 some
nrrcsis had been made m Calcuua Immediately he dcsiroyed all
1he docurnentS he cuuld lay h" hands on. When the pohcc came
lhe next day all they could find "as an old gun and a couple or
sv.ords. These were setLCd and Sa1yen. his brother Jnan and two
others were arrested."
Once the searches of 1he 2nd 111 Calcutta were over. the men
airested were laken 10 various police starion< and lhcn either 10
the headquarters of lhe Calcuua police or of lhc CID. where they
were locked up. The police did not go oul of their way 10 1rea1 1he
captives kindly. Roughly handled, deprived of food. thdr resolu-
tion failed them. Sarin wa$ singled oul from the 01hers and
1n1crrogated closely The C l D officers. particularly Supennten-
deni Ramsaday Mukh~r1ec . were adept at the 'good cop-bad cop'
s1ylc of questioning and they were able to draw our a good deal of
information from the leader. But Sarin refused 10 make a full
srn1emen1 till he had consu lted wi1h Upen. Ullaskar, I lem and
<ome others. Upen and Ullaskar were brought to hcndquarlers 1he
nexl morning. The police used all 1he persuasion and decci1 al
their disp<>sal to make 1hern confess. Finally the lhrcc decided 1ha1
lhoo;e connected wilh known a11emp1s should lake full responsi-
b1h1y." tr 1hcy did so. they 1hough1. 'the innocent' would be lei
off By ' the innocent' they had in mind the younger 00)'$ at the
 A Rude A ~·ukt11i11g 163

Garden, who of course were far from innocent. a• well as people

with no oonnec1ion with the society. such as the Narayangarh
OOQlies, the men arrested at Hamson Road. and the bystande~
arrested 111 the Garden. It seems likely 1ha1 Ramsadriy promised
the pcnitcnL~ leniency or release in exchange for~tatcments. "This
induced Burin. UUaskar. Upen and lndu Sbusan to give him
written confessions.• Sarin provided a detailed uccounL of the
derailment attempts at Chandemagore and Narayangarh and the
bomb-throwing aucmpts al Chandcrnagore and Muzaffarpur. His
descripti()n of the ac1iv1tiC$ at the Garden was somewhat low-key,
but he did not dissemble in regard to the society's J>urpcr.;e. The
people of India wanted ·one suCl'eSsful political murder'. He and
his companions. 'though unwilling', were ·compelled to take up
the task anti work it out 10 its biller end'. "
The Cl)nressions or the others followed the pauern set by Burin.
Each 111en related something of hi• early history. admined to
ial..ing part in one or more actions, und attempted 10 exculpate 'the
innocen1'. They menuoncd no one unconnected wi1h known
aucmptS, but did speilk rather freely abou1 some \\oho had hccn
arrested bu1 were not badly incrimi1101cd, such as I lcm Das,t or
who ht1d not yet been arrested, such a~ Narendra Nath Go<1w:imi.
None of 1he live imphca1cd Aurobindo, though Bann and Upen
did mention that he Vl\tled the Garden once in an\>' er to a dinner
mvitauon Aurobmdo h1m<;elf. ulong with the rc'1 of thO<.C
arrested m Calculla, refused to make :i "a1emen1 ..,
On the morning or 1hc 4th, thirty prironers were produced
before the commissioner of police 111 Lal B3L3r. The twelve
arrested m Calcutta were remanded for further inquiry. Of lhc
eighteen arrested at the Garden, four. the gardeners and neigh·
hours. were relca.~cd on bail. The other founeen were sc01 to the
magistrntc's coun al Alipore. Thi> south Calcullll suburb w•s the
headquarters of the 24 Parganas. 1he district in which 1he Garden
lay. At Ahpore the pmoners -.ere placed before Mr Leonard

• Sumc accounu tnenLion ch.at Bibhuli Bhusan Sarkar lllW cunf~d hJ

Rams.1day Mukherjee. If he did. his wn' d1e: 0C1ty confC»tiln lhat WA$ nuc
published. U1hhu1i CCTl3inly made o itatcn1cn1 hefote 81ric:y on the 41h
t Many )C.us late.r B:ann claimtd th.al he ond the othcTS mtntaoncd Hcm·i
poniap.11""' only aftct Ram»J>v MW<hcrJtt •hnw<d lll<m • J>1CC>C or r>pu whrch
he dc:cllf(d ""'" Hcm·s O'ftD ronfe5.SIOn (B GhoK. A11Mlllh1111 ~) tlb'n ln laa
nn·cr con(t"li~d any1.h.1ng
164 The Bomb in Bengal

Birley, the officiating district magistrate, who IOOk do"n the

confessions of Darin. Upen. UJlaskar. lndu and Bibhuti m proper
legal form. From the magL<tmtc·, cuun the founeen Garden
prisoners were 1aken to Alipore Central Jail.
It wa, of t-Our\C extremely stupid for 13.irin and the others to
gi•e statements 10 the CID and the magistrate . When Aurobindo
learned hts brother had done><> he exclaimed. ' I l<b Barin gone off
his head?"' Though the confessions were later withdrawn they
formed the basis of the prosecution's ta'>c. ·rhe CID used them to
carry out subsequent investigations and the government quoted
from them freely in a series of reports on terrorism in India.
Whutever his motives for confessing. B;irin provided his enemies
with a body of extremely useful data . According 10 the rules of the
socie ty the penalty for such indiS<:retion wus death and nt least one
tc:rrorbt thought Barin ought to pay it. ••
Barin made a point of telling Birley tbat the pany 'was divided 3$
10 propnely of di~losing these faC'lS·. He pc:r.uad<:d hi• comrades to
confess 'bec.~usc I believe that as this band .. a~ found out. 11 was
best not to do nny other work in the country. and l>ccau'IC "e ougb1
to !>ll\'C the innocent'. The second pan of this e~planatt<>n is
unobjectionable and -..on Barin plaudits from friend and foe alike.
But the first pan amounts lo linle more than 'after us the Flood'. At
the time of hi~ arrest Barin announced, 'My mission is over.'"This
i> not the statement of a disciplined revolutionury.
S1ill. Borin's confession was not ignoble. As a judge Inter
remarked, if his object ' was to save the innocent' he deserves 'full
credi1 ror it'. The fact re'liains however that the cn'c against him
'was so s trong' thnt he "had little hope or escape. confcs."011 or no
confc.\sion'. The judge went on to comment 1ha1 Barin did not
disclose the name of anyone not alread) incnminatcd, ·not that
this concealment indicates depravity. rather the contrary'.
Moreover "the ordinary motive for a confession. to ~vc one·, skin
at the c~pcn!'C of other$· was 'Cnhrcl> absent'. A police official
thought that Darin's purpose was ' to lead the pohcc into believing
that the revolutionary plot did not extend ouL<ide the pany which
had been arrested '."' This may have been at least parity true. But
more 1mponant was the motive 1ha1 8ann openly admutcd: •to

• The Aliport' Ctnlnd J1iil was later ttaru.{ormtd uuo the Pre111dcncy Jail., which
stlll cx1'ili 1 1 the sarnc kx:alion.
 A Rud~ Awakmi11g 165

place 1he details of our workshops before the country so tha1

01hcrs may follow io 1he [sir) foolSlcps'. lndu Bhusao pul 11 more
pi1hily if less elegantly: 'The main objecr of my sacrificing my life,'
said 11ie eighteen-year-old, 'is 10 set examples in the coun1ry. "'
Scholars agree that 'publicily is 11n essen1ial factor in 1he terroris1
s1ra1egy'." Bario and his cohons proved this aiciom true. After
reading the confessions in lhe newspaper on the 51h. Hemendra
Prasad Ghose noled in bis diary: 'Their statements are really
stanling and show that these young men belong to a higher class
than 1hose ordinarily found in 1he underground movemenlS (of')
Europe & America. One eannol help admiring their courage of
convic1ion & honesty of purpose • Police la1er cited the pubhcny
given 10 1he Aliporc prisoners us an importanl fae1or in 1he
con1inua1ion of terrorist activity in Bengal."
While Barin , Ullaskar and 1hc res1 were making a clean brcos1
of lheir involvemen1, 'the innocent'. as agreed. were denying any
knowledge of wbal was going on. Dynamite supplier Sisir Kumar
Ghose declared he ' had only been in Calcuua for 1wo months, and
knew nothing at all abou1 1he affair'. Former bomb-maker Nolini
Kania Gup1a said he was 'oblivious of the reason for which he was
charged'. Fifteen-year-old Sachondra Kumar Sen , "'ho may in fa.ct
have been free of involvemenl though no1 of guilty knowledge,
said he 'had not lhe iain1es1 idea of what went on in the house'. l~e
added 1hn1 his fa1her 'would be 1erribly upse1 if be knew the
circum>1a11ccs in which he has been arrested'. Narcn Bukshi,
Purna Sen, Bijoy Nag and the other reenagcrs told similar stories.
The police were unimpressed. "
On the morning of S May. Aurobindo and the others arreslcd in
Calcuua were produced before the commissioner of police. The
five who bad been apprehended at 134 Harrison Road were
remanded 10 await trial before 1he chief presidency magima1c for
v1ola1ions of the A.nm Act. The mher seven were senl to the
magis1rate wi1h a requesl thol 1hcy be transferred lo the courr of
1hc dis1ric1 magis1ra1e, Aliporc. 10 be 1ried with the Garden
prisoners. Requests for ball were not beard. The charge~ did nor
permit ii." On 1he af1crnoon of 1he Slh the seven were iukcn in
police vans to ALipore. At the dis1ric1 magislrate's court nn officer
obiained an order by which the prhoncrs were remanded 10
cu>iody. A sbon while later the Black Marias were driven 1hrough
the 11a1es of Alipore jail.
 16
The Trial Begins

The moment 1hat Leonard Birley, offich11ing dis1ric1 magimate or

1hc 24 Purgunas. learned of the aerarious deeds being done in his
distric1, he decided he was lhe man 10 sci 1hing< righ1. His
cagcrnc-,s 10 have 1he case leads one 10 suspeet rhar he <aw himself
as a son of Defender of the Empire: a.< L""'rencc in Lucknow. as
K11chcncr 1n Khanoum. so Birley m Bengal In rhc normal course
of affairs the case would ha.e !l-Onc 10 the polic-c roun of Sealdah,
tn ca't Calcu11:1, "h1ch had junsJic11on O\Cr the \uhurhs. But
Birley ·made up his mind" ro try the accu<;<.'tl and arranged for 1hc
case 10 be iran;fcrred to his file. Having heard from hi' nei~hl>our
Supcrin1cndcn1 Clarke of the arres1 of Aurohindo and 1hc olhers,
Birley wrorc on 3 May to Police Commh>ioncr I lnlhdny saying
1h111 1hc prisoners should bcsenl 10 him for inc1uiry . The ncx1 day
he took rhc unusual s1ep of going 10 C ID hcodquurtcf\ 10
cncm1rugc l)eputy Superintendent Plowden to <end him the
urrc<tcd persons as '>O()n as possible . While ut hcad4uurrcrs Birley
read 1hc \lalcmcnts that Sarin and the other\ had given 10
Ra1m.1day Mukherjee . \\'hen the priwnef\ were produced before
the ~'t1mm1.,,ioncr on 1~e 4th. Halliday. in al't.~ >rdancc wnh Birle) ' s
.
"'""~'> ...:111 tho...: arrested at the Garden 10 the mag1s1ra1c'> coun
a1 Ahporc .' There five of them ga'e Slatcmcnts to llirlc) 'Sining
high tn his chair', '"lh a face 'that wa~ hke a poh~hed slab of
m.irhlc". he o;ccmcd 10 the prisoners 10 be ·an c1pbod1mcm or the
mat"luncry of go,ernmcnc nsclr. At one point he looked down at
1hcm contemptuously and asked. ·You think •ou can govern
lmhu?" One of them answered. ·Sir. were you !.!O'cnung India a
century und a hair ago?' Birley left thi~ commcn1 011 1 of 1hc
record.
 The Trial B~ms 167

When the se•en Calcutta prisoners were 1ransferrcd 10 Ahpore

the ne~• day, Birley did not even bo1her to see them. but ~imply
signed the order remanding them to custody. In the days 1hal
followed, as the police investignicd clues found in the documents
und confessions, they made a number of searches aod arrests in the
districts of both Bengals. All of the persons arrested were brought
to Alipore and placed before Birley. The first to arrive was
Narcndra Nath Goswami. The police had no uoublc finding this
landowner's son, "'hom both Barin and Jndu bad menuoncd in
their confessions and who on any case was known to 1hc C ID.
Arrested and brought to Aliporeon the 5th, Narcn g"'e a Matcment
admitting his role in the attempt ro kill tbe mayor of C'hander-
nagore. On the 10th ltrishikesh Kanjilal was arrested in Scram pore
and Sudhir Sarkar ia Kbulnn. The following day both made
sta tements before Birley. Between then and tJ\c 16th five more
persons were taken into custody: Birendra Nath Ghose in Jcssorc,
Kristo Jiban Sanyal in Maida. Sushil Sen and his two brothc" in
Sylhct Documentary and material evidence was found on .111 these
place> In Sylhet police seolcd M>mc makeshift "capons and a hag of
black powder that Biren Sen candidly cxplafoed wai. 'not )Ct an
c•plo;l'c'.' Additional searchci. were carried out at the Garden. at
Sol'> l.oJge on Deoghar. and at Subodh Mullick 's house in Bena res.•
I he Mu111ffarpur Kilting> •nd >Ub"!quem events 'M:nt a thnll of
horror 1hrnughout the lc11g1h and breadth of the land'. C'alcuua in
1>m ticul11r w'" 'stirred to 11~ dcp1hs" by the arrests and discoveries.
People found it hard to hclicvc thnt Bcngalis had performed such
dreadful exploits. 'Could anyone ever think it probable that the
Bcnaali, who had been ever maligned as cowardly. would.
regardless of all care for life. 1ry to kill an official?' wrote one
paper. The lndia11 IVorld no1cd that the character of the accused
·re' cal~ no1 only a striking runounl of boldness and dc1erm1na11on,
bu1 al'° a cenain degree of heroism which constitute; the real
e<-.ence of patriotism. 'Say what you may. the paper obi.crvcd, 'all
th" I~ a glorious vi11dication of Bengalce character.' More than
one editor commented that by Khucliram's act ' the Bengalee has
been avenged upon Macnufny'!'
McMwhilc the Anglo-Indian communiry.• in 1hc \lponion of

• I lctc 1nd ~15t"*ht!re I U!'C: • AnJk)-<ln,b.u•· 1n 1hc "-Cn.'C ni1ren11n l~'P( 'CoO the
Ontf'\h ioenlcd in fnd~ .
168 Tire Bomb in Bengal

Lord Minto. was becoming 'bys1erical' over lhe news Was ii going
10 be Cawnpore and Lucknow all over again? Loyalosl bodies
passed resolu1ions demanding 1he re!llorauon of law and order.
Nalivc ncwsp•pcrs should be censored. mec11ng' prohibi1ed. !he
Arms Ac1 amended, offenders deported w11hou1 lnal. • The
viceroy kepi his head. writing 10 Secretary of S1:11c Mor1ey of
'irrespon;1ble ialk and war fever'. Yel be could not bul rcOcct lhat
if 1he disclosures had been delayed he mighl have hnd to deal 'with
somc1hi11g in the nature of organized s1mullaneous ouirages
thruughout India'.' Both Barin and Upcn had declared in 1heir
confessions 1hat iF 1hey had 001 been C11ugh1 they would have
organized 'numerous outrages all over the country' . Papers and
diagrams found al the Garden showed 1bat lhese claims were-1101
just emp1y boas1ing. Hrishikesh Kanjilul spoke of plans 10 enlist
the S)mpa1hy of 1he frontier tribes.• 1t is unlikely thal Minlo took
thi> seriously. bu1 i1 must have given him food for 1hough1. He was
in fact more concerned al !he time wi1h the Amir of Afghanis1an
and the reslive 1ribes of 1he North-Wes! Fronuer 1han wnh the
doings of a race he considered effeminate and incapable of
revolu1ion. Britain's geopolitical inlereslS. pan1cularly lhc 'Great
Game' in ceniral Asia. was always uppcrrnosl in his mind. • Morley
remained cool in his London office bul even he admiued 1ha1 1he
sit ua1ion in Bengal helped make for some 'preuy anxious days.
The Amir. the Tribes, the Bombs,-any of the three would have
been 1roublcs()me enough by itself; and 10 have them nil 1hree
togc1hcr is really too bad."
01her Bri1ons had varying reactions to 1he Calcuua discoveries.
Labour M.P. Keir Hardie called !he Outbreak of icrrorism '1he
natural ouicome of lhe policy now being pursued in India'.
William Wedderburn made the same poin1 aphoristically: ·As in
• S« Marley papc~. Mrnro-M«ky corrnpondtnii..-c lor M2y 190C, ctC". The
'Note Oft 1hc M1li11ry Pohc:y or India" contains. ror cumpk. thk comment· ·rr
Rt,U.S.i.1 •ere all~ 'ilr1lh Fraott. •-ould lt be powbk- 10 ((liW\I ~ bt1n1 able to ~nd
R'tnforttmcn1s Wlthtn the fim sU:: monW or ...,.,. (MSS Eu.t D S7Y.l7). A
~csm&n O( the ~flRIO..\forley adtJlinistratJOn •;u IQ ftO •I)' Un.l)'ptCll -·~n he
1'-fOlc 1910; 'Should Oruc Bntain rcmo"\·c her suppon. Ru:.~"4.t •-oukS pour her
~ U\tr the wide plaiRJ of Hind\l5.t~an Thts horror of 1 Ru.W11n 1nva\f\Hl lt no
AlelC: pti."n11sm. got up by Britain lO ..."'C JndAa 1n1u JU~l'n•.wJOn . Tht rrontlcr
Pf'mlin~ ha"e hlld proofs or irs realhy: the fer1tlc Pun111h h;iti hc:forc now been
bligh1cd wllh 1hc toh•dow or 1he fear. when 1bc Afghan b.1rnc:r ~crncd hkcty ro 1um
in10 n R~l11n wur ba.s.is' (Major I n-8)
 169

Russia, so in India.' On !he other hand J. D. Rees. a Tory who hod

served in India . said the outrages •were the result of 100 liule
repression' • In India British opimon was aim~• exclu<1'ely or
this type. Capital. an Anglo-Indian paper. cried: ' Anarchists and
anarchy must be mercilc.~ly extirpated if human society is to hold
together .. . . The anarchist should be brought swiftly 10 his doom.·
Asi011. ano1her voice of Anglo-India, wcnl still fanher: 'Jn any
utber country both the man who has been nrrcslcd as one of the
<ictual perpetrators, and the men who huve been so cleverly caught
at the bomb rac1ories in Cakulla by the Police, would hnve been
lynched nnd probably burnt.' The paper admiued 1hat such
methods were hnrbarous. 'but io cases such 11• these. it is
understandable how they sometimes mcc1 with 1he approval or
even 1hc mos1 sober minded. The non-0fficial white public is now-
a-days a strong body. and in me presenl case 1t is only waiting 10
see whal measures the Bengal Government propose to adopt
before taking ac1ion itself.' Three measures ougb1 10 be put into
crrcc1 1mmcdia1cly: ' house to house visitation for arm~·. ·summary
suppression of every seditious native rag of a ncw-spaper'. and
'depona1ion under 1he old Regulation' in order 10 ·permanently
obliterate those against whom it is i>sucd'. In 1he long term,
'Bengal ~hould be treated and governed wilh the utmost harshness
and rigou1 by a ruler who is 001 afraid to put his heel down- and
keep 11 1hcrc. Before linbhing. Asian offered some practical
udvi~'C 10 Douglas Kingsford:

We rccon1mend LO his notice n Mauser pistol. with the nickel filed off the
nose of the bullets or a Coifs Automatic which carries a heavy soil bullet
and b a 11"rd·hilling and punishing weapon. We hope Mr. King~ford will
manage to .ccure a big ·bag' and we envy him b1J opportunity. He will be
more than 1us1iticd in le11ing dayhgllt mlo every Mrangc na11vc •pproach·
tng h1~ hw~ or his person "
Asian's ravinp were doubtless extrcmc- mdeed 1hcy could
hardly ha\ c been bettered by a Ku Klux Klansman- but even
re~pcciable Anglo-Indian newspapers hke the P1011ur of Allaha-
bad rcsoned 10 sabre·rdUling when commcn11ng on 1he 'first
appearance' or 1he bomb 'on the social s1age in India'. Indian
nationalists should remember. the AUahabad p<iper warned. 1ha1
'lhe British people have not the remotes1 intention of retiring from
India and slill less from being driven OUI of it by bombs.' " After
170 Tht Bomb in Bmgal

reading the Pioneer's obscrvatiOM, Batrde Moraram reminded it~

editor of what he had written about a Russian bomb incident of
1906: "The horror of such crimes is 100 great for v.ords. and )Cl it
has 10 be acknowledged, almost. that they arc the only method of
fighting left to u people who are 111 war w11h despotic rulers. able to
command gre.11 military force' against which it is 1mpm<1ble for
the unarmed populace to make a stand."'' h doc; not appear that
the Pi()neer replied to /Jande Mawram's apt comparison.
Throughout the month of May. wrote 1 lemendra Prasad Ghose.
Anglo-India had a case of 'bomb on lhc brain'-ond not wnhout
reason ." On the 5th or 6th a north CaJcuua neighbourhood wa~
startled by an explosion in the house of Colonel Nandi. IMS, on
College S1rce1. Inside, the colonel's son Indra, n friend of 1he
Garden society. had been trying to unload a bomb when it blew
up. The cxplo>ion carried his hand to the roof of an adioining
building. A dolcn surpri<,ed neighbours tried to find out what had
happened. Doctor Nundi treated his son while his wife pleaded
with the neighliours nut to talk . Bui such an occurrence could
hardly be hu;hed up. " Ten day; later four people were aniuced
when u nmnicipal dust CHrt run over a bomb on the Grey S1rcc1
tram line . Two days after that. on Sunday the 17th. police
removed another bomb from the stCf"> of a Native Christian
church on Upper Circu lur Road." For weeks people in the city
could tulk of nothing but bomM. The police questioned anyone
who looked the least bn out or the ordinary One constable's
susp1ciom, were aroused hy a boy l'arrying something wrapped up
in his dtaddar. When he followed him. the boy took Hight After a
<hon cha>e. seeing that eo,cape wa' impos;,ible. the boy cncd out.
'Touch the rhing beneath my am1 and we arc bot h deadl' The
constable bucked off and called for help. Soon afterwards lhe
desperate lad was surrounded. lie reached inside his chaddar.
took out a ripe quince. t~rcw it at his pursuers and disap1>eured. "
On the 17th. the day the bomb was removed from the church on
Upper Circular Road . CIO inspector Puroa Chandra B1swas
submitted a first informa1fon rcpon mentioning five distinct
crime•· the rwo auempts to blow up the lieu1cnan1-govcrnor's
train near Chandemaporc. the auempt to do the \ame at
Narayungarh. the aucmpt m Chandcruagore against M;iyor
Tardivcl. and the Muwrrurpur murders. The rcpon charged the
thirty-one revolutionaries so far arrested under e1gh1 sections of
 The Tr1al Begins 171

the lndiun Penal Code, including Sections 121. 121-A. 122 and
123. The most important of these, Section 121 . reads as follows.
' Whoever wag~ "'ar against the King. or attempts to wage such
war. or abetS the waging of such war shall be punished with death ,
or transportation for life. and shall forfeit all his property.'"
'Waging war against the King' was the Indian equivalent of high
treason traditionally considered by Britons to be the most
beinOu> of crimes. An offence under this S«tion was ' the most
serious in the (Indian( Penal Code except that of murder by a life
convict'." Sections 121A was an 'umplification' of Section 121 .
punishing conspiracy to wage war against the King with tr.lnspor·
tation for life or another term. Sections l22 und 123 covered
preparauoos to wage war and concealment of a design to wage
war, both being punishable by long periods of imprisonment.•
Since ull of these offences were crimes against the state, the
sanction of the Government was necessary before proceedings
could be instituted . Both the 'local government' (i.e. the
Government of Bengal) and the imperial government (the
Government of India) were interested in the charges, though only
the local government actually could frame them. Between the 8th
und the 10th the viceroy and other members or 1he impcriul
government considered the possibih1y of charging Oarin. Ullasknr
and llem "'ilh abetmcnt of the murders a1 Muuffarpur. 1hose
connected w11h the Narayangarh <1nd Chaodernagorc bombs wnh
attempted murder. and illl the members of the society with
abetmcnl of murder 'In general 1erms' so thn1 if conncc1ion with
the death of the Kennedy ladies could be proved all would be
'liable 10 sentence of death'. Mfoto was afraid that the charge of
conspmu:y under Section 12JA would be of'doubtful validity' Bui
he decided to wait to see what the Government or Bengal would
do, remaining 'fully prepared lo make suggestions if we are not
satisfied with the Lieutenant-Governor's report'. ''
Before writing to the Govemmenl of India. Andrew Fraser
talked the situation o•er with his advocate-general. The t"'o men
concluded that ' the confessions which have been made by various
meml>ers of this gang . .. clearly indicate a conspiracy to overihrow
the local Government and even to wage war' as lhis phrase was
interpreted in a certain British case. The advocate-general there-
fore recommended that, provided sufficient C\idcncc could be
produced, the accused should be 1ried under Sections J2l·A, 122
172 The Bomb in Btngal

and l2J. These offences fell under Chap1cr IV of lhe Penal Code,
which meanl lhal lhey were 'not lriable by jury'. 01her charges
were possible including two under lhe Arms Act ; bul such charges
v.could ne~1late a separalc trial hy 1ury. Since il ·would be
inconve nient' lO try 'both classes of offences at one lime', ii was
thought best lo rely 'solely on charges under sccuons 121·A. 122
and 123°. Those who had admiucd to rnking part in aclunl ou1rnges
could later be 'lried '>Cparately for such offences·: bul it was
·e~sent1al lba1 lhey should lirs1 be lried joinlly wilh the rest, so Ihat
their stalemenls may be used . .. 10 prove lhe conspiracy under
section 121·A of the Penal Code". • Thus all the accused, whether
arrested in lhc Garden or Calcuua. whether oonnec1ed with
specific incidents or suspected only of conspiracy. would be tncd in
a single trial by the sessions judge or Aliporc.
The report or lhe Government of Bengal was sent to the
Go,·crnment or India on 17 May. The same day Bengal sanctioned
lhc prosecution or thiny-thrce or the lhirty·five persons already in
custody: the fourteen arrested at the Garden. the lwelve arrested
in Calcuua. si~ of those arrcs1ecJ in the mofussil. and Khudiram
Bose. who w~ awaiting trial in Muzaffarpur. All were accu.<ed ·or
organizmg a band for the purpose of waging war against lhe
Government by means of criminal force' and charged under
sections 121· A . 122. 123. 124 or the lndiitn Penal Code. (Later all
of them nlso were charged under Scciion 121 while 1he charges
under Section 124 were dropped.) Included on the hsl of persons
charged were the five prisoners arrested m 134 Harrison Road,
who were already being tried under the Arms Act . Afraid thal
these men "ould get off with a1 mos1 a year or lWO of prison, the
Governmen1 or Bengal hoped to prove their complicity m lhe
conspiracy. Alw on lhe list were three priwners that Bengal
hoped would not have to be brouglH to trio I at all: Aurobiodo and
the two arrested with hi111 at lhe Nabashakli office. The previous
day Bengal h;1d submmed a requcsi to the Govcrnmcn1 of India
for permission 10 deport lhese men under Regulation Ill of 1818."
II will be recalled that Bengal had drafted a similar requesl lhe
duy before the arrests . This had been laid aside while 1he materials
seized during lhe searches were being evaluated Disappointed by
the finds al the Nabasliakri office , Andrew Fraser decided to have
lhc proposal redrafted and submiued to India for approval .
Anglo-Indian o;cntimcnt m CalcuHa was strongly 1n favour of
j
 Tiit Trial Begins 173

dcpona1ion. This pubhc opinion was cited in the repon: bu1 ii is

clenr that Bengal's intention 10 depon had more 10 do with the
sentiments or the Lieutcnani-govcmor, who underslan1Jably was
ind1gnan1 lhat he had three times been 1he targe1 of bomb-,.idding
assassins.
Bengal's lengthy report on deportation was written by E. A .
Gail, chief secretary lo the government . 'The facts that have been
adduced' against Aurobindo, Gait wrote. 'arc no1 such as would
constilUte clear legal proof tha1 he was what Fraser was convinced
he was: "the ri11gleadc'i°f 1he whole movement'. Accordingly 'if a
prosecution were insutuled' against Aurobindo 'ii is more than
probable lha1 i1 would end in an acqumal. • This would be a grave
misfortune, for lherc could be no doubt •hat 1his ·ouen1 and
impressive writer', this ·organizer of great ability and Ingenuity'
was ' the master mind a1 the baclc of the whole cxuemis1 campaign
in Bengal'. Conviction of the other members of the socic1y would
be •of no avail if Arabinda were set free' for this ' irreconcilable'
would 1hen 'lose no time in starling a fresh conspiracy' and all the
work or the police and the government 'would be altoge1her in
vam. In 1he· in1ercs1 of peace and good go,cmmen1,' Gait
concluded. •1t is absolutely neces.~ary lhat this man should be
removed from rhe political arena.' lie aod the two men arresred
with him. Abin:1sh Bhall3charya and Sailendra Na1h Bose. should
forthwuh be confined m ·a fortress, iail or other place' outside the
province of Bengal. "
Three days later Frlbcr sen1 two le1ters to Minto. One. a
confidential note running lo four pages in prin1cd form. sum·
marizcd the history of the society and sugges1ed a number of
ways 10 contnin the danger. In this note Fraser gave s pecial
prominence lO Aurobindo. who , he reireraled, 'appears un·
doub1edly to be the ringleader of the gang'. In a covenng letter.
Fraser urged Aurobindo's deponation in the strongest possible
terms. The man, wro1e lhe lieurcnant-govcrnor, was 'able ,
cunning, fanu1ical'.
These qua1iue> ba'e their vigour in bun wluch they OOf mfrequenrly have
on the man who os no1 quite sane . ... He is regarded and spoken of by all
as the disciples regard a grea1 Master. He has been in the forefront of all,
adv1s1ng seditious writing and authorizing murder. But he has kepi
lwMelf, like a careful and valued Gcoenl. out of s1gh1 of the •enemy·. We
cannot..gc:l evidence against him such as "'OUld secure his conviction in a
174 Th~ Bomb in 8tr1gal

Court But "'c h.wc bttn fortunate <nougb 10 gee papers which show
h•l connection \\1th the COMPll'aq'. and informa.tton as 10 his action. quite
•uff><1cn1 10 ron\lnc:c the reasonable nund and iusory deportation.
I ume,tly hope no ~mimen1 wdl be allowed 10 prc•em 1h1< "

T he •scnumcnt' Fraser referred to wus the 1rad11ional Bri11sh

di>like of :irbilrary government. Suspension of due process of law.
resori to Imus de cachet and ukases. were JUSt wha1 libcny-loving
Britons professed 10 despise in tyrannical regimes on the conci·
nent. Out Brito11s in India were likely 10 forget such feelings when
they confron ted the reality of imposing governmen t by force on
scvemy million people.
Mowcver Cl)nvenieni il may have been to nervous adminism•·
tori.. deportation was rarely effe<:tive. Dcnzil lbbcts0n deported
Llola Lajpat Rni and Ajit Singh at the first sign of disturbance in
Punjab. I le succeeded only in making mart}rs of them . Protests in
the press and Parliament brought about their ~wife release. This
episode made the vicero) waf} or acceding 10 ;uch request~ and he
had tu med a deaf car when Fraser and his Eus1 Bengal counterpart
called for the depor1alion of Bipin Pal and A~wmi Kumar Dun.
The case of Aurob1ndo appeared to fall in the same category.
Mimo·s chief advisors on the India Council, Sor llnrold Stuart
nnd Sir I lttrvcy Adamson. were also agamsl deporting Aurobindo.
Stuar1 1ho11gh1 there was a good chance of obtaining his conviction
in court, par1kularly if one of the prisoners coulll be induced lO
turn King's Evidence. Bui even if Aurobindo wn~ certain 10 go
free. Siuan would 001 recommend dcporm1ion. TI1e proposal
would create 100 many political problems in London. nnd even in
India would be counterproductive: 'on the one hand ill would] fail
to strike terror' in the minds of lhe d1sa[fe<:ted and ·on the other
fwould) cxci1c much sympathy, cause great imrnt1on. :md provoke
hos11l11y 10 the Government'. Adamson underlined chis point by
writing tha. deportation ·would nol in 1he $lightest degree frighten
lhe 01hers, and ii would alienate from us many >'ho are ready 10
support u\'. Stuart concluded. 'In mailers ~uch 3\ 1h1\ >'C mus• rely
on lhc police ... and I belie'-e that in lhis particular case. when
once the ea~y solution by deportation is banished. 1hc police may
be nble 10 secure a conviction under the ordinary law.' Afler
reading the file Monro declared him!«llf less uvcri.c from deporta-
tion 1hnn Stuart and Adamson, but he agreed that ii wou ld be
 The Trial 8egirn 175

' inhmtdy prefrrablc that prisoners should be convicted by the

ordinary law'. "
Frn~cr learnc<l of Minio's attitude before receiving his reply and
wa<; bittcrl) d1•appointcd. On the 2~th he fired off a cipher
telegram that concluded: 'To release Arnbrnda is to ensure
recrudescence and further spread of the evil.' Stuarl was nol
impressed. I le IOld the local government 10 put the idea of
dcponation 0111 of its head and to direcl ' every endea>11ur ... to
the complete presenta1ion of the evidence against (the prisoners)
before the rcgul:ir couns'. " Afler rccci,~ng Swan's reply. Gait
wrote to L. Morshead. the inspector-general of Police, to follow
up ·every clue tending to connect' Aurobindo 'with the con•prraC)"
and to make 'every cfforl .•. to procure a conviction in coun·. "
' l11e governmcnl's erfor1s to do so had begun the previOu\ week .
Before the ca•c could go Lo the sc"'ions judge. the accu-.cd had 10
be committed by the mag1;trate. The hearing before Birlc) began
on Monday. 18 May. From earl) in the morning the prcmi<es of
the magislratc's courl were teeming with young Bengali> anxious
10 catch a glimpse of the prisoner~. Mounted policemen rode
through the ero"'d attempting to keep order Thirty con<;iables
armed with ,words and rifles ""h fixed b:1yoneis guarded the
counhouse. 1 he public was not alluwcd in. At around one o'clock
two police carria~es drove up and twent}-SIX priwnen gm down.
The) "'ere made to st.md 1n l\\O '°"'"·one headed b)' Aurobindo
and the other by Baron. All the onlookers were >truck by the
prisoners' untroubled face>. To J11111d<' Ma1ar11111's corrc>pondenL
they 'looked- one and all - brigh1. cheerful, even smiling. :!!>
though conscious of their mnoceoce ... . Calm resignation was
srnmpcd on their faces bul not defiance .' The £mpir~'; reporter
found them ' a very happy-go-lucky 101'. their expressions seeming
to indicate 'tha1 not a soul of rbe gJng bad a care in 1bc v.ortd·.
All were in bare feet except Auroh1ndo who, when he noticed thts
di~pari1y. 'doffed his >li1>pcrs and SH>0d barefooted like Lite rest'.
After their names had been checked the prisoners were marched
into 1he counroom to awnil the mag1~1ra1e. At around onc-thiny
Mr Birley made his appearance and the prchm111ary heanng of the
Alipore Bonrh Case beg:in."
Informing 1hc Bengal Government on the evening or the 18th
that the hearing was at I.isl underway. the m~pec1or-11cneral of
Police noted· ·11 is anuc1pateJ 1ha1 this c'idcnce (concerning the
176 The Bomh in 8e11gal

finds in the Garden I will take three day• to rL-.:t1rd' ' lrthiHreated
the 1mprc~MOn thn1 the case would soon be ready for comm11111ent,
the govcmment was destined to he ths:ippo1ntcd It took the
prtll.CCUt1on more than three month" to pr~nt all us evidence.
The hearing proceeded slowly bccau..c <lf the numhcr of persons
charged. the amount of evidence to be recorded and. ahO\e all.
the government's anxiety that the trial he brought to a wccessful
conclusion. 'The interests of Government'. a high official later
admitted. ·were very deeply invoh'Cu on its 'ucccl><'." A M•cce,sful
pr<i>ccution was necessary to placate the un1uly Anglo-Indian
com1111111ity and to satisfy Tory interest> al home . The ' native'
Indian community had to be shown that the government would
deal mercilessly with revolt. but reassured that all would be done
by due pr<>cess of law. Liberal and labour member> of Parliament
were ready to Cl') foul at any irrcgularitic'> anti it would not be
difhcult for them to get the ear of the Liberal secretary of state.
When the Sen brothers were brought down from Sylhct, the
number of prisoners io Alipore jatl rose IO th1m-four The
go,crnmenr had to prove the in"ol,cmcnt of c;1ch of those
:irre,tctl- th<hC v.ho bad taken pan m O\Crt ,ICIS a' "ell as those
who had not. This explains the extraordinary number or exh1h1ts
introduced. more than one thousand documents and obJccts. and
the cxtrnordinary number of witnc~ examined. precisely 222.
The pn>>ccution had its hands full keeping track of all this
evidence One mistake in handling or introc.luc111g an exhibu would
give the defence the opportunity of declunng it inadmissible.
Working against the need for care was the government's demand
for speed. T he longer the case lasted. the more popular sympathy
for the prisoners would grow. Signs of comnw.cration were noted
by the Ea'it Bengal Government as early as mid-May. Even the
sort of people ' who would not acuvely sympathise' "'ith pcrwns
supponing violent rev0l1, were yet inclined 'to regard them in the
hght of patriots who are sacrioon!! themselves for the good of the
count I')'. Thi> feeling became particularly ·prominent among the
)Ounger member.. of the educated claSSC'I'. In K1~horcgan1 little
children adulated Bario and the rest and played ·oomb-mabng'
instead of their usual games. "
In order to assure usclf the best chances of success the
government engaged the services of Eardley Norton. one of the
"'"'t •ucccs>ful trial lawyers in India. Norton hod won his
 The Trial Begi11s 177

reputauon in the Madras High Court: a Bengali colleague called

him the 'Demosthenes from the benighted province'. ,. Ironically
this man "ho became the bugbear of Indian nat1onahsm was, like
the bereaved 1•nnglc-Kcnnedy of Muzaffarpur, an early supporter
of the Indian National Congress. Norton not only attended the
1888 session o~ a delegate, but was also appointed a member of a
high·lcvel committee (the other members were Allan O . Hume,
W. C. Bonncrjec, Surenclranatb Banerjea and R. N . Mudholkar)
1ha1 wa& sen1 to represenl the views of Congress in England.
Scvcn1ccn years l:ncr he could slill find time to wriic on lndisn
politics ond 10 review lndian poetry in The /11dia11 Revi~w. "'
Hearing 1hat this man had accepted 10 lead the prosecu1ion, Sisler
Niveditn called him ' a renegade patriol' and binerly criticized the
fees the govcrnmcn1 paid him- rumoured 10 be as high as a
thoUSllnd rupees a day. " Norton was aided by u colleague named
Barton. by lhc pubhc prosecutor Ashutosb B1swas. and by all 1he
men and resources 1he govemmenl and the pohce could place at
his dis~I . The acc:uscd on the other hand were represented by a
team of rather undis1inguisbed pleaders. One of them , however,
was sharp enough to teach a lesson in law to Nor1011 and to Birley
as well . Af1er the first day's evidence was recorded. Babu Sarat
Chandra Sen objected 1ha1 the magis1ra1e could not 1ake cogni·
wncc of 1he cnse before the police hud mude a formal complaint.
The ohjctiion wi1s well rnken and the ncxl day CID inspcc1or
13bwus wns c11llcd in 10 make n complaint and 10 resubmit the
government'> sanciion. Then the over-cager magi.Irate had 10 re·
record the evidence of 1he day before."
The hearing wcn1 forward withou1 incidenl unlil 22 May, when
it was adjourned for rwo weeks. During this period 1hc Harrison
Road Arms Act Case, in which six of the Ahporc prisoners were
involved. was taken up b) 1he chief presidency mag1'>lrate. At the
same urne police .. ere combing through rhc mountain• of ma1enal
seized on 2 May. lookin11 for anything that could help them .,;n
!heir case.
 17
In Jail and 111 Court

In the Alipore Central Jail the thiny-four men accused in the

Bomb Case joined .omc 1wo tbousnnd other pnwners, the u~unl
assor11ncn1 of murderers, rapists, and thieves 1hai llll any big ci1y
prison. /\s undercriul prisoners they ought to have been treated
better th3n tile convicts. bur becau..c of the gra\'1ly or their charg~
they \\ere treated "'orsc. All or them were pul on an old ward
where they could be 'completely 'iCgregaccd and cul off from
l-Ommunication with ocher prisoners'. 1 In the ward were lwO
blocks of cells resembling kennels. These were known, after the
number or cells in each, as '1he 44 degre~· and 'lhe six degrees'.
Most ol the Bomb Case prisoners v.erc lodged on l!roupsoflhrec on
the 44 degrees. The men 1he government feared most. Hem Das
and Aurobindo, were placed in solilnry coofincmcnl, Hem in 1hc
44 dettrccs nnd Aurobindo apan from everyone e lse in the six
degrees. The cells or both block> were approxima1ely nine fcet
long and six feet wide This made for crowded cond111ons when the
pri)Qncrs "ere kept on groups. bu1 none of them envied the
prisoners kept separnlcly. The cells hnd no wmdows, only burred
iron doors in front The o nly furnishings were wr-covered ba~ke1s
that did duty for IJtrines. These were emptied on •=•sion by
convict-sweepers; other convicts brough1 food-\\atery tastclc<~
gruel-t,.icc a day. At nigh1 the pnsoncrs were roused by 1he
warders whcne\•er 1he guard was chu nged. In lhc morning they
were wakened fro111 unquiet sleep by the waili ng or 1hc poison
.
siren. '
The lonnight before the heatlng was a time of acute psycho-
logical \uffering for ult the pmoncrs. Even Aurobindo, accu~­
tomed as he was to >eclusion. found wlitary confinement difficull
 In Jail and in Court 179

to bear.' Arter 1he excitement or the period or arreSIS had pas.scd.

the young men round tha1 they had nothing 10 do bu1 rellect on 1he
hopelessness or their condition. Tiie very walls they stared at,
Upcn wrote. seemed 10 cell !hem: 'You an:: prisoners. pnsoncrs."
Once the hearing began and 1hc men could sec one another
again they recovered their customary spirits. Each morning they
were driven to the coun in a pair of horse-drawn carriages. All the
way they talked and joked and sang. At the counhouse they were
awaited by policemen and lawyers and onlookers and reporters
and even 1he a<:easionnl photographer. 'All the precaution. pomp
and pageonlry !hat are necessary for a Stale trial .. . were gone
into without a single omission." Inside, they were made to smnd in
the dock when the magistrate was present . But it SOQn proved
impossible to continue this day in and day out, and the magistrate
eventually allowed them to sit on the lloor. Spectators and
rcponers were astounded by the prisoners' cheerful demeanour
and their •apparent disregard for the proceedings against them'.
Regarding the trial as a farce, they paid scant 1ttent1on to 1he
tesumony. • Instead they chatted and laughed . making jokes about
the magi~trdte's bad Bengali or the witl\C5SCS' bad English. But
they had to be careful: if the din became too loud the magistrate
ordered them to stand. At the end of the day they were driven
back to 1ail. as happy as students released from school.
They were Mill in high spirits when the trial wus re~umed in
June, .ilthough $()me. Aurobindo among them, had begun 10 look
nuhcr pale. This was llpparently due to 'the excessive heat' which,
IJ1111dt M111aram noted. 'becomes more oppressive to those
confined in dark and dingy cells'. ' But on 13 June conditions in 1he
jail changed markedly for the better. Convinced that the accused
were rcnlly not so dangerous. the authorities transferred them all
10 :i ward cons1•tmg or one large room and two attached smaller
one>. The prisoners could move freely between 1hc three room~.
the courtyard and the veranda. When 1hcy discovered that they
would be kepi together night and day. the young men exploded
with delight . Before long they had arranged themselves in three
compa11b1hty group<i: Aurobindo and the contemplatives m one or
the ~idc room•: I lem Das and the rationafots in the other; and in
1hc cen1ral hall the in1ellcctuals led by Upen. •
One of those staying with the contemplatives was Nnrendra
Nath Goswami. Ahhough not really intcre,tcd in spiri1ual
180 The Bomb in Bmgal

practice- he spem most of his rime chatting and singing-Naron

enjoyed Aurobindo's company and from time to time engaged him
in conversation. A rich man's son. Nan:n found jail life impossible
to bear. lie told Aurobiodo that bis father was going to get him
ouL ll was JUSt a simple matter of hinng lawyers and buying
witnesses. Aurobindo listened but said nothing. Around this rime
Naren's fu1her began to visil the Jail frequently in the company of
CID detective Shamsul Alam. Alam and Naren had a number of
conversations, after which Naren 'developed a tendency to ask
questions'. One day be admitted to Aurob1ndo what Aurob1ndo
had already surmised: the police were trying to make him tum
King's Evidence. They kept on asking questions: Who were the
men who supported the society? Who were the leaders in the other
parts of India? Naren asked Aurobindo what to do. Aurobindo
suggested he tell them that the head of the secret society was Sir
Andrew Fraser.•
Narcn had similar talks with his fellow·townsman Hrislukesh.
who together with Upen decided to have some fun. The two
concocted some names of 'conspirators' in Gujarat, Tamil Nadu
and elsewhere and fed them to the gullible Naren, wno promptly
passed them on.• But the thing soon passed a joke. One day
Naren got into a 6gbt with Upen aod some of the olhers. After this
the authorities placed him in another ward.•
Between the 6th and 22nd of June the Bomb Case was beard five
or six times. During this period liule of note took place. Several
witnesses deposed, some of them identifying or misideotifying
men , documents or handwriting samples. On the 23rd the case

• Tius inadcnl IS told t0 lbe mni.__ of Upeo, Bann and A"'°"'nclo

(/Wrbosutr A"""katlta 44; Amtdo/11"173: Karokollilu. pub. &mgl• R«lurM 296)
and in scvcnl scoondary 50tlJ"CCS, The disturbing thing •bout it ii that at k•1t thr~e
uf the name• .supplied by Upcn •nd Hrish1kesh wete nHhcr accunue. They 11a1d 1ha1
the leaders in Oujarat. M1adra1, Baroda and Sat1ra were 'Professor Oh at•,
•Viswambar1m Pillay'. ·Kn1lmaj1Rao Bhau' and 1 Puru1M>t1om Patckar' ln (KC Or
V. M. Bha1 was an active- rcvoluttOl\lry "'ho bad aneodtd Darin's Surat IJ)Cchna 1n
Oeaembor ( 8 M•j - 93). ·v ..""""""'m Pillay' .... obvioWy In cello or
Chidambaram Plllay, ti>< MadrUt Elcl...,,,ISI who (II IB"'l"rod 11 lbe AbpolC lnll)
h&d been in corr~-spondcncc with Aurob1ndo. ' l<n~h.naJt Rao Bhao' i1 u~m­
fortably cl08C 10 K~havrao ~hp•ndc, Aurobindo'a revolu1.ionary friend of
Barodd, Wh<>SC name was found 111 Aurobindo's correspondence and who w1s la1cr
ioveslig11tcd by the police ~ Ouc ww1d 1hink that Upcn tind 1-tn.shikeih might hove
pe to 1 huk: more troobk 10 ptck innocuous namot:S
 In Jail and ill Court 181

again was taken up. Waiting for rhe hearing to begtn rhc prisooers
"ere their usual jolly selves. The magistrate put tn his appearance
at 1cn o'clock. Then Nonon addressed the coun. •1 have the
honour 10 apply 10 the Court under Section 137 of the C. I'. C. lo
lender pardon 10 Nareodranatb Gosain for his turning appro,er. •
We beltcvc lhal Narendranatb Goswami. the accused. 1s gomg lo
make u full confession .... He ough1 to be released on bail and
kept upatl from the other prisoners.' This was followed by some
discussion l>ctween Norton and the c-0un concerning the discharge
of the approver, for he could not be an accused and a witness at
the sume time . When this talk was over Narcn was produced . ' All
the prisoners stood up and heard him in breathless silence.' His
sell·Out had been expected but the naked fact of his betrayal was
still a shock. The court asked the approver: ' Arc you w1llmg to
dasclose truly everything about the conspiracy against the State
and about every peNn whether as a principal or an al'temlr?'
Naren answered, 'Yes sir, I shall disclose all 1ha1 I know:• There
followed more di'ICUssion between Nonoo and Birley nn the
technicalities of Naren ·s pardon. During this tnlct\al the approver
' kepi looking downwards' as the prisoners glared mcnacmgly al
him. Never daring 10 look ·any of his comrade. on the face', Narcn
·wen I on Mroking his moustaches'. u At length che Cour1 an·
nounccd that he was discharged. Sworn in as a witne's he began
Im tlcp0Mt1on.
Closwrnni miked all morning and all aflernuon . I le related how
be had met friend' or Jatindra Nath Banerji in 1905, how they had
told hinl of a secrei society whose leader was Aurobindo G hose,
how he came in contact with Aurobindo's bro1her Barin and
Bhupcndra Naih Dutt around the time Juga111ar wos launched in
1906. Along the way Naren identified Au.robindo. Burin and Hem
Das, whose mission 10 France he revealed. He spoke of 1he early
days of Juga111ar. of Aurobindo's arrival in Calcuna, and or his
meetings wnh him. Subodb Mullick and Charu Chandra Dun. He
gave detailed accounts of the-failed dacoi1y to Rangpur m 1906 and
of a planned dacoi1y in Bankura a )Car later. While he spoke the
pnsoncrs Stood silently, unable 10 express their feelings except by

•Thi: 1crn1 •appro\.-C'1' wa1 w.cd mnslantly in roun llnd In the new)l>:tpeni l
rt't11in ii in 1ny narrative even thou.gh ii doe,;. 001 uc..'U.lr. 01 the ~nsc or King's
E\ridcnce. In .any n1udcm dictionary. ~o os~jn ' IS a vurianl or '(i()t,,W"mt".

..
182 Th~ Bomb in Bengal

spitung on the Door. During the lunch break howe•cr !hey

·chaued merrily with the police -;crgeants as if nothing had taken
place'."
For five days Narcn told 1hc magistrate everything he knew
abou1 the society"s organizmi.in nnd activities. llis revcla1ions
caused a stir in CalcuUu. Never a1 n loss for a dich~. llemendra
f>rnsad Ghose observed 1ha1 "truth is slnonge-•lrangcr than
flc1ion' and wrote !hat the approver's confession "reads like a
romance'. M Many thought it to be no1hing more than that: but
1hcre can be liulc doubl that 11 represented the truth u Naren
knew it. Mindful of the mag1~tratc's warning that his pardon would
be withdrawn if he said anything false. he does not appear to ha•e
told a deliberate lie. To be sure some of his inforinn11on was
incorrect. He repeated the folsc or panly ra1,c names of the
leaders in other parts t1f India a> though they were gospel 1ru1h.
But most of his tcs1imony was accurate. His accounts of the five
•overt acts' with which 1he society was charged were richly
deiailcd-no surprise since he was involved in three him~elf. A\
promi'lCd he incriminated not only 1hose on trial but !>Cores of
others, some of whom "ere promptly arrested. lnJra Nand1 and
N1khilcswar Roy Mauhck "ere hauled in the da) Noren began
deposing. At lhe time of his arrest Indra was asked what had
happened to his hand. Mc c~plaincd that it had been ampuiatcd
after a cast iron safe had fallen on it. The police. who had learned
of the College Street explosion. were not deceived, In the weeks
1hat followed Jat!ndra Nnth Banerji. Bijoy Bhallacharya, Provas
Deb. Haridas Das and Balkrishna Hari Kane were rounded up.
These seven. together with Dcbavrata Bose and Charu Chandra
RO)'. who had been arrested a little earlier. and Satyen Bose. who
had been convicted under the Arms Act in Midnapore. were
formed into a second batch of accused. Their hearing was put off
until the first batch was disp<l'lCd of. In the meantime they joined
the others in Aliporc jail.
The new arrivals made ii impo<sible for the llomb Case
prisoners to be kept cogethcr in their three-room ward. At the
suggestion of the prison doctor 1hcy were shifted to Ward 23, a
single hall capacious enough for all forty. Herc the youn)! men
passed their time in an cvcr-chJnging round of amuM:mcnts. "111cre
were game• like 'word-making and word-taking'. acting. carica·
1urc. and Ullukar's •entriloqui<m. In the evemn~ there were
 In Jail a11d in Court 183

songs by Debavraia. Ullaskar and Hem. Young Sacl11n knew no

exhaustion and was capable of making life intolerable for the
authorities and the prisoners as well. Aurobiodo spent most of his
time reading or practicing yoga; but occasionally even he took part
in the fun. lf the party inside go1 too wild one could always take a
stroll in the courtyard. There was a tap there so b:uhing was no
problem and the kitchen was near at hand. Food from outside was
now permiued and the prisoners got fish, sweets, biS(uits. and
more fruit than they could eat. All this. along with fresh dhotis and
shins, was brought by relatives and friends who thronged to 1he
jail each Sunday. During visiting hours there was so much talk and
t~rs and embracing that one could almost forget that a barred
iron window separated the visitors from the inmates. "
Meanwhile the hearing continued. The prisoners brough1 the
merriment of Ward 23 into !he counroom. If they ran out of
amusements they could always watch 1he performance of Messrs
Birley and Norton. Birley had long since ceased 10 look like a
marble-faced embodiment of Justice. He was in fact a young and
inexperienced magistrate. unduly concerned with counroom
etiquette. If the men in the dock talked too much he told them to
\land up. If a defence lawyer raised 100 many objections he told
horn to sit down. But such treatment was never accorded to the
eminent Mr Nonon. who was 11llowcd to examine an almost
unlimited number of witnc!..\CS, trying to draw out informt11ion on
the oims and extent of the compirncy. Once, one of the witnesses
mentioned Drona, u personage ·In the Mahabharata . Nonon
immediately demanded details, certain he had discovered another
member of the conspiracy.••
Not everyone enjoyed Norton's performances. Towards the
beginning of July he received the first of many letters threatening
him with death. One day after court Nonon asked Bann whether
he approved. Bario 'couneously informed me', the barrister later
wrote, ' that there was no personal objection to myself but that I
was an obstruction to justice from the point of view of the accu~ed
and that much as be would regret my disappearance he could not
forbid it.' Still , Norton was 'but "small fry". a mere porusite'.
Bario predicted (quite accurately) that there would soon be an
auempt at bigger game, a viceroy perhaps. Norton objected 'that
there was an indefinite number of noblemen to whom the position
of a Viceroy and bis emoluments would more than overcome the
184 The Bomb in 8engul

dread of a~sas~ina1ion." Barin rephed ·"11hou1 hcaf 1ha1 ·1be

supply "'ould in ume prove insuffic1en110 mec1 1hc demand .,,. On
14 Jul). af1cr s11ll more lhrea1s "ere received. a Sct111t<h rcg1men1
s1atroned 1n Calcuna wro1e a nole 10 the l>Clcaj,lucred bams1cr
,aymJt rn pan. ·if a hair or youc head L\ hanncd or if anolher
European is killed we the men of 1he Gordon ll1ghlandcrs wrll
have 11 mas,acrc for seven days. and slauitl11c1 ever) Bengali we
come acros< wilhoul any discrimina1ion wha•>ocvcr. • Nonon la1er
rcwurdcd 1hc regimen! wi1h brcakfos1 al his expense. I le lricd 10
laugh off the 1hreats. but from tbis poinl till 1he end of the trial he
kepi a lo:uJcd revolver on his brief. "
The hearini:: continued. wi1h occ;rsional adjournmenrs, ihrough
July and 1hc lir.1 pan of Augus1. The adjournmcnl~ were
nccc-sary because 1he police needed rime 10 invcs1iga1e 1he links
of 1he con,prrr11or~ 10 men in Bombay and norrhcrn Indra. Closer
10 home 1he second ba1ch of prisoners had 10 he deal1 wilh They
were produced before the coun on 2:? Jul) and 1hcrr 1rial was
scheduled 10 hegin 1he follo.,.ing week. bur heforc 1he "eek was
our 1hc 1lr!!h Court 10ok up !he rrral of the I IJm><>n Road Ann~
Acl Case Many of 1he wiln~> and la,nc" rn 1hc Alipore CMC
had 10 he prc...:nt 1hcre as well. Desprlc lhc\C comphca11on> 1he
1rml ogarns1 1he first batch went aliead There "ere still many
w11nc'""' to he called-police deloctivcs 10 dcrorl 1hcrr shadow-
ing. per-;on~ from Midnapore and Muiaffarpur 10 make ldentifica-
1io11,. Everyone bur Nonon began growing weary or 1he wholo
affair Even a columoisl in lhe A nglo· lndian paper Ct1plml wrote
1ha1 the rriril was ·fast degenerating Into a farce· and 1ha1 Nonon·s
enormous fees were ·a wanton and wicked wa,tc of public money".
l)c,pl1c hi' lac~ of sympathy for lhe uccu>cd 1hc columnis1
mnintnrneu 1ha1 1hey 100 were ·en1i1led 10 JU\licc This prolonga·
ti<m of. aflcr all. wha1 is ool) an inquiry. seriou>I) prejudices 1hem
financially The ca•e is bound 10 be comm1ncd 10 the Sessions.
Why 1hcn 1h1< delay?"• The Go\emments of Ocngal and of India
feh 1he -amc "'ay. When Lord Min10 heard 1ha1 '1he preliminary
rnqurry l"a•) nor 10 be comple1ed unlil Augus1' he ·1wicc 1m·
pre~'ed upon 1he home depar1men1 1hc rmpcral"c necessi1y of
a"o1d111g unnece"5ary delay .•,, The home depanmcn1 doub1less
found ways 10 pul pressure on Brrley. hul lh<' ma~"trn1e sat firm
and ullowcd Norion 10 call witness after wrtnc-s. Narcndra Nath
Goswami was called sevenr l times more IO am11lify his evidence.
 In Jail and i11 Court 185

One day he tool the witness box a11ircd m a rrc~h "h11e pun)Ob•
and looking. Band~ Ma/Dram sneered. ·just bke a bridcgroC1m
0

Ht> Jppcarancc contrasted starkly "'th that of his former com-

rades. who looked more and more bedra~led and unhealthy as
the ca:.e wore on .
The HJrnWn Road Arms Act Case came to an end on 1 August.
The jury found Ullaskar Dun and the Gupta brothers guilty but
acqui11cc.l the o ther three accused. The three convicts nnd one of
those acquitted. Ashok Nandi . also were accused m the Bomb
Cose und now joined the others in the Aliporc magismue·s court.
Finolly. o n 15 August the last scheduled witness wn~ heard. 1 ha t
morning Uirley received an application fro rn the Crown asking him
'to cxerc1~c lh1>] discretion and stop the enquiry·. fhc previous
day two pleaders had applied for pcm11ss1on to cross-examine
Narendra Nath Goswami on behalf or nine of the accu...:d. Wh~n
they rcnc,.cd their application on the 15th Birley passed an order
rcfu'>lng their request. He had already ' mac.le up h1~ mmd to
commit the accused·. and be ·did not want 1110 la>i fore\er". The
pleaders tlul not press the maucr. They would be able to cross-
cxaminc in the '\Css1ons coon. Tue same da) the prosecution
mformctl the magistrate that ii had more e\ldenee 10 produce.
l.ltrlcy replied lhill ·sufficient evidence has .1lready been given
l>dorc me m Ju<tifv commitment <>f the accused ancJ I wish to
etm11111t 1hl't11 wuhuut f1111her delay: ' lie thcrdore closed the
cv11k11cc 111111 .tdj<'ltmc<J the bearing until l'I Auizu\I. On that day
he crn111111u cd 1hiny of 1.llc thirty-five accu,ci.I of the first batch to
the cou rt ()f sessions, charging them with olfcnccs under Sections
121. 1211\ nnd 123 of the Indian Penal Code . ·1 he five who were
nm comrn111ed were Khudiram Bose. who had been hanged.
Narendra Nath Goswami. who had been pardoned. !WO or the
men .irrc,1cd at Harriwn Road. who had been d1'iChargcd. and
Bann Gho...,. "hom Birley charged "''th abetmcnt of the
MuLllllarpur murders. The Magistrate told Bann. who had been
bom m a London suburb. thal a_~ a Europun Bn11sh subject he
"'1~ cnutlcJ to a mal by jury before the ll1pi Court lbrin
c.lechncd to claim the pnv1lege. He prcfcrrtd l<l \land mal "ith his
co111r;.uJcs '
 18
Retribution

Barin had not lost his boldness but be was subject to fits of
depre5s1on. Often while 1he others were amusing themselves in the
ward. he lny between his blankclS oblivious of whal was goiag on.'
But soon he would rii;e and again be possessed by one of his
enlhusiasms. Eventually an ide11 1ook Corm in his brain. He and
some or 1he others would break oul or jail! I! -.ould not really be
diflicul1. They would contact friends ou1>id.: who would organi1e
everything. The friends would get 1hcm weapon~. a car, maybe
even a bomb. Visitors would smull!!IC in revolven., wax (to make
impressions of 1be keys) and acid (for 1browing on 1be guards).
The prisoners would smuggle ou1 the formula for picric acid and a
diagram of the jail. When everything was ready they would shoo1
their way 10 the wulls and climb over using rope-ladders 1hrown
from 1he 01hcr side. Then they would be driven 10 1hc river where
a boac would take 1hcm IO the impenecrable Jungles of che
Sundarban.~. just as in Bankirn's D~l'i Cliaudlwrum. Or else they
could go to the hilt• or central lnd1 ..... here Bann had searched for
the site of his temple to Bhawam There they could stay or cl~
con1inuc on to AfghanislRn. perhaps returning 111 1hc head of n
liberaling army.'
The most amazing thing about 1hi~ imaginati•c .scheme is that
part of 11 actually malcrialized. Through 1he lawyer B. C.
Chanerjce che prisoners goi in 1ouch with the revolu1ionanes of
Chanclcrnagore. who agreed to help. Srish Ghose and .Bas;intn
Bannerjce looked around the French se11lemcn1 for some
"eapons. They succeeded in finding a Royal Irish Constabulary
.45 Webley. On 23 August a sympalhizer named Sudhang.o;hu
J1ban Roy went 10 1he jail and applied for permission to vi~il
 R~1ributio11 187

Barin. When the leader came to the visitors· veranda Sudhang<hu

embraced him through the bars. The guards bad been p:ud a half-
rupec 10 look the other way. Besides by now they "'ere used to
emotional demonstrations. Nobody mlerfered with Sudhan!!-'hu"s
embrace and nobody examined the roUed-up kurta lhat Sarin took
with him back to his cell. Undertrial prisoners had the right to
wear anything they liked. What if tins of tobaooo or packs of
opium entered the Jail aloog with gifts of clothing? The guards
would get their share. •
Once the revolver was inside ii was an easy mnttcr to hide it.
Noli ni Kanta Guprn. who was the custodi:m of another weapon.
simply hollowed out a hole in the mound of brick and earth on
which he slept. When the pistol was slipped in nnd the hole wns
covered over no one could tell a lhing.' Nohni was one of the four
cho\Cn b) lot to toke pan in the jailbreak . By the end of August he
and ho\ confederates were ready; but before !hey could go .ihead
they had to ask Aurobindo·s permission. Bann -.cnt a mcs.\Cnger to
the iaol h0<p1tul "here Aurobindo was sta)ing. After heanng the
m~<cngcr out he said simply. ·1 mean to ,1;1nd trial· Characteris-
llcally however he did nothing to prevent hi~ hrolhcr frorn
proceeding But there were a number of pnsoncr<; "ho no longer
were w1llin1t to go along with Sarin'' harebrained notions. The
leaders of thl' d"s1dcnt foction were S:itycndra Nath Bo\C and
I km Ch:111drn Da,.
Satyc11, 1t will he retailed. had been arrcs1cd on 3 Muy and put
o n tri:ol ror violations of the Arms Act. lie WU< kept in police
custody until 20 June and then released on b<1il. Two weeks later
he wos convicced and sen1cnced to two months· imprisonmcnl: but
before his term was over he w.is sent up to Ahporc. The informer
had mentioned him more than once as a leading member of 1hc
secret society. Satyen was ill when arres1ed and he remained ill
during the weeks tha1 followed. He spent mcxt of h" time m the
jail hospual. Here he learned 1hat Narendra Nath planned to
implicate many new people when lhc hearing "'"' re\umcd. • It
would be point le~\ to try 10 rell Barin 1hat 1h1s """more important
than the Jailbreak.
I lem and Satycn needed another man to help them with their
plans and they decided to take Kanaolal Dutt into confidence.
Since his arrcM the bright sensitive Kanai lrnd hccomc more and
more depressed. He avoided the fun and frolic. spending most of
188 n1e Bomb ;,, Bengal

the day lying on his eanhen mound . Even the news that he had
passed his B. A. examination did not cheer him up. He was often
heard to say that ia1l·lire was not ror him: be could never stand
twenty years or ii. ' A rew da)ll> ilfter the Webley .~5 had been
smuggled in, Hem told Kanai to take ii to Satycn in the hospital.
Sat yen said it was too big and :c,kcd Kanai to bring another. When
Kanai realized what was afoot. be 1n\1sted on ioimng the plot. •
Nobody hkes to be unpopular. and Narendra Nath Goswami
was more unpopular than most. During his last dJy;. in the witness
box he had been listless and morose, always conscious of the
haLcful glances from the dock. No doubt his future looked bright .
The government had promised to send him to England when the
trial wa~ over. There he could start a new We. But would be be
safe even there? In the oounroom 1he prisoners often hissed 10
him th111 his fate was sealed. I le told a reponcr lh<ll he was
ha1rntcd by 'a peculiaF, incxplicahle feeling' regarding 'the [atal
outcome of the trial'. Pressed 10 dc!>Cribe this feeling he could only
add that he 'certainly felt \ery nervous'.• But really he had no1hing
to worry abou1. Since 1he day of his pardon he had been staying 1n
the European wurd. A convict-wurder was assigned to look after
him. Yes. he and his family would go to England and start tire
afresh . Someday, perhaps, he might even Live down the shame of
be1rayrng his comrade~
Narcndra Nath did not know Satycn well. but when he heard on
the 29th that Satyen wanted to see him, he was delighted. In the
hospital the amng prisoner told Nnren that he 100 wanted lo 1um
King's Evidence. After all. ii was jusl 1he smarl 1hing to do. Naren
1old Satyen that he ... outd speak with the authonties. Warned by
them 1hat it was dangerous for him 10 mix v.i1h the Bomb Case
prisoners, Naren, a wrestler. answered , 'Whal do I care for them.
I can manage fifty of 1hcm.' The nex1 day, Sundny, 30 Augus1,
Naren returned to the hospital and told Satyen 1hat 1he govern-
ment wa~ favorably incl.ined to his proposal . Then the t"'o
discuS!>Cd the re' ela11ons that they would make when the hearing
began the next day.•
The 30th was visiting day at Aliporc. That morning Srish Ghose
came from Cbandernagore carrying nn Osborne .311 in his pocket.
He wa~ able to pass this to Barin as easily a~ Sudhangshu had
passed him the Webley the previous "'eek. Bann took the the·
chambered pistol back to the ward and gave it to Kanailal. He or
 Re1rib1uio11 1119

course did not know Kanai and Satycn's intentions. T hat evening
Kanai complained or chest pains and fever. Sent to the hospirnl he
gave the Osborne 10 Satyen. taking from him the .45 horse-
pistol.11
At six-thirty the next morning Satyen told a watchman that he
wanted to see Narendra Nath Goswami. The watchman went to
the European ward and delivered the message. At se,en or seven-
fifteen Naren and convict-warder Higgins walked to the hosp11al.
Both were anJCious for Satyen to tum King's Evidence: Goswami
to have a companion in di<grnce, Higgins to earn credit-points that
might lead to a reduction of his sentence. To avoid being refused
they did not report their visit to the authorities. u As they walked
across the courtyard Higgins looked up and saw Satyen watching
from the veranda
Arter they climbed the stairs to the dispensary. Narcn asked
Higgins to fetch Satyen. But as the European turned to the door
Saiyen entered along with Kanai. After a moment's consultation,
the three Bengalis went to the veranda. F'lve minutes passed. Then
suddenly a shot rang out. Naren ran into the dispensary crying.
' My God, they are going to shoot me.' Higgins leapt 10 Naren's aid
but found himself facing two revolvers. • He closed with Kanai and
in the struggle was s hot through the wriSt . Naren meanwhile 'was
shivering in lhe corner of the room'. Kanai broke free and took a
sho1 nt him , wounding him in the hip. Then a hospital ~ht ant and
some prisoners rw.hcd In. Kanai threatened them and fired ln their
direction and they rushed out again The hospilal assistant ran to
inform the jailor. In the confusion Naren and Higgins stumbled
down the stairs. After a brief delay Kanai and Satyen foUowed.
Terrified and weak from their wounds. Naren and Higgins
staggered out of the hospital courtyard. Supported by one or t"o
others they moved along slowly in the direcuon of the jail offices.
At the comer of the weaving shed they met the jailor, some of his
assistants and a prisoner named Linton. Just then Kanai and
Satyen caught up with them from behind. Kanai held up his revolver
and shouted: 'Get out of the way or I'll shoot you all.' 8-eryone
obeyed except Linton who grabbed Sat yen and attempted to disarm

• In his own aocounl H1111ns uys thal Katla.1 was boldan.& 1...0 rc,·oh-'t.t'\ and
Sa1y~n one. Other t~llmony 1lso poLntcd 10 three ~Un), but the lhird 1r 11 c.t1itcd
wai never found,
190 The Bomb in Bengal

him . Dunng 1he scuflle Kanai aimed at Naren and fired. The bullet
pierced him through the spine. Splllnlllg around from 1he force or
lhe blas1. 1hc informer 'feU dying inlo the drarn'. As he lay there
Kanai and probably also Satyen fired again. Then . wi1h all bur one
or their bullc1s expended. 1hey qu1e1ly ~ubmiucd 10 cap1ure. As
they were led off Narcn was 1akcn 10 the hospital where a <hort
while la1er he was pronounced dead."
Al scven-thirry that morning most or the Bomb Case accused
were out for a stroll in 1he courtyard. Suddenly they heard the
a larm bell followed by 1he wail of the siren. An upcoun1ry prisoner
rushed in crying like a madman , 'Naren Goswami is finished!
Naren Goswami i< finished!' Before they could find our what had
happened n squad of armed policemen and soldiers swarmed into
the courtyard. The prisoners were driven back into the ward.
which was carefully searched. Then. deprived or everything but
the clothes they "ere wearing. they were marched off 10 1hc 44
degrees. This rime each prisoner was confined to a separate cell.
"lllch was changed every live or su days. The warders were
~upplcmcn1cd b) a squad of Gordon Highlanders no doubt in
rccogn11ion of their bellicose lcner. The Soo1;,mcn -..ere armed
with rillcs and had orders to sboo1 ."
For mOlil of 1he accused this was a Lime of menial suffering as
bad as or worse than after their arrest. Denied every form of
recrca1ion. able to see no one but the orderlies who brough1 them
their food and emptied lheir latrines. muny su~'Cumbed to
deprcssio11 und despair. After a While the au1horities relented a
Ii Ille and allowed 1hem to leave 1heir cells for exercise and meals.
Still forbidden to rnlk, they at least could see one nno1her. Before
long they learned 10 communicate by rapping, the universal
language of jnils. By this means and through messages senr
1hrough the sweepers jhey were able to keep up with courtroom
news. 1' During Scp1cmbcr and October there were 1"'0 main
s1oncs; the 1rial of Kanai and Sa1yen. and 1he heonng of 1he ca'iC
agarns1 the second batch of prisoners.
On the afternoon of the murder Kanai and Satyen were brought
before W. A. Marr. 1he district magistrate. Af1er recording the
stalcmem~ of Union. Higgins. the ja1lor and some Others. Marr
uskcd Kanai ir he had anything to say. Jn an a11emp110 dispel the
notion tho1 lhere were three guns (and three gunmen). Kanai said:
'I and Sn1ycndra Nath Bose and we two alone were responsible for
 Rttribution 191

the anempt .' Asked if he wished to admit taking pan on the

shooting, he dedared: 'I wish to state that I did kill him. I don't
wish to give any reason why I killed him. No, I do wi•h ro give a
reason. 11 was because he proved a rraitor to his country.' Satyen
reserved his statemenr. Marr charged both wirh murder and
committed them to trial by the coun of sessions.••
The Alipore Jail Murder Case began on 9 September 1908.
Kanai made no statemenr; Satyen pleaded not guilty. Satyen's
friend Hem bad persuaded him that it was bis duty as a revolu-
uonary to survive any way be could. ' For two days the Judge and
jury heard various witnesses. Then the judge asked Kanai of he
wanted 10 add anything 10 hos srntemen1. With 'remarkable' poi>e,
he said be wanted to rerracr 'the pan in which I said that I and
Sarycndra were responsible for the murder of Narendra. I wish to
say that I alone am responsible and no one else.' Satyen made no
further srntement. The five-man jury (two Europeans and three
Indians) were unanimous in finding Kanai guilty but divided over
Sat yen , whom they found not guilty by a majority or three to two.
The iudge accepted the verdict against Kanai but referred Sa1yen's
case to I.h e High Coun • Then 1urning to Kanai be said , 'The one
scnrencc against you is that you will be banged from the neck 1ill
you are dead.' Kanaj, ;1ccording 10 8a11d~ Macaram, 'laughed a
lau11h or merry scorn anc.I hos looks became as \tc;ic.ty and
unconcerned as before . Everyone in the coun; the puper
con1inued , 'was overwhelmed 111 rhc sight or Kanui's self
possession.· The judge was anxious to have the-sentence executed
as quickly as possible. Ile was reminded that the prisoner had the
right t0 an appeal. 'If you refer an appeal you will have to do it in
seven days.' he said. 'There shall be no appeal,' Kanai answered.••
Sat yen's reference was heard by the High Coun from 15
October, Kanai's sentence being sent for confinna1ion at the same
time. On the 21st the two iudgcs ruled that 'with respect 10 Kanai'
they had ' no ahernali'e but 10 confirm the senrencc of dea1h in his
case'. In respect to Salyen they had ' no doubt that Satycndra and
Kanai were acting in full concen'. Though it appeared thm ull rhe
shots fired by Sa1yen·s 'small and unrrusrworthy weapon' had
missed their mark. ' there can be no doubt that he did not fail to kill
Gossain for the want or trying.· They rherefore round him guilty and
scnrcnced him ro death ... The narionalist press was bitterly cri1ical
or this decision. 'In a Bririsb law-coun the verdict or not-guilty
192 The Bomb in Bengal

pa'iS<?d by :1 ma1on1y of the jury would ba•c rcsuhcd m 1hc prompt

acqu111al of Satyendra'. complained the /luwruh J/uaisJti. Instead
the """ions 1udge had referred 1he ca'<! 10 the ll1gh Court and.
dc>p11c 1hc reservations of Mr Ju•llCC Sharfud1hn. the court had
sentenced him 1odealh. The vcrd1c1 . wro1c Aflm/11/011. ·1cadsonc 10
think that 1heir Lord,h1p-; held a bnct for the 1mi«:<ution· ·'
Kanililal l)un's cxecmion was ">el fat IO N1wcmbcr. On 1he 91h
the sentries allowed the other prisoners 10 >ec him. To Upen
Kanai h race seemed more p~aceful thJn a >ainn•• w11hnut ·a line
0

of care or <hudow of despondency'. The ncxc morning people

began gathering around the jail long before dawn. Three hundred
11rmed policemen were brought Crom Fort William 10 deal with any
dcmons1ra1ion. Promp1ly al six the bolt• or Kan;u 's cell clanked
open The twcn1y-ycar-old walked briskly 10 che gallows in a
procc\,ion 1hai was led by Police Commi;.\iOncr 11.illida) and 1he
dosmct mag1'1rate. According 10 the Bmgalte Kanai stood firm
and creel a, the noose was adju;1cd around h1~ neck A ·serene
,m1lc· lingered on hos lips unul the last moment A Furopean "ho
witnc,-,cd the hanging lacer asked Bann: 'lfo" many hoy. like this
do )OU have'!'
Afler being kept suspended for an hour Kana1 ·s bod} was cut
down and m;1de over to his relati\'eS. Placu1g II on o flower-decked
charpoy, 1hcy started uff in 1he direction of 1hc Ganges. Thou-
sand' of hnrcfom mourners joined the proees,ion. probably tho
lorgc;,i und ccnainly the most memorable thot Colcuua had ever
seen. On 1hc rooftops women wailed while on the s1ree1s
i.pccia1or; and marcher-; c:ried 'Jai Kanaf :ind 'Bonde Mataram'.
As 1hc) paM1cd Kalighac temple a wiicncd Brnhni1n c:11nc out and
gurlandcd the we<1vcr-castc hero. Special pr<1yer; were offered to
chc goddcs•. At che burning gha1 counclc<> moume.- were "aiting,
among them hundre<Js of high-caste women who had lefl 1he
SCciU'10n ol purdah LO be present. Some ono1nlcd l{ana1's hmbs
with •andalwood pu\le and 'ermillioo "hilc others filled his mouch
w11h clum111amr11a. a mixture of milk. coconul "Jtcr and other
rngred1encs ble'>Sed by the goddess Kah. lhs b<ldy "as '!>mothered
under heaps of flowers'. Copies of chc Gita and 01hcr scripcures
were placed <>pen upon his breasc. I Its hair wa; <horn. locks being
kept U> rchcs. The mourners sang patrio1ic song,• und shouted
'l3a11dc Ma1ar111n'. A t length Kanai's body w;t< laid upon a pyre of
sund(llwood. I lis brother applied lhc sacramcnwl Ore lO his mouth
 Rerributio11 193

and othc~ scrambled up to torch the pyre. Arter the body had
been consumed hundreds pushed rorward to 1alce handfols or bone
and ashes. So man) reliquaries were filled that •nothing was ldt for
throwing in the Ganges'. "
For days aflerwards the city' s 'native quarter' was plunged in
gloom. Tiic demand for Kanai's ashes was so great (claimed a
police orficial) that 'the supply was made to suit the demand'. 1he
British, shuken by the 'wild scene' at the ghat. decided that
nothing like it shou ld ever happen again . When Satycndra Nath
Bose was c~ecuted on 21 November. the authorities made his
relatives cremate his body in the juil courtyard. "
The assassina1ion of the approver and the martyrdom or Kanai
and S:otyen 'introduced ao element of exaltation that upheld publk
morale' Aher three months the Bomb Cuse had 'lost the charm of
novelty' and people were 'beginning to doze over ii'. Now 11 was
again the talk or the town, the assassins' danng the subject of
general admiratton. " When news or the death or the traitor
reached one •mall village a thanksgiving ser.1ce was held and the
women blew conch-shells for joy- Similar celebrations "'ere held in
other places. including Narcndra Nath·s hometown of Serampore.
One An!JIO-lndian paper reported with wmc shock that ·not a
single exprc,<oon of sorrow was beard for Narendranath '. The
Bengali co111muni1y seemed lo be ·well pleased at the outcome or
this deed of blood'.» Even the natiooahM press was nonplussed by
the dnimatic evidence of Bengal's changed mood. In distanl
Lahore the l'1111jabre commented: ''Thul Hindu boys. Bengalis in
particular, would be led to adopt methods und means so dangerous
and dcspcrale . .. would not have been even dreamed u twelve-
month ago.' The blood-lost, wro1c the Am111a Bazar Patrika. was
the result of 'the materialism of the Wesf The British-owned
S1a1eJmtm blamed it on oriental craftiness. The murder or the
appro•cr was. tt said, the ·cowardly assassinatton or an unarmed
man by men "ho "ere provided with deadly weapons'. • But other
Anglo-Indian edit01$ found something to adnure in Kanai and
Satycn·s sclr-sacrifice. Replying to the S1a1w11011, the editor of the
Pionetr, no friend of Indian nationalism. wrote in a remarkable
but not un·British vein:

'Cowardly- the deed mos1 certainly v.·as not. An act of this kind co1nmittcd
wilh.in the four walls of a jail allows. no hope of csc11pe: lhc only
194 Th" Bomb in Bengal

alternative left is between •ut<oJc ind the gallows. Sud1 a cnn1c nuy be
properly d<=ribed u d<>per:t1c action. but it os fatuo"' 10 call it a
rownrdly one. Murder though 11 hns only one pumi>hmcnt has many
degrees of blackn.,._<, ancf on ony fair view this Aliporc crime npproachcs
the hue or grey as much "-' uny ••ctiun of the kind c11n do. • •111c law will
tnkc It~ cuurse d11ubllcss none the les•. •nd justice indeed i• pnrticularly
bound co avenge the 1nfornlcr, whorn the executlvt> Govcrn1ncnt has
foiled 10 protect: but "'hen we come 10 ethical judgn><nl' "'"arc clear of
the Codes, and instead of burym3 the question in a heap of inrgon 11 tS
better to endeavour to p<1t thong. on their true light. . If the Bengali< h~e
to enthrone these rwo young men hereafter in popular rcmcmbranoe as
ano•h~r Harmochus and Aristogcuon i1 1s no1 easy to .sec how anyone
could justly object to the selection.•

The Pioneer's editorial sparked off a furious debate in the press.

British and Muslim wrilcrs condemning, nationnllst writers
applauding the paper"s outspokenncs.~. Samlltya observed: ·What
would !he Sarkar Bahadur [British Govemment[ have done if any
Native newspaper had published such an article? It would certainly
have been caught Ill the net or sedition. Oh. what a difference
colour makes."'
In the days !hat followed lhe assassinallon both Anglo-Indian
and na11onalis1 newspapers speculated on the effeC1 11 would have
on the 1rial. One thing wa., certain: there would be no Kmg's
Evidence againsl the second bnich. Narendra Na1h ' was 10 have
gone into !he box and told of all Ihat he knew rcla1ing to the deeds
of these men' on the 3 lst, observed the Be11g11lee. lie therefore
had to be 'got rid or immcdintely' if the second batch 'were to
benefit by his dealh'. By killing him when they did Kanai and
Satyen saved the necks of many of tbei.r comrade•. The question
remained as 10 'what use the Crown can make of Goss:iin's
[Goswami'sl testament in the Sessions trial' against the first batC'.h
of prisoners. 'Some ha~ gone so (ar as to suggest' reported the
Bmgafee on 3 September, ' that the oonfession or Goswami will no1
be admissible since the accused had put in a petition 10 cross-
cxnmine'. If this were true ii would show that 'the crime was well
lhought out and th.at lhe accu~ed arc ns vern:d in law as in bomb-
making'• ., The Empirt however wrote that it was 'the opinion of
Members of the Calcutw Bar that Gossain 's depositions can be put
in before the Judge'. since 'the pleaders representing lhc accused.
in e~ery instance, so far as can be recalled. reserved lhe right of
 Retribution 195

~xamination of Gosain, intending to put him to Che test in

the SeS1.ions Coun.' Bue the Empiu also mentioned that 1t was
'said in a cenain quaner that Mr Birley, the Commilling
Magistrale, in one instance refused the nght of cross-examin·
acion'. llad he done so the approver's lcscimony would be
inadmissible. Bui ~ince there appeared to be no record of such a
blunder. it seemed cenain that 'the remarkable ccslimony of
Gossain will be pul in and accepted in the case brought against the
Manicktollu and Ha~rison Road group of prisoners.' The Empire
foresaw however that 'the point will be one round which a wordy
legal battle will be fought."'
One ccnain result of Goswami's killing was the abandonment or
failure of several cases brought against persons he meniioned in
his testimony. The most imponant of these was rhe planned
prosecution of three men of wealth and position· C C. Dull.
Subodh Mulhck and Abinash Cbakrabutty. Unfortunately for the
go•crnmem the approver's testimony was the only significant
evidence again" them and wllen be died the proposed~ were
allowed 10 drop. Oun. a judge in Bombay Presidency. remained
under susp1e1on-a senior civil servant who investigated hlS case
was ·~nvinced of the moral cenainry of his compliciry' -but after
an enforced rwo-ycar leave he was allowed to resume his duties.
Tr"n,fcrrcd 10 Upper Sind the 'disloyal iudgc' completed his ierm
In clo<ely wmchcd obscurity. Abinash Chakrabutly nlo;o remained
under suspicion and was dismissed froni hi> position ns govern·
ment 1111msif. Subodh Mullick. nfler repealed ~Cilrches and
harassment, was deported in December under Regulation 111 and
spent fourteen months in jail. "
The dcnth of the approver also bad an immediate effect on the
case agoinsr the second barch of prisoncni . The depositions of
witnesses continued until 14 September, but without Narendra
Nath's testimony the prosecution's case foundered Still. the
magistrate commined all but one of the eight men before him."
The exception was Swami N1ralamba abas Jaun Boncr11. The
former leader had been an impressive Mght in the oounroom,
clolbed 1n saffron robes and bearing 'a most sinking aspect'." His
discharge aroused suspicions that he had come 10 an agreement
with the police ; but this impression was unfounded. The revolu-
tionary swami kept his interest in the struggle, giving advice in later
years to 1erroristS like Ja1in Mukherjee and Jadugopal Mukherjee.
196 Tlit Bomb in Bt11g11/

While the hearmg of the case agamsl the ...:coml ba1ch was
under WU) 1he magistrate had al'<O 10 dcill w11h lhe case: aj!ainst
Banndra Kumar Gho.c. Bann had been chMj!Cd m Auj!uSl only
v.11h ubc1mcn1 of 1he murders of Ml'> :md Mi<\ Kenned~- The
pro«:euuon wan1cd him also io be comm111cd undc1 1hc Chap1er
Vt (non·Jury 1nal) section> wi1h whith 1hc 01hcr\ had been
charged. Birley refused, saying 1hat Darm could he 1r1ed la1cr
under 1hcsc scc1ions if it proved necessary. I he govcrnmcm was
1101 hrqlpy wilh 1his decision. I f Darin were 1101 1rled wi1h 1he
others the 1>rosecu1io11 111igh1 not be able to 11\C his oonrc,sinn 10
prove 1hc charge of conspiracy. ·niere was even n chuncc thni if he
was ucquiltcd or abe1menl he might be lei off alwgethcr. The
governmen t lhcrcforc ins1ruc1ed Norton 10 mo•C 1hc I ligh Court
m in1cr.cnc On 2 September 1he court 1mlcrcd Birley 10
d1<,Chargc B.irin or 10 commit lum for 1rial under Secuons 121.
121A und '-0 fonh Birley chose 10 commit him under 1hese
sec11on< Since Bann sull declined l11e privilege of being rried as a
European-horn Bri1ish sub1ect. Birley dircclcd him lO ;1ppear
ulon~ wnh 1he Cllhers Ill the Ahpore <-OUrl or \C'\<IOn'
 19
Before Mr Beachcroft

The Aliporc Bomb Case was given to Charles Po nen Deachcroft,

addi1ionnl di,1ric1 and SC$ionsjudge of24 Pargana< and Hooghly.
Ironically 1he judge and the principal accused hod been a1
C11mbr1dgc together, Beachcroft at Clare College and Aurobindo
at nc1ghbounng King's. Both had passed into the Indian Ci•il
Service on 1890. Aurobindo standing cle,en1h. Beachcrofl 1hir1y-
shth among 1hc selected candidates. In the entrance cxaminauon
Beachcroft had done particularly well in Greek, being bettered in
that subJCCt only by Aurobindo. But, to give a further twist to the
talc, Bcuchcrof1 did be11cr 1han Aurobindo 1n Bengali , a language
they both lcnrncd during tl1eir ICS studies al Cambridge. In 1892,
the yctu Aur1>hmdo wa< rcjtc1ctl from lhc service, Beachcroft
began his c1irecr in the Bengal cadre of the ICS. Af1cr rising to the
grade of magisirntc and district collect()r he swilchcd to the
judiciul side and in 1905 was appointed district and sessions judge,
third grade. He musl have been surprised when he heard that his
old classmate had been charged with a capital offence. During
their Cambridge days Aurobindo had been anything bul a
firebrand . When the case fell to Beachcroft no one suggested that
he should rcfu~ ii on account of his acquaintance with one of the
accused During his years oo the bench he had impressed 1he
government, 1he Bar 3Jld the pubbc with his 'mflex1ble ~nsc of
jusucc'.'
Beachcroft and Aurobindo may have got a glimjN: of one
another on 26 September. when Aurobindo. guarded by several
armed sergeants, was driven to the cour1 to meel hi> w1ki/. This
mun w:1s pan of the defence team •hat had been handling 1he case
in the magisinue's court. In the sessions c0<..t a hurri~tcr of slature
198 The Bomb i11 8t11gal

would be needed; but banisrers or Marun: co~t money. Aun:>·

bondo'~ uncle Knshna Kiimar Mitra. a Moderate polirician and
editor. had been trying to rollecr fund~ for Auroh1ndo's defence
~rncc early June. An appeal pubhshed over rhe name of Auro-
bindo·s SISier had been carried by narionah,t ncw-.papc" aero«
the counrry. Early r<"ponsc was encouraging. wnhrn a few days
RJ. IS.000 were received.' Paper. hkc /Jarult Mararam prinred
hcan-warming srorics of contributions by persons of small
mean~. most notably a blind beggar of Calculta named Chima-
mani. Five· and ten-rupee subscriprions were scnl from ns far
uwuy ns Poona. Pondicherry alld Durb1u1. Soulh Africa. The
rich were nor so generous. bur one mM of Calcutta 1ore a gold-
mohur ornamcm Crom his chain and offered Ir lo the fund . '
Oc~pitc 'uch gesrures only Rs 23.000 had come in by Augusr. A
bare minimum of Rs 60.000 was needed. People evidently were
afraid thar 1he authorities would be d1~r·lcascd 1f the) gave
monerary :mi~rancc ro ·anarchists'. The CID 1n facr did keep
track of conrriburors and the C:ilculla pohce h.ira«>ed Knshna
Kumar ~fora. 'ICarchrng his house and c.1rryin~ a"ay 'Orne
papers Six months laler rhc Bengal Go\·crnmcnt depor1ed
Krishna Kumar and cighl others under Rcgula11or1 111 of llll 8.'
After a number of pos1ponements the Homb l'rial opened on 19
Oc101>cr 1908. Unprecedented security precuuliOM were observed.
Early 1hat morning a >quad of policemen took posi1ions around
1hc cnurlroom. At nine-thirty 1hc aocuscd were brought from the
jail ond half nn hour la1er were made to stand in 1hc dock. Sachin
Sen. ill with fever. was allowed to lie in a stre1chcr. There were
1hir1y-sevc11 prisoners in all. thirty from 1he tir>i bat~h nnd seven
from 1he ;ccond. All of them. reported /Jallllr Mawram. were
' pale and cmacia1ed' , panicularl) Aurobindo who ' looked like rhe
ghos1 of hi5 former lean self . Fifteen bams1ers. pleaders and
val.1ls appeared for the defer.cc. Chief among them was B)om'cesh
Chal.rnban1... leading member or 1he Calcuua ~1r. "'ho had been
engaged ro appear for Aurobindo. P. M11rn. rhc pugnacious
barri~tcr who six years earlier had helped to found 1hc secret
i.oc1e1y. appeared on behalf of Ashok Ntmd1. Indra Nandi and
DcbaHato Hose. The prosecu1ion was led b) Eardley Norton.
U\>ISled by Messrs Barron and Withall and the Pubhc Prosecutor
Ashu1osh lli~wos. Several members of 1hc pohec force were a1
their disposal. noltlbly C ID detective Shamsul Alam. At e leven·
 B~fore Mr Beachcroft 199
1wen1y-five the juuge moun1ed 1he bench und che trial begun. •
Selling a prcccdcnl that would be followed by boch pru;cculion
and defence in the monchs lo come. Chakrabnr1i spent most of chc
flr>t dai raising technical objection>. all or which were SCI Mide.
Not until the second day were the accused persons charged. All of
1hem pleaded no1 ii111hy Barin Gh<>l>C then announced 1ha1 he
wished to withdraw 1he <,1atement he had gl\en to the mag1>lr:tte
arter his an'CSI . The 01hersurviving men "ho had given Ma1cmcn1s
followed suil. This cau~ed n Aurry of exci1cmen1 in the courl. The
prosecu1ion's ci"c wn• t>ased on these conrcssions and it wa> no1
immediately apparcru how their withdrawal would atrecc the
oou rse or the tnal The neict order of bu,rncss was the selcCCl(JO or
che ao;sessors. 1he men who would 'advise' the judge in th1• lrial
wi1hou1 a iury. Two Bengalis. Guru Oa• Bose. a schoolma"er.
and Kedar Nath Chal!CrJCC, a clerk, were >Clceled. ' Once these
prcliminarie• were over. Nonon bc!!an his presenta1ion 1lr che
government 's cusc. I It: cxpluined the ·ncnning or lhe scc1ions
u11der which the :iccuscd persons were charged. If they 'by any
overt act did something 10 subvert the Briu,h rule'. 1hey were
guilty of an offence under Section 121 :and liable to the ~upreme
punl\hmem. I( they con<;pired 1oge1hcr al'aan.i the (!O\ernmenl
the\ "ere gu1hy under Section 121A and hahle to 1mpn"4>nmcn1
hn a l\!rm C'\tcntf1n~ to hfe. Norton look a con,1dcra.ble arnount of
11111c Ill cxpluan 1hc meaning and 1mplaca11ons of oon>p1r;1cy in
lndmn law. 'l,l 1w1l ,,, more persons have U~'iOCillletl together' for
"" illq1,~I end and an ·overt act' has taken place. 1ha1 was
conspiracy. H 1h1~ could be proved. 'whatever h:t-• been done or
'poken or wnnen bv anyone will not only incriminate him hu1 will
rncriminate all the rc,t'. It was the gmcrnmem's con1en11on tha1
a ll thtrty-o;even men 111 the dock had con~p1rcd 1oge1her and all
1herefore "ere 111cnmina1ed in four illc!lal ac1" chc 1hrcc u11empl'
10 mine 1he licu1ennn1-govemor's 1ra111 nnd rhe allempi a~a1 n>1
Kingsford that rcsul1cd in the deaths or Ml'\ and MiSl; Kcniwuy.
(The Chamlcrn:1gore bombing. which 1ook place in l'rcnch
territory. was left out of consideration. I N.mon dealt more briefly
with the 01her cwo charges. rr the prisoner~ made preparation~ 10
O\enhrow the go•ernmcnt or concealed a design 10 do "° 1hey
were liable Lou 1erm of imprisonment under Sc<11ons 122 or 12.1. •
For the rest of the 201h and for all of the five days that followed
1hc prosecuclon presen1cd 1he his1ory of 1hc secret society ('1111r1
200 The Bomb in Btrigol

was then ad1ourned for several days due to the ill health or Sachin
Sen and Narendra Nath Bakshi. In the interim 1hc authorities
devised more rigorous security measures. Fearful 1ha1 1he re•nlu-
tionarks ·would jump out aod murder the judge·. the police
enclosed the dock in a frameworl of wood .ond wire ncmng. To
cn1er this cage the prisoners bad t(J p;i\s through a ga1e that was
locked behind them . An armed sentry was po~tcd at the cnlrance.
European sergean1s holding rifles with fixed bayone1s ~mod by 1he
dock and 81 C\'ery door or the.courtroom. ' The silUijliOll gnt worse
before it go1 better. Once the police discovered that 11 hole had
been cut in the netting. From the next day 1hc prisoners were
made to wear handcuffs eveo while silting in the dock. L111er a
chain was pas.-;ed 1hrough the manacles.• It was qui1e illegal to
treat undcnrial prisoners like 1his and a ques1ion was asked in
Parliament The Government of Bengal replied disingenuously
thal the handcuffs and chains were removed when 1he prisone"
reached the counbousc. " In any evenl 1hey were no1 used in the
counroom for long. For one 1hing the prisone" 'IOOn discovered
how 10 undo them. One day counsel for 1he defence drew 1he
judge·s ancntion 10 the fetters and chains. W11h & l\reat clanking of
iron the prisoners raised their bands. The 1udge protested his
inabilny to i111erfere with the arrangements mude by 1he police.
Thereupon the prisoners lowered their hand;., undid 1he handcuffs
and held them up again. ' If in any case 1hey elm release
1hcm~clves. o f what value is this arrnngemcnl?' nsked Beach·
croft. " Evc111ually the police came 10 feel the same way; but they
were never entirely a1 ease wi1h 1he prisonc!"l>. One dny a piece o f
metal resembling a chisel was round in the dock. II was explained
that this was ·used by the boys for cutllng 1hcir Mils' . The
authorities were no1 amused. "
The prisoners were .not unhappy about the new set-up. Insidc
1he cage lhC) could go about their businc..s "' 1hough no1hing
unusual was happening. Occasionally they lt~tened 10 1he de(10'>i-
tions. pan iculnrly if the wi1n~ was en1enatntng• but for 1hc mos1
pan 1hey read. talked or otherwise divencd themselves. Splll up
1n10 ba1ches or four or live according 10 tempcr-Jmcnl. Ihey talked
of revolu1ionary politics or spiri1ual phtlo,ophy. Some1imes 1hese
discussion• became rather anima1ed. panicularly when rival
faction~ disagreed. IF the commo1ion in the dock became too lllud
the judge cried out. ·t..ess noise. Less noi&c there: If 1hc prisoners
 Before Mr Beachcro/1 201

djd no1 comply he 1hrea1ened them wi1h handcuffs and 1f 1h1s fatled
with the ulumate punishmen1: 'Jf you don·1 stop. your tiffin will
stop.' This never failed to produce the desired result. for lunch in
court was the prisoners· principal meal. Rclauves and friends
brough1 /11rhis. pota1oes. friners and sweets-quite a contrast
from the gruel given in jail. Once the police had mspcc1ed the food
for bombs and revolvers they handed it over to the hunj\ry young
terrorists. •t
Early in November two important questions concerning the
admissibility o r evidence were resolved. On the 61h 1he prosecu-
tion n1>plicd 10 pu1 in 1he testimony of the 11ss11ssinnted approver.
Narcndrll Nath Goswami. The defense objected on 1he grounds
that ii had not been allowed to cross-examine him. Magistrate
Birley wus called in 10 depose. He cluimcd that the pleader who
put in the application to cross-examine 'did not know what was in
it' The defence had desired 10 cross-examine only ·on a few
po1n1s· and did no1 consider i1 particulatly 1mportan1. When he
refused permission "the defence did no1 push ii and I did no1 push
11° and 1he marter was allowed 10 drop. lo fact by refusing 1be
application Birley had ' violated the law". • In the onhnary course
of evcn1s ii would no1 have mattered since the approver would
h11vc been cro•s-examined in Missions. But now the approver was
<knd Hc.1chcmft <on\idcred the question for 1wo tlays and when
rnurl 1copcncd on the 91h said tlrnt ns ·sufficient 01>ponunity was
11ot 11.1v.:11 to the accu~cd to cross•examine', the opprover"s
testimony was invalid. " This ruling changed the whole complexion
of the trial.
In 1he wake of Beachcroft's decision people speculated tha1
Kanai and SG1yen had killed Narendra Nath with the deliberate
mtcntion or invalidating his 1e~timony. " It is highly unlikely lha1
they did. It is pan or 1he unwritten code of rcvolu1ionaries that the
penally for 1reachery is dea1h. Kanai and Satycn were willing 10
carry out this scn1ence. Their ac1 was not so minutely considered
as legend would have 11. bu1 this in no way d1m1n1shcs their
heroism .
Beachcrofl's ruling in regard 10 1he other question or admissi-
bility or evidence was less favourable to the defence . In regard to
the confessions he declared that their withdrawal affected 1heir
value bu1 not 1heir admissibiU1y." These freely given s tatements
remained the core of the government"s case anti all but assured the
202 The Bomb i11 Btngal

convicuon of the men who gave them. On account of this Nonoo

spenl comparatively little time dcahng w11h 1hcm What was
difficult from the go..-ernmenl"s pomt of \IC" "'ere 1he cases
againM 1hc men who had not conf~d. had not l>een mentioned
in lhe ronfcs\ion• and could not be connected dirccily with any
overl ac1. In o;cssions the prosccu11on mHdc " long.<Jra ..n-0ut
cffon to prove the oomplic11y of pcrw11~ 111 1h" c:uegory.
par1icula1 ly Aurubindo. To lhis end' Nonon recalled most of the
whncs~c' who had deposed before the magistrate. All told 206
person$ were examined and cross-examined and 1438 exhibits
were filed . Those like lhe viceroy who hoped for u swif1 verdict
soon resigned themselves, not withou t complaining. to a long
winier."
II would prove 10 be a season 1ha1 the government would not
louk bac~ on with pleasure. On 7 No,embcr the outgoing
hcutenant·go•ernor. Sir Andrew Fraser. -..ent to addrC'ls n public
mcellnj! al Ovenoun Hall. A student named Jnimdranath
RaichJudhun "'ent up 10 him. pulled out a p1~tol and fired twice at
po1n1 Mank range. Miraculously bolh shoi. m1<Wd fire. Ouc,11oned
as to his mouves, Ja11ndranath explained· ·If we kill one 1.-G other
1.-a·, w1ll li'ien to our gnevances.' He added. ·we don·1scruple10
commn murders; the British themselves have got 1hc country by
blnod·shcd. Murder is nol a sin when ll is a neces>ny. ·II transpired
thul the young man was from Arbelia, 1hc hmnc town of Abinash,
Suilcn and Dindnyal. all of whom be k:new . lie ulso claimed 10 be a
rclu1ivc of Auroblndo and Sa1yen. Their arrest and Khudiram's
hnnging 'brought a spell of fanaticism' in his mind. cau~ing him 10
volun1ccr for his dangerous mission "
Bengali terrorist~ had a bad h11bi1 of nussing l3r111;h iargcL~.
The) "'ere more successful in killing their own countrymen. On 9
November. two days after the auempt on Sir Andrew. Nandalal
13ancrjce. the sub-inspector wbo had earned Rs SU!MJ for tracking
Prafolla Chaki to his doom. was shot dead 1n a Calcuna ,1reet.
After he fell his assailants 'stooped over h1~ pro<tra1e body and
discharged shot after shol inlo if. Four day> later Sukumar
Chnkrabani. n member ofthe Dacca Anush1lan "'ho had agreed 10
give e'idcnce against Pulin Das. the sam11i's leader. wa, found
brurnlly murdered and decapitated. In both ca<,es 1he police could
make no arrest~. " Frustrated by the innbih1y of the law 10 prevent
such ou1rnges. 1he viceroy asked the sccrcl:lry of slate for
 Befort Mr Btachcroft 203

permission m deport suspects ·w11hou1 pre-.ous s.ancuon · Morley

WiLS reluc1an1. bu1 fearing the effect 1ha1 Min10·~ 1hrea1ened
res1gna1ion "'ould have on lhc reforms 1hey v.crc gc111ng ready 10
announce. gave his consent 10 the deponaunn •of 1hc ins1iga·
tors·. tl Minto responded by deportiog not jusl Puhn D•IS and his
hcu1cnan1 Dhupcsh Nag. bm also seven other Bengali leaders.
among them Aswini Kumar Dull and Knshna Kumar Mura. who
had no connection with the 1erroris1s Thi< arhitrary use of
Rcgulnlion Ill so<rn became a nc11lesome issue in Pnrlinmcm.
Fonumucly for the Alipore prisoners Krbhnu Kumar had been
able 10 make arrangeml!nls for their defence before hi> deporta-
tion . Since few of 1he prisoners' relatives had enough money 10
engajtC lcit:tl help. it was decided 10 use Aurobrndo 's defence fund
for as many of them as possible. But the fund was in foci 100 small
10 sausfy e•-cn one experienced barrister After representing
Aurobindo for a month. and taking all but Rs 6000 of the fund.
Byomkcsh Chakrabarti told Krishna Kumar thal he ... ould have to
engage ;,omeonr else. l n desperation Krishna Kumar "ent to
Ch111aran1an Das. then a brielless barrister with hnlc counroom
cxpcncnec. Oa.s had l::nowo Aurobindo since their student day" m
Englund and hkc horn had long been mvol\l!d in nationalist
pohlk\. In 1902 he had been a member 1lf Aurnhindo'~ \hOrl·livcd
rcvc>l11111111ar1 roundl. Krt\hna Kumar offered tum the R; 6000
thut r<"""nwd und heggi;d hini m lake up the case . Da' ugrced and
threw hnmcll into 1hc defence.'' lie firM u11pcrircll rn the
C()UrllOOlll along with Ch:1kravur1i o n 1(1 Nc)vcmhcr.,. f-rom lhnt
point. though Chrilrnbarli showed up occasionally for several
weeks, the defence was in Das·s hands.
D.1~» '>lrateg) was to minimize lhe imponnnce of 1he overt acts
und challenge the ICjtitimacy or 1hc 1estimonial and documentary
evidence. In regard 10 the charge that the prisoners had waged
w._1r. he 11l~1'itcd that 1he various attcmpL~ dt n.ssass1nntion were
isolated acts done ·for rhe purpose or redl'l!~mg private wrongs".
De~p11c Bencherofl"s decision with reg•rd h> the confC'>1nns. he
msl\led 1ha1 they ought 001 to be used lie and 01hcr defence
law~ers raio;ed innumerable objections on po1nh of law. \uh1cc1ed
the prosecution's witnesses to very lengthy and minu1e cross-
examination, and objected to ·practically cvcl) document" 1ha1
could 1101 he shown ·10 be in the writing of 'omc one or other of
the accused'. This last 1ac1ic wa• u,cd often 111 1hc case of
 The Bomb in Bengal

Aurobindo. pa!1icularly in regard to the 'sweets letter'."

Throughout the presentation or the evidence, the prosecution
kepi trying to bring Aurobindo into the picture. generally without
success. During December Nonnn called 3 number of witnesses
from Midnapore and made them relate the ~tory of the previous
year's conference in the minutest detail. All he could show was
thal Aurobindo was the leader of the Extremists. This or course
was not an offence, though to Norton the Extremist Puny was pan
of an insidious conspiracy that bad spread to every corner of the
land . In Dengal its tentacles included Chhalrfi Bhandar, the
'student's store' whose prospectus Aurobindo had signed; Bande
Mataram, Jug11n1ar and other .Extremist papers; the ' bomt> factory'
at 1larrison Road and of course the Garden . Through December
and January Norton attempted to unravel the threads of this
widespread plot .
Meanwhile outside the cou11room the actual revolutionary
movement- not as romantic as Norton's but more dangerous to
the Empire- was vigorously exp311dmg. In v.estem and northern
India action was confined for the most pan to riots and petty aru
of vandalism. But in Bengal the seed Aurobindo , Barin and their
associates had planted was bursting out in almO>t c•ery district.
There were bomb·finds in Nadia, Midnapore and Chandemagore
and dacoities in Dacca, Hoogbly , Maida and Mymcnsingh . The
government responded by passing emergency legislation and
t>anning suspect organizations." But neither this nor the nine
deportations could stem the tide. After a lull at the beginning of
the year the revolutionaries t>rought terrorism to the very door of
the Aliporc Sessions Court. On JO February Ashutosh Biswas,
public prosecutor in the Bomb Case. had some work to do at the
nearby magistrate•s court. As be was leaving that courtroom a
youth named Charu Qlandra Bose walked up and pumped five
bullets into his body. Charu Chandr11 &ucceeded where Jatindra-
nath Ratchaudhuri had failed even though one of h1~ hands was
cnppled. He simply strapped the pistol to his bad hand and used
the other to pull the trigger. At four-th111y an orderly went to the
sessio ns court and announced that Asbutosb B1swas was dead. 'In
an unnatural folscno' a stunned Bcachc~ift blu11ed out : · Ashu
Babu. the Public Prosecutor, js.sbot?' 'Hon Hurur,' confirmed the
orderly." Cuurl was adjourned for the day. As Lhc prisoners were
driven bock to Lhe jail, they had the satisfaction of knowing not
 Before Mr Beachcrofr 205

only !hat the work they had started was prospering. but alw that
the man some considered I.h e mainStay of the prosecution (Nonon
bcmg more bluff than brains) would no longer be ~ing his skills
agamst them . "
But now the case was approaching its close. On 12 February,
owing co ob1ec1ions from the defence, Beachcrof1 reformulated
the charges againsc lhe lhiny-six remaining accused. (The thiny-
scvench, Choru Chandra Roy of Chandernagore. had been
released at the instance of the French Government.) The accused
dill n(lt benefit from the changes, since the judge made Che terms
more explicil. Two weeks later, after the last of the evidence was
heard. Bcachcroft called each of the accused 10 che witncs~ b<>K.
Mose >aid nothing beyond their name, facher's name, caste,
occupation and address, adding !hat they bad given full m,truc·
tions 10 their anomeys. Some like Nolini Kanta Gupta refuted
>peettic piece, or evidence wilh a series of false stacemcnts. Sushi!
Sen did not bother to do even this. To the amusement and chagrin
of the assembled lawyers, he declared that he would not make any
Matemcnt smce ·anything I say might be twisted into law'.,.
On 4 March Norton closed bis evidence and began his conclud·
1ng 'tatcmcnt. It took him more than two weeks to 1ircsent lhc
go•crnment's case. Mosr of his oration wa~ given over co an
el<1boratc 111tcmp1 10 prove Aurohindo's comphci1y. This man,
Nmton 11'scr1cd, though 'poss.."SSed of qual111cs for nbovc the
or<linury 1u11', h:ul been driven by rcligio·politicnl funnticism to
launch u conspirncy against lhe King-Emperor. He could not be
shown 10 have taken part in any illegal act, but he was unqucs·
1ionubly 'the guiding spirit of the whole gang' and must be
convicted. If it had not been for the murder or Narendra Nath
Goswami. Aurobindo's complicity would not be m question. But
even without that testimony mere was a convmcing ma~ of
circum>1antial evidence against him. The 'i.chool' al the Garden.
of which he wa. part owner, ,.as structured on hoes laid down 1n
his 8/tawani Mnndir. It was impossible to believe that Aurobindo
dill not ~now what was going on there . The 1n11tals 'A.O.'
appearcll in an incriminating comext in a notebook found at the
Garden. Aurobindo's brother was the group·~ acknowledged
leader. Another conspirator, Abinash Bha11achuryn, looked after
Aurobindo's household Documents like the ·sweets lc11cr· and
the 'i.cribblings' provided incontrovertible pro(lf thnt Aurobindo
206 Tht Bomb i11 Bt11gal

wa> in•ohed in the plot. Norton ~pent whole day. trying to pro\'c
Aurobmdo·s connectJon with knt>wn con,p1ratol"'I lie gave less
time 10 the cases or Barin and the rest The confC<.\1ons. the arms
and explo-;t'cs found at the Ganlcn. and the tc<timony of
numcrou' witne<.<es showed conclus"cly th.ll Bann had led the
otheri; m an ubnr11ve insunectioo against the lc1wlly con~titutcd
ruler~ or India."
Norton finished his address on 21 March. lmmcdiutcly after·
w.mls the first defence lawyer, R. C. Bonncrjea , began bis
srn1cmcnt. Speaking for Barin and eight others, Bonncrjen could
do little more than rnise a series of tcchnocol objections. The
conrcssion$ were induced. the charges misjo1ned, the evidence
inadmissible. As for tbc arms found at the Garden. 'eleven
revolvel"l, four riles and one gun' could hardly be said to
const11u1e a 'preparation for waging war'." Bonnerjea spoke for
two da)~. after which Das began his addrc<.~ on behalf of
Aurob1ndo. This 'masterly specimen of forensic eloquence' lasted
for more than a "'ed. lt was. in the words or a contemporary.
'nervous. compact. closely argued and w11h that 1ouch of genuine
passion "hich i~ the essential charactcmtic or ~real oratory' - q
Courtroom eloquence tends t.o become overwrought. Das's
01<11ion suffers from this defect. II is also filled with ~tntemcnts that
he knew to be untrue. But for all that it was both impassioned and
wcll-nrgucd. The cruie of the Crown, Das said, 'is that Arabinda
was the head or the conspiracy'. Nonon 'has credited Arnbinda
with vast intellectual attainments und with vast powers and
organm11ion and his case was that he was directing rhis conspiracy
and wa\ working from behind.' But even if the evidence established
the existence or a conspiracy, it was at best a 'childi~h conspiracy
a to) revolution' It was altogether ·impossible that Arabinda
could ever have believed in his heart or beartS that by bombing one
or 1"'0 Englishmen. or some Englishmen 1n different places, tbey
"'ould ever have been able to subvert the Bntish Government. Lt
you credit him with intellectual powers and say that he has a
bnlliant mind, it 1s not open to you at the same ume 10 say thal he
was the lendu' of such a bun!?ling erron. In h•~ conclusion Das
adopted the firM per.;nn 10 present bis client's 'whole case':

If 11 is an offence 10 plead the ideal of freedom . I 11dm11 huving done 11-I

hnvc never di<putcd 11. It is fortha1that I have given up :ill the prospects
I B~forr Mr Brachcroft

ol mv hie ... If that is my offence let 11 be so <lated and I a.m cheerful to

bear any pun1shmcnl. 11 pain~ mt tn 1h1nk that crimes I could nC\.Cr ha\·C
thou~ht of or deeds repellent to me. and against which my whole nature
rc\'Olts, should be aunbutcd to me nnd that on the strength. 001 only of
t\!idencc on which the bhghtc~I rclinnce cannot be placed. hut (ln 111~
writi11~ which breathe and hrc:ithc o nly of tbot high ideal which I felt I
wa, cnlled upon 10 preach ... I felt r was called upon to pm1ch to my
country to makt- 1hem rcah~ that Intli.a h~d a mis..<-io-n 10 ptrform 1n th<'
oom1ry of n1,1ho-ns. Lf tha1 1:s my fault you can chain me. 1mpn~n me. but
you v..ill nc,"Cr get out or me a denial of 1hat c:h.ar~.

Da~ then added his much-quoted peroration. which conclude~:

' My appeal to )Ou therefore i~ that a man like thts who i~ hcing
charged with the offences impu1cd to him st11nds not only before
1he bur in the Coun bul s1ands before the bar of th<: High Coun of
History.'"
The addresses of the other defence couasels occupied the court
until 13 April-the hundred and rwenry-fifth day or the proceed·
ings. When the last vakil had had his say, Norton r<>'>C .ind asked
the iudge, 'Will your honour hear me further on la" points'!' '1'o.
I don't wtSI! to hear )OU an) further,' Beacbcroft an\v.crcd. The
two a'<ressors were then a~ked for their opioions Unlike Jurymen
they were not on oath: their duty, as another Judge told other
'"-.c"<>r,,,
was 'merely 10 offrr atJv1c.:c which need not bmd me as
Judge' ''On the 14th 1he two llcn~,1lh who had been selected to
discharge this dccora11vc lunct1011 gave their verdicts Neither
believed thm there had been u conspiracy to wage war: the only
sec11on that had been violu1ed wns 122: collecting am1\ and men.
E1r,ht or the thiny-six accu<ed were guilty of offences under this
$CCtion: Barin. Upen. Ullaskar, llem Das. lndu BhuS•IR. 81bhuti
Bhu'llln, and two others. The other twenty-eight v.ere not 11u11ty
The 1udgc ·congratulated the a<SCSsor. at having arrh·ed ,11 the end
of their labou.rs· and infom1cd the court ·1hat he would take a
month to write his judgemen1'. •
 20
Judgment

Early m 1907 Lord Minto wrote that he. along with the 'great
majority or the population·. viewed Bengalis with 'supreme
contempt'. Two years later. after the murders or lhc Kennedys.
Narcndra Nath Goswami, NandalaJ Banerjee. Ashutosh Biswas
and sc•cral other;, after four allcmpts to kill Sir Andrew Fraser
and one claimed a11cmp1 on Mmto himself. the \'iceroy had
learned to temper his contempt with prudence . Several days
before Beachcroft's judgmcn1 wns 10 be delivered Mimo's chief
secretary wrote 10 the Government of Bengnl that ii should take
'such police precautions ... as will render im~ible any di50rder
or aucmpt al rescue, and will ensure the safety of the Judge and of
all concerned.' In compliance wuh these orders F. L. Halliday,
Culcu11a's commh,ioner of police, and F. C. Daly, his deputy
inspec1or-gencral. arranged for a comingent of n11li1ary police 10
be ~cnt down from I looghly and 'for a large body or European
scrgeanis 10 be ready m case of nccessi1y". For reasons of i.ccurity
the date of Beachcroft's judgment was not made public. Even the
supcrintendenr of Alipore jail was kept in the dark until c1gh1
o 'clock on the mornin& of 6 May 1909, when a company of Gordon
Highlanders marched up 10 his gare and informed him that they
had orders LO conve) the prisoners 10 the coun. By lcn o "clock five
hundred military policemen 'were patrolling the many road~ and
t>y-lancs leading from Lhe jail lo the Coun'. Roads within a half·
mile or the courthouse were 'pn1c1ically impassnllle'. Noticing the
unu~ual activity, the people of the ciry realized that the long·
awaited day bad come . Soon it was all the police could do 10 keep
the cro"ds in order Shonly after 1cn o'clocl> the prison vans.
guarded by European armed police, drove up and discharged
 Before Mr Beachcroft 209

thirty-five or the 1hiny-six accused. A$hok Nand1, dangerously ill

with tuberculosis . was brought in an ambulance and carried on a
stretcher to the veranda of the court. After being divested or their
manacles the n1her prisoners were conducted to the dock •
Al ten minutes 10 eleven the judge pu1 in his appearance. A$ he
mounted the bench a 'sudden hush fcU upon the ooun and the
prisoners pressed eagerly to lhe front or the netted dock'. After
five minutes of silence. without making a preliminary speech,
Bcnchcrof1 rend out the names of those he had convic1ed. •
According to one or the accused, the judge was 'very grave. For a
momcnl he seemed to have lost that composure of mind which
should belong to a dispenser of Justice, and there was a percep-
tible tremor in his voice as he pronounced the death sentences.''
Tilis is what he said:

Aa:-d Banndra Kumar Ghose and Ullaskar Dull arc sentenced 10

death under sections 121, 121A. and 122 l.P C. and they arc informed
,.,sh
thal 1f 1hcy to appeal they must do so "1tbin one wcek . A~ llem
Chandra Das, Upcndra Noth Banerjea. B1bbull Bhu\&11 Sirkar. Hrishi-
ltcsh Kan11lal. Bircndra Chandra Sen. SudhiT Kumar Ghose lo mutalcr for
Sarkar). lndranath Nandy, Abmash Chandra Bhanach>rJCC. Sallcndra-
no1h Bose are <enlcnced to transponation for hie under Sections 121.
121A ond 122 I P.C. Aa:uscd Indra (lndul Bhu.•an Roy,. ~ntenced tQ
tru11>pollut1on for hfc vnder sections 121A and 122 l.P.C.

Seven more Pnresh Mallick, Sisir Ghose, Nirnp:tdn Roy, Ashok

Nandi, Bnlkrishna Kane. Sushi! Sen und Kristo Jiban Snnyal-
wcrc scn1cnccd to Crom ten years to one year of transportation or
imprisonment. All the rest or lhe accused were 'acquitted nnd to
be SCI at li berty'.'
Sarin Miid nothing when the judge pronounced his doom.
Ullaskar muttered ·Thank you very much • Otherwise, according
to F C. Daly, ' the sentences were rccci•cd in silence-that is,
silence compared to the turmoil that there has usually been m the
Dock. Arabinda, as usual, looked stoically md1ffercnt.' but ' Item
Das for the first time looked seriously depressed • It appeared 10
Daly that licm 'was disappointed at not being sentenced 10 death'. '
I laving delivered his sentences and handed his judgment to the
authorities, Beachcroft rose and left the court. As the police
execu1ed warrants for the nineteen convicts, the other men
crowded round and embraced them. TI1e sentences, cspeci:illy the
210 The Bomb in Bengal

sentences of death, were painful. but the young men were beside
themselves wuh JOY over Aurobindo's acqu11tal. Aurobindo told
has brother. 'You will not be hanged' and assured Abmash, 'You
will come back l>QOn.' Then he walked to the B~r library where he
talked wuh a jubilant C. R. Das anu the uthcr lawycn. The
liberated leader was 'treated witl1 great rc~pcct". a British observer
noted. adding with distaste that one or 1"'0 pleaders we111 ·so far as
to touch their foreheads ""ith the dust from his feet'. • Asked for his
reactions by n newspaper reporter, Aurobindo 'expressed no
surprise at his release or the verdicts generally'. 'l'his is one year
out of the world .' he commented. 'and a yenr out or my life.'
Precisely twelve months before he ltad been taken to Alipore Jail.
He and the other acquitted persons would not have to retum. But
even as he spoke twenty-two of his comrades were put in handcuffs
and led to the van. the condemned men forming the principal
prur.••
After everyone else had left the premises, G C. Denham of the
Sp<.'Cial Branch sat with barrister Eardley Norton taking notes
from Bcachttoft's 354-page judgment. Two day\ carhcr Dcnham's
superior F. C. Daly. basing himself on the uprnion of detective
Sham\ul Alam, had informed the Bengal Oovcmment that only
nine of the accused. none of them imporlunt, were ·at all likely to
be ucquiued'. Needless to say both the police and the government
were unhuppy over the actual result. Daly wns astonished that
scvcrul of 1he men arrested along with Burin ond Ullaskar ;1t the
Garden were found not guilty. But the main blow wus the acquittal
of Aurobindo. whlch had come 'to everyone's surprise'. When
details of the judgment were rushed to Sir Edward Baker. the new
licutcnnnt·governor of Bengal. his only comment wa>: 'But Mr
Daly"s informant [Shamsul Alam) was wrong about Arabindo!' •
Baker'• aides immcdu1Jely telegraphed a list of the sentences to
the \ICCtOY in Simla. Minto received it while writing to the
i;ccrctary of <tate and added a summary to has letter: 'Arabinda
Ghose acquitted, two death sentences and some long transpona-
lloru.... There will now be an appeal.' " lie was referring to the
CJ<ptetcd appeal hy the men who bad been convicted; but the

• l~'O of the !>C''tntttn 1tequiucd. Nagendr.a. Nath and OhJn1n1 Nalh Oupta,
had ~htady lx'c11 oonvic1cd in Lbc Hnrrison Road Case I\ 1hird, Pro\les Chandra
l'>ch , wa~ lm1ncdh11cly r(;i~rcd on a M"dJlton c.hargc
 Judgm~llf 211

Govcrnmem of Bengal was already thinking of filmg an appeal of

its own. Before going home that evening Nonon anfom1ed
Denham thal Aurobindo had been acquitted because Beachcroft
hacJ 'i nlroduced in his Judgmem many hypotheses' that neither he
nor the defence bad put forward. There was, the barrister
asserted, 'an excellent case for appeal'."
It was not just the government 1hat was surprised at Auro-
bando's acquin:al To mOSI or hi1 countrymen it was 'tomlly
unexpected' and as the news spread through Calcutta ·much
rejoicing' broke out- so much that a rumoured a Hack on the
European quarter did not come off." In 1he days that followed,
detectives going through the Calcutta native press found that most
•aucntion was focussed on the acquittal of Arabindo Ghosc'.
·various theories' were put forward to explain the vcrdicl. some
n11ributing it 'to person~! fear on the pan of the Judge and some to
policy on the part of 1hc Government'.• All in all, an official
concluded, Aurobindo's escape from prison-or scaffold-bud
'given considerable satisfaction in Bengali patriotic circles. which
i~ balanced by a great deal of talk about the "feroctt)" of the
sentences passed on those oon\llcted."'The reaction was s1m1lar in
other pans of the country. The Mahra11a of Poona considered the
verdict ·a greal triumph for Indian Nationalism' and declared that
lk•Kh.:roft had 'undoubtedly done a great service to the Stale by
1Im• rchnb1htnting the conhJcnce of 1he people in 1hc \Cnsc of
131111,h J1L~t 1co' 711,. G11111r1J1/ 1'1111clr was hi1ppy to t'Cport 1hc
ocquiuals but sorry thu1 ><J many of the accused, 'mostly young
boys', had been convicted. 'Canno1 anything be done', it won·
dcred, 'towards malting these sentences deterrent rnthcr than
vindictive?' Anglo-Indian opinion was less clement The Easton
Bengal and Assam Era was 'sorry that such a pretentious trial
should have tenninated in resuh~ so paltry and meagre. so morally
po"erless for good' and disappointed that ·some offenders of
those who ha•e escaped' were not awarded 'long 1enns of
tran~poruuion and impnsonmcnt'. The Madras Mat/ wa• happy
that m least some or the mnlofactors had been sui1ubly punished:
' At lus1 the 1ime has come when the dark pages ol' contemporary
• It 1nay have bc~n at this un1c lhat the thtt.>ty w-..s lirst proposed lhut lJuring chc
lt1JI 1hc Judge supplied C. R. DOll ,.,.11h 1nformauon to help tum secure 1he acqu1t1al
c.lr h1 .. <1kl C111nbndg:r fritnd. A ""'SM."ln or thi' ranras1ic taJ~ was ~r.hcU ~ l~tt ~
t9'<11. needless 10 A) •ilhou1 n:loahk du..'Umemaoo.,. S«A&R 6 (1"821. l.IJ-S.
212 The Bomb in Bengal

history can be turned over "'ith satisfaction that the promo1ers or

atrocious conspiracy have not escaped penalues they deserved.'"
The provincial and imperial governments showed as much
interest as the public in the results of the trial So many officials in
Calcutta and Simla wan1cd to study Beachcrnft'~ 1udgmen1 1ha1 a
special edition had 10 be printed for them .• Jn the yeaf'ince 1he
bombing al Muzaffarpur dozens of men had been arres1ed in
connection wi1h terroris1 incideo1s. Beachcrofl's judgmcm was 1he
first 10 address this growing problem irnd it was certain 10 sci legal
precedents. As soon as printed copies were available admini-
strators and legal experts began 10 scrulinitc ii.
Oeac:hcrofl began bis judgment with a discussion of the history
or the cusc. After dealing with the overt ac1s the sites, the
searches and discoveries. the confessions. and 1he wri1ings of
various newspapers, he summed up: 'We have then 1he connection
or IS, Gopi Mohan Duua's Lane, 134, llarnson Road, and the
garden established. We have further Baren's uplanauon (in his
confession) or the collection of arms and ammunition. that i1 was
in the anuciparion or a far off revolution. We have his description
or the a11emp1s 10 rouse the people or India, and the ~taning of the
Yugantar for the purpose.' The articles of this JOUrnal, Beaehcrofl
remarked, 'exhibit a burning hatred of the British race. they
breathe revolutfon in every line, they point out how revolution is
to be effected.' What they advocated was for the country's youth
•10 rorcibly expel the British from India, in other words io wage
war on the King and deprive him of the Sovereignty of British
India'. Nor was Barin content simply 10 preach this doctrine. Ile
1urned the Manik1ola Garden into a revolutionary school and
workshop following more or less exactly 'the methods advocated
by the paper'. ' In the face of the evidence', the judge concluded, ·1
do not sec how any reasonable man can doubt 1hc connection
between the two'. that is between the ideal or revoluuon pul
forward in Jugantar and other papers and the steps ac1ually iaken
al the Garden. Since it was clear from the evidence 1ha1 Bann was
oot alone in his effons, bu1 'was assisted in his design by others',
there could be 'no question of the existence or a conspiracy 10
commit the offence of waging war and 10 deprive the king or the
Sovereigmy of Bri1ish India'. All persons who could be shown 10
be mcmb<:r~ of that conspiracy were therefore guilly under section
12l·A."
 Judgm~/I/ 213

·Those re;pon~ible for this conspiracy did their work well".

Beacbcroft observed. "They realized that 1bear bes1 chance "as to
gc1 hold of the you1h of the country and 100ame them by appealing
10 their sense of religion and their sense of chl\·alry. and 10 this end
they h11ve pros111uted 1he teaching of their sacred books and
represented that under English rule the chastity of 1he1r mothers
and ;istcrs as not !>llfc. · Underlining a poinl 1hat bo1h Das and
Nonon had made during rheir arguments. Bcachcroft declared:
'No Englishman wonhy of the nante will grudge the Indian 1hc
ideal of independence.' Bui he added immediately: 'No Indian of
decent feeling but will deprecate the method; ;,ough1 10 auain ii."'
Coming to the sentences, Beachcroft wro1e that according 10 the
pr~cution five overt acts had been commiued by members of the
conspiracy. Of these one took place in French India outside his
coun's junsd1ct1on. Another was directed agairm Mr Kingsford. a
mag1sua1c who bad banded down several judgments inimical to
1hc members of 1he society. The auernpt to kill him might . as the
defence maintained, be considered more 'an act of revenge than
one in funhcrancc of 1he conspiracy'. Bui this could not be >aid of
the a11cmpts to mine the train carrying Sir Andrew Fraser. 'An
aucmpt to blow up a Licutcnant·Govemor for following a cena1n
hnc of policy 1s 1us1 as much an act of war as an auempt 10 blow up
l'arlH1mcnt.' Therefore all involved in the M.ankundu and
Nnr.1yun11a1h rnc1dcn1s were guilty under Section 121 of waging
wm 111111111•1 the king; all who were members of the conspirncy at
the time of 1hc Narayangarh ullemp1 were guilty under 1he same
sce1ion of abctmcn1 of waging war. "
Benchcroft found eleven men guilty under Section 121. All of
them were liable to the supreme punisbmenl. lie distinguished
however between the three leading members Bario, Ullaskar
and Hem- and the other eight. Hem had not been rn Indra when
the overl acts "ere committed. so the 1udge though1 it right to
'stretch a point 1n his case' and sentenced him to transportauon for
life. He sbo"ed similar leoieDC)' in the cases of the eight
subordinates. But Barin and Ullaskar deserved no mercy and
Beachcroft sentenced them 'lO be hanged by the neck 1ill they arc
dead'.•
With one exception the judge devoted only a page or two of his
judgmenl to the men he acqui11ed. The exccpuon was Aurobindo,
who required fifty pages. The judge lef1 'his case 1ill lns1 of all'
214 The Bomb i11 Bengal

because he was '1he most imponant accused', that is, 'the accused,
whom more than any other 1he prosecution are an:.ious to have
convicted'. 'But for his presence in the dock,' Beacbcrort ob-
served, 'there is no doubt that 1hc case would have been finished
long ago.' The prosecutioo had based its case against A urobindo
'almos1 entirely, upon associa1ion with other accused persons',"
The judge therefore bad to sif1 through 1he mass of e'1dcnce
produced b) the Crown ro determine if this associauon was
conspiratorial. In greal detail Oeachcroft considered Aurobindo's
leuers, speeches, and writings; letters and documents in which he
was mentioned; and the te.~iimony of spies and others. The
prosecution laid gre:u stress on his leuers to his wife, panicularty
the one io which he declared. 'What would a son do if a demon sat
on his mother's breast and started suclcing her blood? Would he
quietly sit down to his dinner, amuse himself with his wife and
children, or would he rush out to deliver his mother? I know 1 have
the strength io deliver 1his fallen race.' The judge wrote in
reference to this: 'If we stal1 with the knowledge that the writer of
this leuer is n conspira1or, v.e am find passages m it that are
suspicious. Viewing it in an unprc1udiced way, there is nothing in
ii that really calls for explanation.' Other lcuers too conmmed
'some passages which may be suspicious, but which are also
capable of an innocent explanation .'"' A few somewhat violent
stnicmcnLS io Aurobindo's speeches might be excused in view of
his habit of indulging in hyperbole and other rhetorical devices.
Tho'c of bis writings that were somewhat dubious were never
published. Thus the only 'really important documents' against
Arabinda. were the ·sweets letter' and the 'scnbbhngs' . The judge
wcn1 over each of 1hese in detail The prosecution maintained that
the ·~wcets letter' was written 10 Aurobindo by Sarin and that the
word 'sweets' rcferrf<d 10 bombs. There were other examples of
such argo1 in the society's correspondence. TI1e defence raised
numerous objections in regard 10 this damning piece of evidence.
The greeting read: ' Dear Brother'. No younger brother m India
would oddres.< an cider brother like that. The 1cxt contained the
misspelling 'imergcncies'. Bann was not so stupid. There were
besides a number of legal irregularities aboul its discovery and
filing. It was in short a forgery." Das's performance was convin-
cing. While nm doubting that the lener was discovered at
Aurobindo's hou<,c. Beachcroft wrote 1ha1 he found it 'of so
 Judgment 215

suspicious a characrer !hat I hesi1a1e 10 accepr ir. Expenence rells

us rhal in cases where spies are employed docwnenlS do find their
way into rhe homes of suspected persons (before rheir arrcsrI in a
manner which cannol be explained by lhe aQ;USCd. "' This w& a
notable viC1ory for Das, panicularly because the lener, as Bario
later admilted, was precisely wha1 1be government claimed it
was.»
The ·scribblings' were the passage in one or Aurobindo's
notebooks in which Barin, Sudhir, Prafulla and other conspirators
were mentioned along with 'a small charge or the SlUfr. Beach·
croft looked upon •this piece of evidence as the most dirficult point
in this case'. The defence maintained that it had been forged in the
notebook after its discovery. Beachcroft thought this unlikely but
added thar •the scribbling bears no resemblance to his [Auro-
bindo·sJ writing: being such ·as any one might write'. He therefore
dechncd to consider it proof or compliciry." This was anorher
stroke or luck for Aurobindo, since lhe writing certainly was his. •
Taking the evidcnceagainsl Aurobindo as a whole Beachcroft was
'of the opinion lha1 it falls short of such proof as "ould justify one
in finding ham guihy of so serious a charge. .,,
The government was not or the same opanaon. ·Tue whole result
ol the Manack1olla bomb case is rather puzzling as a guide as 10
what will rtnd whal wall nor serurc a convicuon in nn Indian court
ol 1.aw' wrote I· C Duly two yeMs la1~r 1n has mfluentinl N()le 011
rhr Gmwtlt of tltr /1~1·ol111w111lfV Mt1vem~11t 111 /Jt11snl. Daly was
ughus1 thM ·seventeen Out or 36 perwns placed on trial. some of
whom hod hecn actually arrested in the garden' were able 10
escape conv1c1ion. He certainly was not wrong in disbelieving the
picas of Sachin Sen, Nolini Gupta and the other 'younger men
round m 1he garden' that ·!he}' were ignorant of the true nature of
the place and had gone there for religious instruction'. Unfortu-
nately for Daly and for lhe Government of 8engnl , the British
legal sysrcm . by placing the burden of proof on the prosecution,
made 11 dafficuh 10 con,ict persons not caught or observed an rhe
cxccurion of a crime."

•The au1hor, '4hO hu helped edit Sn Aurob1.ndo·~ ._n11np wnce 1972. ha;; nQ
doub1 th.11 lhc 'tcnbblin~· were wr1ue.n by him. Tbc lie~ or rc.cmblancc co hrs
UOrtno1I hu.nfJ W#)'. cJue lo the (net that Ille •sc:nbbhnp' were CJlll'1l' lt.:11 ur 'aUtOffiilliC
'IA'nt1n3',
216 The Bomb in Bengal

Whatever Extremist polemic m11tht allege. British India was not

imperial Russia. The judiciary was independent and until
hobbled by emergency regulations-bound by the prinoplcs of
habeas corpus and •innocent until proven guilly' Even Aurobindo
expressed grudging admiration of the British legul system a few
month; after his release: 'The curopcan Coun of Justice is also a
rorious and instructi'e institution', he began. 'In one aspect 11 1~ an
exhilarating gamble. a very Monte Carlo of surpnsing chance~·
The accused ·1ooks engerly. not 10 the truth or the falsehood of the
evidence for or ;1gainst him. but to the skill with which this counsel
or the other bandies the proofs or the witnesses and the impre~sions
they arc making on the judge or jury.' But. he concluded. after all.
prnise must beg"cnv.here it is due. and the Enghih system mu~t be
lauded for not normally exposing the accused to the 1onure of
savage pursuit by" prosecuting judge [as in France I or the singul:1r
methods of investiga tion favoured by the American police. If the
dice arc apt to be loaded. it is on both sides and not on one.'"'
Aurohindo had more reason than most 10 appreciate th~-sc
doubly loaded dice. lie had JU'1 escaped imprisonment for an
offence 1ha1 he unquestionably had committed. Not only wus he a
con<pirator. he wo\ the originator and first organizer of a
con<piracy whose declared aim was co drive the British from India.
His counsel had of course denied any suggestion of this. but he
could hardly deny what was common ltnowledge: that Aurobindo
was u !caller of a party that demanded political independence (also
the proclaimed goal of the conspirators) and that beadvocated the
use of ac1jve methods for its attainment. Aurobindo was the
brother of the admuted leader or tbe society and could be shown
to have hccn in con\tant touch with him and other conspirators at
the time the overt acts were committed. He was, according to the
slnin approver. fully c:pgnizant of some of these nets. He was part
owner of the land where the society established its beadquancrs
and wa' mentioned in documents found on the spot. A search at
his own house unco,ered several compromising leuers. including
one 1ha1 referred to bombs by a transparent metaphor and a piece
of writing that spoke of known terrorists and te rroristic acts. All in
all. as Daly wrote in his confidential Note,

11 is hard to see bow on the tvidencc l11d before the Coun the Judge could
have believed tha1 Arabondo had no guilty knowledge or what was golng
 J11dgmmt 217

on and that 11 did not ha\:c his taat appro"·al. 1f not en1hus.asuc
encouragcmcnr Though Arabiodo may he regarded "' a man 100 clever
and roresccong to hche."" thar success "'OulJ auend a hlll< effort of 1h1>
~ond <>I rc,olurooo. he po"<ibl) believed 1ha1 an oixn d<mon>tnllon of
murJcrby boml>\and anexhobotionof rhe audoci1y1owhoth Bengali youths
had been broughl 10 by rhc new S)'>tcm of (rcvolutwnary] 11111ning. would
have a st11nulnting effect on the spirits of others and "'·ould c~cue rht tn1nds
of the young men chrou~hout lnd1a and develop tn 1he1n a 11.p1f1t nf reckless
dari11g cho1 would be- of great use in the big venture wl11ch he J)04',1bly had in
lus 111111d's eye and for which he intended to woit a ~uit::ihlc opportunity,
.such&!\ the ernbarr-a~s1ne 1u of Englnncl 1n a blK lor~:i~11 war. "1

One has 10 admire the penetration or Daly\ ;rnaly,is. !he accuracy

or which i$ bomc out by Aurobindo"s retro~pcctivc \latcments. ''
Daly\ Nott was published in 1911. On the uftcmoon or 6 May
1909. 1hc wnter had too many tasks on hrs hands to concern
hom~lf wilh lhc 1crroris1s· long-tenn goal~ or the vagaries or the
Bnush legal sy>tem. He had to arrange ror the protccuon or rhe
JUdgc and ~\cral Othcn; he had to organi7,C lhC \hAdO\\ ong or rhe
rouneen men who had been released: and he bad to hnd a way 10
put Aurobrndo. whose release was 'con\idcred as or serious
importance'. <arcly back in jail."
 21
Appeals

On I he afternoon of 6 May 1909 Daly"s detec1ives follo"ed

Aurolt1mlo from 1hc coun·s Bar hbrnry 10 1hc house of C. R. Oas
i11 !3huwa111pur. Calcu11u . From 1hcrc he went 10 6 College Square,
1hc hou>c of hi• uncle Krishm• Kumar Mitra, wl1ere he 1ook up
rc,.dcnce wnh his aunl and her 1hree cltildrcn Krishna Kumar was
s1ill being de1aincd in Agra under Regulation Ill of 1818. ' While
Aurobindo \\a' se11 lmg m 1h;i1 cvcmng. h1• Special Branch
ncme,is dashed off 111• las1 lc11cr of the tluy. Wri1in!! 10 F. W.
Duke. chief secretary 10 the Governmen1 of Bengal. Duly
communicated Nonon's opinion 1hat an appeal of Aurobmdo's
acqu11tal would hu\c an exrellent chance of \Uccess. Four dJ}S
l~1cr Duke asked DJly ·10 look into 1his possible contingency'.'
The foi.t step wa' 10 submit the case 10 Bengul"s legal rcmcrn-
hranccr. !;':. P. Chnpman. Af1er an 'cxhaus1ive study'. Chapman
wrolc 10 Duke un 21 May thul 'Mr Beachcrof1's judgmen1 i~
a.<;_...ulable o n 'evcral material po1n1~ ' Chief among 1hem " a' the
judge·, fmlure 10 realize 1ha1 Aurobindo's m1<,1on was no1 1he
'innocent" tlisscm111a11on of Vcuaniic idea>. Aurobindo wa;
religious 10 be sure bu\ his 'religion was (to use a l<>osc phrase) 1hc
cxpul~ion of 1he English from lndiu', After scvcrJ I pages of legal
an:1ly-.i>. Chapman ~ummed up: ·1 am disposed 10 1hink 1hat 1f I
hud tried 1he case. I would ha•c cumi<-1ecl •.. BUT the i~~uc or
such 11 c;i~c especially in the form of an appeal against acq111t1J I
c11nn<>L be otherwi~c than doub1ful.·The legal remembrancer. who
C\idcnily knew his Ca rlyle. considered Aurobondo •• hero or lhc
spiri1uul type'. l:.•cn of 1he C"rov.n succeeded 1n ·gelling him
$Cnlcnccd 10 impnsonmcnl'. wha1 v.ould he 1hc rcsuh? H e would
simply "develop inm a myth'. If on 1hc 01ber hand 1hc government
 App~ols 219

allowed him to remain free ·he may be actually less dangerous', lor
' in Lhe wear and tear of actual life his unpracticahty os certain to
disclose iiselr. Accordingly Chapman concluded: 'On the whole
my advice is agamst an appeal.· Transmitling this opinion to Sir
Edward Baker. Duke expressed bis own doubts •as to whether an
appeal should be filed'. Nevenheless he suggested that the case be
sent to ft Bombay expert for a second opinion . On 29 May the
Ueutenant·governor agreed to this course of action. which enabled
him to put off taking a decision ror almost three months. '
Unaware of the government's machinotions against him,
Aurobindo pas.o;ed the month of May quietly at home. I le received
many visitors, among them the inevitable police spies who
reported thnt he spent 'most of his day in study of religious books
and in writing'.' This information doubtless was correct; but
despite his absorption in study and spiritual practice Aurobindo
had not lost interest in politics or revolution. ViMtors and friends
soon brought him up to date in both areas. For several months the
E-.tremist party had been leaderless and macti"e 1il3k was
serving a six·ycar jail sentence in Burma: Lajpat Rai and Bipin Pal
were self-exiled in the West. The nine deportations of 1908,
besides depriving Bengal of many or its leaders. had taught the
v;1lue of di<;crction to the others. The Moderates meanwhile were
ba,k1n1c1 1n the ~overnment's approval. with men like G . K.
(.it>kh.1lc H11d Surcndranath Bt1ner1ea openly co·operating with
high ofhciah. llnncr1ca eventually went so fur ns 10 court the
licutcnunt·gowmor's CavouI by 'delil>crutely rcsiling' from his
'support ol the boycott movement' in nis inllucntial daily. The
Bengalee.'
The government had woo over these nnd other Moderate
leader. by convincing them that ir they helped keep the country
quiet they would gain "'hat they had been crying ror since 1885: a
P"Ckagc or administrative Teforms. This scheme. the Indian
Council~ Act (known popularly as the Morley. Minto Reforms),
had been announced on December 1908. It "'3.> to consi<t of a
reorgamzauon or the legislative council> and to be accompanied by
the appointment of 'native' members to the councils of the viceroy
and o f the o,ccretary or state . Moderate spok~men competed with
one another to find the most fulsome word'> of praise for the
proposed reforms. They were ·a great step forward ... in the grant
or representative government' and 'a step worthy or the noble
220 The Bomb in Bengal

traditions of the Go,ernmem which has given us hbeny of thought

and •peech. high education and good go,emmenl'. •The sponsors
of the measure (with London 10 answer to) were quick 10 set the
record >1ra1gh1 ·we have distinctly mainia1ned: <!lid Minto. ' that
Repre<;enta1ive Government. m its Western <Cn<e, is 101ally
inapplicable 10 the lndian Empire and would be uncongenial to the
trad11ions of Eastern populations.' Morley told the !louse of
Commons; •If it could be said that this chapter or reforms led
direc1ly or necessarily up 10 the establishment of a Parliamentary
system in India , I, for one, would have nothing at all to do wi1h
it. " Soon even the Moderates realized thal 1he Act did not
represent a change for the better in any real scn•c. Its principal
effect was negative. By institutionalizing communal electorates it
drove a "edge between Hindus and Muslim~. spli11ing the
movement and encouraging the growth of thal sectarian brand of
pohllcs which remains the cun;e of the subc:ontment
The government combined its policy of ·rallying the Moderates'
with a harsh campaign of repression again~! the Extremi<h. In the
wake of the Muzaffarpur incident lawmakers had rushed through
1he Explo.i\c§ Subs1ances Act and tbe Ncwsp;1pcr. (Incitement 10
Offenet's) Act . The lauer measure made ii dangerou5 to publish
anything remotely resembling sedi1ion-as the editors or Band•
Mataram soon learned. The silencmg of this journal in November
1908 left the Bengal Extremist Pany wi1hou1 an org11n. II was
planned 111 hold a national Ex:1remist Congress but 1his was
prohibi1ed by executive order. When the Moderate Convention
thu1 hud rnken the place of Lhe Congress mei in December, Lhe
Prc,idcnt, Minto's friend Rash Behari BCJse , llcclarcd 1hat some-
11me 'in the distant future' when Lhe lndiao people had 'proved
1hemselves fit for self·governmenl' they might witness 'the
e~tension to India or the colonial type of Government'.• This uner
of
betrayal or the ideals the Calcuna Congress was heard by fewer
than 600 delegates.
Dcsp11e 1he government's repression. an outbreal of revolu-
tionary ac1iv1ty had come on Lhe heels ofthe Muzaffarpur mcideot.
With the breaking up of the Garden i.oaety. the Dacca Anushilan
bec:in1e the chief revolutionary sam1ti m Bengal. During the
second half of 1908 it carried out a number or daco11ies and other
actions including the beheading of the informer Sukumar Cha·
krnvarti. In response the government passed Lhc Indian Criminal
 Ap[XOU 221

Law Amendment Act. which provided for summary lnals and ' Lhc
prohibition of associations dangerous to the public peace ·. Under
this measure the Dacca Anushilan and four other East Bengal
samitis were outlawed in January 1909.' The Dacca Anush ilan
survived and eventually prospered as an underground sociery: bu1
1he proscription. 1he deporrn1ion of its leaders and other effective
couniermeasures made it neccss:1ry for the group to cut back on its
nctivi1ies temporarily. By May 19Q9. when Aurobindo was
released. Lord Minto cuuld wri1e LO Lhe secretary or state:
·Politically thingscontmue '811sfnc1orily. and there is the feeling or
a calm after a stonn: Bui Minto was too much of a realist not to
add : 'Still we must never ~ surprised if it stans to blow hard
again .""'
Aurobindo's own reading or the si1uation was similar 10 1he
viceroy's. It was impot>.iiblc to deny tha1 the enthusiasm or 1905-8
hod been replaced by 'ii general di~ouragement and depression'.
But closer observation convinced him that 'the reeling in the
couniry had no• ceased bul was only suppressed and was growing
by its suppression.' He therefore 'detennined to conunue the
Mruggle'. 11 The first necess11y was to reawaken natiooaJ151 scn11-
mcn1 lhrough open propaganda, the second to continue the secret
re"olu11onary work. As m the penod before his arrest. Aurobmdo
gave mos1 of his auention 10 1he open movemcnL In June he
launched a weekly new;papcr. Kar11111yogiri. and begun to appear
rcgulal'ly on the pubhc pla1rorm. llis first speeches nnd wrilings
showed 11 definite spiri111al stunt , but as lime went hy they became
more explicitly political . Simullaneously he began quie1ly to
rebuild the revolulionary nc1work , encouraging leaders like Jatin
Mukherjee and Satish Bose 10 con1inue recruitment. training and,
when possible, action . 11
Tlte fir.;1 issue of Kormayogin was published on 19 June. The
same day a copy ... as sen• 10 the cen1ral office of the CID; before
the end of the month 1t had reached Lord Minto's ofllcc. After
leal\ng 1hrough the new:.paper Minio's chief secretary 11. A.
Stuart, a fonner C ID director. advised putting pressure on the
llcngal Government to prefer an nppeal or Aurobindo's acquiual,
there being ·no political rca;,ons' against this course of action . A
week lu1er Stuart was for rnking even more aggressive measures.
In n circular leucr 10 his collcngues on the viceroy's council. he
poin1cd ou1 that l\urobondo "has been most acti>e sonce his
222 The Bomb In Bengal

release·. This was something of an e~aggeration since so far he had

only brougb1 ou1 three issues of his journal and delivered a h:tlf-
do2cn $peechcs. Ncvenbeless, said Sauart, ' If he LS allowed 10 go
on he will very soon hnve 1he .coun1ry in a blaze again.' Stuarl
recommended culling 'the aucntion of lhc loc:1I !provincial!
govcmmen1s of the 1wo Bengals' to Aurobindo's 'dangerous
campai{Ul and inquire wha1 steps 1hcy propose or recommend 10
slop it . Venturing 1bc op1imistic opinion 1ha1 'at Ibis juoourc the
Secretary of S1a1e would probably give us a fairly free band', he
concluded: ' I would no1 hesitate to depora Arnbindo if he cannot
be silenced in any olhcr way.' Minto agreed 10 this proposal. but
when he wro1e to 1he SCCTeaary of slate the same day he made no
menuon of deporaation. which Morley bad ruled ou1 exccp1 for
ca..cs of ' ex1reme urgency'. u
TI1c Governments of Bengal and Eastern Bengal and Assam
were informed of S1uart's proposal. Not thal 1hey needed 10 be
told 1ha1 Aurobindo's presence on their soil was 'dangerous'.
Indeed 1he epi1he1 became somc1hmg of a dich~ in lhe months
lha1 followed. Officials in Daccn . Calcu11a and Simla all agreed
th111 Aurobindo was, as f . W. Duke put ii, 'the most dangerous or
our adversaries now at large'." The problem was to find a way 10
gel rod of him-and someone who wanted 10 do ii. There were
three po!>Sible methods of proceeding: a conventional prosecution
for on offence such as sedi1fon, an appeal or the Alipore acqumal,
and dcporaation. The Governmcn1s of India ;ind Bengal agreed
that something ougJ11 to be done: but both suffered from Ille
funcuonal disorder of bureaucracies: 1he fear of being held
re"J>()nsible for a wrong decision The resuh was a comphcaacd
game or admims1ra11ve juggling. lhe two governments tossing lhe
1hrec proposals back and forth until they landed , one after
another. on Edwnrd Baker's desk. The lieutCOGnl·governor, whit
hi~ eyes turned 10 London, considered each or 1hcm m turn and 1n
the end sent them all back 10 Simla
The most aurae1ivc or 1be posstb1hties was a prosecution for ~n
infrnction of the cxtsting law. ll was ibis Minto had in mind when
he wro1c to tl1e secretary of stale on 7 JuJy: 'I only hope he will
sufficiently com0111 himself for us 10 prosccu1c: " lf Aurobindo
wro1c or 1M>id aoy1h1ng expressing 'disaffection' of 1hc go,•emmcn1
he could be ind1c1ed for sedition and put in Jail for a very long
time. Bui Aurobindo was n caution,,, speaker and a mas1er or
 Appeals 223
wntmg between the lines. Police spies took down every word he
spoke on public; police officials scrutinized these transcripts
together with published ~rsions of the speeches and the tC<tS of
every article thnt appeared in Kannayogin . .. Aurob1ndo disap-
pointed them . His speeches. as a Government of India official
acknowledged. were '001 actually seditious' though of a 'distinctly
inftrunmnrory chnrac1cr'. Once Daly set off a Ourry of activity by
suggesting 1hri1 Aurobindo had made a 'distinctly violent speech'
in Cnlcuua on 11 July, The paMage the deputy ons(lcctor-general
found offensive was this: ' lmprisonmelll in a righteous cause was
not so terrible•> i1 seemed; suffering wa~ not so difficult 10 bear as
our an1icipu1ions made ii out. The prize 10 which they aspired was
the greatest 10 which a nation could aspire, and if a price was asked
of them. they ought not 10 shrink from paying it.' It 1s difficult 10
see what Daly found indictable in lhis pass:igc. particularly when
Aurobondo concluded the speech in almost Gandhian terms: ·on
their fidelity 10 SM·adtshi, 10 Boycou, 10 p~ive resistance. rested
the hope of a peaceful and spiritual salvation. On lhat it depended
whether India would give the example. unprecedented on history,
of a revoluuon worked out by moral force and peaceful pressure.'
Bengal's legal rernembranccr, after some hesitation. said he was
unwilling re> advise a sedition prosecution on the hllsis of this
'pccth. Bengal's chief secretary. Duke. agreed. On 22 July he
mfo1111cd 11.c Government of India on Buker'> bchnlf 1hnt none of
/\urohondo's ut1erances were 'such as 10 afford u reasonable
probability of u convicuon being obrnined under uny scciion of the
existing law'. He added that the l.ieutenant-govcrnor was ·con-
sidering whether any further action in regard to him is possible."
This was a reference to the question of deportation, which was
then under consideration. Procedurally this was the simplest of the
three methods. since neither warrant nor lcgJI process were
needed to ·restrain' a man under Rcgulauon Ill l'oluically
ho\\ ever the measure was dynamite. lo May a group of Liberal.
Labour and Irish members of Parliament had begun corresponding
with the pnme minister about the detention of the none depor·
tees. " The secretary of state was not anxious for more questions'"
Parhamen1 and he certainly would have opposed further depor·
rations. In order to act, the Government of India wou Id have 10
obtain a strons recommendation from Bengal making it clear that
Aurobindo advocated 1hc forcible overthrow of the British Raj.
224 The Bomb irt Bmgal

Nothing he had said or wrineo was so imprudent. Informing Balcer

that •the tune had not yet come' for deportalJOn, Duke could only
hope that ·length of rope may induce ham to cro.s the border line',
that is, perm1ssivenes-~ induce him to commit a serious blunder.
Acoepung the chief se<:ret'1r)''s advice. Baker wrote 10 the
Government of India o n 23 July. the day after he rcfuo;cd to
pro;ccute Aurobindo for sedition. that he w:as ' not prepared to
recommend that Arabindo Gbose be deponed under Regulation
Ill of 1818'."
With prosecution and deportation eliminated, the only remain-
ing means of pulling Aurobindo out of action wus to appeal bis
Alipore acquillol. Informing Baker tlmt it ·ucceptcd for the
present' his decision in regard Lo deponauon, India's Stuan
added : ' the real reason ... for not deporting Arabmda Ghose at
this moment is that the question of appealing again~t his acquittal
bas sllll to be decided and that we cannot pre1ud1ce the case by
deporting ham in the meanwhile: The absurdity of this statement
Aurobindo's case would be more than 'pre1udaced' if he was
"basked away to Bunna!-shows bow foggy bureaucratic thinking
was becoming in the matterof the dangerous Aurobmdo. 1·en days
earlier Duke had informed Stuart that Chapman. Bengal's legal
remembrancer, was against an appeal of Aurobando'~ acquirtal.
To obtain a second opinion, the case had been sent 10 T . J.
Strongman, 1he advocate-general of Bombay. /\flert hree weeks of
study, Strongman arrived at an opinion very simllurto Chapman's.
I le believed that there was 'a fair chance of a conviction against
Arabindo Ohose being obtained in appear. '111c most important
piece of evidence. the 'sweets letter', should not have been
rejected. If it were held proved 'there can be little doubt that
Arabindo Ghosc was in t.he conspiracy.' But all th111gs considered
Strangman was not prepared to say that the appeal would have 'a
two to one chance of sucxess· -the only odds on which Bengal was
prepared to undertake the gamble.• In accordance with Strang-
man·s o pinion Baker bad bis offietating Chief Secretary write to
Siu an that while Aurob1ndo remained 'one of the most dangerous
factors on the present situation· he had decided nor to prefer an
appeal c>f his acquittal. Such a cour<1e -.ould ·cenaanly cause a
revival of public feeling against Government ... and , 1f the appeal
should foil, 1h81 price would have been paid for nothing: India
ncccptcd Baker"s decision, but did not abtindon the hope of an
 Appeals 225

appeal. On 26 Augu.\I it infonned Beng;tl that Aurot11ndo·~ ca-.e

should be rccon~idered after the appeals agam't the conv1c11ons of
Barm and 1he other Alipore convicts had been decu.leJ by 1he
High Court of Calcutta."
The Court had 1aken up these appeals e~rlicr the 'ame month.
U1'3skilf Dutt had not wanted to challen!!e hi> sentence of dea1h,
but Bnrin convinced him via lapping telegraphy that ll was their
duty :i. revolutionaries to do so. " After the two condemned men
filed 1hctr appeals 1he rest of 1he convicts followed 'uit. The case
opened before Sir 1.,i1wrcnce Jenkins. the chief ju~tice. and Mr
Justice C~rnduff. on 9 August. The advcrsaroc' 111 the har were the
same a' in the cour1 (lf scssio°'<: Eardley Nonon representing the
Crown. C. R. On~ and others reprc~cnting the prisoners. Even
more than m the sessions trial the t"'o coun,cl< concerned
thermelvc; ""h legal 1echnicalilic• Did the Ahpore court have
iunsdicuon 10 l•ike cognizance of the offence,'? 01d Birley iake
down the confc"i1lns in proper fonn? Were the confc~"On\ . once
wnhdrawn, admi..sible as e•jdence'! And. most 1mponan1 for
Bann Jnd Ull<i\lar. wa.\ there a \•ahd complaint under Scc11on 121.
m accordance with winch Lhe sentences of death were awarded?
Inc con"dcrauon of these and maners occupied the Cour1 until 12
Octoher
Wh<'ll lhl' (;n,crnmCnl or India instructed the Government of
llc11~11l 10 rornn\11lcr the quc,11011 ol AumhrniJo•s :ippcitl after the
01hc1 ('l'l~UI< lwd hccn hc:trd, ii ~ugge~tcd 1hu1 the Crown hring
up the ·sweet' letter' during the hearing of the case in the lligh
Court. According 10 Chapman aod Straogman the question of
Aurobindo's guilt or innocence hung on thi~ document. If the I ligh
Court con,idcrcd it genuine. the case against Aurobindo would be
considerably mcng1hcned. Accordingly on the 1h1rty·llm dlly of
the proceedings Norton referred to the leuer and 10 Bcnchcroft's
opinion of it But 1he chief justice was on 10 the barrmer's ~ame.
Jenkins commented: ·tr your case against Bann rests upon this
leuer I can unde~tand your argument If 11 1s merely for the
purp<XC of \howing Lha1 the Judge and the Assc.sors were wrong
in their view as 10 Arob1nda then you are m mlSlakc.' " This was a
blow 10 the government's plans but did not dampen the hope~ of
the police. who more than anyone else wanted Aurobindo's case
10 be appealed. As the High Courl trial drngged on into
September they became increasingly nervous. If nothing was done
226 The Bomb i11 Bengal

before 6 November. the six-month statute of limitations would be

O\'erpassed and an appeal of the case become impossible. Three
days before the deadline there wa~ a last spasm of activity. the
Crown's solicitor> submi11in11 their case to the Government of
Bengal for immediate consideration No decision was reached and
tbe caM! against Aurobindo was allowed to lop>e. "
Two weeks later. on 23 November, the High Court delivered tlS
verdict on the apj)Cals of the Ahpore convicts. Their Lord~h1ps
held that there was convincing proof of the existence of a
conspiracy to wage wur. but accepted the dcfencc's arguments that
there had been no valid complaint under Section 121." Barin 11nd
Ullasku thus escaped the gallows. The ehjcf justice considered the
question of the punishment to be given to be 'one of considerable
difficulty' since ' those who have been convicted are not ordinary
criminals; they nrc for the most part men of education, of strong
religious instincts. and in some cases of considerable force of
character.• On the other band 'they have been convicted of one of
the most serious offences against the State.' Their punishmenis
had therefore to be 'in proportion 10 the gr:iv1ty or tbe offence'. ..
Barin Ghosc and Ull:oskar Dutt were sentcneed co transportation
for life, sharing this punishment with llem Das and Upendranath
Baneriee, whose sentences were not reduced . All the other
pri><>ners except one benefited from the High Court's judgment.
Bibhuti Bhusan Sarkar, lndu Bhusan Roy and Hrisbikesh Kanjilal
had their terms of transportation reduced from life 10 ten years;
Sudhir Sarkar and Abinasb Bhattacharya from life co seven years;
and Paresb Mallick from ten years to se'·en . The ten-year term~ of
transJlOrtation awarded 10 Sisir Ghosc and Nirapada Roy were
reduced to five years' rigorous imprisonment whole tbe seven·ycu
rerm 11gainst Balkrishna Han Kane was overturned and Kane
released. The two iudges differed over the cases of the five
re maining oonv1c1s- lndra Nandi , Kristo Jiban Sanyal. Sushil
Sen . Btren Sen and Sailen Bose- Jenkins declaring himself in
favour of acqumal, Camduff in favour of retaining or reducing
their sentences. The cases of these five men were referre<I to a
third High Court juMice for decision. The only prisoner who did
not profit from the three·mOnth dehberarions was Ashok Nandi ,
who succumbed to his illness while the case was being beard." The
verdict in the appeal was a great victory for C. R. Das. "born
Jenkin~ singled out for special praise. He also had good words for
 Appals

the mains1ay of the prosecution, CID Inspector Shamsul Alam.

whose ' industry nnd perseverance' in 'mastering lhe details or this
case' were , Jenkins said, 'deserving or great commendation'.,.
The energetic inspector did 001 bask long in his glory. On 24
January 1910. after a day of piloting the govemmeol's case to the
Alipore Appeal Reference, Alam left the counroom and strode
across the veranda. As he reached the staircase a youth named
Birendranath Datta Gupta sprang Crom the crowd, drew a Webley
38 and shot him in the back. The bated detective tumbled down
the stairs, mortally wounded. Birendrann1b dashed from the
building and across the courtyard. Finding his path blocked by
mounted policemen he fired wildly but was overcome and
arre<ted." His accomplice Satish Sukar managed to get a"'ay
from the Court and ran to inform Jat1ndra Nath Mukherjee, "'ho
had arranged the shooting. Jatin directed Satish to tell Aurobtodo
Ghose. • Running at once to the Karmayogin office Salish gave the
welcome informa1ion to the man who was still regarded as the
secret society's supreme leader. According to Nolini Kanta Gupta,
Aurobindo was 'very happy' when he received the news."
After a suitable interval lhe heanng or the Appeal Reference
was resumed without the inspector's assistance. For se.-emcen
da~-s Justice Sir Richard Harrington heard the arguments or the
h.1m\ter. .md vak1ls representtng Indra Nath Nand1 and rour
mhcr. about who...: ca'>ts the High Court had been divided Inc
Crown wus r~1lfc,cn1cd by the newly nmvcd advocatc·gencrol.
1 he case w;1s concluded on 2 Februory and sbcteen days Inter
Justice Harrington delivered his judgment. He upheld the convic-
tions or Biren Sen and Sa.ilen ~. but reduced their term~ or
tran.spor1at1on from hrc to seven years and five years respccti•cly.
The three other prisoners, Sushil Sen, Kristo Jiban Sanyal and
Indra Nan di were acquitted and released. An astounded F C
Daly considered the verdict in lhe case or the bomb-maimed Nandi
' one of 1be luckiest that ever favoured an obviou~ly guilty
person'." Totulling up his Alipore scorecard Daly could not hut
feel discouraged . or !he thirty-eight persons committed by the
' According ro Jlldul"l"'I Mukheritt. S..1ut1...,nt 6rst 10 Abinosh Chak"'hllll)
and then 10 Au.roblftdo. Prhtr.1ndra ~1ukbcfJ<c C• scholar -ho rs Jat1n·1 grand,on)
•rote •n 1971 th.al S.uih cold h.un penon.ally lhll M went first to Jill.Jn and 1h..!n
Aurobindo. nus sccrn• probable, since ii is oc1u11n llut tt WJS Jarin whu g1,•c 1hic
11Jb of killing At.m 10 Bir<ndra Nath and Sau!h (P. Mukherjee 532)
228 The Bumb i11 /Jengal

milgi~tr31C only half bad been comictcd by the <C"\ions judge. Of

those nineteen only fourteen had to <enc their sentences. Three or
these received 'hon tern» of impmonmem. The olher eleven
were condemned to ' transportation'. the Sriti<h euphemism for
bani•bment to a penal colony. For Indian con\lcts this did not
mean starling J new hfe m Georgiil or Ne" Sourh Wales but ·penal
servitude' in the green hell of the Andaman !!.lands.
 PART FOUR
The Aftermath
 22
Exiles

The shoo1ing of Shamsul Alam marked an era in the history of 1he

revolu1ionnry movement in Ucngal. The year 1909 hod been
distinguished by several spcc1uculnr 1erroris1 ·actions': 1he assas-
sinailon of Ashutosh Biswa~ in February. the assassinu11on of Sir
William Curzon· Wyllie in London in July, an unsu=ful a11emp1
agnin't the viceroy in Ahmcdabad in November. and the U"-~as­
'>inat1on of M. T . Jackson. distric1 magistrale of Nas1k. in
Occcmber. But the gunning do"n of the deputy superinlcndcnt
·puhhcly. m daylight, under 1he C}CS of many and in a cro,.ded
hu11dtng', hroke 'the '>1lcnce "h1ch had .citied on the coun1ry' and
h1td 11n1ncd1;1tc repcrCll'!>IOll\ tho1 rad1caJJy nlterc<.I the ~1tunuon 1n
l)cngill Wn11og in K11rmaytJJllll u lcw days afterwards Aurohintlo
said 1ha1 he could ·reel n menace in the air from above and
bclow'-from the government nnd from the terromt 'ocicties
-and could 'foresee the clash of iron and inexorable force~ in
whose collision all hope or peaceful Nationalism will disappear. if
no1 for ever. yet for a long. a disasirously long 'eawn ., In 1he
paper's next issue Aurobmdo re1umed 10 the same theme. ' An
organized pany or armed Revolution in Indian pol1t1cs' wa~ now ·a
recognized factor in 1he si1ua11on'. It had arisen becau>c or 1hc
failure of lhe national movement : ' In live years [from 1he
beginning of the move ment in 190.SJ every\hing has been s1ruck to
chc curth. Boycott has al111ost disappeared, Swadeshi lunguM1es
under sentence of arrest. Arbiuation died still· born . Nucional
Educaiion is committing suicide.• Be and others could only look
'-"•th amazement 'on the ruins of the work our labour and our
sacrifice erected'. And
232 The Bomb in Bengal

on 1hooc ruin• grim. wild-eyed, pitiless to iiself and 10 others. mocking a1

dcaih a11d defeat wilh 1ls raucous and careless lau&J>ler Re\'Olution rises
repeaung the language of the old-world insurgents. cherishing a d~pcratc
hope which modem conditions deny. gr11:sping at weapons which 1hc Slav
and the Celt have brought into polillcal warfare. '

Aurobindo could not of course express all bis ideas on this subject
in the columns of a newspaper. But by laying special stress on one
point in his aniclc he demonwated that his thinking had
undergone a fundamental change. It was necessary to point out, he
wro te. ' tbe immense difference between Indian conditions in
modem times and the historical pre<:edents on which the revolu·
tionists rely'. In other words the successes of the Irish and Russian
terrorists could no1 be duplicated in India. The military resources
at the government's disposal were too great. Already the Anglo·
Indian press was crying for re1ali(1lory mea~urcs. Even1ually the
govemmenl would be forocd lo respond. Aurobindo did not
'believe in a remedial system which suppresses symptoms and
leav~ lhe roo1s unlouched': but given current condilioos all he
could do was 'to s1and aside and let the physician try his sy51em'.
So long as lhe way 'to heallhy political developmcnl in India' was
'barred by the legisla1or and U1e Terrorist', he would abstain from
'comrnenl on current Indian poli1ics'.'
Four days later the 'legislator' finalized his tirs1 bar. the Indian
Press Ac• of 1910. Under the provisions of this measure printers
and publishers were made liable to deposit a security tha1 could be
sciud if they printed 'obnoxious matter', the nalure of which
could be determined by the government.• This together wi1h the
ex1ension of the Scdilious Mee1ings Act and the Indian Criminal
Law Amendmenl Act effectively interdicted the free expression of
opinion in the press or on the platform.
The day after the Press Act was passed the governmen1
announced the release of the nine dcponees. But at the same
momcnl the Government of Bengal, shaken by Alam's assassina-
tio n ond 1he continuing wave of terrorism . was preparing n file
recommending the deportation of fifty·lhree 'lending agitators' of
the province. ' Aurobindo was of course on the list. II was quile a
rumaboul for Sir Edward Baker. who seven months earlier had
been unwilling to recommend 1he deponation of Aurobindo
alone . This time however 1hc Government of India, which in July
 Exiles 2:33

had been anxious to see Aurobindo deported, insisted 'on legal

procedure'. In January Home Secretary S1uart had asked the
Go•ernment of Bengal 10 investigate the possibili1y of prosecuting
Aurobindo for sedition for articles published in Karmayogin. On
12 February Bengal's advocate-general gave his opinion that a
prosecution had a good chance of success and Baker's aides began
preparing the government's case.• A month laicr Baker gave
sanction to prosecute. A warran1 was issued bul could not be
served, for Aurobindo had left the province.
Sometime of1er 15 February one of Aurobindo's associates came
to lhc Karmayogin office and warned him that the government
planned 10 deport him. After a momenl's rcRection he resolved to
go 10 Chandcrnagorc. • the French enclave up the llooghly that
had developed into a centre of anti-British activity. He departed
from Calcuna that night and reached Chandemagore early the
next morning. His old comrade and fellow-accused Charu
Chandra Roy refused to take him in, so be took refuge with
Motilal Roy. the leader of another faction or revolutionaries.
After a stay of about a month Aurobindo left Chandcmagore for
Pondocherry. another parcel of French territory situated a hundred
miles south or Madras. He intended to stay in this asylum for a year
or two at mos1. As it rumed out be remained the rest of his life.
l·our monlhs before Aurobindo began his voluntary cJ<ile from
Unush India, hos brother and several others becnme exiles of
another ~ort a11ninst their will. Duriog the hearing of !heir appeal
1he convic1cd Alipore prisoners bad been lodged in 1he 44 degrees.
Barin and Ullnsknr had lhe disiinction of occupying 1wo of the
block's firs1 cells, which were reserved for prisoners condemned to
death. The others spent the day carding jute, bul were permitted
to leave 1heir cells for eating. bathing and exercise. Barin and
Ullaskar. confined all day to their cells. had 001hing 10 do bul dwell
on their impending doom , fearing death and yet longing for its
release . Encouraged by Aurobindo, wilh whom be communica1cd
by surrcptnious notes, Barin threw himself 1n10 the practice of
yoga . Soon he was pawng much of the day in meduation. ' The only
people he spoke to were the jail supcnnlendcnt. who wanted
• Aurobindo lumw.I( said he rc:<:ci\--ed an adttlt (c:ommrind from God) 10 go 10
Chand(rn11orc. 111 1hc prC$C:nt contcx1 1)lc source of the unpul..ton 15 of oo
~rdculnr imponance. 1 have diSCUSSC'd the quCSh()n Of lhC odah fll S()me length in
A&R 11 (1987): 220-24.
234 The Bomb in Bengal

10 team yoga. and 1he head warder. who delivered sermons on 1he
Supreme Father and lhe rcpen1ance of sinners. On 23 No' ember
Sarin and UUasl:.ar learned that the> "ould no1 be executed. Those
of their associates whose sen1cnce~ of tran~poria1ion or imprison-
mcn1 were confirmed were taken off jutc-canling. The authorities
did not want them to escape punishment by hanging themselves.•
On 1be moming of 12 December seven prisoners were roused
from \Jeep and herded in10 the counyard of Ahpore iail. Clad only
in shon-sleevcd kurtas and knee-length dhotis , 1hey sat shivering
by the prison gi1tc. Around 1hcir necks were iron hahcrs from
which dangled wooden identification 'tickets': around their ankles
were iron bar-fellers. Seeing each 01her in th1s state, it wa.\ all 1hey
could do to keep from laughing. At length they "ere ordered into
the van. As before. as soon as the doors were closed 1hey all
siartcd rnlking at once. But this time they were bound nQt for the
Aliporc oourts bu1 for the docks u1 Kidderpore . Here they were
pu1 on board lhe S S. MaharaJa, the ship 1ha1 plied the 'black
waters' between 1he mainland and lhe Andamans. The seven
Ahpore prisoners who "ere nrnkmg the voyage "ere Barin Ghose,
Ullaskar Dull, Hem Chandra Das. Jndu Bhus:m Roy, Bibhuti
BhuSlln Sarkar, Hri;hikesh Kanjilul and Abina>h Chandra Bhatt-
acharya. Three of their companion$-Upendranalh Banerice.
Sudhtr Sarkar and Paresh Malltck -bad been tell behind m
Calcuua on aceoun1 of illn~. Two of th= joined the 01hers af1cr
six weeks. And a month later, arter 1J1e hearing of the Reference.
Biren Sen raised the number of Bomb Case convicts in 1hc
Andaman Islands to ten.•
The six-hundred mile voyage from Cakuna 10 Port Blair 1ook
rour days. The pioneers spen1 mos1 of the ume in the bold, thetr
handcuffs fas1cncd 10 a cbam. The food was perhaps the worst
they had ever eaten. Using the toilet mcuni squatting over a
bucket in full s1gh1 of everyone el>e. Bui all WllS not misery and
degradauon_ Through a porthole they could sec a piece of the
ocean and 1he irrepressible llem and lJllaskar displayed 1heor
talent~ as singers anll comedians. On the morning of 1hefourth day
they were taken on deck, where 1hcy got 1heir firs1 glimpse of the

• In 1be1r acrourus of bk- 1n 1M And.mans. Bann aftd Upen spoli;c of oNy ltn
&,mb C.tJC: prisoocn. Nt1tbcr ol lhc.m mt.nctOOCd Parnh t.lalbck, "-ho apparently
~as 001 u--.a.osponcd.
 Exiles 235

bcau11ful hill~ of South Andaman Island . ·As yet." one of them

later commented. ·we l;new nothing about the soul of the pli1cc. ·•
Before the coming of the British the Anet.man arch1pelago "as
inhabned only hy fierce tnl>es of hunter-gatherer< Some eight lo
ten thou\ltnd of these men and women lived on the islands in 1910.
They had never signed a treaty with the Bnt1>h. Adept With bow
and arrow. they would shoot at any alien they enoountercd. But few
of these ·savage~· were seen in the neighbourhood of Port Blair.
There in the priqon and surrounding sculements lived fourteen
thousand prisoners, most of them nu~e. and a free populntion of
two rhousnnd . The colony had ftna been used for detention after the
Revolt of 1857. but since 1863 ordinary prisoncl'l> hud predominated
over rebels. Each year the Maharaja brought some twelve hundred
more. most of them dacoits and murderers. Before the arrival of the
men from Ahpore the colony had received no pohtical prisoners
for a number of years. As the first to be transported in" tcrronst
case they were accorded special treatment. The 1ml officer~ tried to
cow the..e ·anarchi~ts' down with a great .how of fetters and
regulation~ They did not realize that the anarch1>ts \\ere much
more frightened than they. and "ith better rea!><>n
After n week on quarantine the prisonc,.,, were taken to the
lilmnu~ Cellular Jail, a unique monument on the annals of
pcntllOf\' l•ro1n .t Joom1ng ctnlral wa1ch1nwer rudinted seven
blod' of tel" only cells and no barrucu. hence the numc. After
rcg1,1r.H1011 the new 1n111ntc' \Vere 1ntrot.luced to the joilor. Mr
llnrry. I le told rhem, 'If you disobey me. may Ood help you, ul
least I will llC)l. that is certain. Remember alw rhat Ood docs not
come wirhin three miles of Port Blair."" Thus iniuated the
prboners were divested of their fetters and i!.!>ucd prison dress and
vc.,;cls. After u meal served on rusty. oil·smenrcd plates. they
"ere marched off to Block No. 5. Herc each of the 'hombers' was
assigned a •CJ"lrnte cell. Between them were four or the cells
holding ordinary prisoners. The warden. had strict orders not to
alto" the Bcnphs to talk with one another. After a fe-.. day-; the
prison blact..smuh fastened ring> around their neck\ from which
dangled their new 'tickets' lil;e bullocks' bells. Thc<e ta~ "ere
inscribed with their numbers. dates of conv1ct1on nnd terms of
sentence. 111cir cin:ulnr shape declared that the wearers had been
conv1c1ed of a crime against the state. Murdcrcr1 wore rectangular
tic~cts; those who :Htcmpted escape. Lriangulnr.
236 The 8qmb i11 Bengal

The next morning the newcomers were taken for physical

examinations. They did not know their fa1cs hung on the result. A
week later when they went to Barry for work-assignment, be
distributed tasks according to the doctor's ratings. The economy or
the Andamans revolved around the fruit or the coconut-palm. To
1um this plentiful crop to profit the authorities had at their disposal
a glut of the chupest possible labour. These slaves-for the
prisoners were nothing but that- were given one of three tools:
rope·making for the weakest, coir-poundiog for the sturdy and oil-
pressing for the brawny o r disobedieol. Rope-making, lo which
Sarin and Abinash were assigned, consisted of twisting eoir-fibres
into progressively larger 'wicks', which ultimately were plaited
into ropes. ll was. Sarin said, a skill to be learned like any other. II
the prisoner managed to produce three pound!; or rope by the end
of the day he could go back to his cell without being punished and
enjoy his usual ration. The coir·pounders had it much worse. Each
was given the husks of 1weoty cooonulS that had to be beaten with
a mallet uot.il the fibres of cou c:ame loose. Two pounds or this
fluffy material had 10 be produced before evening. It was, Sudbir
Sarkar explained, •a really lough job'; sometimes 'we could not
even close our bruised and stiffened palms in order 10 put a morsel
in our mouths'. But this was nothing compared 10 the sufferings of
the ool·pressers. Yoked to millstones like bullocks or horses, mco
assigned this work had to trudge around io circles froro six in the
morning till six in the evening. During Ibis period they bad to tum
out lhirty pounds of oil. The quota for bullocks was sixteen." So
terrible was the oil-presser's lot that even cultured Brahmins used
10 beg lO be given the work or $C3VCnger ins1ead. All in all,
observed Sarin, 'if the sheer weight or punishment were taken into
consideration. we should stand as far bigger av~tars than Ram
Chandra. If anybody does no1 admit this', he added, ' l would
earnestly request him to pay a visit to Mr. Barry's kingdom and do
lhe oil-grinding and coir-poundong for a week only. One week
would be sufficient 10 make him reel what another avatar felt oo
che cross .· 11
During the firsl si~ months of their imprisonment the Allpore
convicts were spared the agonies of oil-pressing. But they enjoyed
in full 1he thousand petty torments of prison life . Everything had
to be done to order: working. eating, stripping, bathing, defe·
eating. Thesadislic guards took pleasure in making !hero dance at
 Exit~ 237

their command and then showering them with abuse. Bribery was
the only way 10 placate these demons. After the head warder of his
block had polished off Barin's special rahon of milk, he would
wipe his beard, smack his lips and exclaim, 'Wba1 a wonderful
thing God has created!"' Disobedience was punished with reduced
rations. 1hen bar·feners or 'separate confincmcnl'. There was no
possibility of appeal to the authorities for ill-trca1mcn1. Once
when Upen was serving a stretch of separate conflnement he had a
heated exchange with ooe of the warders. The mun grabbed his
neck-ring and slammed his head against the bars. This fllled Upen
'with such a blind rage' 1hat he retaliated the only way he could.
Seizing his 1ormenter's hand he 'bit it till it ran blood'. There
would have been more trouble if a sympathetic petty officer had
not bushed up 1he incideni. In the face of such oppression most of
the 'political~' stuck together and helped each other ou1 whenever
they could. But mos1 of the ordinary prisoners were bad 10 begin
with and had been further corrupted by years or 1mpnsonmen1.
They could punish anyone they disliked by stealing his quota of
work or reporting him for a minor infraction. And in the unna1ural
environment of the colony every form of moral dcpraviry
nourished.
1 owards the end of 1910 a number of political prisoners arrived
from Mahnrashtra. The newcomers and the Bengalis did no1 get
along very well. hcing divided by provincial rivalry and political
factionalism. Aro\Jnd the same time a new superintendent decided
that it was time for the Bcngalis to take up oil·pressing. They did
!heir best for a number of days until at last the infim1 Abinasb
broke down. II was only with the help of lndu Bhusan thnt he was
able to fulfil his quma. Another man who found the oil·mill 00110
his liking was 1he Punjabi nationalist editor Nanda Gopal. He
refosed 10 fulfil his quola and was punished with fetters and
confinement. The poli1icals struck work in syrnpa1hy. The author-
ities resorted to every form of punishment they knew penal die1,
increased quo1as, solitary confinement and feuering 10 1hc wall.
Weakened by fasting and lack of exercise the prisone~ fell prey to
the diseases endemic 10 1he colony: malaria , dysentery and so
forth. Al length the authori1ies relemed. On the occasion or the
Coronation Durbar of 1911 they sen! someorihe Bcngalis to work
in the islands' 'settlements'. This turned out to be more difficult
than oil-pressing, with lbe additiooi1.l problems or stolen rations,
238 TM Romb 111 8e11gal

exposure to the elemen1s and non·cxi~1ent medical ~are. One by

one all of the pri<;<>ncr~ came back to Cellular Jrul, where
conditions remained unbearahle .
In April 1912 lnou Bhu;an, led up "i1h the humih:uions of jail
life. made a noose "11h hi~ shirt and hanged himself. "Two months
later Ullaskar Dutt "'enl mad O\cm1ghl after developing a fever
while fettered to the wall of h1\ cell The politic-JI~ again struck
work. An U11portant figure in this phase of lhe strike was Nam
Gopal Mukhcrji. a Bengah tcrroris1 who had been sent to the
colony after a11emp1ing 10 kill G. C. Denham ofthe Calcutta CID.
The 1eeoagcr \\Cnl on a hunger•sinkc and 5tuck 10 i1 for more lhao
a month. Even in his emacialcd s1a1e the authorities did not
hesitate to feller him to the wall. News of lndu Bhusan's death.
Ullaskar's insanity and Nani Gopars sufferings eventually found
their way to the mainland. The Calcuua press launched a
campaign against the prisoners' inhuman treatment. A commis·
sion w35 sent to in"es11ga1c. Al this 1ime Charles Tegan of the
CID came to interrogate the prisoners. Offered reduced sentences
in exchange for 111formuuon, some of 1he Alipore prisoners gave
fairly extensive statcmcn1s. But l lcm Das remained as uncommu-
nicative as ever. Questioned about bomb-making he replied that
all he knew about the subjec1 he had picked up from 1he 1es1imony
or Major Smallwood. 1hc expert wi1ness at Alipore. "
As a result of 1he investigution 1hc political prisoners· conditions
were improved. The ' term convicts', those who had been sen-
tenced to a term less than life, were sent back to lndia and
confined in conventional prisons. (The insane Ullaskar bad
already been sen• 10 an asylum in M11dras.) The only Alipore
convicts lefl on the islands were Bnrin. Upen and Hem. These
three were prombed the privileges enjoyed by ordinary convicts,
such as the righ1 to cqok 1heir own food . And after ten years their
cases would be reconsidered.
During the early part of the i"irst World War the prisoners
pra)-ed for a German victory. Perhaps 1he enemies of Britain
would invade 1he islands and free them! lns1cad of liberators came
more captives: four doLcn Sikhs arres1cd 1n 1hc 'Ghadr conspiracy'
and fifteen or '"cnty Bcngalis. Af1cr a period or relative quiet Pon
Billi again was a hvely place. The Sikhs did not appreciate the jail
food and discipline and before long many struck work. Several
died of d1SCllSC1i contracted during the \trike. Anywhere else.
 Exil~s 239

Upcn commented. this sort or 1hing would have creu1ed an upmJr.

'but 1n Port Blair it was an everyday affair.'•
Ounng 1he War the superintendent someumcs miked poht1~
with the Bengalis. They used the occasion to let him know 1us1
whut 1hey 1hough1 of 1he Bri1ish government . One day 1he ja1lor
told Upen 1ha1 the superintendent was noung their opinions in the
reports he scnl 10 the mainland. These would be used 10 de1erminc
the suuabilily of sening them free in the amnesty Ihm might follow
a Bri1ish vic1ory. Upcn thought about it and decided 1hat prison
was not the bcs1 place to ventilate his views on Brillsh Imperialism.
The nexl time he and 1he superintendent had a inlk he spoke
mos1ly abou1 the villainy of the Germans. The superintendenl was
impressed by his change of heart. Since 1he strike of 1912 th!!
Bengah prisoners had generally been co-operative and had been
rewarded wuh hght and useful work. Hem helped ou1 w11h a
geographical survey of the islands: Barin "orked in the pnson
library. All of them got good marks in 1heir annual report.~. and 1n
February 1919 1he superintendent recommended 1hcir release.
Reluctan1ly 1he Government of Bengal agreed. On 23 December
1919 the king gave his Royal Assent to a Governmenl of India Act
granting amncs1y to selected political pnsoncrs. There followed a
number of anxious weeks while the convicts awaucd de•clop·
111cn1' hnally in January several pnsoner>. among them Barin,
Upc11 nnd I lcrn. were told thnl they would be senl 10 1hc rnomland
llnd rclcuscd. Enrly 111 February they bourded o ship which carried
them 10 cite same Kidderporc docks from which they hud lef1 ror
the Andamans ien years earlier. From Kiddcrpore 1hey were
taken under guard 10 Alipore jail. Arier the formalities or release
had been completed 1he soperintendenl asked them if 1hey had a
place 10 spend the nigh1. They did not bu1 replied that 1hey did and
o moment lo1er they found themselves Cree men in the s1ree1s of
Cakuna.
 23
After Alipore

Eardley Norton left Cakuna as soon as 1he arguments in the

Alipore Bomb Case Appeal had been heard. On 3 November 1909
he wrote to F. W. Duke from the Hlitel Meurice in Paris asking if
Sir Edward Baker would recommend him ror 'silk' - the robes of
King's Counsel-which represented bis 'only ambition in life'. Sir
Edward was amenable and directed Duke to draft a lener.
Addressing the barrister on 28 November. fi,e day'l after the Higb
Court's Judgment bad been delivered. the chief secretary ex·
pressed 'high appreciation for your services 10 Government in
piloting 1he very complicated and difficult Ahporc conspiracy case
to a successful conclusion. It was·. Duke added, ·a prosecution of a
new order and probably of a more serious character 1han we have
ever hud in Bengal.' '
Duke's leuer was a thoughtful ges1ure on 1he part of lhc
Government of Bengal, especially considering the fact 1hat the
outcome of the trial was a disappointment to many. Even Duke
was lukewarm when he senl Norton's request to Baker, commen-
ting only 1ha1 the trial had had a 'fairly successful issue'. Two
months la1cr. when tpc Chief Secretary proposed the deportation
of fifiy·thrce Ocngalis, he adrni1ted that if 'first Alipore Bomb
Case (hadl resulted in a more complete succ:ess'. it would have
been rollowed by another case in which among others Abinash
Chandra Chakrabutty would have been arraigned.' As ii was this
case was allowed to drop and the fortunate Abinash escaped
prosceuliOn ror the second time in SIX months.
The partinl su=s of the Alipore Bomb Tnal continued to
haunt 1he Ocngnl Government for a number of years. In 1917 J.C.
Nixon. author of the official Accounr of rhe Rl!volurio11ary
 After Alipor~ 241

Organizatwn.s in B~ngal oth~r thOll th~ Dacca Anushilan Samill,

wrolc tha1 while the convictions deal! a 'severe blow' to the
terrorist organiu1ion , 'it cannot be said tha1 the hear1 of the
movemenl was crushed', 'inasmuch as Arabinda Ghosh ... was
acquincd'. Nixon went on to observe: 'during the three years
following the arrests in the Alipore case. what is known as
Western Bengal passed through a phase of very severe anarchical
crime'. There were, Nixon thought, 'six causes which con1ribu1cd
to this' dovclopmenl, of which the first three were: '(I) The
prolracted nalure of the trial and the publicity ii gave to
revolutionary method~ and to the ostensible strength of the
conspiracy. (2) The character of martyrdom which was popularly
given 10 1hc accused, and particularly to those who had been
hanged for murder. (3) The still violen1 atrilude of 1he news-
papers.'' It is clear tha1 the confessions of Sarin and his confed-
eralcs and 1he self-sacrifice of Kanailal and Khudiram had not
been in vain .
!Rspotc Nixon's gloomy assessment, his ICS colleague J. C.
Ker, also wri1ing in 1917, was able lo view the results of the lrial in
a suffkienrly posi1ive light to characterize i1 as a 'success'. The
eradicauon of 1he Manik1ola society and the imprisonment of most
of i1s leaders had, af1er all. resulted in the break up of 'lhc
Calcurto hrnnch of 1he revolutionary movement for 1hc 1imc'. But
it rou ld 1101 be denied 1ha1 this did nol ~ull in a ccssa1ion of
terrorasl ac1ivity in 1he province. On the contrnry lhcre was an
upsurge, emanating at firs1 mostly from Dacca, where (as Ker
observed) 'the Anushilan Samiti was becoming ac1ive and dan-
gerous·. West Bengal lagged behind for a while bu1 then r~·
bounded with new vigour. The two nodes of activity in this part of
1he province were I.be society based in Chandemagorc and a more
amorphous group that as yet had neither headquarters nor name,
but would soon become known as l.beJugantar Party. All 1hrcc of
these organizations were related to the Maniktola socie1y: the
Dacca Anushilan as a sis1er, the Jugantar Party as a daugh1er and
the Chandcmagore group as a little or each. An index of their
indebtedness to the original organization set up by Ja1in Banerji
and Aurobindo Ghosc in 1902 is the fact that both Jugantar and
Anusholan claimed Aurobindo as founder or co-founder and one
section or 1hc Chandernagore group regarded l1im as its head.•
The Calcuna Anushilan Samiti was outlawed in October 1909
242 The Bomb i11 8t11gal

and thcreafler declined in imponancc. The Dacca branch re·

ma1ncd "rong despite ils earhcr proscnption and in t9t0 it mo,ed
i1s headquancn to Caleuna. From this poanl onwards the name
Anushilan Sam11t was appli<.-d to the all-Bengal organazatioo that
grew out of 1he Dacca branch. The forma11on Jnd ac1ivincs of 1he
Dacxa Anu;,h1lan have been referred 10 oflcn 111 prevaou~ chapten.
From the firs1 1he personality of Pulin Behun Dus was impressed
upon his creauon. giviog it the charac1er i1 kepi 1ill the end: 1ight
discipli ne and rigid organiza1ion. The government made many
a11empts 10 ge1 rid of Putin. first by deporting him , then by
arrc>ling him in 1he Dacca Conspiracy Case and finall y by
1ronspor1ing him to 1be Andamans. 11 is :t 1ribu1e 10 his methods
that the group he es1abtished no1 only survived bul flourished. But
Putin's au1hori1arian melhods did not appeal to all prospective
1crroris1s. The loose organiza1jon favoured by Barin Ghose and
others wa> 1n many ways more congenial to the Bengali lempera·
mcnt Wi1h Bario this looseness led to ncgh{lencc 1ha1 resulled in
1hc downfall or him and his associa1es: bu1 in more capable hands
6ex1ble leadership had bener rcsulb. 1be grea1es1cxponrnt or I.bis
s1ylc or command was Jatindra Na1h Mukher1ce. "'ho became 1bc
lender or 1he West Bengal organiza1ion after 1hc Muraripukur
debacle. Ja1in probably was behmd 1he shooting or Naodalal
Banerjee and Ashutosh Biswas in 1908 und 1909 and he unques-
tionably insligated the assassina1ion of Shamsul Alam in J nnuary
t9IO. Before being executed on 21 February or that year,
Shamsurs assailant Birendran111h Dalla G uprn menlioncd Ja1in
nnc.J 01hcr unnamed ' leaders· (Aurobindo obviously being one) as
cognaian1 of lhe murder plot. Thh led to Julio'\ arrest and
prosecu1ion in I.be Howrah Conspiracy Case, a long and complex
trial from which he was even1ually discharged •
h was during 1he hearing of the Howrah Conspiracy Case 1ha1
the name 'Jugantar ·gang· was first publicly used: bul 1hc 1errn
already had a history. After the splat be1.,een Bario and
Nikh1lcswar Roy Maulick o•er lhe running or Jugamar an the
summer or 1907, those who remained on 1he s1arr or 1he paper
beca me known as I.be 'Jugantar group· ' This 1erm was picked up
by the police. who used it 6rs1 to de~1gnatc Bann·s rather than
Nikh1leswar"s f11ction. In a lene r wri11en j us1 before lhe Manilnola
arrests, 1hc chief secretary or the Bengal Guvernment referred 10
Ba nn·s secret socie1y as 1he "Yugantur Party' and ·Yugonlar
 After Al1pore

boys·.• A year later. after Barin·s society had been climinoted. lhc
<.ame government used •the Juganl3r Gang· to u1d1cate the group
that had been pubh;hing Jug11111or al the time of the arrests and
subsequently c.-ontinucd its activ1tie6 in sec.-ret. ' rh1s ·gang· was
given its li'6t complete description by F. W. Duke in hh proposal
of M<1rch 1910 to deport fifty-three pcr'IOOS. The name ·Yugantar
Gang·. he wrore. could be used lo dc>eribe ·a large number or
people who used con\IMtly to meet at the office of the Y11gamar
paper and even after the dis;oluuon of the paper used to
congrcg.t1c at ccrwin common re11dc1vous Ill Culcutta :1nd it $
suburb6'. 1" Prominent among them were Kart.ik Dun and other<;
indicted in the I lowrah Case. To d"tinguish Kart1i.·, group from
the other cl~•cn batches in that case. the prosecution referK-d to 11
as the Ju~antar Gang or Group. 'The ·gang· so differentiated had
in fact no formal cxbtence. What wa< gr:tdually caking form was a
loose fe<lera1ioo of revolutionary societies in vari<>us pans of
Bengal that stood apart from the Dacca Anush1lan. In the
northern and eastern parts of the province thb federation "J\
known to Anushilan as "the other panf or 'the Company'. ''
Elsewhere 11 was namclc,~; but as tirnc pa\scd the court's label wa\
prci;.~ed into service and the 'Jugunwr Party' ""I born By the
193(}, the term W<I'> w well e'tabli~hcd 1hat 1t wa' U.\ed retro-
JCUH·h IO refer to the group founded b) Aurobmdo and Jatm
8Jnc111 .1 qu.1ncr-<.·cntur) carhcr U.111n himself c.11nc to ae<:cpt
th"' 1dc11t1hcat1on. WllllRA or lum'-<'11 und his former u«;ociates as
'the t\rs1 pioneer~ c11 llc'1 the Jug:111t;1r l'urly'. It ~hould be kept In
mind. however, that 1hc term •Jugantar l'<1ny' did not come into
general u<e until around 1915. and 1hat the t1roup "'"er had u
formal p;.•rt) .iructure. '
The origins of the Jugantar Pany urc hard to pin down <ince.
unlike the Anushilan Samiti. it hn<l no lormal inauguration . Arnn
Chandra Ouha. a leading member of Jugantar. ga•e a half.dozen
different accounts of tts beginnings in his authoritatl\C Fmr Spark

• 1 h,1\c &4.)l)c 1ntu 'Uc-h dct.ul rom:crn1ng lhc ong1n ind h1~urv ~'f 1hc nan1c
·Jug..-in1ar ( P'11ty)' in on.lcr 10 uvoid 1mprcc11,t<u1 In spe;iklns. ol 1h1!o hi~ton\'.;,Uy
i1nfx>rt.1n1 bo1 ncbuJous or1t41n11iu1on. From 1h1" poi11c I .,., ill u-< che tl:Hnc to refer 14)
lhC p.iny tOm(X>'tCd of Cht rc,:n1n;mnts Of lboc 1\urobin(.)o.B.irin <wgon1Zat1t~ 11nJ
other non-Antbhilan l'Wr' 1n di((crt-nl p.;ut' ot v.otcm .tl'kl t ..'\tcm Ben,:al II
~Id be rcmcf'W'IN-rcd bov.c\'tf tltat tht n11mc ,. .., not 1n r:c:ncud u-.c: untat aftc..'1 the
penod I <kill 'lilt11h in th"' thaptcr.
244 The Bomb in. Bengal

of Revolution. M The $311le so" of vagueness is apparent in the

aooounts or Jadugopal Mukherjee, an important Jugantar leader,
In hU Biplabi Jibontr Smriri. 11 What is clear from both writers'
accounts is lbat Jugantu took form gradually, partly in opposition
to Anushilan, though never totally at odds with it. In the beginning
the two groups were 'generally on good tenns' (in the opinion of
the CID's J. E. Armstrong), 'exchanging members from time to
time and occasionally acting in co-operation'. But even at this
time, despite similarities of origin and aim, the two groups were
'sometimes in rivalry' and this mutually antagonistic attitude soon
became the rule." Except for two brief periods Jugamar and
Anusbilan could not pull together and the later ' history of
revolutionary terrorism in Bengal' was largely, as Gopal Haldar
bas commented, ' the history of wasteful rivalry between these two
principal groups'. 0
In 1910 and 1911 both Anushilan and the still unnamed Jugantar
were hamstrung by conspiracy trials. Despite the limited success of
the Alipore Bomb Case, the government initiated a number of
similar prosecutions because the conspiracy law was the only way
it could deal with men suspected of involvement in dacoities and
other terrorist crimes. As Ker explained: •As it was practically
impossible as a rule to obtain sufficient evidence to satisfy the
courts in specific cases of dacoity, an attempt was made, where the
evidence showed that several dacoities were the work of one gang.
to prosecute the whole gang for conspiracy, and to rely on the
cumulative effect of the information collected on different
occasions implicating the same people.''" Unfortunately for the
government it proved frus1ratingly difficufl to obtain convictions
on 1he count of conspiracy. As the verdicts in the Alipore case
showed, the courts were loath to sentence men under Section 121-A
unless they could be ~own to have participated in ove" acts. Until
the law was altered to pcrrnit summary trials, most conspiracy cases
Cared ill in the courtroom; but tf\eydid enable the police to keep the
accused out of action for the duration of the trial.
During 1910 and 1911 Pulin Das and other members of the
Dacca Anush.ilan were involved in the Dacca Conspiracy Case.
Ostensibly concemed with severul East Bengal dacoities, the case
soon 'resolved iL~lf into an investigation of the Anushilan Samiti '
in all its aspects. The High Court found that the Samiti was ·a
criminal society the object of which was to conspire to wage war
 After Alipor~ 245
against the King-Emperor', but it confirmed the conv1c11ons of
only fourteen or the forty-four accused . " The Howrah Conspiracy
Case. heard between March 1910 and April 1911 , had a similar
outcome: only six of lhc forty·six men sent up were convicted . As
in the Dacca case the cogni.t.nble offences were dacoities but the
governmcnl's purpose in instituting proceedings was to break the
back of the West Bengal organization. As it turned out this
strategy backfired. During his year-long confinemenr as an
undertrial prisoner, Jatio Mukherice was able to bring together
the ' disjointed threads of the organization'. becommg after his
release the unchallenged leader of a more coherent party.~ Both
the I lowrah and Dacca cases were follo"ed by related proseeu·
tions: the Khulna Conspiracy Case io western Bengal and the
Bnrisal Conspiracy Ca~e in the East. Neither of these was a
notable success for the Oovernment, though in Barisal plca-
burgnlning lead to the imprisonment of twelve men while the trial
kept the eastern branch of Anu~hilan busy until the beginning or
1914. 11
Dunng this period of legal embarrassment for Anush1lan and
Jugantar the centre of Bengal's revolutionary activity shifted to
Chandernagore. Cbaru Chandra Roy, the founder of the party in
the rrcnch enclave. was ~Lill regarded as its overall bead , bu1 by
I'll I """-t dcci•ions were being rnken by Srish Ghosc and Motilul
Roy . Omh Lhesc men had h:1ll contac1s with the Maniktola society.
Srish. ii will be recalled, arr.111gcd for 1hc ~upply of the pMols that
were used lo kiU Narcndra Nmh GoswamL Motilal was Auro·
bindo's host during the la11er's srny in Cbandernagorc and
subsequently kept in touch with the exiled leader. Ano1hcr
member of the Chandernagore group was Suresb Duua . a college
chemistry professor who helped make Cbandcrnagorc the prin·
cipal centre of bomb manufaC1urc on India. One of Surcsh's first
creauons was the bomb used by Nano Gopal Mukherjee in his bid
to kill Denham of lbe Specml Branch on March 1911." A year and
a hulf later, on J3 December 1912, another bomb made in
Chnndernagore was used in on a11cmp1 against Abdur Rahman,
1hc Midnapore informer. This was a prelude to an even more
daring action.
Since the formation of the revolutionary party the dream of 1hc
terrorists had been to assassinate o really important official. What
beuer target could there be than the viceroy and wh31 bcrtcr
246 The Bomb in Borgal

occasion than an ostentatious ceremony? On 23 December 1912

Lord Hardinge was scheduled to make his state entry into the
ne,.ly designated capital of Delhi. Smh and other Oiandemagorc
tcrrorbts resolved to take advantage of this opponunity. One of
their associates was Rash Behan Bose. a relative of Srish's who
like him had been in conract with Barin's society. After the arrcst:s
at the Garden, Rash Behari went to Debra Dun and got a job as a
clerk in the Imperial Forestry Institute. Here he discharged his
duties assiduously, impressing his British employers with his
'exemplary character'. AL the same time he got in touch with a
party of Punjabi revolutionaries in Labore. Townrds the end of
1911 Rash Behari paid a visit to Chandcrnagorc. During a
conversation Srish brought up the idea of killing Lord Hardinge.
Rash Bchnri volunteered for the job. declaring: ' Better to shoot an
elephant than to get your hands diny swauing flies.' Motilal
introduced him to two aspiring assassins. Rash Bchari chose one of
them, twenty-one-year-old Basanra Kumar 81swas. and took him
back wuh him to Dchra Dun. D uring the next twelve months Rash
Behari gave Basanta the poliueal mdoclnnation and praetical
training he needed LO carry out bis mission. As the date of the state
entry approached, Rash Behari 1ook Basanta 10 Lahore and
arranged for him 10 stay with his Punjabi a•sociatcs. On 22
December, the two men met in Delhi. Rash Behari brought a
picric-acid bomb made by Suresh Duua using fl shell cast by
Amritl;1I Hazra of Anushilan. On the 23rd Rash Behari and
Basanrn went to the gaily decoraied Chandni Chowlc, the city's
principal 1horoughfare. Dressed in woman's clothing, Basanta
wen1 to a rooftop overlooking the viceroy's rou1e that was
reserved for ladies. According to legend. he told the other
spectators that his name was Lakshmibai - an allusion to the
famous Rant of Jhansi. D
The state entry was planned to match the imperial durbars in
pomp and brilliance. Lord Hardinge and Lady Hardinge. like
Lord Lynon and Lady Lytton thirty·fh-e years earlier. were seated
in a howdah on the back of a richly caparisoned elephant. As the
procc<Sion passed the rooftop where 'Lakshm1bai' was wailing, a
bomb sailed down and exploded behmd the viceroy. An Indian
attendant who was siuing d1ere was killed at once. Lord Mardinge
wru; gravely injured but he ordered the procession to proceed. It
was not until Lady Hardioge saw that her husband was semi·
 Aft~r Alipor~ 247

conscious and the anendant dead that she gave the order to stop.
The viceroy was taken to the hospital, where it was dosco\'ered that
sc'eral shell-fragments had entered his body. It took him a
number of months to recover."
As soon as his job was done Basanta dashed down to the street,
threw off his sari and disappeared into the crowd. Rash Behari
al..o managed 10 escape. Back in Oehra Oun the exemplary clerk
attended a condolence meeting for the viceroy. himself proposing
the president to the chair. Basanta returned to Punjab where he
continued his terrorist activities. In 1913 ho placed a bomb near
Lahore's European club, which killed an Indian messenger who
cycled over it. Inquiries set in motion by the incident led 10 the
arrest of Basanta and some of his associates. In the resulting trial
be and two others were found guilty of murder and sentenced to
death."
Developments after 19l2 can only be sketched in brief. In
November 1913 the police arrested Amntlal Hazra and three
others on Raja Bazar. Calcutta. The mystery of the common origin
of the bombs used against Denham, Abdur Rahman and the
viceroy was solved. But the arrests did httle to stop the sprud of
tcrrori\I v1olcncc, panieularly in Bengal. In 1914 men of Anu-
'holan .. nd Juganrnr were involved on six murders or anempted
rnurtlc" ;ond 'ixteen dacoities or attempted daco11ies in different
P"'" of lht provin~-e. The first incident or 1914 dcmon~trated how
diffoeull 1t WU\ for the authorities to deal with such crimes. On 19
Jllnuury inspcotor Nripcndra Nath Ghose wios shot dead in Shobha
Duar, Ca lcutta. The deed was witnessed by numerous persons,
including some members or the police. One of the assailants,
Nirmal Kunrn Roy, was captured moments after the shooting.
When arre51cd he was carrying a revolver with spent eamidgcs in
its chambers. In th~ resulting trial he was defended by two lawyers
better known as antagonists: Eardley Nonon and C. R. Das.
Norton . "ho nrvcr did get his ·silk". had scnlcd 1n Calcuna and
become a leading member of I.be Bar. Oas. "'hose career had
skyrocketed after his Alipore successes. was now the most
su~ful barrister in 1be metropolis. ln the Normal Roy Case the
1wo men had 10 deal with a crushing burden of evidence ably
marshalled by 1he advocate-general S. P. Sinha. liul by discredi·
tong key witnesses 1hey were able 10 obtain acqumals in two
succe,..,ive trials and ultimately to force Sinha to enter 110//e
248 The Bomb in Bengal

proseque ('I will not prosecute') on behalf or !he Crown ."

Accepting the time-honoured wisdom or the formula 'the enemy
of my enemy is my friend', Indian revoluuonaries viewed the
outbreak of the First World War as a God-given opportunity. The
leaders of the terrorist movement had always dreamed of trans·
ronnmg it into a militant uprising. This wns Aurobindo's original
idea and before the secret societies turned to tcrromm be and
others had made some efforts to spread disaffection in the army.
Even during the trial of the Alipore Bomb Case, Bengali
revolutionaries mnde 'an organized attempt 10 rnmpcr with the
loyally' of the 10th Jats, a regiment then stationed fit Alipore. The
government viewed this development with the utmost ularm and
disciplined the offenders severely." Few efforts in 1.his direction
were made over !he next four years. but in L914 a group of Sikh
militants, working together with Rash Behan Bose and Vishnu
Ganesh Pinglay, formulated an ambitious plan for simultaneous
rismgs to lake place in Punjab and elsewhere in February 1915.
Unfortunatdy for the conspirators the plan leaked out at the last
moment . No nsmgs took place e1ccpt in Singapore. where the
isolated troops were quickly subdued Many of the participating
Sikhs were tried and senteoocd to 1ranspona1ion. Pinglay was
caught and condemned to death while the elusive Rash Behari
munnged to give the police the slip and eventually made his way to
Ja1>nn . ., His attempts to enlist the help of that country had little
immediate result, but a quarter-century lutcr bore fruit in vastly
chanscd global circumstances.
During the First World War Indian hopes for foreign help were
pinned no1 on Japan but Germany. Even before 1914 nationalists
from different parts or the country had established themselves in
Berlin. Paris. San Francisco and other places, where they worked
in different ways to ~pread propaganda, obtain arms and collect
money. The Berlin group succeeded in making contact with the
German Foreign Office and obtained a prom1SC of monetary and
material assistanoc. It is beyond the scope of this book to trace the
ram11\cations of the resulting 'lodo-Gcrman Plot'. It wdl be
enough 10 suggest its seriousness. extent and final failure by
looking briefty at an imponant episode involving members or the
Jugantar group.
After his release from the Howrah Con~piracy Case in 1910
Jatin Mukherjee went 10 Jcssore and set himself up as a law-
 Af~r Alipqre 249
abiding contractor. l'or the next two years he and his associates
worked quietly to rebuild theJugantarorganization Under Jatin·s
direction rc\'Olutionarics like Amarcndra Nath Chatterjee (a man
previou~ly associated with Upendranath Banerjee and Aurobmdo
Ghose) set up dummy enterprises In Calcuua and the districts to
serve as fronts for the transmission of funds and information.
After the War broke out Jatio and his friends laid plans for
procuring German money and arms. Ja1in ·s lieutenant Narendra
Nath Bhattacharya went to Batavia (Jakarta) to mnke arrange-
ments for money to he sent to Culcutta in the name of Harry and
Sons. a dummy Jugan tar enterprise. Sometime earlier a subsidiary
of Harry and Sons had been established in Balru;orc. Orissa. near
one of the projected \Iles for lhe landing of German materiel. In
1915 Jaun moved 10 a village near Balasore to awa111he arrival of
one of the hoped-for shipments. Searches in C:llcutta led the
pollcc to Orissa. where they obwined information on Jaun·~
whereabouts. Pursued by a well-armed body of police. Jatin and
his companions took refuge in the 1ungle. On 16 September they
were ~urrounded by their adversaries. A battle ensued. ihe
Bengalis 11ring wilh Mnu;,er pistols, the government's vas1ly
superior forces an;,wcring with r1t1cs. Three of the Bengalis
including Jatin were hit Chiua Priya Roy Chaudhuri died on the
'pol. J,11in the followin~ day. In hi\ report 10 the go•emment
G. (. l>cnham of the Special Branch paid tnbutc tu Jatin by
calhng lum ·perhaps the holde>t and the most nchvcly dnngcrou>
of all Bengal revcllutinnancs'. •
The discovery of the wartime conspiracies prompted the imper·
1al gu,ernment to pas. the Ddencc of India Act. under which
hundred~ uf 'uspected terrorists "ere interned w11hou1 rrial for the
duration of the war. This did nil! prevent the occurrence of
numerous murders, docoitics and other 'actions'. Most of thc;c
were carried out by Anushilan. which a> u.'ual WH> acting 111
opposition to ilS rival. (Jug,1mtar lhouiiht wch isolated operarions
"ould be a needlesi. and conspiCU<lU\ disirnmon wlulc the lndo-
German plot was being. hatched. ) l:.•entuafly the inlcrnmcnts
under the act had the desired effect. There were thirty murdcl'\
and dacoitics in Bengal in 1915. twenty in 1916 and only .>even in
1917." The succc~ of the programme con'inccd the ~uwrnmcnl
that some of the pro\lsions or the act 'hould be corunued e'en
after the v.ar. In July 1918 a comm11tee wt1~ wn,lliutcd ·111
250 The Bomb in Bengal

investigate and report on the nature and extent of the criminal

conspiracies connected with the revolutionary movement in India'.
'to examine the difficulties' that 1hese conspiracies bad crea1cd and
•to advise as 10 legislation, ihmy. necessary 10 enable Governmenl
10 deal effectively wilh 1hcm'. The report of the commi11cc, named
after its president. Mr Justice Rowlau, was i~•ucd towards the end
of 1918. It traced 1hc growth of 're•olutionary crime· from the
Chapekars in Poona and Sarin Ghose in Calcutta to the ln<lo-
German plot and beyond. h recommended . briclly, 1ha1 the
wartime emergency measures should be con1inued. In 1919 some
of the commi11ee·~ rccommenda1ions were embodied in lhe so·
called Rowla11 Act. The agi1ation against this measure led 10 the
Non-Co-operation Movemen1 . which marked the emergence or
M. K. Gandhi as India's foremost political leader.
From this poinl onwards 11on·violen1 ma..s protest was the
principal s1ra1cgy of the Indian national movemem; but 1crrorism
remained always a significant undercurrem. Between 1918 and
19-17 there were lhree main ou1breaks or rc•olutiooary violence:
the North Indian eruption of 1920-30 in which Chandrashekhar
Atud and Bhagat Singh played prominent roles. the Bengali surge
or 1930-33 which culmina1ed in the Chi11agon11 Armory Raid. nod
the couotry·wtdc upheaval tha1 followed 1hc arres1 of Gandhi and
01hcr Congress leaders in 1942 Thai same year the terrori~ts' old
dream of taking part in a mili1an1 uprising can1e cl05Cr to fulfilment
when Rash Behari Sose announced the rorma1ion of the Indian
Notional Army (INA). Mndc up of Indian soldiers cap1urcd by the
Japanese in Sou1h·East Asia and by other Indian men and women
of 1he region, the INA. under 1he leadership of Subhas Chnndra
Bose, played a minor role in the Japanese inva\fon of Assam. II 1s
(I sign or lbe enduring inftucncc: or lhe pioneers of lhe revolu1ion·

ary movement lhui when Ra.~h Behari Bose issued a series of open
lcuers explaining his ac11ons as ' Representative of Indian; in
Greater East Asia". the first one addressed to an individual -.as a
'salute to Sri Aurobiodo·, 'whose in>piring call' "'"s rcspon\1ble for
'1he birth of positive Indian na11onalism". "
 24
Conclusion:
T errorism and the Struggle for Freedom

The Aliporc Bomb Conspiracy Trial was regarded by contempor-

aries a~ a landmark in at least three respect• The event 1ha1
brought ii about was ' thc first occasion in whi<:h an Indian had used
chis produc1 or modem science fthe bombf wich murderous effec1';
the men "ho planed 1ha1 attack constituted ' lhe hr<! crimmal
consp1r;icy of any magnnude 1bat the re\·oluhonary pany scaned';
and 1hc rcsulung trial wa_\ '1he first Slate Tnal of any magno1ude in
India· ' Lord Minto underlined the s1gn1ficancc of 1he conspiracy
"hen he wroce 10 1hc Secretary of S1a1e· ' We muse remember 1ha1
ur lo lhe murders al Muzufferpore we thought we were dealing
with i.cd1t1nn ·"represented by treasonable s reechc~ nnd wri1ings,
bul lh<ll 1hc Mn111.:~tn la Garden discoveries shed an entirely new
ligh1 011 lhc dangers we had to face.'' Ofliciuls in l11tcr viceroyaltie,~
continued to assign prioricy 10 the Aliporc consp1rucy nnd trial.
Moss offici;1 I histories of terrorism prepared by 1hc Government or
Bengal began wi1h a description of 1he work or Aurobindo and
Barin Gliosc nnd their associates. J . C. Ker's aulhornative Poll·
ticul Trouble i11 J11dia 1907 to 1917 devoted an entire twenty-page
chaplcr to v.hat Ker called 'The Manicktola Bomb Conspiracy'
- more space than he gave to any other con,poracy. Retlcmng this
emph;i,,1s lhc Rowlan committee's celebrated Report on Re•ofu·
l•011ar)' C0tisp1racies "' /11dia began its trca1ment of Bengal wish
Barin's ' fir1it campaign' and devoled a whole sccuon to the
MULaffarpur murders and Alipore trial. '
Basing 1hemsclvcs largely on these and 01her official sources,
mo't English-language historians or the Indian freedom movement
have given considerable attention to the A1iporc conspiracy and
252 The Bomb i11 Bensal
'
trial. Writers in Indian languages. mcmorialists as well as academ-
ics. have also ueated 1hem in detail. Bui even wi1hout this
scholarly a11en1ion 1he Alipore trial would remain perhaps 1he best
known conspiracy trial of the frcetlom movement period. A fairly
complete selection of the court proceedings was published m 1922;
in the ncx1 decade it was $elcc1cd as one of ten Nomblt /ndia11
Trials. Since 1hen numerous commemnra1ory urticles have ap-
peared in the Indian p<Jpular press.' The vial's renown is due in
pan to its historical priority but perhaps more to the drama of its
events bo1h inside and outside the courtroom. Two of the principal
octors. Aurobindo Ghose and C. R. Oas. :ire famous in their own
righl as politicians of the pre-Gandhian era. Aurobindo has also
won in1ernational renown as a philosopher and yogi. Many of the
subordina1e figures have been forgotten. but few of the hundreds
of rcvolutionancs who gave their lives for the couniry have a
sirongcr hold on the imagination of the Indian people than
Khudirnm Bose and Kanailal Dutt.
The pnonty and celebrity of the Ahpore conspiracy arc enough
to JU>tify the dc1atled reconstrucuon m the foregoing chapters; but
to assess its historical significance 11 is necessary 10 view it in
pc~pective. The Maniktola coosp1ra1or~ were acuvc for only rwo
yea~. from the beginning of 1906 to April 1908. During this period
they undertook ten •actions·. wi1h 1hc following rcsul1s:

Ac-110Ns UNoeRT/\K~" av i-H12 MAi<IK"fOL/\ SH<'R•· r Socir-Tv'

y,.", ftltJtlllr PfPCI' TUTgf'I 1)/)t Rrsult

Ea51 Bengal FuUcr A boned

I 'IOI>
illtlll
"? Augu>I Ran.wur a v.1dow
t\\SJ\!olftJl10n
04.lt\:ltt) Ai-tcd
1'1117 ~ l\Uft\1\1 Bml.ura a nwltdltl O;;(U•h A boned
1'1117 Och~' Dan«long Fra.'Cr ~'"'n.a1t0n A honed
lkf.11l~l Fa1lu1c
1'1117 ,..o\cmhcr \1.anltundu F"""'' lk,••lm..·n1 \htJif'h."Cl
t\1117 f\rtO\C-Jn~ \tlnlundu fm<f
l'Jll7 DcC\:n,~r NJor.tyangarb Fra'.\Cr Otr.il"'4;nt f.t•lurc
I 'lllll J1nuJ.t) Dltuua KJn£'fOtJ A\.'-t'-'411111111n 1.uJun:
.....~ ''rn1 Chaodcrl\agorc I aird1\rl ,,.,...,.,••u1 11 .. ~n t-+ulur(
I'll~ Apnl Mutafraspur K1nj:,fotJ A1t."1'!<.1n..111t'n \\.(Oil~ flC'f•
,,.,,'!!> lr.1llc.J
 Cot1clusion 253

Clearly if the conspiracy 1s judged from the pGml of view of

immediate effectiveness. 11 would have to be considered J failure.
But the conspirators never believed that assassinations and
dacoities would themselves bring about lndia"s liberation . Auro-
bindo's original idea was lO prepare for ·an open armed revolmion'
in which rebel soldiers would join forces with the insurgem
popu lace. Ile thought it migh1 rake thirty years for the men of the
country to develop the necessary attitudes and skills. During this
period terrorism might have a place as a ·subordinate mo•cment'.
Its purpose would be 'to prepare the )Oung men to have some'°"
of a military training. to kill and get killed. ··
Barln Ghose also considered terronst acth·ity ·a means to
educate the people up for facing death and doing an) thing for their
country·~ sake'. ' But when he became the active head or the
organization , be got the bit of terrorism between his teeth ;md run.
A11robindo thought Barin"s str:ncgy of au~cking officials 'very
chlldi~h', but (as be said in 1938 tn a passage already quoted) he
did not rein him in because ·it is not good to check things that have
taken a strong shape. For somcthmg good may come out or it.''
Something good did come out of the Maniktola catastrophe.
The example of the terrorists. publicized by the press, immortal·
ucd on song and spread b> "Ord of mouth. made re•olutoonary
action an attracti•e alternative to men and women 1mpa11cm wuh
the tartly pace of comt1tut1onal reform. The bulk of the popula·
lion. who were never u's.iciatcd wuh 1errorism, condoncd or even
cc lcbratc\I 1he acL5 or the terroris1s. The public reaction to the
Mu,affarp11r incident und 10 the shooting of Narcndra Nath
Goswami make it clear that many people regarded the a•sassins
not a' criminals but mnr1yn; w u noble cause.
An) act or Political terrori'm is meant clliefty as a mc~gc to the
ruler. and irs effecti•encss can be JUdged by its 1nHuence on
~o•crnment decision·makmg. l<!ss than a year after the Mwaf·
forpur mculent the Bnu'h Go•ernment enacted the Indian
Councils Act (Morley-M into Reforms) . Soon it was ·common talk
on CHlcu1rn that the Council reforms :md the appointment of the
I lon"hlc Mr Sinh" Ito the viceroy's council ! were the tlircct re,ull•
u( the IAli1><ircl cun,ptracy. 11 is said 1ha 1 !he Con!(1·cs~ llCgAcd for
t\\oCnt\' \'CMS ,11ld got llOlhin~. hUt tlRC year Of bomb> has brought
,o11 th" reform."• These claim' were nf coul'>C exaggcratcJ the
Reforms had hrst been prnJIO'<!d 111 1906-but the)' dtd contaon a
254 T/1e Bomb ;,, Btngal

kernel or truth. Before May 1908 progress on 1he proposals was

slow and the results unimpressive. 'fllc pace accelerated from the
moment the Alipore conspiracy wa~ unearthed. Five days after the
arrests in the Garden, Morley wrote to Mint0: ·we must persevere
with liberal and substantial rerorms. perhaps wider than those in
your original sketch . ... Reforms may nouave the Raj, but ;r Ibey
don't. nothing else will.' Two weeks later Morley informed Mfoto
that British op1n1on favoured reform: 'The Bomb (here at least)
bas made old John Bull waken up and rub his C)es; he won't be
$3tislied with mere Police Vigour (though we may throw him
judicious morsels or this sort): he will want rational endeavors to
set right wbatevcr may be amiss.' In the same letter he urged the
viceroy to appornt an Indian member to his council.•
Minto's ruponse was slow and drcumspecl. He viewed Indian
'anarchbm' -as he insi~ted on calling it- as a law-and-order
problem imported rrom Europe and he rerused to admit tha1 the
bombs or Bengal were 'the efforts or a people struggling to relieve
themselves from 1111 oppressor'. " Like many or his contempo-
raries. lndrnn as well as Brihsh, he believed tha1 "the maintenance
or British rule is necessary ror the good or India. and in the interest
of 1hc people entruMcd to his charge' he was 'determined to
suppress all attempts 10 subvert hi• authority.' " While willing to
lei the reforms go ahead, he was concerned that a generous
response mighl be seen as an 'ignoble concession to unlawful
agitation or 10 unjustifiable nervousness'. " When in July be
submitted u draft reform proposal. it was for from being 'liberal
anti substantial'. and Morley's response was immediate and angry:
'India ca11°1 wait', be wrote. 'It lihc drnf1] will have 10 be extended
immensely."' When the final proposa ls were rnbled a half-year
later they were much closer to whul Morley had intended and,
dcspilc the opposi11on of mnny in India , were accompanied by the
appoinlmcnt of Sintm to the council
More important than its effect on any particular decision was the
inftuence or 1hc party or physical force on the course of Indian
politics. Even before the exbtence of terrorism was ackno"I·
edged. Extremist politicians were prepared to make use or the
leverage It might provide. 'Even thplomacy must have some
compelling rorcc behrnd it to attain its ends,' observed a Band~
Mataram writer in 1908. and ·peacerul means can succeed only
when these imply the ugly ahematrvc of more troublesome and
 Conclu.sion 255

fearful methods, recourse IO which the failure Of peaceful Ollempts

must inevitably lead to."' Several years bad to pass before this
leverage could be effectively applied. In the aftermath of the Surat
split and the terrorist discoveries, the government virtually
siamped out the Extremist Party. For a decade the Moderates had
a monopoly on the Congress mo,•ement. But evcn1ually the
Extrcmis1s rejoined 1he organization and before long succeeded in
driving 1hc Moderates out.
By this 1lme the principitl Congre.~ leader was M. K. Gandhi.
At no time did 1his apostle of non-violence compromise hos ideals
by co-operating with terroristS; bu1 he knew tha1 much of his
s1reng1 h came from being regarded by the British as o lesser evil.
At the Round Table Conference of 1931, while declaring lhnt he
held ' no brief for terrorists', he made it clear 1hat if the
government refused to work with him it would have the tcrroristS
to deal with . 'If you will work [with) the Congress for all ii is worth
you will say good·bye to terrorism . then you will not need
terrori~m". Bui if the government refused to co-operate , the
terron.ts mighl gel 1he upper hand and create endless trouble for
everyone. It was up to the British to decide: ' Will you not see the
wril ing that these 1crroris1S are writing with their blood? Will you
not sec th.11 we do not wan1 bread made of wheat, bu1 we want
bread mmk ofhhcrty; and without that liberty there nre 1housands
today who arc \worn not to give themselves peace or to give the
country pcucc."'
When Gandhi and 01her leaders were imprisoned In 1942 the
terrorists emerged from the shadows and made the ordinary
governuncc of the country impossible £or several weeks. At the
:;arnc time the Indian Na1ional Army was taking form in South·
Eas1 Asin. Miliiarily insignificant, the INA's campaign was 1hrus1
into prominence after the War when some of its officers were
court-manialled. The public outcry against these proceedings
1ogcther "i1h a localized rc"oh of the Royal Indian Navy
con' inccd 1he government that the armed services could no longer
be coun1cd on 10 prolcct British intcrc~ts 1n India . Shallered by
the War. Brirnin hnd neither the resources nor the will 10 impose
its rule up<m India any longer. Witbin 1wo years ii pulled ou1or the
country for good.
In hi> judgmcn1 in 1he Aliporc Bomb Trial, C. P. Bcachcrof1
observed: 'The danger of a conspiracy such as 1his lies 1101 so much
256 The Bomb in Be11gol

1n 11s prospect of success as in ilS fruition. When once the poison

had entered into the •ystem it is impossible to say where it will
break out or bow far-reaching will be its effects: ' He spoke more
prophetically than he knew. Ourin.g the fir<it two decades of lndia•s
independent existence there was little organ1ltd terrorism in the
country. Bui dunng 1hc late sixties left-wing Bengali insurgents
bcg(ln resoning to terroJisr methods to achieve thc11 revolutionary
mm•. The eighties saw the ri•c of •cpara1is1 terrorist groups in
Punjab, Knshmir and Assam as well as among e1hnic Indian
1':inuls m Sri L:inka. Some of these groups are di>tinguished by the
use of' bru1ul mc1hods. including indiscriminntc murder, and by
:11111!. 1hut M>me1imcs seem more criminal than poli1ic11I. Writers on
terrorism often poi.nt out the immen•e morol gulf that separates
l:.uropc:tn terrorist groups of the nineteenth century. such as the
Namdnayn Volya. from contemporary groups like the Baader-
Mcmhol Gang.' A similar abyss would appear to divide the
Bengali revolutionaries of the earl) twentieth century from their
le" 1Jcah~11c dc<;eendants in contemporary lndi.1 .
Appendixes
 Appendix 1
Textual Notes

I. The prototypal gro up referred to is the Anus hilrin San1i1i. Its

early hl•tory und that of its prcdece5'>ors is very imperfectly
donamcnicd. Accounts by former participants and observers nre
vague und contradictory and the government report< (based on
hazy information from informers) lack their u'ual precision. A
Government or India tile of 1910 states: 'It would uppear thm in
about 1900 P. Miller (Mitra). Miss Sara/a Devi and a Japanese.
Okali.ura. met in Calcutta and founded a secret society, of which
one of the principal objects was !he assassination of officials and
per.on' who prevented the progress of any society towards us final
goal the independence of India.'' This would appear to be an
attempt to pin down to a singk place and tune a series of
dcvdopmcnts that \\Cre actuaUy much lc>S definuc: the early
effort, uf Sur.1lu Oc\1 and Mitra . the influence of Okakurn and the
gradu.11 turn of the sumui 1owards tenon\111 . If the <:tll1JCctured
mce111111 took place al nil (and this 1s far [rom ccrrn111) II must have
been 111 1902, the only year before 1912 thai Oknkurn wns m India.
It should be noted 1hut all Bcngsh mcmorialist• say thnt Sarnia
Devi and I'. Mitra were against assassination. The accounl in the
Nixon Report. written >ix years after Daly's, is more believable:
'At the bctunning or 1902 three distinct akhara.1 existed in Calcutta
respecuvely as:.ocialcd "ilb the names of-(1) Ja11ndra Banarji,
(2) P. Miller, (.l) Miss Saralabala Ghosal. The second or the~ was
later kOO\\n a~ the Calcuua Anushilar1 Samlll. and P. Mitter \\as itS
President and Satish Chandra Basu its Secretary.·• This evidently
refers to the (ituation around March 1902. The role<> assigned in
these gmernmcnt records lo Sarala Devi. P Mitra nnd Okakura
are confirmed in general tenns hy the oral statements by
Aurohindo cited below. In a written statement Aurobindo sa)S
that 'the special cover used by Mitter·s group wa• association for
lath1 piny which had a lready been popularised 10 sornc cx 1cnt by
SaraJa Gho.ul in Bengal'.•
 The Bomb in Bmgal

II '' significam that in this passage and m all related passuges or

h" autob1ograph1cal "'ritinf$. Aurobmdo nc•cr refers to the
Anu~h1lan Samiti by name. speaking rather or various small
gn>uJ» without a strong central organiwtion ' In thi• connection it
may be nmed that Sarala Devi write\ or her groups as being
1>epar;ne from Anu~hilan: that Hem Chandra Da~ writes of
Anushil~n as being separate from 1hc Jutin·Aurohindo group. or
which he was an early member; and thtll Abinash Bhattacharya.
another member of the same group. writes or the various
Anushilan centres as bdng set up by Sati<h Bose lifter the
foundation or 1he Upper Circular Road group. • Al>innsh. who was
recruited no earlier than the end of t902. was evidently not fuUy in
the know. But the fact that two members of the Upper Circular
Road group thought of Anushilan as a separate organization is
sigmficam. It seems clear that the sttuation in Calcutta around the
11mc of the founding of Aoushilan WU!> a good deal more complex
than what is projected by the official hi>tories of the Samiti (N.
Roy. J. Haldar). In lateryearsAnushilan became a pohhcal part).
It ..eems likely that the writers of its history have replaced its
inchoate and undocumented origins woth a coherent but O•Cr·
simplilled account.
The role pla)ed by Okakura 1n the formation of Anu~hilan or
the groups that preceded it is far from clear. All that can be said
with certainty is that he is often mentioned as having something to
do with the start of Bengal's first revolutionary secret society. But
his part seems to have been short-lived and largely inspirational.
He is mentioned in various sources cited in this note. but only one
informant, Aurobindo Ghosc. gives him any real importance. In
two oral statements of 1940, Aurubindo said that Okakura was the
f'lunder of the revolutionary party in Bengal.• Two years earlier
Aurobindo said thM the party was started by P Mitra and Sarala
Ghosal under Okakura·s inspiration. ' There arc a number of
reasons to doubt these statements. To begin with. Aurobindo's
knowledge of Okakura was second-hand. There is no evidence
tha• he ever met the Japanese and it is unlikely that he did. (The
fact that Pulin Oas included Aurobindo in his list of those present
at the meeting at the Indian Associatton llall 1s insignificant, since
Pulin , who was not himself present. named just about every
importunt nationalist sympathi~cr in Qilcutta .) Aurobindo's
rrmarlcs were .nade to contradict statements that he was the be-all
 Appendix 1 261

and end·all or 1he movemcn1. It would appear thal in anempting

to set righl this misrepresentation, be anacbed undue imponance
to Okakura, who arrived in Calcuua years after Sarala Devi had
begun her work.
Three other men who became importanl in 1he movement from
1902- 3 gave Okakura much less imponance than Aurobindo.
Sarin Ghose speaks of the Japanese along wi1h Rajnarain Bose as
an enrly (and ineffec1ive) precursor of the movement.• Since Sarin
was active in Calcuua less 1han a year after Okakura 's arrival, ii is
clear 1hnt Okakura's influence was quickly Corgollen. Hem
Chandra Oas, wri1ing in the context of a 1903 visit to Calcutta,
gives only passing men1ion 10 Okakura and scoffed 01 Che idea that
Japan had anything 10 do with India's liberation. ' Abinash
Bhaltacharya, who joined the Calcutta socie1y early in 1903, knew
nothing at all abou1 Okakura. ,.The s1atemcnts of these men make
it clear at least that Okakura's role, whatever its impor1ance, was
of brief duration .
In her biography of Okakura, Horioka speaks nowhere of her
subject having any political interests or talcing pan in political
activities in India 01her than addressing Indian youths on the
subject or ·protecting and restoring Asiatic modes [of life)'." In an
anielc published in India, Horioka writes that there is no evidence
or Okakura's involvement in Indian politics in any Japanese
source, and that withoui evidence the involvement 'remains
unproven'.•• The impression one gets from Horioka's biography is
that Okakura came to India on a religious 1111d urtistlc mission witli
the further intention of inviting Vivekananda to Japan. In addition
he seems to have been generally disgusted with the an SClcnc in
Tokyo and may have been Hceing the unhappiness occasioned by
the false report of lhe death of bis former mistress. Okakura spent
less lhnn a )car in India. After his dcpanure in October 1902 he
did not return to India for a decade.
Two writers "'ho have given much imponance to Okakura·s
involvement 10 Indian politics (in which Nived1ta i$ said to have
shared) are Nivedita's biographer-advocates Lizcllc Reymond and
Sankari Prasad Basu. Reymond, a highly romantic wnter, cites
mysterious ·reliable sources' to support her claims. We may with
Horioka dismiss the claims until the sources are revealed. Basu's
work is fillod with interesting citations, none of which prove a
political involvement on Okakura's part. He admits that Nivedita's

••
262 The Bomb in Bengal

lcncrs (his main primary source) suggest no reason for Olrnlcura's

HSll other than his wish to persuade Vhekananda to come to
Japan . He also admits that there is no mention of any rcvo1u·
tio nary activities by Okakura in Surendranath Tagore's Smnri·
katha. (Neither is there any menllon 1n Surcndranath's 'Kalcuzo
Okalcura'.) Nevertheless in the beginning of his chapter on
Okakura, Basu says witbou1 hesitation that the main reason for
Okakura's \<is1t to India wa~ revolution. uuer he writes 1hat he
feels certain that OkakurJ must have come to India for a differem
reason than the one given in Nivedila's oorrcs1>0ndcnce, namely,
to found, with Nivedita, Bengal's revolutionary society. " I can
find no reason 10 support these suppositions.
2. I lem Chandra Das refers 10 1he founder of the group only as
'A·babu'. whom he describes as one who had known ' K-bahu'
(ccrtn1nly Aurobindo Ghose) from the !niter's childhood and as
the former sub-editor of certain English journals." This descrip-
llon fit~ Rajnarayan's eldest son Jogindranath Bose and perhaps
no one else. In his accoum o( the revolutionary years, Sarin Ghose
wntcs: 'In the meanume my two maternal uncles !mamas)
Jogcndra Bose and Satyeo Bose formed a ;,ccret circle ouc of a
youth group there fin Midnaporej.'" Th1s passage would appear to
suppon my reading of Hem Chandra. Jogcndra is a common
variant of Jogindra just as Barcn(dra) is of Barin(dra). Bann·~
relation to Jogin and Satyen was somewhat different (the former
was his mother's brother. the latter the son or another brother of
his mother) hue the word mama is flexible enough to apply ao both .
Other accounts say that the brothers Jnancndra and Satyendra
Bose were the co-founder$ of the Midnapore society. These two
names are the first listed under Midnapore in Dcnham's ch.art of
Bengal's revolutionary organization in the Only Report. Sumil
Sarkar (citing Hem Chandra's biographer Bcnoyjiban Ghosh) and
Arun Chandra Gulla also say that the jomt founders of the
Midnapore society were Jnaneodra and Satyendra Bose." lf it is
true that A·babu knew Aurobindo from his childhood it docs not
seem possible that Jnaneodra Nath Bose could be A·Babu. (I do
not know the date of Jnanendra's birth, but he docs not seem to
have been much older than his brother Sat>endra Nath , who was
born in 1882). II is known that Aurobindo's mother's brother
Jogindronath knew Aurobiodo before he departed for England at
the age of seven in 1879." La the same chapter of Agnijug in which
 Appi:ndix I 263

Bann mentions Jogen as the founder of the Midoapore society, he

spenks of Joan Bose simply as a brother of Sa1yen who was also
connected with the Midnapore society."
Incidentally, Satycn and Joan are often referred 10 ns the
'uncles' of Aurobindo and Oarln. This is confusing- Aurobindo
was ten years older than Sntycn - and also ccchnicelly incorrect.
The proper way to state the rela1i0Mhip in English is Lo say that
Aurobindo and Bario "'ere first cousins once removed of Joan and
Sat)Cn In the 1ex1 I have referred 10 Satyen as Aurob1ndo's
' uncle' (using inverted commas) because of the famtl1an1y of lhtS
imprecise term.
While the available evidence seems to indicate that Jog1n Bose
was A-Babu, that is, the founder of the Midnapore secret society,
this does not necessarily mean that he was an ardent and
dangerous revolutionary. The references to Jiim in Purani and in
D. Roy's Aurobindo Prosa11ga portray him as an amiable avun-
cular person. Auroblndo's leuer to him of 15 August 1902contuiM
a lot of jokes and no reference to revolutionary work ." Aurobindo
never spoke of Jogin as a revolutionary (and never. I behcvc ,
spoke of Jna:n Bose at all) Jogin is not mentioned 10 any
government or police report He appears in any case to have been
dead by November 1907. •
J. It i~ difficult to dctcnmne when Bario arrived in Baroda or
how long he stayed there. I le certainly was in the city bcf()re the
Ahmcdabnd Congress of December 1902; not Jong afterward\ he
returned 10 Bengal. 11 Since he seems 10 have stayed a reasonably
long time in Baroda. one would imagine be arrived there at least a
month before December. In a statement made to the pohce ln
1908 Bario said that he spent ' a )Car' in Baroda before returning 10
Bengal. lo Armaka1ha he gives a detailed description of his
ac11•it1cs there. Thl:$C accounts .. ould seem to presume a stay of at
least several months. He may however have been conHatrng two or
more stays. In Ag11ijug Bario says that he arrived in Baroda about
siK months after Jatin Banerji left that city for Calcuua. This
probably happened lale in 1901 and certainly before Murch 1902
(see Cha pte r 4 of the present book). ft seems clear from Unrin's
writings chat he never met Jatin in Baroda.
On the basis of the above information one is led to conclude 1ha1
Bnrin came to Baroda sometime in the middle of 1902. Aurc>-
bindo. however. did not mention Bario in lencrs to his wife of July
264 The Bomb in Bengal

and August 1902 or in lhe leuer 10 his uncle of Augus1 1902. This
would tend to indicate that Barin was not then in Baroda, since
Aurobindo's teucrs to family members "'ere in•ariably full of
family nc"'s (There does not seem 10 be any reason why
Aurobindo would not ha•e wanted to menuon Bann's presence in
Baroda in 1902. He did not besilate 10 men11on the presence of
Jatin Banerji, who was then in Baroda.) In wriung nbou1 Sister
Nivedita's visi1 to Baroda in October, Bario did not indicale that
he was there nt that lime. Of course he would not necessarily have
met her. All things considered ii seems best to say that Bario
arrived in Baroda sometime in 1902, probably towards the end of
the year.
4 . Aurobindo mentions only Nivedita by name." In his account
of the origins of the Anushilan Sami1i. Salish Bose says that the
firs1 officers of the sami1i (not of Aurobindo's council) "'ere P.
Mitra (president), C. R. Das and Aurobindo (vice-presidents).
and Surendranath Tagore (treasurer) ('Bibriti" 181 ). If Ni•edita is
ad<lcd to thL~ lisl the total come5 10 five, the number mentioned by
Aumbindo. These fhe names (1>ilh certain varoauons) appear in
mo~l '>COOndary sources as lhe officers of Aurob1ndo's council or of
the Anushilan Samili or of 1he Bengal revolutionary movemcn1 in
gcncrnl. the three no1 being distinguished. " The same lis1 appears
in c:er1nin primary sources; bul it should be noted thal none of 1he
uu1hors of these accounts had importanl positions in 1he Calcuua
organization a11he moment in quc.;tlon." They muy well have gm
their informailon a1 second hand, possibly from a primed source.
Indeed one of the wrilers, Bhupendranalh Dun. says elsewhere
tha1 his informanl was Lizelle Reymond. a notoriously unreliable
wrncr, who according lo Dun received her information from
Aurobindn." Bui Aurobindo's only communica1ion 10 Reymond
w,15 1he leucr cited al 1he beginning of this note. In fact 1here is no
unimpeachable aulbority for any of the names of the members of
At1r<}h1ndo"• council except N1vedlla's It ts clear from the
accouni- or Aurobindo and others thal Mura was the head of lhe
or~an11a11on. The oiher 1hree names arc quite plausible. and 1he
h\l n1;1y be accep1ed as having the au1hon1y or established
tradition. I feel less confidenl aboul 1hc offices, hO\\Cvcr. They
make the ,ccrct SQCie1y look like a branch of 1hc Lions Club.
5 There has been for ~cvcrnl decades a lively and unprofi1able
con1nwcrsy over the extent of Nivedita's involvemem wilh lhe
 Appendix· I 265

revolutionaries Three of Nivedita's biographers, Uielle Rey-

mond, Girijashankar Raychaudburi and Sankari Prasad Ba~u.
have put her forward as an extremely aaive leader. more
imponant perhaps than those to whom credit has been gi•en. This
extreme view has been rejecied by all professional hi~tonan\ who
have considered i1." Tbe most capable Of Nivcdita's advoca1e-.
Sankari Prasad Basu, has done commendable work in ga1hering
source materials; bu1 even be admits tha1 there is no real
documentary evidence 10 support his view eilher in government
files or in the revolutionaries' memorial writings . 11• His oon1cntion
that the absence of documents is due entirely 10 Nivedi1a's
cleverness in avoiding detection is unconvincing. "
No one denies that Nivedita was active in the national
movement or tha1 she was closely connected with 1he revolution-
anes. That ,he was is a1tested 10 by 1wo undoubled leader<;:
Aurobindo and Sarin Ghose. Aurobindo says simply 1hat ~he was
·one of the revolutionary leaders'; Bario "'rites that \he was deeply
connected with the secret society and that he •pole about
revolutionary work with her more than once.'" (Con1rast with lhis
a comment ~y Abinash Chandra Bhattacharya: ' N"ed11a had no
connccuon or relation with our revolutionary pany'. This may
refer 10 a later period.)" Bhupendranath Dull. who was closely
a>.<ociated with Nived11a and with Aurobindo and Bann as well,
nlso bpcnks of her as being connected with the revolulionnrics. But
in one of hi< book• he wri1es that at a certain point Nivedita
requested members of 1he party 'not LO tell her anything of 1he
secret [terrorist[ movement'." Elsewhere Bhupendrnnath charac-
terizes Rcymond's accoum ofNivedita the revolutionary as a 'fairy
talc'. '1 A good example of Reymond's story-telling is provided by
her treatment of the episode in which Nivedita arranged with
Jagad1s Chandra Bose for revolutionaries to carry out cxpcrimenLS
in bomb-making i!' a university laboratory." Compare Reymond's
romantic narrative with the aooounts of Nohn1 Kanta Gupta, the
person actually involved: see N. Gupta. Smrwr Pata 31, and the
following note , reproduced here for the first time from Nolini's
papers (Sri Aurobindo Ashram Archives):

When i1 was found thal some laboratory experiment was necessary !or
bomb-making Sisy,r Nivcdita spoke about ii to h<r fnend Jagadis
Chandra Bose, the great scientist, then profes.wr of Physics, Presidency
266 The Bomb in Bmgal

CollcJe. J.11ad1> Chandra 1ook the noaucr up '""h p.,ru11.i Ch.,1dra Roy.
another gr«ll .aen1i>1 and Profcs.or of Ch<rn1>try 01 the ._..me Coll<!l<' •
.,.ho a~rccd 10 arrange for Nobni Kania·• cxpcnmcn1 on hos Colle1e
Lobo<aoory. But 1hos did 001 materiahsc"' Nohno Kant• had 10 go ou1 of
Calcuua for ~ work of th< C<nue.

The incident apparently took place early 111 1907. ;1s Ni,ed1ta left
Im.ha for two years in Augu;t of that year.
6. In her autobiography Sarnia l)evi gives a lengthy account of
,.,, c1>isodc in which (she claims) Jatin Bane rji cume w her with a
plan 10 kill n rich old woman for her money. Sarnia asked him who
lrnd ordered him to do this. He replied that the order had come
from 1ilak. Saral:i Devi said she would no1 believe this unless she
he ard 11 from Tilak's lips. She rushed to Pt>0na and spoke. to the
Mnharnshtrian leader. who told her that he was vehemently
opp<Xed to this son of thing." While readmg thi' pa>Sage it 1s good
to keep on mmd Sumit Sarkar's comment that ' n is d1ff1CUlt to take
too ..cnoudy ... Sarala Dchi"s D3J\'CI) prctent1ou• account of how
rc,olutionary leaders like Jatindranalh Baner1i danced attendance
on her'.' She can howc\cr be trusted :t.\ to lhc general course of
events 1n which she was involved. In regard to the Jatin-Tilak
1nc1dcnt. she wrote (in English) to Giniashankar Raychaudhuri
that Tilak told her that 'he did not approve of the dacoiucs. much
less authorise them. if for nothing else simply on the score of their
being practically useless for political purpo\cS.' Tilak however
utltlctl that ·looking lo differences in human nature and the varying
procc\~cs of evolution suired 10 diffcrcnl te mpernmcnts. he did
not condemn them openly.' Sarala Devi informed Raychaudhuri
that the incident involving Jatin. her and Tilak look place in
September 1902."'
7. Bhupendranath is listed as the printer and publisher in the
table of declaration; used as part of the evidence on lhe Alipore
Oomb Trial." In a statement of October 1910. Upendranath
Bannerjee said thal Juganwr "as stuncd jointly by Bario ,
Dcbavrata. Bhupcndra and Abinash." Jn his memoirs Upcn
spoke of Debavrata as the principal editor and Bann as the man
who ran the paper. mentioning Bhupcn as being 'also on the
editorial stafr." In his pre·trial confession, Barin named besides
himself only Abinash and Bhupcndra.nath, who were by then so
closely connected with the paper that further incrimination could
 Appendi.r I 21>7

not hun then1 . ... Abin:1~h \\'role that the main men "rcrc A.inn ,
Upcn and him•clf. " (/\ II bu1 Abina'h mnkc ii clear 1hal Ablnn•h
wa• a general [at·10111m and not an editor or wrher.) Only 1 lcm
OJ,, who was n.u directly connected wnh 1he paper. included
llhupcn in b" h>t o( the first editors. giving the other two a•
Ocbavrata Bose and SakharamDeu~kar. and \llymg that th""' t"o
(hut not Bhupcn) "ere 1,1ood wnter.. ." Aurobindo was emphallc
that Bhupen "illo ncnhcr an editor or "'riter. but ooly 'an obscure
hand' nr 'a member or lhC sub-editorial 'tarr." Aurobindo aho
rmividecl the mo>t complete s tatemcm of J1111a11tor's editori;,1 and
writing staff: The rea l editors or writer.. of Yuganrnr (for there
wt" no declared editor) were Bann. Upcn Banerji (also a \Ub-
cdotor of Bmrd~ Mawram) and Devabrata 8<XC'. u
K. A llindu sub-m,pcctor of Jamalpur testified in ooun that
Hindu Volunteer'> "'ent to the mela ·ma body ... and damaged the
arirclc• of IMu>hml shopkeepers'. He also tc>tified: 'it was never
1hc case that the police rook the s ide of 1hc Mnhomcdans'. " Few
Ucngali Hindus believed this. During the Alipore Bomb ·rri:il.
political leader A. C. Banerjee deposed: 'There was a belief 1hat
1he Ea>t Bengal Go•crnment wa; responsible for the aggress1ve-
ne« <>f the l\labomed•m<: for instance for the desecra11on of 1hc
1cmpks .ot JJm.rlpur' • Thr~ belief" <1111 common among I hndu
"role" •ind 1he llmtlu puhlrc. A run Chandm Guha's accouni 1s
rcprc•cnl.Jl"c I k m.1kcs the dc!.truction of property by I hndu
volunteers :JI the Ju111;rlpur m~la (which •Cl off the riots) seem
trivial: 'In 1hcir cnthu"'""' for the boye<lll of foreign goods. the
pco1>le dc•troyctl ">me foreign·m;rde toys. wit etc.' Then he
dcvo1es a long p.ir..graph co the desecration or the irnagc. the
.111.icks on Hrndu property and 1he "01·nding or Hindu men. "
Some or Guba'> c•ample' oft he unrcspon-.veness of the polrcc do
..ccm convincing. hu1 more ronvinang \toll i~ the account of Nirud
Chauilhuri. wh<> '"" lrvrng in nearby Kishorganj when the riots
broke out. He begin-: 'Heaven preserve me from the dishonesty.
so gene ral ;imong Indian\. of allributing this oonftict to British
rule. however much the foreign ruler~ might have profi1cd by it.
Indeed they "ould hll'C been CXCU5able only ns gods .. . bad they
made no use of the "capon so assiduou<ly manufactured by us.
and h) u.< also put into their hands' •
 Appendix 2
The Composition of the Maniktola Society

All bu l one of the members of the secret society Jed by Barindra

Kumar G hose were Be ngalis. • The exception, Balkrishna Hari
Ka ne, was a trainee sent Crom the Central Provinces. T he thirty·
five Bcngnlis came from thirteen districts. principally the cluster of
western districts surrounding the capital:

M o.10tRSltlP OF Ttl£ MANIKTOLA SECRET SoC'IETV BV DISTRICT '

&ngal &sttm &ngal and Auom

Ca lama 4 Dacca 4
llooghty 3 Fandpur 2
French Chandemagorc I Maida I
Jc.,_~IC 4 R•J'hah1 I
Khulna 2 Sylhet 3
Midn,lporc: 2 Tippcruh 2
Nodia 3
24 Parganas 3
Total 22 Toial 13

The preponderance in favour of western Bengal was greater

than appears from this table . Four men not included in the sample
were from the western districts (MidRapore, Hooghly (2),
Chandcrnagorc) while two of the East Bengal men were not

• In lh11 1ppendt1 I take lbe ,,ocic1y to con11n of 1hc 36 ~n

whcN: ~n are 1ndudcd in Qo\'C"mme.01 or lknpl polnal conrtdmli.al rde
2411909: 'l'tlolOS and de<criplionsollbc occusc:d in chc Alipcm Bomb Case'. These
11rc the men on whom judgment was passed rn lhe AlipoN: SesSIOns Coun . Tbc fik
docs not oontaln dos;s;icrs or Narcndranatb Gosw1nd. Kanailal Ouu , Satycndranath
lJ.o6e or Charu Chandra Roy. lbeactual membcnhip or1heaoctc1y is problematical.
No1 all 1he member~ we.te a1rested and n(tl all those: arrcsctd were mcmM-rt.
 Ap~ndix2 269

actually connec1ed wilh lhe sociery. Moreover all lhe imponam

leaders were from !he western di!;tricts.
All lhe members of Manilctala socie1y v.ere Hindus. (Some were
nominal Brahmos.) Practically all of them belonged to the
'respectable' or bhadralok class. The word bhadralok has been
variously defined. In its ordinary sense it is lhe Bengali equivalent
of lhe English ·gentleman'; in a more restricted sense it denotes a
clnss or culrivated Bengalis, described as follows in the Rowlatt
Report: 'They are mainly Hindus and their leading castes are
Brahmins, Kayasthas and Vaidyas; bot with !he spread of English-
cduca1ion some other castes too have adopted blradralok ideals
and modes or life. " The writers of the Rowlau Report and other
Bri1ish officials found it convenient to speak of the freedom
movement as o bhadralok conspiracy molivated in part by the
class's diminishing cmploymenl opportunitjes as non-bhadralok
Bengalis began 10 avail lhemselves of English education.' Several
hislorians have made use of !he term bhadnlok to characterize 1be
Bengali revolutionary movement as an affair of social ~liles rather
lhan a mass movement. • Leonard Gordon bas critfoized lhlS use of
1he term as imprecise and denigra1ory.' ll is also misleading. If one
confines oneself to manifest evidence one has huJe reason 10
believe that bhndralok individuals furthered their in1cres1s by
becoming terroris1..~. Rather lhe opposite was true: they sacrificed
!heir prospects by dropping out of school and university and
exposing thcmsclvc$ to arrellt or death. llowever 1his may be,
'bhadralok' remains useful as a general description of the social
class to which most or the members of the Maniktnla society
belonged. Of the J6 persons on whom judgment was passed in lhe
Aliporc case, 33 or 92 pee cent were Bengali bhadrnlok in the
restricted sense of !he term. ' The breakdown by caste is as follows:
9 Bengali Brahmins, 14 Kayaslhas, JO Baidyas, 2 members of
' inferior· Bengali castes, and I Maharashtrian Brahmin. This
bhadrnlok dominance remained ooostaot lhrough the first ten
years of lhe Bengal terrorist mo..,emeot. Stalistic:s published m 1he
Rowla11 Repon oo the 186 persons 'convicted in Bengal of
revolutionary cnmes or killed in commission of such crimes during
the years 1907- 17' show 165 or 89 per cent as belonging to !he
three chief bhadralok castes (65 Brahmins. 87 Kayas1has and 13
Baidyas). Or 1he remainder, 15 were from JO 'inferior' Bengali
castes, 2 were non-Bengali and 4 were Eurasians or Europe;ms
270 Th~ Bomb in Bengal

<!ngaged in arms traffic. Tlus predominance or higher classes is

typical of urban revoluttonary groups everywhere. '
All 36 members or the Maniktala group could be counted as
bhndralok in the ordinary ;ensc. that is, men of good breeding and
cu lture. But fbey were not cspccinlly gcnllemanly in their conduct.
Rather they tended to be 'bad l>oys': unruly aod rebelltou~. though
with 'more stuff than the ·ordinary steady' students.• Studiousness
and application arc such valued qualities among the bhadmlok
that publicists sometimes felt impelled to promote and defend lite
rebels' wayward ways. In April 1912 Amarendra Nath Chaucrjee.
a terrorisr who had been associated with the Maniktala group.
gn'c a public reading or an essay which (according tn a police
rcpon) dealt with ' the supcnority of youths of even loo<e morals
(who cherish nalionalism nt hcnn) over educ:ncd men devoid of
national feelings' .• A dOlCn years later Subhas Chandra Bose
wrote in one of his ' Prison Diaries': 'Those who are considered
good boys in the society arc in fact no1hing but eunuch~ .... The
Bcngnli will never become mnnly unless 1be so-called good boys
are torally uprooted.'•
Like terrorists in aU countries and periods. ' the' members of the
Mamktala society were young. many of them no mtlrc than bo)"S.
The average age of the 36 Aliporc prisoners at lhe umc or their
arrest was 22. This sample may be divided into 1wo groups: 6
leaders (Aurobindo Ghn>e, Barin Gbose. Hem Das. Upcn
Banerjee, Debavnota Bose ond Nikhileswar Roy Muulick) with an
overage age or 32, nnd 3() rnnk-und-lile members, with un average
:age of 20. Age , like cluss. remained a constunt foctor during the
first ten years of the movement . In the following tuble the 21
Ahpore Sessions (and/or I larrison Road Bomb Case) convicts and
the 186 Bengali 'revoluuonary criminals' of 1907-1917 h3\'C been
pJ;1ccd in 8 age-<:ategQnc~

AGE OF BEN(lAl l Tt RR()Rl..,.S. 1907-8 and 1907 17"

10- 15 16- 20 21 ·2J 26-JO 31-35 36-45 +4.5 Unrt•cordl'd

Allpore
sample 0 9 1 4 0 0
Rowlau
s.tmple 2 48 76 29 10 9 II
 Appendix 2 !71

The MJn1k1ala society membeis (includmg those ncqu111cd) "ere

slightly younger on average than lhe 1crrorists m the Ro,.la11 tcn-
year sample. It 1s therefore not surprising 1ha1 their leading
oa:upat1on was 's1udenl'. (Most of 1hcm were drop-Outs at the
hme of their arres1.) Among the adults the leading profession'
-..ere teacher. JOU ma list, doctor and government servant This is in
line wi1h 1he Rowlau sample which shows 68 or 37 per cent a~
students, 16 or 9 per cent 1eachers_ 5 or 3 per cent conncc1ed with
ncwspupers or presses. 7 or 4 per cen1doctors or compoundcrs and
20 or 11 per cent in govemmeru service. The llirge&t category arter
student~ in the Rowlatt sample wn~ 'persons of no occupaiion·.
Many of the Mnniktala terrorists might have been a\signc(l to that
category at 1he time of their orresl. No one in the Mun1~iala
sample, and only one man in the ten-ycnr 'S<lmple. "'"' h\tcd as a
·cultivator'
Reference Notes
Bibliography
Index
 Reference Notes

Oflici.11 record< 11rc referred to by government or collccuou (abbre-

viated): the rc1)0>itory is given in the bibliogmphy. Tttle~ ol olficlnl
report> :ore reduced to a single word. generally follnwcd by 'reporr".
Private papers nrc referred to by individual: the r1:po>itory h awcn tn the
bibhOl)rnphy. Published primary sources arc rer<rred ti) hy mitt.ti\ of title
(llalimed) Ncwsp.1pers •re referre<J to by ltllc und dnte. Ncw<papcr
art1clts Hbc.1mc1r-d 1n Repons- on Native New,p.apers arc referred h> by
place and date ol first pubhcauon. lolfo,.cd l>y "RNN and an abbrcvtation
of the province Wnungs by panicipa:ncs. C)'C14'llncsses. etc arc referred
to by author"• rume and shon totlc ol book or arude. Other book' and
arttcle~ arc referred to by author's name. v..11h <Luc 1f more than one or 1hc
author·s. works as afed.

ABBREVIATIONS
AB1 Tbc Alf><lre Bomb Tnal: Tlr• Allport &>mb Trial
AN Archive$ Nu11unr1le~. Paris
A&ll S1i A.ttrQbb1do~ Arcltlt·t!.f turd Rt,1t!arrh
B Ueng:tl
Bo Uombny
BT 8engnf Terrorism (report)
CAOM Cenlrc des Ar<:bives d·Outre-Mer. Ai.x-en·Ptnvc.-nce
C ID C"ri1ninaJ Investigation Department
CP C~ntral Provinces
EB&A F.astcrn Bengal and A>Sam
elNC Th• &tcydnpu.dia of Indian Nat1Q11Q/ Con11u'll
GOB GO\emmeot of Bengal
GOI Govcmment of India
GOM Go\emmcnt of Madras
INMSD The lncltt1n Nariona.lut .\toi·e111~111 ~,/ttt Dcxurnent.r
IOR India Offire Records. London
Ker J. C. Ker, Polirical Trouble"' India
1-10 llomc Depar1tncnt (S<NC• A. B or 0)
M Madrns
NAI N:tlionnl Archives o f India. New IX Ihi
276 Reftrtnu Notts

NMML Nehru Mcmonal Museum a.n d Library. New Delhi

p Punjab
PJ Public and Judicial (dep:1mncnt)
pol. conr. Political confidential file
q quoted 1n
RNN Report on Native Newspa1>crs
SAAA Sri Aurobrndo A1hram Arthives
SMHFM $;,uTtt Matm•ls for a Hut"') of rht Frctdom Mo..-mtnt
TNSA Tamil Nadu State Archivu
UP United Provinces
VM V1ctona Memori•l. Calcutta
WBSA West Bcngol State Archive~. Calcutta

Chnplcr l IW.Pha~•c 1 1 '18~) Ill; Nath

I Mthni 625-6; Wc1ntrauh 42l. l~tY.
2 VotC PriBC<p, q 1Caul4t2
.1 Pn"""P· q. Kaul 413: Mchro 185: Chap1cr 1
Outt 424 ; Scrgcan1 3J.
.. q U""1<tt 82.
t F O..kwad 1- lS.
1 5<1J<l1Pl 2l· 5: Alkn f>S-{i.
3 Sfl Aurob1n00. Ct>ll«t<d P«mJ
Chopt<t2 II, IS.
John Sedcy. n.. upOnSIOll <>f 4 Sn Aurobtndo. On fllnu<lfl1
England ( 188.1), Ledutt I, q. Th• s Sn Aurublndo. On HlmH/f• •
Oxford Dlct/Q1wry o/Qu(#Ulloru· 6 Srt Aurubindu. Ba11dt ~fataran1
(New Yo.-k: Oxrc1rd Unrvert.ity 22.
Pleu. 19!!0)' •19 7 lbtd. 22- 3. 15.
2 Temple'" l, ynon 9 July 187'1, q. 8 Sn Aurob1ndu. T1tt" llur1nony Q/
Nanda 13 Vlrr"r 80.
3 SMHf.\I 1: 81-3 TramtllccHrom 9 A.tR8(19!0): 163
the M.1ruthL 10 Su Aurol,,n<lu. Th• l/umtQfly of
4 Ibid. ff.I· 6. V/t'111r 95~9tt,
5 IC<da~lh21. 58. II 1lun1cr70-I TIK-first phrase es
fi Phad~• (191>6) 3 1. Laube 327. rmm an orfia~l lt-ntr or 1m.
7 SMNfM 2: 965 IUJ...9%- 7, 12 8. ('h11ncrj~c. A11an1/u1nuth
1000-1 Tr>nStaocd from 1hc ( t r11 nslatC'd by Sri Au robi ndo)
Marat ht J0..2
R lbid. ~2.979. 13 Sn Aur-oh1ndu, Thr llurttl(HfY of
~ Ibid 119J (citeJ Mlmcwhiu lnac..""Cur-
aecly en Ro•'bll t\:pon ,..ar Z).
IO Ibid IOll-1~ .
. Vlr1ru• lllJ-1.
Aurubtndo Ohosc IC'I \1un3hn1
Oho'\C20 J\~u~t l 'JU? pub_A&R
II SMlll'M J: HI 2 I (Apr;! 1'1771. 7o.
12 SM/If\/ 2. 9SO IS B Qhosc. ·Sri AuroN""° a< l
13 SaoJhu,...t tn Elpn 2.5 July tb97. UfkkBtand fl1m· "'1

.. q . Wolperc (t•JS•))CJO,
Wolpert ( 198'1) \I0- 2: ICe<r I~ •
16 Sri Au.robindo. 8'.lncft 1\fut11ra111
1S
 Refermce Notes
17 Sn A•rot.n<k). 0.. Hlmsrl/13.
18 Gokbak - "· Ocshpandc to
Gol h.lle 29 Octob<r 189S.
19 COi HPOO<lob<r 1909,29: s.
C0'1 (10. (l'l09) 81
20 See lc:Uer AurobuMlo toJQgin
0 - (un<le) 15 Augw;t 1902. pub.
A&R I (Aprol 1977): 72- 3.
21 Sn Aurob1ndo, t•lk of 16January
1939. pub Purani.<"d. , £l-v:ning
T(,/J(.t6 18. 111c quo1ation l~ rrom
the unctlircd transcript ol this talk.
2'2 Sri Auroblnoo, On lli•<S•l/22.
2J T. Macout11y. ·warren llanings'
(1841 ) on Mocaulay562.
24 Sri Auroblndo. TM H•miony of
v.,,...15. 8ll
2S lbtd 100
26 8 O-.kntroll9SS1nHFMP
IV"' v • •n: B o-. A111'1iu~
36. •9; A 8hlotochar)~.
'Aurobtndo'831. B Datta,
' Aurobio6o Stl'W1lne' 60.
27 J' Banc:r)«. "llCmt:nl or Juty
1908 1n IOR IJPJ/"'883. Ker 138:
B 0 - . AJ••J•J36 7;8.
CihO\C. ·~n J\urobuldo as I
Unckn.11'1ul I lin,· i 4
28 J. Oi111crJc.:c. tt111ctnc:n1 of July
190ll in IOR IJPJ/lt/AA1: <f. Ker
138.
29 K 0 CX11hpande, preface to
8 . K . Kulkarn1's Sn A14rt>bindo 8;
C C Ouu. Puruno Ka1h•·
Upusonprur IO'l. For rile
dep<essionc< ·Unity: An Open
Lcucr'. wb.ch • u -.du~n around
thrs ttmc (Sn Aurobindo. &wk
,.,...,.,,. 57~)
.JO Sn Aurobindo popcn. pootQrd to
8huban Babu (SAAA)
JI B Ghoo<.Jllnli•IJ7
32 Tilak papers vol. J: 147, Yanndra
Noth 8 1ncr1ie to Tllak 15 Oclobcr
1901 .
33 Kar1nd1k11r 970Kttr71.
34 Wo lpcro ( 19119) 149; KarandH<ar
1116-7; Keer IAA.
••
277
3S Sri AlllObondo. On 11111'.11/f'll
36 Ibid 21
37 Ibod
38 Ibid. 23
Chop<cr 4
Vivebna.nd1. c·ompltt,. Worts 3:
2:20, 1112.
2 lbid.:W.
3 q. 8 . Oa1u1. Po1r;ot·Pro11M1 vii
4 VivckanBndra. C'on,plrtt' Work.' 3:
180.
5 0 . K. Ookhole, rcmork 10 M. K.
O~ odhl ,q Almt1ptlln.a 1.ll
6 Lc:tterN1-vcd11a 10J. M~ cl..co<l 19
July l901. pub N1ved111. Ltllm
4.).1-6
7 8 Datta, ' Aurobindo Sn1..iranc'
S9, fC' poflll'\I Of"a& ID (Ot l"IUUOn
Crom St!.tt:r Chnstu'I~
8 Avnch67, 7J;C•hm92.
9 Nncabta to unLoo-n rec:tprnt I 18
Aut:Ull 19001. rub N1\Cdtra.
L.ttrm 381.
10 Almllf"'ll\' 125.
11 Honok1 ( 1975) 30
12 Lcuc1 J Mat:Lcod 10 0 Bull JO
Oc1ohcr l'XU .puh Ni\'tJ1ta,
Uurr.s ~~; llurou h (1117~) l2.
13 I lo1iok11 ( J961) 41,
14 I lo 11ok11 (1~75) 140 I:
Vl\!ck.11na0011. (~l>llH'l~'I Wot4.t 5:
174-8, Dlo•r 137\1
IS E.g S Ch•u<lhuranr. JrhaMr
Jlr.arapuJa ISO~ 8 Oaua,
P111n(lf~ Pt<1pM/ ll7 S P BMu
(1985) 186.S P Da•u (IJ9.1)86.
16 ""•~cdtra. •ntroducoon to
....
Oltalura. 1111ldtollof1/,. &.1
17 Atmoprn\1243. S T.,.,..,
• Kakw.o0hkun'6.~ b
18 P Du. Amur 11N11 Klllturi 103;
PWnttr 1cpnt11cd In Bandt'
M•t•rrmt daily 2U May 1908: 7
Cf Kcr48; 8 01111. 'Aurobindo
Sinamnc'"l9:N. Ray2 1 2
19 B. Pal. ~fa,,orf~j 246-8: 311 - 12,
278 Refermu Nvtes
lfth ll\.S Sarka14Nt-~. 197
20 R l.rpt.ltb.im..wuifiM-91
(''w;~tu•ioa · ,
21 S Ch.1uJhuran1. Jt""1.MT Jhmapato
I.'-' P 0.t:~ A1nar J1ban Ke1lulft
<.?; 0.JI) n.')'M:atl l. 5; Kt1 7~ B
P.11 \len~1r1N ~-4.,IC)
22 51.;i1cmcn1 01 R.~!h1,1:n=a1h H.tnncr-
J«. Ill MP I $~12: I. N•n<I;,
'Atn1onnati lt1lu~· 201 ~ Atrn~lfvn~
1·ci~•n v
2 \ I), Cih<)'o.C . ARr•iJlt~ 7~.
:! I P. Du ... Ar11t,,Jtht1tt K"hh1I 100.
!~ t)Ol ll PA Murch 19IO. JJ- 40:
2'' · n;pc.ucd 1n Oa.ly rcpon ;t;
2• ~ O•"•· 'B1hr1tr t 7'1 er
U l).1t1'1. 'Auroh1ndoSm;araM' S9;
J ) r.1ld.1r J
.?7 S (J,1)u. Bibnti" UU Cf B.
0.111.1 _' Aurot'tndo Sm;uanc· 59:
' .,,,,\., pq1~1411-2. N. Ra)
l~--'
.?X S o.....
u. ·011'n11· 181
141 Sri Aur,Jl,tndo. 011 ll1msrl/ZJ
111 S ChJuJ:hurnnt, Jibo.MrJJuu-opato
1'7~ 1nform:utQn @JVC"n by Sar.d:a
Oe'+t 10 G1fi1aJ1ank.ar
Ra)-chaudhuri publis.hcd in
R11)<hftudhuri ~40-1; B. Ghosc.
A,:"tJUR 33. o17; J Mukhopa·
t.Jhy:1y. fl1plab1 /lb.·uu•r S1ntid 166,
)t S lln<u,'lllbrltr ISl: J. Mukho·
p~dhy-ay .
HlplatH Jiha1trr Smritr
IM.
.l2 S ll~u . ·Bihri1i' 181
JJ Sr1Aurohindu. o,,
Hi1tutlf'l.3.
Joi 0 G~.Agru1u1n;A.8hatt.a·
ch•l"I" lla1pbbtk $.aruri' 191; J .
MuL!q>adh)ty, Bq>lobihboNT
$1tur11 166. Alm.1prrana 180.
3~ 8 o..... f'1triof·f'n>p/t'1 16. 119:
B Cihooc:.A&••JU&M:J.
~1uk~h)'•)'. 81pJabiJ1ban~r
j,.1ntt 166: Atmapraaa 18J: B
t.1a1unld;tr 101.
Vt A . Bhauacharya, '1\urob1ndo'
K) I; 0 Majumdor LOO- I .
J7 A . Bhanacharyn., 'A\lrobindo"
Kll .?. A Otuo •.c-h.lt\a.
B.upl,tht• ~1m ..1f 191:
8 . Ghc:~. At:ff"'" h!-
38 .Sn Aunlf-•1uldo. ()# llunrtlf'l.1
19 ff K•nunto. s.,,,~111., &pklh.
C'hdl°lfCr 1
JO A lJh'9UtKh.u)'i. Uaipl.;ihl~
S.1Jn111 1"11..._.I
01:11uer $
ijSR llu1u1 Ore.le' Book t9(lS-6:
IJ?J Ill : •t c.1..•c 1nfor1na1lon· from
S<rvkc L~I~
2 S(c AurobfnOO\ lc11c110 his
unc..·lcof I~ Augu4+1 Ul72 (A&R I
fAprol 19nl 7UJ
3 !JSR Hu1ur Ord<r !look No. 3,
otdcrur 19 Aprd 1~1! L1\tl \A:1
dalcd 31Julv l\llJI
4 Sn Aurobtnd.>. O• Himm/9-16;
D R.a) A11,olH1t#lo P~n~ Jl.
Lcucn anJ tncnvw3nda •nnctl by
Aurobendt) _.,,found'" the files
of numcrt1Ul D~rtlJI S1a1e
dc(Ni1tmc:nt~ IM 1906. cg
Ocw•n <..uu:hcrry. Vcmacol•r
Br1tMh
S E. g SMl/FM 2: iil.SSHf: F.
G•ckw•d 179 fr
6 q, (,...hrn.in 110; Morley Papers.
IC"lt'1r ~1intu h) Morley S Augui;t
1909
7 Omol 1q1,
~ q Scrgcon1 Ill~.
9 Altlftor111rda (N'I tltt h'ull,·t S1111a
oj lndru NOS. 12
10 Mrdc1.al. Sn S.ro1iruv G•yuJ.-.-od
25-6: 8SRronhdc:nual 6ks: 'Lofd
Olnon'1 Va:Mt to Baroda 1n 1900';
Protest ptUPOiCd to be K iil
•ga1n'-I 1~ Vk'troy'' Cartulat re
lhr ~l... H ()f lnd1.1ft C'hl'C'f.I tlJ
E•ror<I~ '
11 S< ,,..,,, 11!11
12 BSR confidcl\1iil file)-~ ' Prott~t ...
again'+t 1hf' Vkcroy'1CircuJar',
u.nd111ed dnir1 ni reply u> rcsi·
dent's h:ttct l 1 Fcbruaiy 1903.
 Reference Notts
1J q S<racao19'.
1' F. Oacltwa4 IR8;SMHFM2: 575;
OOM CIDdn:ubr211909, CW
r<po<I. vol YU 8CHIJ
IS Sn Auroblndo, talk ol 7 April
1926, pub. Puranl, <d•• £•"t1fing
Totk.r2n.
26 Lener Aurob1ndo Ghosc 10 Mrina·
11m O hose 25Junc 1902. published
in Sri Aurohindo Bongio Rochart"
1
330.
17 Lctlcr Nlvt'dito 10 Jlrohm:,n:tnd:i
18 July l90211nd noiice in Amr/J.a.
Bazar t'wlka 19 July 1902: both
q At1nup,ana 141-2.
18 A•m•prana 1•7.
19 Sri Aurob•n<lo. On Hrm!ld/58.
69,Sri i\urubinJo. talk ol21
January 19:19. pub. l'llran1. ed.,
£1rnln1Tolks636;8. Oho«. 'Sn
Aurobondo0> l UnJc.sund Him'
20-1
20 lldugopal \1ukhopodhyay, HFMP
1112. 8 Dana. P•1nOt-Pmpl1't
10.
21 Atmapmn111 147~ Sn Aurohindo.
tal~ ofll Jonual)' 193~.pub.
l>uh1n1. td .• falkshlh; Sri
AurotnncJo, ()n lfuttirlfS8.
22 Scrgcunl J l4,
23 e. O ll<>~t . An1ilr A1111nlta1lto
1 64~ . Cl. ll. Ohu<e. •Sri
Auroblndo a~ I Unders1and Him'
19.
24 Birth Ccnira1c. Croydon.
County ol Surrey No. 335 of
llil<O; ll Qb<)Oe. A"'"' AmwUlho
14 IS.
2.S 8c\'Ct1Jge papen. kutt Annelle
A krO)d 10 Fanny Akro)d22
J&n_.ry 1873, pub A.tR 14
(1990)"17
26 Th1> and th< '°"'paragraph$ th>t
r<>Uow are N~d on
811nndratumar Ghosc. Arrto'
A1nwkll11t11, chaprcn. J-17; $CC
also '.Sri Aurob1ndo as I
lJndcnt•nd lllm' 19,
279
V Moshel 1•-18
l8 Atnwhtho 16.J...6S; B Ohooc, ·sn
Awobu>cloasl Uoden~od lltm·
19.
29 ABT 22; 001 HPA May 1\l08,
112-50 11. 25.
JO Sn Aurobindo, On //1mulf 17
JI lbid.14. Ste 1b<>OOl IIPD.
Augll!t 1911: II. 001 llPD
Oc1obcr 1909, 29: 2, Daly report
4.
J2 Sri Aucoblndo, On lli11u;-lf4.
JJ Ibid 14.
J4 ::;n Aurobind<>, ullk or 12 Decem-
ber 1940.pub N1r0Jb;..ran.td .•
Tollu 4 279. U Ohooc, A3m/•R
40-50.
35 S.-1Aurol>tndo, On lllMJ</f23.
36 B. Ob...,. k:ucr ul 19'!510 llY:MP
1VltV4112.8 OIM*.A&•i/<18
40 a &rnd<M_,_,.ttkly,18
June 1908 2 (clcpocol'°" of
Naru>Jro Narh Ooowanu).
17 A&R I• (1990) II)
38 Ibid 6$.
39 Sri Aurobtndo,On llt"11irl/17.
40 EINC 4 llll
41 EINC4 •IO
42 Sri Au1ob1ntkl. 1nlk of 6 M arc:h
11n6. puh. l>tiranl. (:(I, ,..,.,,,,,,,
Ttrllo 446
43 Sri Au1-obl11Clo. 0 11 Jltu1..v~Jf2.5.
44 Sri Aurolnndo.10 1~ of21 January
39, pub. Punu11 . cd bvtn.lnJ
Tall.s6J7.
45 A&R7(19113) SI 2
46 A&R2(1978J D-10
47 H Kanu•JO. &uo,"'1 llrp/ob Z
<.-...pl<r 6
I 8 Ohoac. A1m1ut 4'1. SI
2 A Bh.1Ukh.it.f)a, Aurott1ndo'
0
83 I CT A Dh.ollKh•rya,
' Baiplobtk S..1n111' 191); B Ohol.<.
Ag111111g ~~
J BSRBR0('2 1n'oi1Hall. fllc4 ,
kue.r hum A (;hose d:-ucd 14
February 1903; 1)(:1\ 04: 124-R.
280 Refeunu No14
lclltr r.- A . Ghoscda~
Snnopr 4 Junt llllD.
' Sn Aurobindo.
(/J.
°" H-/13.S .
sAtl1lllpRna 156
6 Mary Minto 38S; Sri Au1obindo,
11Jk of21J . .ull)'1939, pub. A.
8 . Pur1n1, ed., £wmnl Tollr.1636
7 A. Biuttochnrya, '&iplab!k
Sam1ti 196.
0
8 S. Chaudhurani, Jibot~I' Jhorapa"'
134.
9 A.C. Banerjee papr:rs, lettet$
Sarai a Ohoul to Banerjee 20 and
23 October l9Q2,
10 S. Ouaudhuranl, libanLrJharapata
179- 8 l • A 8h,1uacharya.
·eaipfabik Slmiti' 191.
II A Blunacharya, ·l\urobtndo'
IW-3
12 So Aurobondo. wk or 14 Deccm·
bcr 19.l8, l"'b A B. Punai,
E•<mn1 TQ/b5'1: H. Sarku " '
GOB lhstory Sheet 679; J.
Mukhopadhyay, Btplab/Jih<m<r
~mntl 166: J Mukhcpadhyay.
llFMP 1112.
13 001 llPA March 1910, 33-40:
12: Doly repon 6.
14 000 Hl$tory Sheet 60'2: 2-3;
008 t-ll<tory Shcct 603:"2-3.
IS l I. Kiinungo, Ba11glay Biplab
19- 20: Sri /\u.robindo. talk o(27
FcbN•ry 1939.
16 001 HP... May 1908, 112-SO: IJ,
lS~Midnaporc note 2; Nlxon
n:pon 1, 0 . Ghooc, Apiju& 76;
Sn ... ufOb;ndo, wk onl Jaaoary
1939, pub. ""'1ull, £.,,.;,.g To/kl
635
17 B. GhM<. Af'"J"f 77. f!J.
18 8 G"-. At1Viu& 65.
19 H . Klnunio. B.,.g/4y 1Upl"'129.
2() B. GOO.C. S - A 13.l8.q. G .
Raycll1udhuri 283.
21 S Ocuskar. Dahtr Katha, note
10 11\c fifch edition.
22 Mtdnaporc note l dung lcucr
Debobnta 0 - to Indra Nandi 29
Apnl 1904. H KanunJO, Bm.gW,
Blf'i..b '10, 1S.
2l S. Satlw(l97l)'7J.N Ray25.
24 B Ghooc.·SnAurobtndoasl
Und<m•nd Hom' 37
25 II. Kanunao. 80J1g/lly Bipl•bl7.
26 Ibid
27 N Ray 2S
2jj D. Ghotlc:.J13n1)11~ 111-2.
29 Sri Aurobindo, On fl/nut/{ 16; Sri
Aurobindo, Oan1lt ,\ffllUrtJm 6.58~
Sri Aurobindo, t•lk or I July
111'26.
30 Potdar. The 1uthorrcproduces
and translates imru or. teucr
from lhc Ruts.Uan t'Ofl.Sul i.n
Bombay to h1uupcno< In St
Petersburg dated S/18 Mardi 1905.
Cf Kec<2SO.
31 T\1.tk pepcrs. Tilak tO
Kmhnovanna 14 Joly, 4 Aopst
aod 25 AuJ"" 1905, 9 fcbtlwy
and 14 Dcttmbc< 1906
(IS 1,2,3,,, I I ); ... urobcndo to
Mnnal1n1 GOO.C 3 October 190S,
pub. B•n1U. Roch••• 326; Ker
38S- 6 .
32 Sn Aurob1hdo. Ban1Jt Mataram
653: Sri Aurobindo. talk of I July
1926.
33 Sri Aul'Obindo, 811ndt ftlatara1n
57-8.
Oapt« 7
R<l"lall r<p<>n par 22: cf. Tcgan
6.
2 BSR o....n C.tcbcny
Vrmaa>lar Bnnch 190S-6, lctun
Amlod A Ghotc to Ga<kw>r29
Much 190S. lcncr Gh<loc to
Dewan 12 Dcumbcr 1904 and
corrcsponcl<ncc Khan-1 KhlrtJbari
and 0-.n Marth to Scpccinbcf
190S
3 Letter Sri Aurobindo 10 Mrinalini
Devi 22 Octobc< 1905 (S...AA
collection or "'BT record>: this
 Refuence No~s
CO\ln trans&Joon has ·oevcr siu
qwct'). So Aurollu1do. 1alk of27
Fob 1~ . pub N .............. ,cd..
Talks 2- J lSJ
• J Banerjee. 111temcn1 in IOR
UPJ/MW (soun:c or KCT 1:11!);
Uann Ghose 1n Da-.·n of India. q.
O . Raychaudhuro JSS: cf. Nixon
n:por1 I.
5 J. Mukhopadh)•y.Snmal
Niralambll SM'fiml 12; J.
Mukhop;idh)11y, Hipl11b1 J/bllntr
Snorltl 23. 255- 6: Sri Aurobindo,
Kotf11ayog1" 174: A.
Bh1lt11charya. '8a1plabtk Samiti'
200.
6 Tcprl 6-7; N11c..n 1.1.yaU 10
C1nro4. /ttdwn Unrnl 1X
7 KakUlo Oklkuro. Tloc Hook of
T,.., q Pcniwn Ooctsonaryof
Modern 0UO(ioons
(Ha""°"""""' Pcotuift. 1984):
m argumcnl
8 NalCAn I Cf II. Kaowngo.
&ngl•y 81plab 71.
9 P. ~1 11ra papct1. M11ra to A- C~
DAn<r:JU 2'1 l'ebruary 1904; S,
Chuudhur1u1I, Jihanl'rJlturapara
1~7; 1 ilok p•f>CrS 17 JO.
10 IJ•ngnl<•• I~ June 190$, q . S.
Ohoi.c 90.
II Nole by II . II. Rl<lcy6 December
l'JO.l,q . S Sorhr(l973) 18.
12 Nc\'lrt-Mo 171- 2.
1J Sri Aun>bindo. Bamh Ma111:nun
1(r1
14 l.cuc:r A1.1.robtndo 10 Mrinafmt
De;,, JO Aog..1 l'IOS. pub Sn
Au1oti.rkk>. &"'''" R«leOl'UI
319-ZJ.
15 8 0..llcr)tt, AMnd• M111h JO
(lf•Ml11""1 by Sn AurOOindo).
16 A 8hau1etuarya. 'Aurobindo'
833-', A Bh•nocharya.
' Baipl1~1lSom1u ' 19J-4. er. B.
Ohooc. AB"'l"N I IS.
17 ll•n11dc. RI~ 11
18 Sri A11roblndo. 8turdr Mataranr
281
61- R
19 Tim"°"""""
ol
"'bucd a c:om-
ol doc
pamoo lhe !"Camble
on
or
Servants lndlO Soc.c1y.
rep<Oduccd on lloyl•nd IOJ- S, and
Ille t<Jll of 8M•'Onl M•ndv, pub
Sri Aurobindo. Bo"dt Ma10nun
61-7'.
20 Sri Au.rub1ndo. ()fl l/1111JrlfS I
21 KcrJOf(, 128. Ro...-11111 rcpon
pnr. JO: Ronold>h•y 12~: Tcian 7 .
22 See cg. 1hc opinion of l!i1rdley
Noriun (AIJ'I 2-M).
23 Rowl111t rtport p..ir 10~
Ron•kl•hay I 2M
24 Charol. lndu'n Unrr$t 31
25 Daly f(potl 3, (;(JI fot'CIJR •nd
Pobll<ol. Ci<ncr.il, l '0'1f ll of
191•, 2 9 , lidwud<> ZIU
26 H. Kanungo, H•n,i.y 81pla/t <ll
2 -S: s<c <h.11Mcn•. $and 15 o(
lhHbool.forlkmdulnctno',MI
27 M. N. Roy, Ind;. Jn TmltStlH>n
(1922) 1n Srlmrd Wor.l.I. W>I I.
332-'.R K Ray7<l. M : S
S.rk•r (1973)•1'6.
28 Spocd1uf19Jnnu.ory IQOll, flllb.
Sri Auroblndo 1Ja,1dr ftt1uaran1
0$2.
29 C'h1u...1. hrrlltJt1 Ut1'ftl 341 .
JO Aurobindt) Ciho'C. •llie Age"'
Kabdas;,1' flt~ /1111it111 a,.,.,,.. (July
1902) J.19. r.:v1'<d vcr.ion Sri
Au~1ndo. n.~l/111n.nnvof
Vmwtm
JI Sn Aurohindo P-'l't'~· n..:w~tioc.ilt:
Gitt 7<(S"AM. \rt Aur,,.,,nJo,
Tiit llarmo11-, <>/ Y1nut 17.&
32 &pc•on.!IS;tf ,._.1rM.b~\fm
JJ Sn Aurobtndo, I),. "''"""/f'll.I.
Ml.Ill<
.l4 A&R 2 (197H) I'll(
JS ~e-c g \f1 Aun~~1nJu , (Jn
H111o~lf 4CH. •on
36 Ibid SI; Sn Aun'4,1nJo, 1ul~ of27
F'chruary l'>4U. 1,uh . N1n)()l•:ar.i.n.
ed., T•lks2- 3; 2S.1.
 Referenu Notes
37 B;..r1n Gho8c to G1nJ:ulunlar
Rayd>.ludhun IZJu"" 19-IJ.q_
R•)'Cllaudhun 4111-11; Sn
.........- """""' ulk of17
rct.ruary 19-Ml. puh. N1nxlhann.
cd. To/lt2-l 2.~l~canfo.qono•
t inlih1kc~h t(an,.1.al C01 llPA
May l'lllq!. 112· l~I JS
J~ Letter A un,tiinJo Oho~c 1n Mrin~,.
llni (1~1"C 22 Octohcr l\1Cl5
(SAAA ~lll~clion of ABT
rci1.·ordll).
)9 0011 l ftA St1,h:n1htr t910.
3' 40: 4~-44: (' ('. Oun.
' Narinada V;aHc)"; C. C. Dun.
'M)' Cnntxt':C C. Oun. Pu.nino
1i..·,.11to·Upu.H,1t1ltur IS
40 GOl llPD Oc1uhcr l'l!l9. 29: l:
00\1 CID 7 (l'l!l9l· 111-1; Sn
Aun~f\Jn r:•rcn. sta1emtnc by
R 11 P•l~ai . l~(Sl\AA)
41 (' Oun. ' 'brm..J.. Valley'.
42 OSR llu>ur Cnghsh Olli«.
f'l'OlthC'DI file JWIH
Ch.Jf'lC"r g
Aurohindo Gho-.~ 10 MnnaJ1m
Gho-.c, _, Oc1o~r"nd
Nuv,~ 1nht.•r- l)c~cn1~r J90S. pub.
Sn Aurc1hindo, 8t111gh1 Rac/wna
.1Z6 7.
2 Su11111·1111; IJ July 1905 ( RNN·B).
J h11/111Jt ~ftr,nt' 10 Au~us l 1905
(RNN· lll
4 Mu~h<•J"" und Mulhc•J« (19~7)
29 l:?. GOB lli ..1orv $httt 723: 3.
~ Kt'wri .\ ()'('1ohcr t9l~: Attrubiodo
(il'M~ In t.-tnn.atini G~ J
Orh"10cr 191.1:\. pub IUn&I•
Rae ha11-1 _l?~
n Sn Aurol-1n<l<l. On llumrlf!{j-1
1 l'.I<~. Sn l\uml><ndo'
~ H. Ciht"-'C lu GtfijashanL.ar Ra)·
<h.1udhurl 12Junc 194J.q
R11vch:tudhun ~ 10--t Cf B
Cho~ . AJ:1111ui: 11~
'I \'M AOTtc<l<>rU' 111.6.Ex 1226.
11li-.; i~ an EntJliiih 1r-:.n.o;la1ioo used
1n 1hc Ahporit tu;il
10 EnJ16h 1r-aMt1t110A f'lf1n1td in
'"-'"rNJJ 1n X-r1cmhc'r 1~16.
r~p11n1cJ1nS l)J,u(I~) 114-6_
11 /kn~•lr< I and .11\p<tl l'lllh.
ocrx. . 111i1"" of N.1)1.t'h Ch.andr-•
Mul.htlJl'C- 1· \\ :\Htn Al1p.•rt
!t4:'"!-.lon.. 10.1l.A UI record<. XII I ;
t i. Ku11u11~u . Hu11J:fil\ Otpl"I' 11.l'J;
Mi.Jri.1pi1t'c m~ce' -.a.
12 Su,,iJ/1w1 'J Aug,u ...t 190~ {l~NN4 8).
11 Sri A uruhindo. ()11 llinH·t'tj'24: c:t
811rln', l9()1}C\1n(<,.•o;-.jon: GOI
I IP/\ '-1.ly l'llll!. 112-50 l.l. 25.
14 Sti Aurot'l1Mkl, ()tt l l ht11t'l/24
15 0 . Gtk)'o.C. ·sr1 Auroh1ndoa.$ I
Urkkr-uo100 ll1m• -I l, ABT HI . %.
ZVl -.a J(.:pv~1t1on o( A t"
~ncrjtC' 1n AhrorC' ~10fD-C"'.t--..C: .
\iMAlll rw>rJ>IV. S. 4;!11-1
16 l/ptndr.an.oath 8.incf)tt·~
""'tmf;nt 1nGOl llPD9: 6~Sri
Aur001nJo. On Jll,,url/24
17 Sn l\u1ol>il>do. On """"lf'l-2;
N Gupca •.\ntrltl" Pu1a 71.
18 01rol. lnd1on Unr<ll~-S (citu~i
two lk11p.ah :.u1horit1es)
19 l"R""'"'1~ March 19\J() (WllS/\
Freedom ~1 uvcmcnt parers fife:
1().1).
20 '''il"""'' 8 April 190(1 (MukherjeC'
and M1JkhtrjcC' ,J&tgu111ru PtJ11iku
l~c ntxt no1cl :ii~N>): nrc1clc
0xrlbc4J to Auruh111do h)
Bhusxndr-lnuth Ou1t ('Au~indo
Sm:aranc' '\~)
21 'The k\urtt ()t ""'"'°" 4'' m)' r-u:t-
tk'N homJu~"""' 11 the t~at ot
lhCl'rlkk~m.lllnJUP ''""''' ,,..,,,.
Pntlit' a, ruN1~d '" t.tulr.h<r-ttt
and ,..,tukhc:t•c~ . eds • Hharmn
S"·•dltuftJld At1J1tl4Jttt' J1(fll1ttar
PutnAur J)utt \fu.kll Kori Ptnl1~
•:1 .. 111.1M up o( _..fhcles- rcpnn1cd
lnin1 '"~'"""' and nuhhst'IC'd
JanuJry 190? C1t1hOn\ 1n thi~
l""'''~r~111h l14Jta11U1r Patriku 62.
7~.131 . 7~ ' · 190.
 Re[erena N-Otu
22 }&41tJ1tl•' 11June1906 (date from
Ker 6S) T<<I IUlO""" Pltlrilca
160
23 Jw,c.,.,.,.6 M1y 1906 (NNR-8);
1..,.,.,.,29Apn11906(WBSA
Freedom M0v<on<n1 Papen file
l(M) .
2• Sri Aurobtndo. Oo Hims<l/24.
~.
2S UT r<p<>rl 4: 008 Hl<1ory Sheei
SS: 6: Ker 141. 140,
26 81"tcpon 4. Nixon rcpon 9;
Ttptl 8.
27 lltmt.ndra Killtor~ Achoryya
Ch•udhury 14: 008 pol. CQn[.
Ul6or 1908. 00..ieron
"tanor1nja.n Gu ha Tbaturta 4.
28 Arm.nrona r(port 27; N.
Chaudhuri. Autobw~111pliy 2S4
29 8 C Pal. /.nlknofw
lt'ation4/'5t Mo~~"' 94-S,
•Poctonal lndlltolToday• (1908).
HFMP IV .t V 9412
JO Nevuuon. 7lw N,.., Spirit 14-1.S.
31 001llPAJuoe1906, 15~.
~2 S.odhyo 20 Ap<1I, l"l{anuu 22
Apnl 1906(RNN·B)
33 Sri Au1<>blndo. On l/1mstl/21.
46: Sri Aurol•ndc>, 1oll 0127 July
1'126. pub. Sn Aurobindo Cit'clt
JS (1979) 17 0 Deb. 'Sri
Aurobindo'; Nixon rc:port 31;.
Arnutrong repor1 v.
34 0 Oh.,.., Agnifut 148.
lS 8 Oh<lO< . Atmokah!ni S8; GOI
HPOScp<embcr 1911. 9: 13.
36 H K1nunp>. &ngW.y B•plab,
chapccr 9
37 II Kanungo. Ban,,.y B•p/ob 156.
38 N1rcndr1 Nath~ . so.ie--
m<nllO mlglSIJale (A81 41);
001 HPA Sep<cmber 1910• ..,._
33-.0: 18.
39 0011 IPA Scpttmber 1910.
33 4(1: 18.
40 11 Kanunao. 8a"81ay Biplob.
chop1cr 10.
41 11 Kanuna,u. 8a11gluy 81plab.
~~
chapcer II .
..
•2 H Kaounac>. &n,r.181p/<11>91
43 H. Kaounao. ~' Blp/<lb IS8
AmctilS; Loqucur 112
4S SriAurobindo. 11lkol l8
December 1938. pub. NirodMr1n.
Talks I; '3-4
46 SnAurobindo, 11lkol28
Febniary 1940. pub. Nlrndhoran.
ed •• Ta!ks2S6.
47 8 . 0~°"'· 'Sri Aurobindoas I
Undc1111nd I lln1' 36: Darin Ghose
10 01rij0>h>nhr Raychaudhuri 20
June 1943, q . Raychaudhun "8•
er. ibid 6S9. 709. m.
48 C. C Dun, Purono
Ka1,,,..Upas••ghorn.
49 For l-lcm's aocou.nt sec 1t>oo.·e &n
l.k tul: lor N.,.ndranalh"• 001
HPA Scp<anbcr 1910. ll-'40: 18.
Sn Aul0buldo. 1alk ol 11
Sept<mber 19'3.
so B D.tua. "AurobondoS-ranc·
S3
SI 8 . Ohos<. 'Sri Aurobindoasl
Undm,.nd Hun' 36-4()
S2 Sn Auroo1ndo, On lllms.1/22
Chop1cr 9
Upendmnuth ll11oucrjcc.
Nlrluull~r A IJrtoktulto 3.
2 11. l<.llnungo, l1"11gluy 81/,lflb
176-80
3 KanunJO, 8ang4'y 81plil.b, 1~1 .
4 Ibid. 198: Gh••P"•<y412 IJ
s Kanungo. &1<11•1 81/)l•b.
199-200
6 Kanungo. 8""1W.1 111('14b.
198-208
7 !bod 209 II
8 Atl f/7112890 , n" I
9 Lcuc:r Prtft.I de Poltee to
PrbKk-n1 du \onw:1I, 16
Dtttmbcr IW7 (AN Fnt1289', n"
I): Mmlo .,.,pc,.,
l<lcFram Morley
to Minto lO December 1907. Cf.
Ker. no
10 Ker, 131 ~ Kaoungo. B11r1glay
284 Refere11ce Notes
81p/•b l lR
II Kh1p;ttd< popen. d;.,,.12 June
1906
12 I lcmcndra Prasad Ghooc - " ·
d.ary21July1906
I) P.t. l.<ad"' 119-20: Sn
Aurubondo. On lfmutlf4l- J;
lfoncndr• Prasad Ghosc popcn.
dr•ry 30 July and S August 1906:
11 . Gh....,, l'ruphrr 11- 12: Deb.
•t>olilical l,..tnder' ix; Deb. 'Sri
Aurobindo'.
14 On lllms.lf2S.
IS Leu er IJ11ncrjca tc> N.turoji 25
Occul><r 1006. q . ArJlj)v (1967)
119.
I~ Sn Aurotundo. 011 Hirns~l/42.
Cf lbtd lll. 45
17 7lwW< (l.ondan) IOS<ptcmbtt
1906 ~ n.\~ o( Bandt \lot.aiUn
tn 1111ohtc.:h 1M i1rtidcJpPCC11ed has
ti..-<nln"c
IS :tn Aur<*t-1.Mk>. On Himul/14.
19 Pn.hhaLar Muthcqt 1tl.
211 A Oh;itu•ch;arya. ·Aurob1ndo'
9 .ll . J•du#Ul"'I Mulhcrjec (HFMP
1112).11 S>rkar6 7.
21 Arn1,lhlf'll reron i. I. 11-12.
22 VM i\11l'rcrorJ<111.6. 1362: ABT
122, COil pol. e<onl. 266 ol 1908
('IZJI !llUI~ •. ') p.1.ras 14 and 1 7~
Ni~on 1.;port 2; S1atet11cn1 of
Rt1:@.hun.11h BorierJC\! (HFMPI
~'i/2
I)
23 Ni:(OO report 2. 4 : r>alv 1tport lO.
K. J ll>ldor ll:GOBp0Lconf.
l'Nol 1911t(SI 1- S) I
2• J.-.iul'JP'll t.1uLhcrjee '"statement
(llFMP I llZ): Gut... Auroh<ndo
anJ J11(01t111r 2()~ A Bluuadurya.
•&1fila.,.lc S.,m1ta' 19'.
2.\ lbllldc. f!ur 225: Krr 6. Kttr
121 ' Sn Aurobondo, On H1msdf
25. ISn.
26 l{hoparde parers. d••ry 31
Oec<mber 1906: St>t<mcnt by
('wtolaviyu 1n Bapal 170- 1~
Tahmunkar 122.
v Kllapordc popm. dm}' J I
D«<mb<r 1906
28 'The Con.,.u· M•4" K"" p.,~
(of6oal f11Jh<h craMlaiKlft), VM
ABT....-1119.157-~ : Jugo•••r
7 Arr~ 1<11n (RNN-8).
"/!I Mu4n AIHI l'at~t (uffocul C:ni!ish
lr•n~auon). V\1AOl"1tt0td'
111-9 I'Ill; Ju~umar 1'01rlko 147:
J1<$""'"' 14 Occohcr l<Jllf>(WDSA
Frc~dom Mu"t111cn1 P~ l>CI"$ fill"
IQ.I)
30 111gu11u1r 26 Augu~1 1906 (date
from WBSA Freedom "-io\ocmcn1
p{Lpcrs flJc lt.M). text Ju~unta,
Plltr1ka 9.J..,99 The la'lt paragraph
w:u vppo:1_rer11ly om11ttd from 1he
ttll puhh'lhcd 1n M11J.r1 J\on
Pafh«'
31 U. 8.anncr,et. Nlfbasun
A,,,..Aor~• 2· l
JZ q R Wnc (IW.) 169.
.\) U Bann<tJ«. ,'\irfttluft,.
Atn1'1fvltltu l
3-1 Ju(u11torl\atn41 l.&?- .SO. IM~1~
(d11e WBSA Frccdl.>111 ~t cro'Cmt"nt
paper> Irle 1()1)
3S ~11"h~h 1run~l~111on q Ker 66
36 Jndla1r N11tlf111 1.5 Apnl 1907.
37 0. Gho11e, 'Sri Aurob1ndo 11,. t
Underl!IOJH.l 111111' 4J~ K~r 6~ .
)lJ Hen1cn<ha Pf'31i:"1d 01\ose papers.
dioryUunc l'llJ7
w Affl r<Ctlfd< XII• 7211- K ABT
71- 2 Ct llcn1cnJra Pr~<:ad
Gho<c p.IJX"'· dial) J July l<lll7
40 Hcni<ndr• p,....., Ohos< P"I>'"·
doary 2J July l'lOll
41 ~~rnmcn1 or Ind.a M<>t11t
Dqionmonc JUM 190K. 1?6-9
(tcrroduoed rn llf\iP B IS.\ll).
•l Srr Au1ohrnJo. On /11mulf4 I .
24. /\ Bhatc~')•. Aurobtndo'
H-10: statnMn1 rq>roduttd in
8a"d" .Wa1oram -.eek.Iv. 28J1Jly
1~7. 7
43 /11d(tJt1 E.mp1rr rcprotJ u ~d 1n
Daudt Af,,tortun weekly l8 July
 Reference Notes
1907; 11; Hcm<n<lra Phsad Gbosc
plptn.d,.ryl)J.t) 1908: B.
O..ua. P-·l'ropll<r 111-13:
Maocloo11d. A••knwt812S;
1'1,'C:d1t1. LIM'1911.
~ ~•ortcy papen, cclcgnm Minto to
Mot1ey I Augw;t 1907.
•S Sn AurolJ;ndo p.1p<r<, t>J.k 0123
February J~O. pub. N itodbaran,
ed•• Tulks226.
% Sri Aun>hind(), On llf1nrtlf"M).
47 Tim,; ()f Ind/a 19 AugWit 1907;
Pimt~tr l8Augu'i1 1907. Both
lt\CSC popel'5 were OQn$.idcred to
b< qw>.. -offidAI
48 Sn Aurob1ndo papen, talk of23
Fell<ua1y l'>l<l. pub. Nuvdbaran.
ed .• Tol.U226(in the published
V<ntOn ·111 labc". ohc phi.,. used
tn the on11n1I cran,.cnpc, was
t~ndcd IQ •nthcr made: up')
49 001 HPA Mardi 1910. l.l-40:
63.
50 ~cmmcnt of lndt1. Home
Deportment. June 1908. 126-9
(rcproducc:d on I fFMP 0 15312).
SI l-4cn1cndra Pra'lld OhO*.C papc:rs.
d1ory 2 •R<l l Scptcmht:r IWI,
000 Judie1al Dept file 2'10
reproduced li'l I IFMP J 4712.
S2 J\U'r 259~ 00\ICn•mcnt o( J"dta
I lome O(pi:trtrncnl June llJOR,
126-9(r<produccd in HFMPB
1"'2); Ker rcpon 71; Heinendra
Pr""'d Ohotc P"P<"· dimry Z3
Scptcinhc1 1907.q. 8 Majwrul.>r
t Cl'!
SJ u a..nncr1cc. ,.,,,fHulln
Atnw4•tlt•t.~ U Q.anc.-rj«.
'llalcmrnt 1n GOt tlPD Aut'ust
1911.9 11-ll. N""°"""
Ju~antor C"''' I. GOI HPA t.tay
IQ. l<I' 11 7; GOl llPA
Scp1cmhc1 t9ICI, JJ- -40: :!JI.
S4 GOl 111'1) Jttly l<,1(17, "6 I. MmtG
p.l~N. 1clcgr:-im t.ilnto 10 Morley
26 ~1ay 100.'(; Chirol. (Jurrd n.
SS ()Ol lll'0AuJU>l 19 11.•); tl-12;
285
001 HPA M1y 1908.1~ · 11:7.
001 llPA Jync 1"'°8. 1)1)..I, 4
S6 B Ghooc. At-allw SS-6, H
Sarkor.R"""''"'"""" of BOtg<tl
6 (81mn 1nrcw-mant)
S7 J""°""" 19 II •SUSI 1907
(Nl'R·B) Th1,,.thcofflctal
IO''Cmmtnt trtnilaoon. the
Bcong1ll 1c-t1 t.k>e~ not seem to
have survived. Bllrln never namtd
l hc 1itlcor lhe ar1IQlc in ~hich he
n u•tl~ the A1ul(luncc111en1, hu1 •Q111
I lope ' '~ 1h<: only ar11ctc 11uhU,hcJ
arouoJ t~ 1j111c o( chc W'-'ond
Jugunl"r 1nal th.it 1n,-.·t:n h1"
Je'ltnptmn
C'hJpt~r 10
&nik M""''""' d,.ly 9 May l'IOtl
6. c1e..,,..._ b) lkadw:roll
rcponed ta &nioi« 7 M>) l'I09.
ABT 147. 001 llPA \tay l'JOll,
112-SO 11.GOllfPAJunel~.
IJG-1 · 11: 001 HPO May 1908.
17; I; I\ Bhauldlarya, 'Auro-
bt-'!<lS.
2 NC\'-ln.)(lft ,..,~...~"''" 16 l?~N
Chuutlhun 2.\.4 •O
1 AO r rcn>nl< X Ill 711 I~ . "I
Surk11r ( t'llW) 2~1
~ D'"'d'' lilutt.u.11" cJ11tly I M.1y l~I?:
I
s He,ntndna Pru.\ad Cih<MC papct\,
diary 17 llpnl l'lll7; Ali I' rc<nrd•
XJJ· 711-!.G<>l llPDMmh
l'J(J8 I. 008 ""'"'"' Shccr 709
l-4
6 f-k1MnJr1 Pt~(ihtN p...pcn.
; q \l•y 1'107
7
I """'' :?II' ~
8 t 'latndt 2C).t n~. Sn Aurot'tndrl
10 !\10111.AI Rn'f' ~Au"°'•' 1.,1.t.
ruh. !u1ppk1,,nt14M
9 f-fcrm-ntlt• Pr11....S Oho~ p...ptn.
d111ry .?6 April 11.-)7
10 Nc\1n<;,4,lO. l'l/tw.\p;11117 - 19 ~ ft.le·
grwn1fl.Hnto10 Murley A Ma)'
1907, pub. M<"Y Minto 124-5:
286 Referena Noia
Wolp<rt (19671111-12
Commcnu in 1hc nauvr press. c.J.
RNN·UP. tasted wed in.lo Aupbt..
II Sn Aurobindu, Suppkmnil 49:
/~••tor 16July 1907, offici•I
1r1nst1h<>n q Ktt 67
12 A8Tr<e0<dsXll. 729-JO: Ker
rtpon M~ Hcmc.ndn Prasad
()h<l'C p;tpcni.diary7 Auguhtand
SSeptc1nber 1907.
13 Olrcn Sen papers, "The L81e
Sushi I Kumnr Sen' fr.?: B~nga/r~
2R111Hl2KAugu~ 1907; Bandr
A1Dt"""" dnlly 28 and 29 Augus1
l'l<n; 001 HPD Match 1908. I:
IS; Ker 123- 4.ABT7. 96.
14 U. Bunnccjec, N1d.>aJil~r
A tnr•A.uthll ).
1$ 8 Oh<JO< 'SnAuroliindoasl
Uodcnl<tnd Ham• 49
16 8 Ohol<. 'SnAurobindoas l
Undtt$1and Him· 4<)..5();8.
O.,._, Armdoluni, cigptcr2;
Upcndt11na1h Banncrjcie.
lil1rbM11rr Atmakath• 6-8.
17 N Oupta. Smn11r P•1a 28-39:
Nolin1 K11nt.a Gup1a papctJ.
unpubh.shcd M~tcmcnt dealing
¥i·hh the Ntvedlta-Bose in(':ident
(llC< A1>ptndlx I. nQIC 5): AB'r
442- 3.
IR U. l};inncrjcc. Nirbo.riter
At""'ko1h11 10-l I.
19 tbtd . N Oup11. Smriti.r Pata
32.. J; Statement by 81reo Ghost
1n HPA M•y 1908.112- 50:38.
20 001 llPDMAy19111,17:~.
21 II Kanungo, 8""f/4y Btp/ob.
dlapler2.
22 Ker 134-5. 5.l-5.
23 &rNJrrum Rano-Niti (olficiat tnJll.-
111-) VM ABT r«X>rdsllL 10;
Ker47· 50. GOB pol. coof.279ol
1910: 2: Rowl•n rcpon. par. 9';
N Qupll. Smrlrlr Pala 33.
24 /.tuktt 1<011 Path' (of&i.al
1r11nsladon) VM ABT records,
111.9.•; llTrepon2.
2S Ker DS; GOI HPA M•y 190f!.
104-11. 6; ABT.WO. -MS.
26 GOl llPA Stp<tmh<r 1910.
J3-o10 40; ABT31. 37, GOI HPA
May l'IOH. 112- so. 39; GOI HPD
Aur.., 1911 9 ll
rJ GOl llPDAUJ"'' 1911.9: 13:
Daly rtpurl 7
28 U . 8•111ncrJte, Nirbtl!Jtlfr
At1n11~nthn 9- 10.
29 001 IWD Moy 190ll. 17! 3
30 OOll pol. oonr. !CJ.I of 1909 (9)
31 D•ly report 9. W; ABT88. 145:
N. Oupt1•. Sn1d1ir "''"' 32.
32 A llhallacharya. ·AurobJndo•
IOS: ABr23: 001 llPO M•y
190!!. 17: I
33 Sn Aurobindo. On HtmMl/17.
28. 21
;J.I 8 Gh<JO<. ltnorof 1955 1n Hfl,IP
IV .t V41/2; Sn Auroblndo. talk
0121Jan1939.pub lfoodbaran.
eel • r.i1is 1 22G-1
35 N Oupca, Smnlrr Paid 35
.l6 a. Gil<*. ronr.._.,,,., 1n 001
HPA M•y IQ, 112- 50: 27; U
Bannujcc. N1rbosllD' Atma.Ju:iclta
17.
37 0 . 000.C. Almakal1lrrl Sll-9; 8 ,
O h~c. Wu;;udr1/ J-lun1anlty,
46-47:COl lll'OA11guot 1911 , 9:
13. <f. 11. Kanungo. Bangluy
81plab 98. II S.
C'h•p1er 11
c c. Dull, ,,,,,..,,
KIU!llz·U,,.,o"tiwr22-4; 001
HPA Sq>tembcr 1910, 33-40: 42;
HFMP JV & V 3612
2 S.ndh1.. 6 ~by 1907. olliNI .,..,,._
lauon ttpnnttd 1n Ker 7•
3 Biren Sen r•pcB. 'lbc Bengal
Rcvoh1bonann [volutlon oC 1he
Bomb. 3 S lyp<d v<t$ion; R.
Kanungo. Batrglay 8 /plub, chap!tr
9
4 Sw1curt1111J5- 16No\'cmb<'r190S;
Bmgalrt IS- 16 No..,mbcr 1905:
 Rtftrt!Wt Notts
I< Oopta.Smrilid'...,:Z.S;U.
Datta. KMo·J1bMi J
s U. D•na, Kot0.Jibalt )-S; ABT
23.001llP0Au1us11911.9: 12.
I> Boren Sen popt.s. "The Btnpl
Rc\'OIUtKN'larit:J-Evotutiofl of 1he
Bon1b'. 6 7 t)'l)Cd version,
7 AodJunan note 8: ABT 62;
Midnuporc no1e 27
8 001 llPD Aogu" 191 1, 9 12- 13:
Daly rcpqfl 14
9 001 llrA M ay 19Q8. 112-SO: 26;
Chandc:rnagorc notr 4 ; Daly
rcporc 8.
10 Band' J..1ataru111 daily I November
1907
II 001 llPA Moy 1411111. 112-Sll: 14.
23. 26. 32. ABT39: GOl llPD
......
AU&USl 191l.9 12. An<bman
12 CiOl llPA M•y 1'11111, 112-50: 7,
14. 26. ,2,ABT24. 211: Bnrpikc
2 Odobcr 191111
13 CiOl llPD. August 1911. 9: 12.
14 GOl llPA M ay 1\11111.112-50· 7.
14. Z.(t, 32
IS COil J)OI Cl)nr ~I of 1!JllX ~1
21.2 l;GOll IYliVl21 S
16 Alll'24. ?H:CJ()l llPA M•)'
l\l()lj, 112 ~): 32; C.01111'0
Au3u>1 IYll.Y 12.
17 CiOI If PA M ~y l'Xll4. 11 2-50, 26:
l)ufldt MutUNlftJ weekly 2fl July
I'IOK. IO
IX COi llPO Fcbru"'l' 1908. '12-'14·
s ll
19 CiOBpol ronl 12lofl9IO J.5
20 (;08pol <o••I ll?ol l'~IM(A)
I~ D~l'f 1tf)(lrl IU
21 ~i1dn.1ru1c report .. s~ ~1;c!napon.'.
..,.. " 22
22 CiOl llPA M•Y l'lllK.104-11 • S:
COil pol ronl 170of l9llil, l<11<r
I f,dhday 10 C'hicf S«rcui.ry 16
May l'ltlK
23 GOl lll'A Moy 1908, 112-so, II.
2~ U 8unnt1JcC, Ntrbasit~t
At,,rula11hQ 19-2..'l: GOl I IPA
287
Maicli 1910, JJ.-40; 112.
Chapttr 12
Khapacdt poptn. chary 31
Ot«mbtr 1906 Cl Ku•odtkor
ns
2 LcucrTilak 10Aurobtndo11
Otcembtr 19()7 (ABT records I).
J Mj<lnaporc noce 6
4 Hcmc:ndr• p,_.~a<l (jho$c p8pers,
diary 9 Oc:ccmher 1907
5 LCIHcr AuH>b1ndo 10 Mrinidi1u
OhO<Se. 6 Dcwnb<r 1901. puh
8a"glo Hfltha1u1 325
6 Sn i\urobtndo ~pc"', no1cbook
OIS: 4-IUtvcn (SAAA)
7 Sro Aurobtnoo. 0• //1w•«lfloS.
8 llcmcndrv Pm.Ml G~ pap< .....
do•ry 11 Otctmbtr 1907
9 Hcrncndn Pnosod Cih<>w papc".
dr•ry 14and IS Dtctmbc:r 1411n,
GOl llPD March 1411111. I 25-:'h
10 B G~. ~Sr, Aurot~indu ., I
Undcl"ldnd I lun· 44
II M1n10 ,,apc;:rs. ~1orle:y 10 t..11nlo 21i
Occcmt'C r I \ltJ7
12 Ncv•n~•n Nt'•' .\pint ll~
ll CiuL.h.1h: pup<:" A C'h11udhu11 to
G~1kh.1fc 1'1 Novc1nher 1~17;
Mutl~>l!..1utu (Jol.ti.1lc 17
l'.>ctt1nh(•r llJll17, :-, ll11ncrje:a IP
C;<>kh.a1e. 12 f)('L:COlhCf 11.1117
14 Tilak tu Moul.ii Vh1)\t 2
Oecen1hcJ ICJilt((AO I rccunb I).
PrayQI S"""'c hMr 17 Deccm~r
19fn (RN~ UPJ
I~ T1bL tot.foul 11 (,ti...~~ 2
Occcml'<r l'"IK(Alll rn"robl),
r""'°"''"""'2~ lk«mhcf '"'"·
16 q rcrOl(lwnJ ~IO ti
17 N~1f\!o4.•n .Vt•· ~r1nt !_. l .a
IX Ne\<ttbl,n. , .,..,.. \r1n1 ;!4~
19 8 Gh4.>w' At1r1•l•Ju,,120
2llNcvin.·1oon /ti'r"t1t· \p1111 249 ~'
21 Sn Aur••l"'1000. ti.ilk ul 2l
ftllru.:ir)' l'MU, puh Nfrodti.1r1n.
ed . . Tulk.. 22~
22 Thi"" the f111nou1, •,_wccl\ l tltcr~·
288 Reference Notts
•hlCh Will be n(cmd 10 often
l>ck>W Reproduced A&R S
(Ottemb<t 1981). Pl•tc 4
2J 0 G"°", lenet or 19SS in llFMP
IV II< V '112. 0 t,(a1umdar93
24 8 Cho"te. A1naoka1t,,1i 29-JOo B.
Gh<><c, lc11c1of1955 tn HFMP IV
& v 4112.
2S 8 Gho«, lcucr or 1955 in HFMP
IV & V41/2.
26 Sri Aurobindo, On Htms~l/48 :
I lcmcndru Prfl~d Ohosc pnpc.rs~
diury IO Jonu•ry 190!!: B. Ghosc,
·srl Aurobindo as I Undel'Stand
f lim"4M; Government or Bombay.
Abllract ol fntdli.gcncc XXJ
(1908); 20.
27 P. H~hs(l989)11S-93.
28 Aurobtndo Ghooc: "1 Mrinalini
Ghooc:. 17 Fcbnlary 1908
lm-1cd 19071. pub. Sri
Aurobindo. &.lo&"' Radwuw 324.
Ch.\pm 13
I Puran1, I.if• 100, 292.
2 Ker 132: GOI HPA May 1908,
112-50. 12.30.32.
) JI. K1nungo, Bunglay Biplab,
chap1cr 13: VM ABT rcoords.
tl.7.2S; Andl1man no1c4.
4 H. Konungo, lla~glay fl;p/ab,
ch3plcr 14.
5 GOl llPD May 1908.16: 1-7;
GOl llPA May l90R, I 12- S0: 6,
16, 19; AB f 82-S; Ker 129-30: S.
S.rhr ( 1973) 479.
6 001 llPB M•r<h 191», 181-2'
I ·S. 11 K1nunJ<>, Ba~/ay Btp/"6
262-<I. D>ly ttpon 9; N. Gupta.
Smnor P'11• SA-s. 811cn Sen
-n.
10.
·Evoluuon o(11>c Bomb'
7 U Bannujoc. Nut.uuu
Atmakotha 24: GOI HPA Mazd>
1910. )}..4(1: 82, ABT76-7.
290- 1, 312; lkntaftt8Junc 1908.
8 N. Oupt1. Smn't1r Pa1a .S0-1; U.
Ban1ltrjee. Nirbcui1~r Atmalcafha
24-.S: Andaman DOI< 8
9 U. Banntr,ee. Nirbtufttr
A1md.otlwl 24-5; H. Sarkar (Barift
mlonnonl)S-6
ID U. 8i1Pfk'.IJ«• \wftostNr
A"""kAlclloll-7 8 . Gho<e.
tlJmaAolllni 37-..0. N Gupta,
S'1trttir l'ato 42, Pludkc (198S)
J~. a tin& Bocnboy Abstroc1 of
Intelligence, 3 April 1909; 263.
II VM ABT rcoords lll.S.774: ABT
reoorJs 111 125: AllT261 .
12 Al!Tr<M rd; X· 2 13.
13 ABTS7.118- 9: llPA June 1908,
130-1 s
1• A . Bh•Uach•ry•. 'Aurobtndo'
834 ·5; Chander,,.aorc rcpon 14:
GOB H"'<><Y Shtt1 m: 3: YM
A BT rCCC<ds II .7 26; ABT tt<'Oldo
XI •4J7
IS R...rau rcpon. p11. l6. Chander·
._.,rcpo<t8. 9: H PA
Scp<cmt>cr 1910. l)-40· 28-9;
GOI HPD Au&USl 1911, 9' 12:
VM A BT records 11.7 26
16 A. 8holl1<"1•ry•. •Aurobtndo'
8'3.
17 Hcmcndrtt Ptasnd Ohottc papcrJ.
diary2 1 Fcbru•ry190l: Deb. 'Sri
AuroblndO'.
18 A. Bha1tach1.tya. •Aurobindo'
835.
19 ABT 40. A Oha11ach•ry•.
•Aurobindo' 114)
20 Ktr36'. Phadlc(1~)90: Keer
293.
21 ABTrcconlsXl· 429; ABT
rcwrds Xl V 11 ll-4, 1lJ).
22 001 HPA May 1908. 112- SO: 211.
34.ABTl.S.32,S~.89.101:
A - n ttpo<t 8: llFM P 14612;
lk•lflltt 16 Apol 190ll; VM ABT
rcconlsll726
2l A6TS8.G011pol oonf. 170of
19()1!, lcucr li•lllday 10 O>id
Secretary l6M1y l'iOfl; l:CAOM
Affaires pohoquc,, Oovcrnor
10 Mlntstcr 28 Apnl 190R.
 Refuenu Notes
2A ABT~ .88. ABTreawdsXIV:
ms:
2S ABTrecordlXV: IJO'l;ABT92.
'11.
26 VMABTr...,..dlD.7.2S;COI
HPA, Mardi 1910,33-40.84:
001HPA.10.-11: 9; 001 HPA.
112- SO: 27.33: ABT~. 86. 140,
146.
Chapter 14
A. Bh11t•<imy• . 'Aurobindo'
84J: 001 llPA Stp1cmbcr 19!0.
33-..0: 30: 0011 IPD Augus1
1911. 9: 13
2 BondeMOJOrom wcckly24 May
1908. II ,
3 B. GhoK.A.fnultlslt11 Kluulmvn
4 7; e. Oh<>lc. ilAlCMt:ftb to
01n1uhankar Raychaudburi in G.
Ra)Cflaudhun 709, 729
• J Mukltopodhyay. Bq>lolH1.-,.
Smnli 2AO Subt<q~ndy ci1cd
{w11hou1 JaduJOP&l's qllllification:
'!hit ii wha1 I have heard') in
man)' aceondairy 1CCOUnts:. fOf
cxampac Ouh.a. FinrSpark 130
and 8. Ma1umdar 111.
S Sri Aurohindo. 11lk of28
fcbnlury 1940, pub. Nirodboran,
ed .. 'roll<.t 2 & J: 256-9.
6 C. C. Ou11 , Pu1ano
Ka1h"·Upason,ltt1rZ2:
Narcndranath Gotwami, •tate:mcnt
of 1908 in 001 llPA Scpi<mlicr
1910.)3-40 16ff. H K.onunio,
&1np1B•p/4b1'6, 171.
7 A Bhallacharya, 'Aurobondo'
843.
8 See P. Ht<hs,'AurobindoG"'-
t i ~UllOIW)'' So..11\ JIJMr 15
(Oecemb<r 1992), for 11\111
d1$CUS$K>n O( this qun:tion
9 Biren Stn papers. "The Ure
SWihil Kumar Sen' 8-9; GOB
llls1oryShcc1252: 7, 12, 16; GOB
pol conl. 2"5 or 1910, Oen ham's
report oflructvicws in th~
289
Andam,10.22J..ty 1910, H
rc.o._. IJMpy &p/41b 2•2
10 Bmpi/tt 5JOM 1908
II N. Gup<a.Smnw I'• 35
12 VMABT-VI 14l(EJ
ISO) {c:oun tr1nsla11011)
13 ABT Records XV: ISOS-8 (ICSU•
mony of KtShoti Mohan
Banner~) ; VM ABTrerords
11.7.26: Biron Sen paper•. 'The
LAtcSus.h1I Ku1n1r Sen" 8; coun
lt~cimony ol K.hev.i•tn K11k11r.
reported Bu!fdt lit1Jtar(Jn1 \\o'Ctkly
JI May 1008: I<
14 Birc:n Sen pllt'M!n. 1llc l.arc
Sushtl Kumar Sen' 9; ClOB
lli'\lory Shtct 2.S2: 7; t..cucr Biren
Sen 10 Aurobtndo ()h!Joe 26 Apnl
l'lllll(VM ABT II 7 J.t)
15 VM ABT re00<dl II 7 2S GOI
HPA May 1908. 112-50-20.ll;
ABT84
16 8m,tlrltt 2 Oaob<r 1908: BaAd•
Moto.-Wt<kly JI M1y 1908 16.
17 A Bh.tuacharya ••Aurobtndo'
843: GOI Hl'A Mly 1908,
104- 11 : 9
18 ABT records XIV: 12U7. 1220; A .
Ohau11ch.ary•. l'ura1u1 Ku1l111; 8 .
Oh0«:. At1n"k."h1nl S9,
19 AilT record; vol XXl-I lolllday
lo A<mstrong 20 April 19(111: OOll
pql. <00r 170~1190!l. lc11cr
Halliday to 01l<IS«re11ry 16
May 1908: 1;001 llPAM•y
1908. 112- 50 1, 11. 49, 0.ly
rcpon 9
20 A 8hollll<har)•. 'Aul'Obtndo'
84:J-.4.
21 001 HPA M...~ 1910. l3-40·
84
22 Sn Aurobondo, &fllk "'"'""""
890-1.
23 ABTrtt0rd.<XXl.D11yrcpon9.
2.t ABT recor<h XXI Khodirtm's
1ta1cment to magts1ra1c :
dcpos11ion1 or FayaiudJln Ind
TcMdd111· Khan, JUdgmc:nt ;Tcgart
290 Reference Notes
papen. ·aun..Tcgart'7S.
2S llM<h MllMrom w«tly 10 May
1908 l6;1bid 24May1908: II.
26 ABT""""""' XXI (5la1<:mcn1sc>f
•)U and coachman); IOR
VPJ/61871: &mtk M.,.,..,weddy
24 May 1908 12.
27 l\DT rorord1 XIX. deposi1ioos of
K.inp:ford •nd Armstrong; ABT
rcoofd~XI: sunemcnt of
Woodman: 008 pol. CQOf. 110 of
1908. lcncr 1·r11lliday to Chier
S«rcl•ry, 16 May 1908.
28 l\BT records XJX •od XXI:
eq>cc1ally fi13tcmcnu or Khudiram
J)Mc, dcpositK>ns of ATmsuon.g.
Fatch Singh and Shiv Pet.shad
Misri 1n SC'Ssioos coun. High
C.0Un JOOl"'COI.
l'I ·1,,,. panig,.pll and the 1wo lha1
follow.,. ba<cd pnmarily 00 ....
recordi or the M uuffarpur trial.
cspcaally •he dq>osotlonsol
Nand:11l•I B:antrjt't atKtod>t.n
(AB r r«01ds XIX). The
cclcgrams (rom and 10 Nandalal
l\re 1n \'OI. X:XI.
10 IOR IJPJ/61871.
J I All1"rccordsvol. XIX: stntcmenl
of Kh11dirftnl B<l1te. 3 May 1908;
1Jut1'1t ~ftunram dally 7 May 1908:
2.
J2 AD r records XlX (quolation
fron1 crMi;-c:11•mina1i-on or Public
WUnC."54)_
'.\J 841fdt' ,_lallJftlm ..-i-cckly 16 Augusl
1908 4
Olaplcr 15
GOB pol con! 266ol 1908. file
marled 'Spare copttS etc.·. draft
kiter Q;ut 10 Oucf S«n-:tary t
May l'l(l>t
2 l\BTrcc..rds X. 219- 20. ABT
rc«>rd• XI: 530: GOB pi;J root
17ilol 1908. lc11crH•lliday 10
("hiclSccrc1ory 16 May 1908: GOI
llPI\ M"Y l!lOI! 104-11 : 5-6: AST
58: Empw I Mo11908: Bonk
M...,.,,, W«tly 10 Moy 1908: 17
( "'""'"""'"' St-"""').
J EMpi" I May 19C.lfl
4 Sn Aurot>.nJo. Ktwohhw• .,
R•ttf."1 /loclt4NJ 251
s 0 Ohos<, Atmabhml 0, 45.
6 ABT 97. N Oupco, Smritir Pata
SJ.
1 N. Gupta, Smrlt'r Pata S2; B.
Gh05C, .At1nt1kohl1il 44: U.
Banncr;cc, N/rbas(t~r Artuaka1ha
30.
8 B. Ohose. At1t1ak'4111nl 44.
9 N Oupta. ~·111r11ir Pa10 53; U
8-1onttJCC, NvboJlttr At1tt1tkodta
3().
IO ll. GbOoe, Atmaltulum 44: N
Ou.pta. Smn11r Pato SJ: U.
BanncrJCC. Nirbtuun Atma.tan.a
JO-l:l\BTl47.
II 8 Gh<>M:.At-.l.i.w4S.
12 0 Ghole. AtmoAWlllU 46: ABT
196-7. bl..(17; GOB pol conf.170
ol 191'18. lcllcr llall.Uy 10 Ch~
S«rcl>ry 16 May 1908, GOI HPI\
May 111(111, 104- 11 : 6, 001 HPA
112- 50; 6. 11: 8ondt' Afutoranr
wcckly20Scp1c01bcr 1908: II :
VM l\B1' r«<>rds 11.7.17.
13 All rrccord<XI: 64l-7; V M
ABTrccor<b IV.S.338: GOI HPA
May 1901!. 112- so 11, 19-20.
001 HPA June l\l()(j. t.10-31: 1;
AB r Sl: B"nci' ~la/dram wceldy 2
l\ugU>t 1908 13
14 ABT rc<o<ck XI 512- 8: ABT
m:o<ds XI ~)9..40; 8<Wk
Ma""""' -lly24 May 1908; 18.
IS Sn AIi robtnJo. K•nlklllibu-. 1n
Ban1la R«lwna 258-9: ABT
60-61; 0011 IPA lune 1908
I '!I-I 6; Sn Aur<>b1ndo. 0.
ll1msclf59: l\OT rcoo1ds XI
Sil 8
16 GOl llPl\Junc 1008 l;I0-1: 6-7:
GODpol.conr 170C1fl908.lc11<r
Halliday 10ChierSccrtrnry 16
 Reftrcrce Notts
M•y 1908: A8T 14.
17 OOBpOl oonf 170011908.lcuor
Halliday 10 Ch>tf Secttwy 16
M•y 1908
18 M ....apo« n:port ~;Bond•
Moto"""v.ukly IOM1y 1908: 12.
19 B. Gh<>w.Atm1JU!o/n/.cfulpter
10: U Uanncrjcc. t-hrbosittr
A1,,1ok1J1ho 32-~.
io 11 Konungo, &1nfila1 81plab in
ff.
21 GOl 1IPA Moy 1908, 112-50:
25. 27.
22 001! pol. conf. 170of 1008. leuer
lfalhdoy 10 ('h1cr Secretary t6
May lllOil: 001 !IPA May 1906.
111-q>: 27 ~31;Sri Aurobtndo.
Karu.lulhuu. 1n RMglu R1JtltOJ111
263
2J AUT21·J.I,197; IOR UPJ/"'907
(a>url pro<e<Jtnt< reproduced
1n ln$1uAmon of 12
No\cmb<r 1908): GOB pol
conr170 .,, 1908. le•"''
H•llKl<ty 10 Cl\,.f Secreary 16
M•Y 1911~; COll J9 <>I 1910
(rcro11 of lnquuy 2)
0
U A Ohu1ti1ch.11)•.i. 'Au1ob1ntk)
!Wt.
2.S AJtd.u1111n 1..:pon 9
26 Au·r 27: U l311u11t-tJcc.Nirba.1i1tr
At111ukt1tha '6.
27 C. P. Ocachcroft. cxtmcls from
JUdgrntut. reproduced l-IFMP J
4(112
28 D•ly ropon 10
'2<l GOl llPA May 1'04 11?-'IO• .?7.
A01 32
JO ~···· 141 <.l Ra"°""'' fr(().
"""
31 llcmcnJroPngJQhoscpapcrs.
diary~ l\tay t QOB~ ,...u:on R'pon 7
32 Bandt' Afa11r1m daity S ~Uy I~:
s ll Rcptinlcd 1n 8u11Jt ·'-lfUilr0,-,1
:\3 Blindt J.fal'1ram d;ul) 5 May 1908:
2. GOU 1>01 <'Onf 170ofl90R,
IC"ttcr I tr.1lhd11y 10 Chier Secretary
16M•y I Q(l~
291
Chapter 16
VMABTroconbll 4 2:VM
ABT.-mlslVUJ-7.GOB
pol. cool 170or 1'lOll. kntt
Hlllid1y100ud5ccrc1ary 16
M.y 1908: IOR UPJ/6/007 (roun
proceccbngs reproduced in
EngltshmJJn of 12 N0>omh<r
1908): Alff 108. 197.
2 U Bann'-rJcc. NJ1biuitrr
At1nak111ha J.~
3 i\8Trcwrd•Xl .S93:Ci01HPA
June 19118. 130 I: 8; GOil i hscory
Sh<ot 2S2: J.
~ ABTrerortlsX: 369:AB1'
reoordsXll. 7119.
5 0~1ma(l,;thore113 \L>y 1908
(RNN·P). Bondr Mol(Jrom Jail) 5
May 191JI!: 2: S..n1,..1u (Calcun>)
7 May IQ (RNN·B). l~d­
WorlJ ~hy 19(J8. q"°'<d 10
Rtvt~ofRf'nr,,.., _'\S(July 190R):
31;Mahn111JJ 17M>y 191l!I
6 Morl<y IMP<"· Morlcv 10 M1n10 7
May 190<! (qu1>11n1 ~1'n•u) . cl'
Wolpcn (IW.7) In, ()01 llPA
M;ty l'llJ8. l().I II to-IS: 11 1'0
M•r<h llKl'I. I 6
7 ~hl1 l<'y p.llX'f\. Ml1rltiy 10 ~1 1 nto 7
t\itay 140~. M11111; h' Mo1ley KJuly
l'J()fl
8 GOI HP/\ M•y l'IUtl, 11).1 II : 6,
001 llPA June 191.18. l;\1) I 9:
OOllll'A M•y l'!Clll, 112 .lit JS
9 ~1orlcy f)Olpcn. \1orlt)' to M11uo
21 M•v lilO.'l
10 lndm ILu<ldon) 8 \fa) I~
11 <•fHW. ttr.-.n1cd 1n &ttde
A/4'tlmmtJ.uly4><\lo1v JC,WIK 7.
AlM71t. rcrnrU('d In /1o»tJ,
·"""'""" J.uly 12\by1'111!! '
1? "'"""' 7 Mn 191111
wedly 17 M•y l'lllll: 10
lJ. f l<!mC'mlr,, l"fit\Jd Oh""'° p;1p<!~.
d;ory 12 M•V 190S
1.5 I follow lndru Nnnd1'"'<1""11
292 Referenu Notes
aecount (At11t0ttndll Samittr ltiho.$
20.S-6) for t'ery1h1ng but the
di11c. '"here J follow ABT "'8. Stt
abo AB'HI. 353
16 001 HPA M•y 190!<, 112 ·50:20;
fl1H1dt' ftlt1t11nu11v.e1.:ldy17 May
l'MI: 11-12
17 Bandt: f.fot11ra1n di1ty. 20 ~1ay
lllOll:7,
18 GOB pol conf. l'l\lofl908,ktt<r
Halhd•y 10 Chief !><creiary 16
M•v l90!!. lnd1an Pcl\ill Codt:.
attd 1n !Wnd.- ~luWtrmt dady 1
M•y 1908: 2
19 M•rius 196: R. We., ( 198.1).
powm; ABT 18'
20 Indian Pcn:;i1 Cqdc cited in 8a11dtt
MntaNUn daily 7 May 1908 2;
AB I 53-1. 1n-9
21 001 HPA May 1908. 112-so,
7-8; IOR UPJ/6/li67. Minto
tckgn.m 10 lndi• Office 6 f\tay
19118.
22 oor HPA May l\IOR. l().t II:
r• IS.
2J AllT 17-l~. 53-4,
24 CiOI HPA May 190!!, 104-11:
5 10. JS
2S GO! HPA Moy l'IOS. 104-11·
7-9
26 M1n10 f'IC1pcf1:. Ftt!<r 10M1n10 19
Mtt)' 1908. cncJosin& Confidential
N0<•
27 001 HPA May 1\1(18, IQ.l-ll:
1- 2.
28 001 HPA May 1908. IOC-ll:l.
IH: GOB pcil. oonl. 266 or 1908,
dph<r ttksrrun 0124 May 1908.
29 GOB pol root 266 ofi9CJ8, ku~r
Gt11t 1u J\1ors:head 2 June l90fl.
30 /Jandr Matu"undaity.19 May
1g 7:F.mpir<.•f'Pll•••tlyo119
Ma.y. rcpriruc:d in Ou11de Maia.ram
doily 20 May 1908· 7
31 Rund~ ~lalortnn d.ad) 19 ,_11y
1008:5.
32 GOI HPAJuoc 1901>. ll0-1 12.
33 OOB pcil ronr. file 194 "' 1909
(13). l<ttcr Ouk• to N0r1on
34 GO! HP/\Junc 1908, 147: 3; N.
Olaudburl. A111obl0Kniphy 2S3
35 J 8.anOCfJI. "An'\"loda. Ghote"
4il(i.
36 Indian Rtvl•w 6(190$): IU4-<IO.
37 N1\•edi1a, U111n 998.
38 AllTl7-21.182.199.
Chapter 17
I GOB Jud conr. IJOol 1908: l-3.
2 U. Banocrf«. Nlrlxtslttt
AlmaiatM o40; Sri Aurobiodo.
Knrakphf,,f IJ1 Bang/fl Rachona
264, m: 8.0-.Atmo.U.WU
64.
3 Sri Aurobindo. Karakohl11i in
B""t;I• Rodvvw 216-9.
4 U . Banncrjee, N1rboz11tr
A1n1akaiha41 .
5 Biuuil fo(atlUam doily 19 Mai·
1908; 5.
6 Engli.Jhmun, q. Ba/Uk ,\falllt'Om
daily I) July 1908 7; Sn
Aurobtndo. Karaff.ah1n1 tn Bang/a
Roclianu292-3; U. Banncr1e:c.
Nitl>tls.lkr AIMllMllta SO
7 Band~ ~fa1arom weekly 14 June
1908: 12.
8 GOB .19011910 (r•pon olillqu1ry
2); N. Oupta. Stnntll' P"'" 68-9;
Bengaltt' interview wi1b
Aurobtndo GOO.., 21 May 1909:
U. Banncrjee. Nubasit~r
AtmokOJha ~6
9 Sn Au~ndo. Kttra.Jc.a.J11n.1 an
Oo11g/a Uathana 293-S.
10 B. Ghooc:. Arm•ltttliltu 7.J.-1
II Samit ~fataram d_.1ty24 June
1908: 5.
l2 llt'lgaln-24Junc 4
13 Bondt Mmarom ~·cckly 28 Ju..ne
l<i08: 3.
14 Hcmcndra "'"'8d Ghoo< popc1>.
diary 2J and 2'I June 1908.
15 U. 8annc.r,ee. N'1basit~r
Alm/J/c•t/wJ 46-9. N. Gllpl•.
5.trrt1tir Pold 71; Srl Auroblndo,
 Referen« Notes
On Hirnsd/3>-4, 67: ()00 Jud.
c:onl. (Jails) 130ol 190ll: 6.
16 Sri Aurobindo. Ko111Jta/1;,,;, in
Bangla Ra'"hu.n11 288, Hundt>
Alutaramwcekly 19JuJy 1908: lt.
17 ABTiii.
18 lland"lf••"''"' dody 15 July
190!.l: 4: AST"
19 q. Bantle Mlllaram cbut)' l7 July
19011: 7.
20 ~4orley p.Hpcrs. Minto co Ma rley
17 June l!IOA.
21 Bandt Muto.r(lln daily 14 July
1\1(1!1: 5.
22 I0 R UP.l/6l907 ( coori
_.,dinpl'<J"OO-d1n
Enafishmon of 12 Nowmbtr
1908): VM ABTrecon!J II 4.6
and !V.4.25.
23 VM A BT records II 4 ft. "OT
44-8.
Chapter IK
U Baonerjtc.Nub41Jlttr
Alntdmlua48
2 B Ghos<.At,...l"'1111ll!l-4: N
Qupca. Smn11T P"10 ffl-70. Daly
rc-pon IJ- 1"4; Ch•ndc:rn.,orc nt"lCC
11)-11.
3 Daly rt"pOrt h1: 0()11 IPA l\ugu!it
19011,44- 52: 11 : 00BJYof l910
(report of inquiry 33): U
BanncTj~e. Ni1bas•l<t Aurwltatha
54-5: B. Ghooc. Atmllkaltl•t
82-4
4 N Gupta. Smntl.f P•'* 12.
$ N Gupta. ·sn Aur®'ndo J1h.an-
dhara." 24-S; N. Gup1a. Smr111r
Pata70.
6 t I. Kanungo. Dan>rl"Y 81plab l2J..
7 U. Dannerjec, NulH~1ttr1
ArmuJu1.lh11 SI: N . (Jupt~• •'Vnritir
Pa1an: B Gho8c.A1mll.A•ltini
S9-90: 8andr Mow,.,,. •cckly 5
July 1908: 17.
~ 11 Kanungo. B""/lfur Hl{ll•b
323-4. Daty rcputt 1•. 001 HPO
Augu1" 1911 .9: 14
293
9 lkngtt/tt I Set>t•mbcr 19(.IK.
P1'011ttr 2 September 1908
(quodngS101e,tmWt): £mptn2
Scptcmb<r 1908.
10 001 Home Joih-A Fcbru01y
1909, 29-32:62-64: HFMP 1300.
commitment order reproduced 1ft
&nd"ll""""'" W«l<ly 6
Scptcmh<r 1908: 17.
11 OOlllPO August 1911. 9: 14;
And.11n11n report 4, 9; Bonde
Mu1ura1r1 w(ekly. 6 Sc:p1cmbcr
1\IOff' 16' 001 tlPA Augu>t 19()9,
44 Sl: II
l2 C;OBJud coal (jail$) IJCJol
1908· 4, GOI Home Jails-A
F<btwry llJOll. 28-32· 62-6'.
Ci08J9o( 19111(~pon ol 1nquuy
19-22. (n1tnon's$l:Jtcmcn1 8)
13 G()U P<JI coor. 100ofl908, lc1l<r
I lalhth1y to Chief Secre1ary 31
August 100~: 001 HPB
Dcccn1btr 1908, 91>-l IO' 2'I
(1nclud1nt account pnntcd 1n the
, . _ , IOScpmnbet 190K):
HA-1P I ltv.2. commnmcn1 ,,,,k,
«r••1dlkcJ 10 R11ndr M,,,.,,,.,,,,
v.·t.cll,. ~ ~1cmht.1 l~iM· 17.
81u1dt /t/,,t4'uuu i.lmly"' S.:11tcn11\c-1
ICJOH b 7, V Se1·uem~r IYOa· 4 ~.
IO S<plcmh<r 190!!: •-S
14 N (1up1'1,S'm111;rPa1a1J: U
Banncrjc:c. N'1btlsikr AtmaAu1Jta
52: B Ohclll<. A"""4•A1ndl'I.
0~1y rcJ'On 14. JnlCf'VtC'W•flh
Aur""1ndo Ohos<. /knµ/<' 21
May 190!!
IS N. Gup1n, Smnur Pata 1J: 0
Sen , 'Sn Autobtnoo· 19,
I~ II FM~ I '1012.
17 H Kununiio· /10111</o~ 1J111f,i/1 t
l8 t IF~1P r .)CV?; Rtut4lt' A/.1t.1•,,,,,
d1ulygf\cJ"11.:rnl1i1·1 t 1111i. 1 llt
~f)'c:ml'l"r 1"'1121 • '\
19 &#11/t' \f,4 ~, "'•rt\I)' I\
ScJ141n•l11ir l'•lt I'
20 fH~11 '1 \IJ)
21 J/,,Mh1h JJ11.11tltiJI Oc1C't-bcr 191:.. :
29-1 Ref~rence
t\lfUJlu'/1111 30 Oclobcr 1908 (both
RNN·B).
U U. Banncf)tt.Jl.1ri>cuik'r
At1naku1ha 51-S. ""'"80lll quoted
in Engluhman 12 N,'IH.~mbtr 19'Wt
er Dalyrcporl ... Kamid;d -.-.('nl
tu hisc1tcurt0n \\·11hout fl1nch1ng'.
2J Su11dhl•a 11 . 12.1'\Novcrnb(r
1908(RN1'-B); fn~/Ulm""' 12
NO\~ntbcr lq()ft(nKlud1nJ rt'f')Ort
rCprodut.~d rrom l)tn,:nfer 11
No'Y't'mher' 19081; OaJ" .reroo l.C;
I l<nl<'ndr> Pmad Ghosc pos><r<.
duary 11 No,•emb<r J90$;J,
llllnncrJI. 'Ar..vil'Kla Q~· 4Kt;,
0. 8.anM"rJtc 16
24 Daly rc:p<1n 14. 19
2S Deb. 'Sri Auro(linUo': Hcmc:ndru
PrasaJ (;ho.c popcn. dbry 5
AU.E:Ust IQl)S
26 t··,,1p1rr I ~cpttnlllCr 190R:
SaNih1u l&pt<mber ICJOll
(Rl'o'N-8)
27 run111brr J &ptrn1htr 1908
( IVVN· f'J ,• Amrl111 fJa:t1r f'a1r1ku I
'kp1crnt-<:r 191~. quoted 1n 1-;,,,pi~
of same d1'1C~ S1att'fman quo1cd 1n
l'liJlltYT 4 Scp l~lllhcr J908.
28 P1onttr 4 ScpccMtiicr IQ C(
«Mnrnc:nl or lhc \foJ~ Tiilttt'\
rcp(oduccd 1n 8011dr Al1llariurt
dafly 11 S<ptcinbcr 1'111!1: 6.
2'I Sandin• 5 ~01her IQ
(RNl'·lll.
:ltl Oc11Rf1/n 2 .rnd 3 S<-rtembe.1 1908.
31 tmpin I '>ep<<'Mber 1908; 5.
Jl llFMP IV & V 'Ir.; GOI HPA
Murch 191U, )3-41149-~h A De
129
33 c·omm1tmtn1 order r<:Pfodu«d 1n
Handt' Mataratn ~ccldy 2U
'l<'p<cmher LIJOll: 9- 10
.l4 /Huuh •''"ttlrdm •tttly26Ju.I)'
1908; 12.
JS na11de !i1111t1rOJ'l v.cc;ldy 23 /\ u~ust
IQ02: 12- 13~ Band' '°'1aJ..,.w"
,.cell)' 10 AugU>l l'l!lt 12- 13,
AB r 45 l>.2fl6.
Notti
Chapttr l9
Benpl Ffiltory or Servi~
{WllSA); Sri Aut<lbindo, talk ol 3
Janu~ry 1939. pub. NirtX.Sbaraa.
cd Talia I I U;obttuory on
Tomn (l-"'1<ion) 17M.oy 1927.
2 Bunde 1'11a1aru111 daily U
Sepmnber 19116· 4.
.l B (.""hukrabart1. An1udt!r'
AurCHllufa 780- l.
-I 801.nbOly AM1rac1 ol lnrelligc:nce
XXI (1908)-554; LettuS1rojm1
Gh<>.i.c 10 H.1. Jo1thi. 22 Oc:1otk'r
190H (SAAA), Band~ i\tt11ar11nt
d>il) n July 19ftl!: 4.
5 B<>mhiay Ab5lnw:1 of lntclhg.eocc:
XXll ( 190ll) 534. 554, 515.
602-.l. Band• \/•hrnrm daoly 26
June: l'A'il 7: K Mllra.
At11111(hari12"2-3.
6 &,m,/, MutiUWft dailv 20 October
IQOI< ~ •
1 /Juntlff tttata11111r d:uly 21 October
190!! ~: VM AOT rc<or<h I I 232,
236
ft Bandt' !.la1aram datly 21 Octobc1
19tlll; 6
9 Uuctvtcw •tth Auroblndo G~
in Bnt,•ltt 211 May 191l!, N
Gupoa. $1nriffr f'ara 26. 57: Sri
Aurobtndo. l~lk of 3 January
19.19. pub Nor"'"""'n.cd . Tallu
I; 11•; 11 .'l<'n, 'Sri Aurobondo'
21
10 ln1cr\1C'W •1th Aurobtndo GbcM
in Be,tgaltt 28 ~1ay 1909; ..t
II GOlllPBJunc 1909. 22-14·
11-11
12 A Dh>tllldo•'}I. ' Aurol>indo.
847 8
I J lnlCr't1Cw wtlh Aurobindo C~
tn lknp/« 211 M•t 1909 3
1-4 U. Stinner,ee, 1"11rbo.J11ct
Atn1akwlr11 59: N Oup11, Sn1rilir
Pd/JJ '18; 8. Sen. ·Sn Aurub<ndc,-
l9o uHcf\·iew w11h Aurotundo
Gho.c lltn~o1/" 28 May 1909; 4.
 Reference Notes
IS IOR UPJl6l907.
10 ABT 58. IOR LJPJ/619(11.
17 N 0"!"•· Smn#r Poto 7>-4. a.
II Ka nungo, 8"'t&l•y Bq>lob 321.
18 IOR l./PJ,{w<)O?
19 M<>riq papen. Min1010Morley9
No'\1c1nbc1 1908
20 001 llPA fchru•ry l'l09. I: 3-4:
0081ud, cont 16 0£1909; Daty
rcron t.!1.
2.'Daly rcporl 15: Tuner(L.ondon)
11 N1>ventber 1908;, Ker I.SO.
22 Wolpcn (1%7) 121 -2.
2J U. l}anncrjce. Nirba.fuer
At1nuka1h" SS. B Chatrabard.
0
Atn•<kr Aurodadl ..71!1: K.
Mitra. A111uu·Aon1240-4: Sri
/\urol>inclo. On llunul[J4.
24 fkn,oltt 17 N<WcMbU 1908
25 AB I UIJ. IS2 •.JOS
26 Ker•IS-19
27 Ouha. hrn .~porlt 164. Daly
<q>Otl 16; lkn~ol" 11 Fthruary
1908
28 NrvedJta. Utttrs989. 998
29 /Jtnga/ft UI Fc11nJ•ry 1906.
.lO BrngulffS 2l M•rd11909.21
and 22 Octot>cr IClOll
31 All r IU7 : /JrnRulu 21 Morc h
1908.
32 J , B••ricrjl. 'Auroblodo ()hose·
486.
JJ /\BT 137, 138. 140.
3J 8t"'lfaltt 14 Aprit 1909.
3S Raltdt Mu1aramda1ly IS June
1908. 1(lhc1udge 10 lh<•""5S<lr..
In the Muz.. rrarpur murder case).
J6 OORpol conf l~ oll909; A8T
1..... TIU llrndoo Patrkll 16 April
1908 J-4
~·20
M1n10 pa~n. Minto to Morky
January 1907 (i1cm I of 1907
·rrom ~i1n10'); Minto ro Morley
18 Augus1 190R, q. ~ia ry ~1in1 0
24H.
2 OOB pol ca.tr. 194or1909.
295
letters Allen to Dute 2ll Apnl
1909 and Daly«> Duke 6 M ay
1909.
3 Kwloof'otriot1 M ayl90'1
4 Hut4oo l'atlW)t 1 May1909
s 8 . Scn.~ri A11.rt:>lnndtJ 21
6 AB'f 145.
7 8 . G~ . A1makoltin1 102; GOB
pol. oonr 194 of IIKJll. lcnrr Doly
10 Ou.kc 6 M•Y l'Xlll.
8 A 8h:.nnc.::h11ry•. 'Aofoh1,.du'
114~; OOH 1•11. <un( ~15 urt\K.19
(3): I.
9 H11u/(X1Putflf)l 1 h.fay 1908.
LO 008 JX•I cnnr. Il/ol oll\KJ9 {Ill).
cupy or lcnc:r f).1ly lo I (Jlhd.1y-4
May 190'> •nd handwn11cn note by
B•kcr 6M•y 1909. Tcgari paptrs.
'CharlcsTcpri' 81
II GOB pol conf 19-1of1904. Ct'l'Y
of tckpm; ~f1 RIQ papen, ~hnto
IQ \loric)'b May lllO'I
12 008 pol cool. 19-1or1909. Daly
10 Dutt 6 May 1909
1:1 001 HPA July 1909.40-41 3;
GOB pol oonl 19-1ul1909. lcncr
H•lhcfay 10 Duke 7 May l\IOll
14 GOl llP/\ July 1909. 40- 1; 3.
15 At11hro1111 9 May 1m~ Gui""'''
Punch 9 Moy l'lil'I ( RNN·llo);
Easttrn Ht 11gol '""' Atfant £"' 15
May 190')· ~t 1\f1ulrus Afoil 7 May
1'!09. reproduced In lltnxultt 8
May 1909.
16 GOB pol conf 194 011909. lcner
Daly 10 Duke IJ M ay 1901J
17 ABTISI
18 ABTISI
1q AllT 17'1. 1711
211 ADrtl!J-S
21 A81 ISC
22 Sri Aurot...nJo. k:Ucr to tt.1nnaltn1
()...,..,JO /\U~U>I l'li~. pub
8••81• Rrl<hona '21. /\II I 156.
158
23 ABT 1N1. er. AllT 1.11>-1. 19R.
213; D•ly report 11
24 AUT 172.
296 Rt/tunct Notes
2S B Ghooe. •t•tem<11t ate<ll>y G.
Rayth,1udh1,1n 610.
26 ABTl73.
27 ABT In.
ill Daly """" 11 .
29 Sn Aurobindo, 'E•"'IJ<an
Jusritt•, Cf. Tiu~ /lan,UJ11y of
v,,.,w 446-7. a dcf«tJvc tut
reproduc;ed frnn1 The-Sland11rd
Br1urr-. my 1r11 has bttn
corrtcted against the MUtbor's
manutcflpt.
30 Daly report 11.
31 Ste tnttr alt11 On ll1nutlf21- 3.
32 GOB pol ro..r. 194 ol 190'J. Daly
10 Du~< Hfay 1909.
Chapter 21
GOB pol c:onf. 205 011909 (3):
I 22
2 GOB pol. con!. 194 ollCJO'I, Daly
to Duke 6 May J909~ unit 10
1J1mt'. handwriucn note or s'6mc
d;lce; Duke 10 HallKby 10 May
1009.
3 GOB pol cont. 205 or 1909
('Ca~ against ArabuKlo GhoK':
Chapman·• nose of 21 t.,1ay 1909
und sc(!utl)
4 008 pol cool. 2llS of 1909
(' Ar•b1ndo Gho<e ond hos
S1:>eechcs ') ~ 2
s ()0Bpol.ronl.1•2of 1910. l.
~ WolpNI (1%7) m: Willia01s.ed
1'>1
7 q MnryMin10372.J. Morley.
5fX"<ehof 17 December 190tl, pub,
INMSl)3l
g q ~fa1or69
9 Kt"r.&IH-9
HI ~11n1 u papers, M1n10 lO ~1orlcy 6
M•y 1911'1
II Sn AurobtnOO. 01' H1nurlj 3-1
12 GOl llPA :,Cptcmt.:r 1909, 56-7:
~ 3 Kornt0}"t1~ua S ftbN•'Y 1910.
IJ 001 llPA Ocrobc:r 19011. 2J0-4H:
2 - J : 001 llPA l'<l>r\;ary 1"°9.
I '7-W 1: Murley paf>ers. Minto
toMorley7July19()9.
14 GOB pol cool. 2DS of 190'>. lcner
Duke to Baker 16 A1.1gus1 1909.
IS Mo.Icy _ ... Minto to M0<ley 7
July IOO!I.
16 GOB pal conl, 2DS of 190'>
..,...,,...),
('Arabindo G"°"' Ind his
17 GOD pol cool 211Sof 190'1(1)
l;ibod. (3); 2.,_6; GOI HPA
October 190'>. 230-48: 29.
18 Mojor 125.
19 001 HPA October 1909. lJ0-3:
31.
2D GOI HPA October 1909. lJ0-48:
I l; 000 pol. conf 20S of 1909
("C•se again.~ Ar•blnda Ci hose•,
Serial No. 19)
21 Ibid. (S.rinls20- l).
ULllSkar.q. H . Satkar31- l .
23 ABT:JOl- S.
24 Goe pol. con! 2DS of 1900
("Ca<e q•ins1 Arabin<la Oboole'.
Sen•i.19 27)
25 All'f361 - 3.
26 L.Jcnkins,JuJgJncn12J
Nove01bcr 1909(tnmcripc
SAAA).
n ABT383-4.3'17.
28 L. Jtnkins, Judtmcnt 2l
November 1909 (tr1nscnpt
SAAA).
29 GOI HPA March 1910, 1111-23:
S-6
30 J. Mukti.crjce. IJiplobiJlbantr
Sm11Ji261. P. Mukherjee Sll; N.
Oupra. s,,,,,,;, f(l1u 89;
1nf0f'ntaoon given by Nol1n1 Kanta
Gupto to ou1oor. M•y 1915.
31 O.ly report 11
O..pter 22
I Kar,,....·011n 2Y Jamary 191(1
2 KurrtUl)'OX'" S Fcbru11.ry 1910
4 Ker 59
s COi llPA Man.n 1910. 33-40.
6 MJ1110 pa~n. 1tk1nun Qj.ktr 10

Mmlo IR Apnl 1910: GOI HPA
D<ttmbtt 19IO. 14-42.
7 B. Ci hose. ·sr1Aurobindo1t..'i' I
UnJ<,,t•nd lfim' 59; B G..._,
Atm0AQJr1Jtu 101
R B. Chose. Tolr of My E.1/r 2-fl.
UJ)(ndntoath Oanncrj«.
f'lir#xH1lt'T AJllt#l.•tlY 614 The
rcm11n<kr o! th1~cbaptcr ·~based
almo$1 cnllrcly on 1hcsc two
boo'-" Except 1n the c,aw: of dittci
quot~tlOmi funhcf rcfcTCl'KU to
1hem ~ill no1 be gf\.'Cn
v Usx:ndr;inalh 8anncrJcC,
N,,bfi1wr Atm•kadw 72
IO B. G..,... Tatro/My 1'<1/'52.
II M. Slorkar. ed. ~l~
12 8 Ohosc. Tof,.u/ J.tyFr1lt5'J.
fl B. Chose, T•lro/ Mr I <fir 7l.
14 IOR IJPJ/'1191«1: 8 . GhoM:.
ofMv £xilr 97.
IS Anc.Uman notc t<
16 U. O:tnncrjcc. N1;has1t"
A 111111lu11/1fl, po-.11::ige in l!nglish
lnJiSbllOO 1n NallOMI Ltbr.vy.
C.Jcull• (n d .. n p.) lhf
17 001 I IPA Oc11~1Cr 191V. 12\l JY.
C'h.af!Ccr !.'
GOil 1>ol. cnnl 19• of 1'111'1(13),
lc11crNorton lO Ouk.I.! J
No,-embcr l909. Duke 10 Nooon
2K ~M~mbcr 1~11 .
2 001 !IPA M'orch 19111. JJ-o40i
S4l
J i-.1\on rcpot1 7
• Kc1 1)4'~ J ,. Mukhupadhyay.
Btpluhi )1bu1u•,. Slttnl1 37. 220; S
M Gho>h. A T.tt. U.: B
BhJtltteh.;.f)~ .cd. (197'1) xx.. x11v.
22-7.
s N..-on repurt ~
6 KerM-3.
7 J . Mukhc,p.1dhyay. Blplubl Ji®tt'',.
5,,,,,,,
lK.
K GOii pol """' Uo6ol lll08. file
ntu1S..cd 'Spare ~'Opic;s etc:.'. dror1
kth:r G111t to (."hie{ Scctctury l
Refert11ct Notu 1'17
Mayl90I
9 'Nocc on lhc Ju_gant1r.. G11n,.
0
10 GOI HPA Mardi 1910. 33-.iil
4li
II R""iatt rq>on. Anncxure (I).•
12 Arlll$1rong. rcpon iv.
ll BT r<p<>rl l. B. Gil<>...,. Woundrd
H-~S2
14 (iuha, "'"' Spor* 102, 117.
141 , 155, 19fl. 19$. 249.36.,, Cf
Ouha. A111ub4ndo1t1tll J"KanWt
\l-t
IS J MukhQt>adhyav. 01plt1bi J1hu11t'r
Smnti 17-~
16 AnMironit 1tpor11v
17 0 Ho1kf"r .?41
IS Ktr NI 2
19 K~r I.SL Ro.tau rf9'ttt.
Anncxt11~ ( 1), 5~ (iuh.. , f1t"\I
r,,,, ,\1111rk l?~ ... 7,
20 teer 292; Ouh.31. /<u·Jt Spa;k
17•
21 K<"t 1~1-l. 291-2. Guh.1.. f)nt
~{Hlrk ~9. 174-~~ Rnwtoiu
rcplf1.l\nnc•wc(I) 1 ..nd~
22 llFMP 81112, U. Mukh<r1cc: •I
('hondern,;ittorc rc:por1 13: N1,on
•CJl'.lrt 1.1 c;oe pvt cc>f'r 1.a\ "'
IYll Ill
2.1 Ker 31•. 1z<I lJO, llFMP II Xll
('il:ttCl'nt:Ol'I o( Pnuul ("h:an.Jril
O>niuh. J"""gopal Mold>er,ee
und Moulul Roy~ 1hcquo1n11on 15
rroo1 tt1o0htl Roy''l Ocng:lli
t.latemcac )
24 Ibid
2S Ke1 3JO- I
26 Ro~t ..u rcpc_w1 par 66; S. C
Sarbr I I~
27 Ol1ly tcf"°rl IR; Mlnlq Papeni,
tc:legram Mlnloio Mork-y IS June
1q10
2H K<"r 312- fl. Ouh1. I,~, Spur*
.1$2- 4 .
~ K..:r 231-f\. Guh;i. ,.,nt.\piv4
~-V4
311 Kcr290: RowhHl r~pore. par. 84
(I omit two fai:kd ruurckra1tcu1pts
298 Reftrtnct No~
ham the Rowlatt totahince such
auemp&s apparently weie noc
counted by Ker).
31 1.cttcrdatcdTt>kyo.11 Morch
1942, q. Rath and Oi~ll<'-rjce
162- 3.
Chapter 24
Chirul 96: Rowlatt rcpon.
Annexurc (1) 3; ABT. Prcrt1CC1
l Morlcypapcrs,Minlo1<>MO<lcy,
17 December 1908.
J Daly repon I. 4. 611: 1'11.1on
r<pt>rt I If; BT repon 2: Ker
llJ- 39; Rowlau RpOn. paru 22
ff.
4 S. C. Sarkar 98-114. Ankles
indudc Parcbanivis (19S7). Alyor
(1962) and Nooroni ( 1988).
S 00Bpol.conf.266ofl908:ABT
16; Nil:oa rcp0rt, Table A: 001
HPA September 1910. J.l-40:
18-21,42:001 HPDA"'ust
1911. ~ 13.
6 Sn Aurobindo, tolltsof 18
Dcttmbe• 1938 and 28 February
1940. pub. Purani, ed.• Ewllill1
Ta/kl 547, l<ll'Odl>aran, ed.. Tolkl
21< 3: 2S7.
7 001 HPA Moy 1908.112· S0:27.
8 Sri Aurobindo, llllk of 18
December 193&, pu.b. Nitodbaran,
Tolb 1: 43-4.
9 001HPAJuly1909.40-41•3
10 Mt>rley papen. Mt>rley to Minto 7
May 19081ndll May 1908.
II Morley Papen. Minto k> Mo<lcy.
27 May 1908. • Roy, AIUl:>bUodo Prtu..,. 6; B.
ll 008 coo.f. lilc t>f 1910(wrlhoul
COYcr). circular lcucr Stuan to
Oiief Secretary e... Benpl and
A$$0m, 4 Morch 1910.
13 lORJ&.P929/14530 .G.'1Council
Progs, 29 Matth I 909, q. 11.
Chal.r-evirti 49.
14 M0<ley papen. Morley to Minto
10 August 1908.
IS &Mc M"""1lm daily 14 Apnl
1908. pub. Mukherjee and
Mukherjee (1964)376.
16 M. K. Gandhi. 'SpeeCh 11 Plenary
Session of Round Tobie
Confcr<ncc' (I Occcml>er 1931).
pub. Co/lccttd Works 48: 3Sll, 365.
17 ABTl84.
18 E. g. Laqueur4.
AWCnd" 1
001 H.PA Mardi 1910, 33-40-
26: -t<d in Daly Repon S
l Nix<Mt repon 1.
3 Sri Aurobindo. 0• H1,,...lfl3-4.
4 Ibid. lJ CIC.
5 S. Cbaudhurani,Jih<l•v.Jharapata
134; H . Kanun30, Bonglay Blplub
31; A . Bhattacharya, "Auroblndo'
831-2.
6 Sri Aurobindo. !alb of28 Fcbru·
ary and 12Dc<eml>er 1940,pub.
l<1todbatan, Ta/.tsll<3.256;
Tolks4, 219
7 Sn Aurobmdo, lalk of 18
December 1938. pub Nirodbo ....
Tolksl , 43.
8 B. Gbooe,Apolfa1117- 18.
9 H. Klulungo. Bonghry Bip/ab 35.
10 A . Bha111chary1, Baiplabik Samitf
192.
II Horioka (1963) 46. citing
Okokura's/dca/so/rlu &.11.
ll Horioka(l977) Ill.
13 S. Basu (1394 B<naati era)
&8-93).
14 H. Kanungo. &npy Bl[Jlllb 18;
lot Jogin's litcrll}' 0Cll'1ti«- D.
Gbooe. 'Sri Aurobindo u I
Undentand Him' 18: B. Gbooe.
Agnijug2S.
IS 8.Ghotc.Agni/ug13•4.
16 S. Sarkar, (1973)470: A . Ouha.
Flm Spurk 198.
17 Purani (1978)3.
18 B.Ghooe.Ag!llful 76.
19 A&R I (Apnl 1977): 68-74.
20 001 HPA Matth 1910. ~
 Reference Notes
62
21 8 Gl>-.A(N/a,40
22 Sn Aumh1ndo. On fl•'"""f!H.
2J S« < s G liakbr 2.lll: Um•
MukhcrJ«(l'IM) 12.N. 1Uy23
(w.,1ih S..11,h Bost- and not
Aur001ndo): Na•h 44-~ {w1d1
JRUn 81ncrJ• and no1
Surt"ndrannth Tallure)
24 J Mu kho1>·•dhy ny. 81'plobi Jiban<r
Suiritl '.\8 ond f IFMP I 112~ 8.
l)1,1u1, 'Aun)bindo Smoranc· 51:
and Ri1"'hunath Banerjee. H~1P I
$Yl (wi11\ Raghunath Banner1cc
l.lnd "°'
Aurohtndu).
2S 8 01u11. Po1riot·Prop/t~ 10
26 R. C f\1:tiu.mdar4l2;S. Sarkar
(1971)•7'>-~:
fl. and U.
Mu~ll<r1« (lqn) llJS-202
27 S ll.-u 11 NI lkn,ab<"') 21.1. Z1
Zl( lbl<I 27
2'I Sn Au..,.,,ndo. ..1~ ol21 Janu:uy
193Y. pub N1-ran, ed •• Talb
I. %20; 8 Ghose. Agnijuz 67.
lO A Bha11arhaf)'il, handwriu~
noic of 2l Arni J~7 (ooUection
~r f lluld,t' ~tuk~11 ce).
JI 8 . 0.11t.1, J•orr111t·l'r11phrt l IM: cf.
A1m111"1r•1nia l<M -5
32 H. Ouuu, 11ppendl~ 10 Mukhcrj~c
••d Mukherjee (1%1) 24~rr.
33 1 , Rcytnond, Ni1·edi1<r /'~ille de
find< 306.
34 S. Chaudhurani.J1bw1t,Jharapa1a
179 81
JS S S.rkar(IV7J)~
36 G R.a)•lw•Jhun 119
37 ABT 189
J8 GOI HPD Aug..,11911. 9: 11
)'I U Banner,cr. N1r1Ms11n
Aonoi4tha3
40 001 llPA May 1908. 112-50:25.
299
•I A 8h.11t1eh.ary1 , ' B;upb~k
Sam111" 198
•2 It KHWlgo. &rntM> 81['141> IOI>
43 Sn Auroti.ndo. On lfmurlf•I .
2.1
44 Ibid. 42: d 1btd 24 and Sri
Aur~ndo ~pcl'l. unpubh"llcd
"°""'"a! 1alk of fiJonuory 1939
(SAAA)
45 ABT records XII: 71S
46 VM All 1'1coord• IV 5.42.l.
.17 A. Guhu. t1n1 S1uuk !-'\IJ
48 N. Chaudhuri. ""'"1~1011.r11ph_Y uf
'"' UttJ.ttOWlr '"""'" 2\4
Appc11di< 2
I GOB r<>I ro'1f 2411909
2 Ro~·1a11 n:pcwt. par 2.l
) ll>td
• Sec: c . g Broomftcki;S Sarkar
(IOSI) 272; uu>h•y 3-4, G
Haklar 22'J...l0
s Go<don7
6 ABT m:otds. vol VIII Th<
saa1emcnt5 made Mforc 1hc
$CSStu0!1> JUd.SC rl()\IJd(
C'3!.IC·mCnlbcf\h1p fnr ) I or the 36
rncn 1n 1ny '-Hrnptc 1'hf' ett'ilCS of
1hc e11hcr1111te tvic,len1fronl1hc1r
"IUl l1UfliC•
7 Loqucur H2 ),
8 U. U~•nncrJcc. Nlrblufffr
At1uakuth11 11
9 GOO I h s1ory cheet 60R· 6
10 q. Gordon 2.l6
II Laqucur77
12 Aliporc "mpl< GOB rd <Of!!
2-1ur1910 R<wwt•u umplt-
Ro.. i.11 r<pM Annuur.: (2). In
ba•h "'"'pin lhc •s< .. '"'' ol
com-1C'llnn or dc11h
aftd nm of
lft<>O
r
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Collcc11on of ori@inal records in Court of Add111onal D"tnct and
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(I) 8antlr Maru,am 5"d111on c,,.. (1907)
(2) Khudiram 8 - Murder Case (l\IOI!)
(3) Ahpon: Boml> Tnal. p<eliminary hearing 1n mag"1ra1e·sroun
( ICJO!l)
(4) Ahpore Bomb Tnal. case 1n sessions court (1"108 ~)
Ahporc Bomb Tnal Records. V-ictoria Mcmonal colltthon IVM
ABT rccord'I
Pnnled record~ of th~ case in the magts.tratc's and SC\~On' cour1s and
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(3) Eduallional Deparimcnt files (Baroda C-Ollcgc Records)
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Hcmcndra Pra~d Ghose paper.s (Dcpanmcnt or Histol') . Jadavpur
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G . K. Gokhalc papers(NAI)
Nohn1 Kanta Gupto papers (SAAA)
1li>toryor the heedom Movement pape" [I ll·Ml'I (NAI)
G. S. Khnparde paper5 (NAI)
Minto l'"I"'" (N1111011al Llhrary or Scotlund)
P. Mitra pupcrs (NMMI.)
Morley paper< (101~) (MSS f.or 0$7.1)
A . 0 . Purun1 papc" (SAAA)
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(WBSA)
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8<1ogoltt (Calcuua. English daily)
Th• f.mport (Calruna. English daily)
~ £mprnr(Calcuna. English fonmghtly)
Tiit Etoglishman (Calcuna. English daily)
Tiit Hmd<><> Pa1rit11 (Calcuna. English daily)
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provinces consulted for the ycnrs 1906-10:
(I) Bengal (BJ
(2) Bomooy (Bo)
(3) Cenual Provinces ICP)
(4) Eastern Bcngalaod Assam IEB&<A]
(S) Madras IMI
(6) Punjab IP)
(7) United Provinces (UP)
771t Statesman (Calcutta, English daily)
The Tin~s (London, Engll•h daily)

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19<X>-1909°1n C:Onkrnsand /ndtillf N1'1101wlu1n /hr 1•,, lndf'J~n­
dtnu Phast Richard Srs."1n •nd Stanley Wolpert , rtl' I >.:lh1
Oxford Un"crs.iy Pr..,,, 1988
Rcymond. I ucllc. Nnyd110 filltdd'/ndt Pam V1<.tm AlllllJ<I,
19-IS
Ron•ldshay. Earl of. Tht Htanof Al)awma A \1111/1m1/rr
h)'rhmou of /ndran Unnst. l.o1>don Con"~Mc rlfl•I ( o , 1112\
Surkar. Mo na , ed. Ek Adan1ya Pran Po11J1cht·rry \11 \1ulh11 \.u~ar
Hinh Ccntcnory Comm111ec. l'l'JO
S:1rkar. s. C NtHahlr lmllan 1'rtalt Cal<u11;1 M C \.11~111 ,1. """· n. d,
Sarkar. Su1n11 'Thi:' ( •on<lh1on find Nutur~ ,,f \uh11lh ru !\lllitnncy.
Ocngnl frcuu Swnch.~:i.lu to Non Coof1C1o111u11,' llXJ4i ,,. ln
S11ba/1m1 .lt11dict Ill, ed. Rirnuj11 <Ouh,1 Lklh1 lhlmd l111lvcr$ity
Pre,,., 1984.
---. nit s..·at)eslri Mov~nttnl 111 Btt1gat, New ll\ lh1 l't•ople &.o
1
0

Publishing llou,.,, 1973.

S<rgeant. Phihp W Thr R11/uof 8ar()(/a L..on<lon John Murray. 1928.
Tahmankar. 0 . V Lokmanla T1lalc fu1htroJ ''''''"" lf11r,Jto11d
Maktr a/ Mt>dtrn lndw London John Murr•• 11/\1\
Urw>ek. W. Indra/(/() Ytart A.(o. Tht BNul)' of<)J./ ln1/ru 11/rmraud.
London Braden Books, 198.5
Werntraub. Stanley. Vidana. New Yorl. E P l)urtom . 1'1117.
Wolpert. Stanley A. Morley and India: 190f>-19/0 lkrkclcy
Untversity of C.lifomia Press. 1967
- - - . Tilak and Gokhalt: Rt,.olmit>n and Rt/1mn m tlrr Making of
Moclern India, New Delhi: Oxford U"'"'"'tY Pre'~ 1989
Wcs1. Rchccx:I. Bwk Uimb and Grey Faleot1. New York: Penguin. 19R6.
---.17rrNt• •MtoninRo[Trenson. New York Pcnguln . 1985.
Williams. L. f . Rushbrook, Great Mett of /111/ia. n p.: n.d.
 Index
Ad11nuon. f IAWC)' 17 4 'Arrh-1\rf IKI
Arghonts11.10 (Arp.h11n} IM. IX'• Atlx lh1 \<t t•i ,., ,
Ahmcdnhud C4u1~1 e•~. 52 Atn"Ad H J 1 tr tluti 1111Co11I
Alam, Sb~Ul\!,ul. UW, I CJ~, 210, 227, Aff'll\ 1\d ( I I

242: u~4!~s..111n:ulon, 211. '23 l Atn,.t11-1lll1 1 >1 Ill~ llllf

1-\hr-,orc. lh3. IM A1 nhlHt11r I I 111 1\U •jj
Ahporc: Bomb rrial;appcalll. 218-ZK. ,.,1111nCn1v. l''tl(IJ ' "J
4-*""''· IQ9,207 ....harge-i., 111. A .nu t-1
172.199 2tl\.c.,:-Mnm1trMnt, Ut~. "'"' lf>f. 'I ,,, .. ,, 111• .. Z7
""'1pl.J1n1.1n~tonrn,)loo ... A11nof1Jl 1fl un1t1 'I I U
(~lcmenh) •tlhJr••tt tW !Ill, l\ul•l4nttk •rth11• 1l 12'. 21S
cffc:,t o( .a~n.ttton nf A,-crw t I 10
°""'••,,,, 19"4 , C-'ththiih. 17b. ~12: ..
fu,.11n.form.ahon n.-pc.lft, 17'>.
A.1.MI ,( hanJ1.1,ht~h•r "41

pcrnmt:nficasc, 199; tn~ Bater. ~r l\I• 11tl 210. :11'1. 221

"""'" 197-207. '~··· 20!\-17:
w l\l °'10
pan1al ,:uccc:" for ,r<nermne:n1. H11L.\h1 NatJ:n1h' N.-1h t1r1 111 If•\,
240.prcbnun.-ry M~''"K· 17~ ~~. ~•I. 1UH I I \V

l'r..:lun1t1 ir)' htJrt1u11: f ...c:cond U.11.-~,11 l'I

h1i111.:h), 11•'t.~"wn1hc.01h1..<'. '~t U 111•1• ~t~I II 11'1
Wlll1C'M.'5, 17~ {''''IJ&/11! Ifill I l.1tt>1tt) 11 ,,, 11
AHporc (..cntrt1I J111I, 164. I 7H; W1u'd •••
IUtrulr ,\t11liU1tn, tn1 w I IJI• 1J ",fl 11 '\
l.l. l ~l
AllJ>(lrc Jiol ~turd.er Cn>C, IRIJ ?2
Allen, U. ('., 127
1.i. "I
l'i~.llM
1111 Ill
l'U, J" t
I~· I~\
1hh1•j 11
I'll

Amb.a Pra'-td. Sull. I \U \Ulll(JC)'.1n hl 111ft11 1h,,11 II

"''"""Ha ·1v Pa1r1>..u. 1'i, 92. 193 in1crn.Jlf'l111""'''"''''h' I 1\ 11tt
1t11u,,du Mu1h. 16. 2fl~ M. S1. 98 J.itn.llJ'Uf u11h tlW1 M:1IUH~
A~rch1-..m. l1. 1mfi\tdu;tlistic ~>I . 110-1
90 8.1.lltrt('... ctc tl'f"••' a •Y••"'
Andolm...n l.J~lkh 22><. 2J.4.-9. !.tl: Bancoc... \.1h~h(~oJ1 141
C'cllut;ar J~•t . US a..~rJ'" ... '"'"'''''All'" M "'
ARJlo~ln<h~awnmuntty.167 (J:\. 1?7 ~I'' 111 11~
Anu-C'1n.ul.1t ~lCKI~. 77 Conft,.._n(c "I .-1 hi I t;ij
Anugu111n S..m111, Ml. "M. I:!2. 259-00. ro-nkt('t~~ ll.J 1i Ttt4f1ti
lM: and Ju~anlJr pa11y. 2-»: Conr•c.., I2K '' 1•1 11 ni
O.at-ca hr.;1r~:h . Yt 011cc.1 Ahnk'd.1l'·••J 1 ;•11 1
Anu ..h1h1n; r~1,1nd1ng. dine ••l?. Jl. Ru ....._, J 'I' 1111..., \\ 111 ,,1
Of1f1.ilh, 'll, 25~-('llf;o~< l.awt.'d. l-11 BJncrjc.: I\ { "ii •1,1
314
8.l!IC'.rjtt. Kisbori Moh.m. 14~. 1-16.
1'7
Oancqec:. N3ndal:.I. ISi. 242;
n1unkrcd. 202. 20fi
Oant>rj1, Jt't1indra Nadl, 1'12, 114. IM I,
264, ?M~:~ct i\'C hc~d ortiakulln
cc:n trc, 5J: nnd ((M.1n1l1n' o(
Anusbtlan Samici. 31. 1J. And
S:ual:i 0(:\11. 51: il.rrc:!ol. Ut2:
.-,uthori1anan ixnonaluy. 3"' . SS:
conung to llamcb. 21. coolhct
v.11.h Darin Gbose. Sl--.i~
lkpanure Crom Barod:I. ZJ;
<kpanurc rrom lkrigal and after.
6 t ~ rarly hfc. 20-1, h.as alt not
co111mHLcd tO~M'>nl!i, 19.S: mc~lli
Bann Ghose. 49: to lJ(ng.at In
11)()1 , 22
D11nkun1, 252~ plannt:d daco11y. I" I,
25l
Onnncrjce. Basanta. 186
Uartner-Jtt. Upendt;.,n;uh.114. 135.
I~. l•I. 192.Z•~. ?711.•nJ
(cJolanhipol) Ju~n1,,,. i.> 911.
266. llldManik!OlaGankn. IOS,
10\l;and ManJ:un<lu auanpl. 119:
ltrcst, 158--C)~ 3$,"C$,~· \-'Cfdl(.1,
2117: ronl<>Sion. 162. IM. 1611,
early lilc. 97:gocson ·polgrlmogc".
123: 1mpnsonmcnl. 171.J: mec: 1~
Onnn 0ho;5e, 97; qn poli1ic1U
111urdtr, 116: re le:i~<l from the:
Artdarnans. 239-: iicncenceJ . 209:
~n1cnce upheld. 220; tc~ h4:1
rch11on at Garden, 1J ); to and in
Andamans. 2J.t
B.>llOl. P M .89.'l0.91.139
ll,1ni.~l. l0. 8S
U;,rt ~ I Conlcrntel.", 8'
Oa11>.al Cum-pttacy ca~. 2"5
B:m>da. IJ. 1~-23. 32. 35 7. W ·• S.
47.53.54 .Sl>. 61.M.72 7~. ICJ<I.
ll 1. 1 3~. 180. 26.1. 21>1; lllOhl\
GhO!<tc's :1rfil.'oll ill. 26J. 2t>4~
M iih:1r~JJ of. ~t~ Oaclw•r
s~1y-011iroo: rcvolutl(ln.1ry nc1tv11i~
(t9tr2). 36: support (or S•iMJc.,.h1 .
n BL•tl I l• od 97
l11du
BMT)'. Mr (joikK). 2JS
Hun1m111n Ranatuti, l 12
Barton (col~ueo!Nonon).177.
198
Ba·H1,Sa11bn Pruo;ad. '.Ut l. 26.~
H~..;chcror1, Chorlc~ Pottcn, l'n:
judge 1n AlipOrc c11sc. 197-207:
j u<lgmcnl 2111H7. 2 18. 2SS
Bengal. faclionaJ1,.m 1n, S6: mood
bcforr partition. 51; P.ar11t.on or•
62. 63, 76
lknpl N..-..1 COlk&<. 92
s.r.g.ltt. 63. 79. 92. IS2. 161. 167.
192. 194. 219
ll<npli(s). 63. 83. Aurob1ndO's
opiJ)ion. 20~ Rnti~h opinion. 19:
changed mood. 108
bhudralok. J I. 110. 269, 270
Jlhagav10~G i 1a. ll .25. 49. l l l. 113
Bhai. V. M•• l:lO, 11111
8hatt.idl:.rjet. B~san1<1 Kumar. IOl
Bhattacharya. J\bioasb Chondm. $5,
62, 86. 99. IOI. IUS. 112. 131\. 140.
1-M.147.1~5. lfl. lbl . ::02.20S;
ond (editonbopol) Jupn14', !lll.
266. 267; anest 161. J~l'.l1> i.Cfftl
SOClt-ly, 49; meet' Auro"9ndo • .S2:
on Anushilun Sl!m111, 2t10~ 0.11
Barin·Jali11 feud, 54~ on N 1 ~·cd11a ,
26S; on Ok.;1t..uroi. 2(>1: propo~cd
d~rtat ion, 173; ~n tc n«d. 209~
scntcoec- rcc.luc..-cJ, 226. 10 nnd in
And:Jmans. 234
Bhattacharya. BtJO). IR?
Bhanxlwya. o....1>.1nJhu.141
Bllanaclwya. Nattndra n....ir., "12
Bllal1><hot)'o. Nan:ndr.a N•lh <tt
Roy. M N.
BhaY.ilW MIUHl.tr, ft~ff IOY. 111 ::t:l5
Bohar.6. 63
Bortey. Leonard. IM. IO(I. 17~. IK.l
201. 22.S; romm1" c.o.,c. IRS
nL\W3S. AshulO!ih. 177, 19tl. 20S;
as.sassinalioo. ~ . 2ll
Ol~w1Js.~ 8 nsan1" Kumar. 24-t._ 7
B1>w-.lS. Puma Chond111, IJ7. 1)9. 1-17,
156. 170
 lndtx
9o<r War. 26. 47, 112
Bomb-mat..•~ 90. 110. 118: Hem
Dafsm)oual, IM. m Ocof:h;ar,
IJS
Bumb•y. 9. IY. 24. 3K.0-5.50,SI.
s1. 63. 1~. 9S. 99. 11s. ll6. m.
ISS. I~. 195.219.22•
lk>nn<:rJe3. R.. C .• 2()(,
I){)~. ("hnru O.andra. 204
Bo~c. Ocbtivrnta, 7tl, 198, 270~ 11nJ
Jug;intar. 80. Wt. Zf,b; Jl.0('111, uci.
tl:I Ahporc J<td- IX.l. rttn111nt \.I
tour w.th Aumhtndo. "6
~. 0111dayal. 202. 11rr~1. 162
llol<o, Guru l)u>. Jl)OI
l)'""°, Jugadls. Ch.ulllra, 110. Ui5, 266
no..,JnantdntN11h . .U.26?. 261.
atttst. 16?
8<>SC. J<>i,lodrnnath. \I. 42, S2 ~N.
2('3
Booe. Khudfram .14!t. IKS. 241,212;
:.nd ~tuzaff~rpur t1UCnlpt, I~ "·
•n'CSC in Wa.1nJ. t~); arr.t'Slcd lc>r
1ed11ton. 78. 146; rnal a.od
e:cccution. 152
BO<C. Motilal, 160
BCM. ~arcn, 106
8-. Ra1nanun 16. 10. .U.•2
Booe. RMb B<hon ll\l. 221). 2..w. ~-
250
R~ . S-;ulcndrn N\1lh, 106, 1.18, 202~
arrest. 161 ~ pr('Jposcd deporlillion.
I 7J: 1clerc°". 226. Kntcnttd.
209~ senlcnoe uphckt m
o-. S.tish. 31. 33. 94. 221. 259.
264: antl founding or AnW1t11l:1n
Su111hi. 32, 31
llo><.Sotycndra N"th. :14. 78. 120,
122. 125.146. Ul.157:201.26?;
1ca1nstjaitbrca.,, 187. atTUc, 162..
111 Sunn Congrt11>s. 129; part o(
lCCOnd batch :11 Aliporc, l82;
rtlatiorn.hJp 10 Aur0bindo Oh~.
26..l~ In~ for murder. 190
Bo<c. Subll.IS C'h•oJnt. ~. 21ll
Oo)'cotl. 76, 95. 2JI. Aurobindoon.
n~MlL"11nl t1Ul1udc. l05
Bnoi Sumi1i. tiJ
315
Bnii<h Eas1 Ind,. Cc•npony. S. 13, 17.
46
Burma. I.IS
Cc1lcuuo. 6. 22. 23. 26. 28--'.\.I. 36. 40
42,43.•~-57,61 ·•. lfl. 76-9.Kl
31.116.87. 90. 91-3. 95. 97.
99-tol. 10t-6. n.i. 109. 110. 11•
117 119-29. 132 41 143. 145.
Ml> ""· 152. l~S 7. lh l-3. 165.
JM 11>1 10. rn. 1~1 . 182. lli4.
19, l'IJ 1911.~r.' :!lll.211.211
21K :t"'m.n.-l u~.2,1.~.
2:\1-- i t 1.a1 z.11~ 2•10 ..!'2. lll.
21<1 hi. lM. lM 21.... 1111( uowl
f\h\'\.k.11 C:UhUt('. \(} 1
Cup11+ll(nc.·•'fl-1l"t:rl Uni IM
('.uhon.Ht """· ll
~.JmJuff U lflb c·ou'1 Ju-.lk.c) • .:!2: h
C..1l..1.. 1. l'h.1ru11 ••• HJ~. llPI. 111, 1?41.
12 \, I '6. 202; •uni ~1u1;1rrar1lur
1111u~n,r1. 1.w 8, 1.t""''· •so~
ru1,4111aadAtadc, 1.S2· reav11cd
116
Chakn1hJrU. Byoml.C"h. 198. 199, 20.l
Chakr11h.1rli. Prufulln.1119. I IU ~dts11h .
l1l
ChaktAb..n1.Sulum.ar. ?02
Owl.rahull\' Ahln.hh l't\, 2..:W
C'tu .. foi\·,1t11.SulunlJf ?20
Chan,lcnMgure.!\2.~l,Y'\,97. I IY,
13K. 119. 18(). 20-1. 23.1. 241. 2·1~.
l.~2.2('8;a r~uaUM.· lt9;ttnlrc
o( revolutionary tcl1\1l'f af1tr
1910. 24.1
Chando<I. 74
Ch(11>ek~11· hmlhcuo ( Bolkn.;hna nnJ
Damodar). 8- 12. I~. 2SO
Chapm•n E P 211<. :U4. 22S
Cha1tett('e:. Amarcndra N.alh. ?..W. 270
Ch.111cr1ce:, Bankim C'h.1ndm, 16-17.
186; Alftu1da Alorlt, Iii, M. b<l;
Dhar,,,ulal/M'fl A11u,l11/1ni, J2
Clu1HcrJCC. Kcd3r NJ th. IW
Chatttf)CC. Raman~. 20. 21
Ch.1udhun.1ni, S;inal.1. _ff'tG~ I.
S•1n1h1
Ct·i.iuiJhun. A~buttl\h , 32. 127
316
Ch•udhun , Nind.83. 267
Ch.audhu.ry. t-1.:mcndna Ki:s.horc
Ach•ryy•,83
Chtuu r~a Uhflndar. 94. 102. 204
(1\ingriputa. 127. llJI
C'h1rot V•lrn1loc.HJ. 73
Chltpavan Orahn1ln.>, 6-8
<:hi1131ona Armory RAHi. 2SU
Clarlte.SupennJcndent. lhl.166
('lh1e. Rohen. 5
Cooull•. 1116
C,ong;rcss. JN lnd1..tn Nattonal
Con!l1t...1o~
C'.>n<pirtcy. 199. 244
CrcJpfl. SupcnnccnJcnt, 161
("up;on, George N,11 ho1nic.I, And lhc
G~k.wJr. 37.40, Cunoncitc:ulv.
37.50
CurlQn ·W)lltc. Sir Vlilhonl, 2.)1
Docn.~
Oo1cca Anu\h1lan (&o1n111i).R2. 127.
220. l41-I. 247;Junng Wocld
War I. :!49;cuJudh \tY."\luru., ICJ7
Dacca CQ!l!>pirat.-y (\1se. 24?, W
0UCC'J.Now;obol.8J, 105, IU6.268
D•"""""'· 1!7. 2•9
D,1ly. F. C.. 20!!-IO. 215. 21~. 21a.
223. 227: 01' Aurobin&J Ohosc. ff>
D.ri«l••s.111. zs2
o~s. C" R (Chnuu11njan).llO, 211.
218,225.247.212.><.'«pl•
.;-\liputc cast". 20.1. addrC'\.' 1n
~St0f1) courc. 206; lllld
Russo.Jap<inc~ War. 63. early
tire. s•. member or lkfif"!tl
rt"'-'tllultOOat)' counti1. SO. 26-*;
rr;;l!.~<J hy (.'hicr Jm.l'k.-c. 226;
i.tratcgy in Ahf)Oft" case, 2113
Dal. llandJ~. 182
l>.t11 IKanunRnJ.111.'•n Chanl.lr1t.J4,
142. 1•6. 1.$5, IMI. 191 2111;
ag1un-~ JChlbrcak. UP: 'nd .. ncmpt
to kill Fuller. >4S: und edltnr.;;hip or
Juga1:u.tr. 2h7~ nnd Km.ha11.,_rm ...
1C9; arfftl. 161~a~o;on \·rrchce
207~~111emp1 lt1 m~~:ass1nn tc Fullcl'
iu C::8.\t lknµl.K.."i:•btrorc an est.
/Iida
IS8: impnsonmcn11n ALipore. jail.
119: IR Ahporc Jail, U'J3~m~k~
bombfurTanJivclotternp1. IJ9~
n1cet.s Aurobi.nc.lo i nd Bartn
Ghmc Cl'IOJ). ~2; mc.:rs
l\urob1ndo aflcf' return tron1
P.urupe. 1l4. mccf~ with til'>trtad,
K9, 'X>. un earl) rc\\JluOOftiry
o rgam1Alllln. 53; un Anu•h11an
Sarnh1. l~: on Aorobiudo as
n:\'Oh.illonary. ~:on Bann as
r~"-ol ut1C)n:uy, It$: on Boer War.
4A: on Ju1in-Oarin conf'hce. 54-5;
on 01.ak•,.. 261; on 1thpoo. 7\l:
released from the AndanHtnii, 239~
1>e1urn 10 Jndi:'t, l)J: f.Cntcncc
uplidd. 226; ,.,, 1< n«d. 21)9. 21);
d1tary confirtrmc"nl. I7R: h> and
in Europe. A9-9 1: to and in
Aod;omaM. 23-111
o.,, Pubn Dthan.112. 202. 2•2. 2-14:
dcport<d. 203
0Jlla. Stt 0UU
o..na Gup4•. B1rcndran.tth. 227, !42
o,1y,1nand.1S.1r'9sW1llt, 68
De . Soshy Uh""'o.. I oMl
Deb. p..,.C\h, I~. 210
Ocnh>m, 0 C .. 14~. ZW. 2311. 24S.
247. 2•9
IJ«'t'har.42.53.56. 76, 97. lll.167.
homh-ni..l.ing 1n, 135
lXportai•ln, 155.171
DN1.Amb.IL>IS.kct1•1.46. l?I!
l)<:,hpandc. K""1av0anc.h . 19. n.
lt.19. 11'.UJ. 01nd Bh.Jwani Momllr
<d!anc.7•
Deuskar, Sokharam Ciancsh. 42;
Dnll~r K11tlra, ~J. ! 12:jou1' secret
WlcirlJ <\l
D1~racli. BcnJam1n . .l
Ou•<. F W.. 219. 222-4. 2~. 2-0
D'°'n. Aswu11 Kum~r. MJ.17.t, 203
Dull, Bhupc1\dranJilh , llt. IMI. 2iM;
l!nd J uwsntar. 80, 2A<t: in Jup.untar
(;i;i.e. W IOU: on 0;.nq..J:aun fc~.
S.i: on Nr\Nlla • .US: recruited, S4
D ull . Chaiu Chandr(l, I IJ, l l'.'i.120.
fJ.f. UO:af«tt 1c,clatiom.ol
 f11deA
Goswarni. 19S: 11t1d Oo.ttJtCli.n&
asa.a...''•nalion anc:mpe.. l l 7~ arKI
Mu1.aff•rpur iW'mpt. 14!;
Aurob1ndo ~ts in Thln1. 74;
inspccrs Ganganath Victyali.ya. 74~
un Aurobi1idoas revolu1ionary.
88: on looting. 86
Duu. K.. B • 125
Dutt . Kan.,l>l,201.241.2.\2,and
oihoo<ong of Nveodra N•lh
Go!lwom1, UC7-90~-a11ci.1. ltt~
execuoun ant.I fu neral, 11)2; t11:tl
for 1nurder. 190-J
Dutt. Kart1t.UJ
Ouu. Mo;l\o<I Madh.......n. 16
Duu. Ulla$kar, 109. 113. I \J. 142,
1"4<1. IKS• appeal uf KnlcrM."C, 225;
anci.I. 1'9: a~so-r&:' V(11l1t-t, lt,J7,
b<Jnlh·1nakcr, 118-ZO, l.~•ntasion,
162, lo.I. escapes pJl'l.l,.~ 2?6:
goo tnJaftC, 238. an ·\hrorc: Jiii
182~ 1n Ocogba1 . t ~. acntcnc<d.
213. tt:ntcneed «> dcalh, 209, to
and in Anda.mans. 233
Du111. Surc<h, 245, 246
Ea$tcm Bcnpl and A».lm (f~"'"
Bcnpl), ttUU llindu M..t1m
relations, IOS; BMJc M.:.ri.rJm
circula1. Tl: rcvolutlonnrie11n, R2,
268: s:1mf1i~ in. 8:J
Edwardc•. Mich!\CI, 69
£mp1t<. fh• (newspaper). 1'6. IS7.
U9 175.194
Extttm1s1s, and Modtnatd. 92, 93.
9S. 127, 121'. 148, 255. fuurMd
progr111n111e, 95~ polu:y 1owt1rd'
Mu~hms. l06
FJCnonahsm. 56
Fandpur. 81, Uo8
Fayuuddln (c:ons1able). l4K
~r3_scr.Sh Arutrew, l.s5: und
deport rt lion o( Aurobindo. In-s:
aBJ1.,:1na1ion ta:rgrt. I Jfl, 117. I t9.
Ill. 202. 2118. 21J. 252;.MI
Ahpono ch:UJ!<S. 171
Fnzrnuu. lthpcctor. I~. 1~9
317
fl'()fiC. Thomas. Sfo<·rC'I Soatuu nf tltt
£wopt0n Rnolu11"", 110
Fulk<, B•mpl)lde. 11.1. 118.144 2.S2.
111cmpc on life. 8S
01ckwar. Malh.:.rrao, 13
O•ckW"dr, Sayaiiroo Ill , 13.14.19,
61. 1911 Ou1borlncodcn1. 37; and
o ..ganalh Vocly>la)... 74.
rc\'OlwltOllary 1n1tmts. 36-7;
'f'Xtch 11t IW'l lntf"~tn•I
cxh1hilkm. 4 ~
(;,111 , l' A 171. 17l
(;.u.Uht. "I K LIO, l~5; on
tcrrunsll'l. l~S
c; ..n-.1n.1th \ln.t.,..iaya, 74
109
c;.-qgoh. Oipul. IOh
tJ,udcn, 1ee M;)n1lunl.1 <f•trdc.n
Cl1111hoild1, Oiu."<',,.,c. lt
(f.1uh.111. 85~ 119
Cic:rmAA). 248
0 ......1.S...l>,J() J, 259-<>l.and
Ruuo-Jitpanc:~ War, 6l: confttcc
wi1h Ja1jn Ba~qcc, $1. 2£16
0 11-0«C. Aurob1rnlo, 14- 16. 30.J~. ll,
16.411. AA. 9S, I IS. 125. US.1M.
252. 270; ""'lUlllCd ~10, 211 211.
114«h 10 go 10 ( 'b>nJcnupc
21\, :1frrr At1purccaiC, 2t9oa.hl'.'r
~uml C'ongrc111. 1l I, iU'ld l'KWl
terrorist 011c.mp1~ . u~ and n11c111pc
to ktll FuJkr. Hn, anJ B~n'tk
MOIJmml. 92. I IS.148.
and 8""'1t M - ~. II». and
Bann-Ja11n conftJct. SS: and
coor...1on•• 16). 164: •nd
tditor;..h1p or Ju5:.intar. 267: auld
ClaclwM.246: •nd I lrm Das. l.34,
ond ja>lb<cak plan, 1117: •nd
JtMmlpur ........... 106: ond
/utafttar1;ase. 100. and Lele. 137,
IH also Lele; and Muiaft3fl>UJ
titlc.mpt. 143, 144 ~ nnd Nivt!d11a.
<It); and re~goon. 64-70;and
(Chandcmagorc) Tardlvc:I
111tmpl. on ~ftdemagorc
MJaSsiruUJcxt. I.\M. , ..,. ; and
lcrrori:sm.87.14l: arrcst. l6l~t11
318
At.pore 1riaJ. 175: a:c 1ad after
Barisol Conrcm><c. 84; at
JU.,..,..ftl. 209.at M'ldnapott
Confcrcnoc. l2S;.a1
SunH Consress. 129; altitude btfon:
pan11ion. S7; 1u1hor of Biia,...,,;
/.f111rdlf. 65: 1utomatic writing. 72;
before i(r~I. ISB; bt:£ore Surat
Congress, 126--8~bc foreSurat
Cona;rc~1: c:hic::f dcfcod.11n1 in
Alt1){lrc c:11~. W4: t0nncction with
u,.1rrori111". 87: etuly a:.sodation
whh Jruin B0nerji, 21-2;
cdut-atlon, 14:cduca1kin in
EnJl.mJ (Kin!l>), 197;
in1p1isonmcn1, 1714-8..l passim;
informed or Alam assassination.
2:21; JOlnS tcCfCI ~ty of
Western Ind!:.. 4-l;latcrwntinp.
73. moamaa.e. 22; meets Tdak a:1
Ahm<J.>bed. 46; mtmberof
lknpl r..00.ltOUl)'coonal, 26.
SO. ncghJ<'...,. 242; oa Anu>hibn
San:uu.259.260;onbo)C:OU. 77.
79. on 8n11sh l<gal 5)o'Stcm. 216;
on Congrc,., 46. 47; on Hmduwn.
18: on lndi•. 73~ on Lajpal Rai,
107;a-n Nivcdita .265: on
Oki.tum, U.O: on ~ni1ioo. 64; on
1crr0ri~m. g1-~. IJ8. 2.JI. 253;
opinion orOokhDle, 67: overall
head or Garden socie1y, I IS: plan
10 toke up Na/!<1.<okti, 141 . 147:
pr0<1ic:t oJ yogi. 72. 139; pniiscd
by IU1h 11< ha ri llooe. 250;
proposcd appc:al of bis acquaual.
W, W; propoocd d<ponoliool.
172-S. 22.l: p r - d pros«aoon
foracdihon, ?:22.233: utumsto
B>rodo 1904. 61; revolu11ocwy
- on 8arodl. 37. 44: soli1•ry
-fincmcnt.17A.~.222:
sPntwil CXpC'rtCn«i. 71; lO
Ch.tndtrna.gorc.133~ lO
Pond1c:he:ny. 2JJ; roor with
Oct'l1\·n11a B~ . 56; \'lsil:S Bengal
1903. 50; work 1.u1t:lcrThakur
Snh1b, 44: wo1k with Gaek\.\tar.
Index
38: WOJ'k w1th Oae .."~' in
Lona"'la· J9: wntn: 8oAkim
Clwtvba 0..tWJH. 16. 17: ..,;,cs
Bluitt'alft 'londv. 6S; write. Nl'tf!P
L•mt"'f"'Old. 14.17. 18. 21. 46;
,.,,,... ·<>or Pol1hcal fdclll', 80.
wntC$ No ComprtJmis.-. 6S
Ohme. Uanndra Kumar.141.147.
IS5. 181. 183. 270; •f1c1 Ju8antor
proscaHionoe, 102. 11nd Hha•·anj
~1arn.Jir llChcmc. 73. 76: and
Juga11111.t, ~). 85. 9R. 266; Grid
'JugaiHllr Party', 243,nnd
M•niklol• Oord<n. IOS. 109. 114:
and M:.tinkundu auc1np1. 11~~ and
~tu.i:tff~arpur 111cn~pt, l4l-6; and
T<1rcb..,.cl 1ttctnJM, 1 39~ n:ppe:al o(
.sentence. '2.2$; anC'11. l.S7-9;
amv•I in Ba.rocb. 41-3, W-C; as
leader oraccrc1iooety.1111;
~· ¥CrdlCI, 207: int.eds
SW..1 Conarc«. 126-'>: ch>rg<d
With abclmtnl of murder. 18S,
1%: ""''"""'"· 162-8; ronftict
~nth JahnBtoc:rJf. \J-4~
Wtfcrenlti'*l1h P. Mitra ,~.
early hfc. '4 l ·3: cl\d of ·not
a.mrai,gn',61;c1et1pc1 gal~·s.
226: first rcvolu1lonary auempt,
8S: in Borudo 1\lOS, 73; 1n O•rud•
1906-7, t-19: in Uorodtl artcr Sura1
Congrcs;. 133: In Dcoghor. 135;
lac::t Of COUtjon, 114; lcorns
meditation. 109. llfc in Baroda,
43; meet.$ Upcn BannetJ«. 97~ on
Aurobtndo aa rcvoh.nionaf)'. 88:
on Ni'tcd1li1. 26.S: on Okakun.
261. on pol11Kal murder. l lb;oa
lcrr04'Uth. 2$3, pbns 1.a1Hxcal .
186-7; rnc1KC O( autOm&UC
•1'1lJ111. 72. rcte.ed (mm d.c
Andaolln'. 239. wnlcnccd to
dralh. !09. 21l, to ind 1n
Andam,an•. 2JJ · Ro 10 Bengal
(1906). 7H; 10Calcu1t1190J.49;
v.hhdr:iwsronre'-'tOn, 199
Ghosc. B1rcndrana1h, 109, 113: arrest,
167
 Inda
Ohote.Dr K D•• 42
Oho<e, Hcmendn Nath. l.59
0~, Hcmcndr> Prosad. l()lr8. 125,
16S, 17<1. IR2
OhoS<. Mano Mobu.n. lS
Ohose, Modlal, 79. 91
Ohosc, Nripcndra N:,ith, 247
Oh<>«. Ra.<h Bchari. 126
ooo.e. S.rojltll. 42
000!<. 5,,.,
KumM. 106. 109. lM,
209. 226; ancst, 159
Ohooc.Snsh.186.188. 24S. 2'46.•nd
Delbo bomb. 246
01nd1h.119
Gila.stt Bhagavad Gata
Ookhalc. Oop•I Krishna. 19. .50. 127.
2l9. Aurobindo'sopinjon of, 67i
pres1(1cnt c.1r lko:;ircs Congrc~ . 78:
StrVllnl!! or India Soc:-icty, 67
Ooklmo1n, Emnt.a. 90
Gordon I hghlaodc,., 184.190, 21111
Ooo-. Lronartl, ],ff}
GulVr11ni.NartndraNa1h.105.138..
147. 18S.208.245.253:and
attcmp• to ktll FPUer. 86; and
M~nkundu aucmpt. 119~ •nd
Ttrdivtl ancm:pt. tl9~•trht, 167:
Cl\.<iObS.IMhOrt or. LSQ~ 1rupln.:.uc:J In
oonfc,"illn!J., 163, 161, •n Ali1wnc
j111I, I ~); CUI Aurobindo a!I
revolutionary. 88~ tC&li.1l1or1)' ' "
mag1s1nuc'sc~iun . 1 82-4;
tC\limony: il.5 a.dmissc'bility. 201 ~
turns King's Evidcntt, 181 .188;
unmoumed. 193
·Great Oamc'. 168
Ouh.a Th.ak.utta, t.fanoranJ<t.n. )l"l 119
l.C7~ tinaMeSsocie1.y. 113
Oulu. Anon Chand~. 2•3.262. 21>7
Ci1.&Jara1. 109, 125; 1902 rt\vfuhonttr)'
IC11\olliCli. 36ff
Gup1a. Dharani Nalh.100. 185. 2 10
O u1·ua. Nt1gcndr.1 Na1h, 142, ltiO. ltlS.
210
Qup1a, Nolini Kanta. 109. 165. 2'0.S.
ZIS. 227.16.l; and 1aill><<•k pfJn.
187; arrest. 158. 159. bc(o1c
arft"$I, 1.58; in Oeogh:ar. 13.S: JOIM
3 19
secret IOC:iety. 110
OWlllior. 22, 44
Hol<far. Gopal. 244
HaWday, F, 1..•• 122, 140. 147,
1.16, 157. 166. 192. 208
Haq. Maulvi M:aharul. 122
Hatd>)'lll, Lala. 62
f111rd.lc, James Keir. J68
lla1d1.o,e. Lord. 246
f lllfflftl'lOO. Sar Rxh.ard 227
H•m«>11 Roell Anm Act('_,
1M. 1n. Jn. 18-1. acnctrKt"'
185
Hana. Amndal. 246. 2~7
I hsg•n<(convico·ward<r). 111'1
1hndu-Muslim prohl<:m. LO~. 220,
267: British bl;1med for, 107 ;
cnrly 11uemp-L"l 111<.'O<'lp(rtuloo.
78, '""'°"'bated by r·ull<r. f!4
I JindutSm. 18. 66; Awobtndo on.
71: Vovckanand.1 on, 25
Hooghl}. 30. 95, 204
Honoka, 261
I lownh. 95: - •ho S1hpuf
1 lowrah Compmocy ""'"'. 242,
24J.2-!S
lhbtt!Wln. Ocnr;I. 107, 174
1ndt f"':nd~a«, 95. 0(1, idc-111 ur In
Jug.1n1r1r. 81
India, tlcshny of KCUrdir1$ 10
Aurohindc>, 66~ 1M.'Wrthn1 IU
Viv<kanand>.118
Ind...., Counab Act. 219, 2SJ
1nc1;.,, 1'aoicnal Army. 250. ~S
lndo.lftNabo1UIC....,,,m. 7, I~.
149 .189S~wnn(l'u<>n•I . Y.
IY. Ahmcdablod Sc<'""'
( l'I02). 4S-7, 263; lltoum
msion (lllOS). 7H, <'•"""•
SC$l;IOD ( 1906), 1/2, 95;
f.'.'rhkir.e<I by Au1ob1u1Jo, I ~~
opinion ur 0;1mud:u
Chapckar-. 9~ SurJl Sci\t01l
( l'l07) IU>-K
lnJ11to Rcbelhoo. 0
lnJc>.Gcrmanplot. 2.50
320
Jxloon. M T • 231
JaJ!wt• Kh.,cn10. 19. 40
Jodh••.\lodlll•'10. 19.21.89;
.cn1 co Europe. 57: ~flt t<>
Japan.•S.S/
Jamalpvr. 10!\, 2h7
J&plln.2J.27-Y.45,S7.62.63.
66. 248. 261, 262: delcst of
Rulltia. 62
Jeanne d'Arc. t4
Jcnl.1nl\, Sir Lawrence, 22S, 226
Jhansi , I ni.. ..1unib11i. Rani of.6
Jug1111101r, tµ, t'l6, .H1, 90, 93, 96.
11 2. 1IS, 118, 2(}1. 212. 24J;
circulation. 102; credo, 80;
early 1i0kr:UM>n by
c<>"crnnlt.nl 99; idtal and
o1inth fU , l.tunc:h,ng. SC">. hU-:
o n Punj1b rlVU. 107; pose
<t>I<, 80 l'fO«<VllOft. 99;
ft'~UIJOftolry propaganda. 96.
9R. tedHeon pn>SCCUttonS. 101.
llll
Jupt11u P•ny. 241, 2'7;aod
An!J5.h1l.in \Jm1t1. 244.ongan
and hi\l(H')' of n.amc, 242-3
Kakar. Khcwi•n . 14<'1
Kanc. Ol.llkri!ihml llarl, 141. 2AA:
{trtCbl, I R2: ~ntcncc:
ovcr1urni:tl, 226: iCnlc-nced,
2(11)
Ko1njil;.l, llri!!hike31oh, IOS. If«>;
11nd ~1anl..undu auempc, l 19:
»rfC\t, 167,conrcssiQn.168:
M!ntcncc reduced, ?26:
'ICnlcn.;'C'd lOdt;;tth. 209: to
ind"' Andamam: 2JJ ..
Kainunsu. lfcmCh:andn,•N'
'"'"" o~
K•rmDVftK11t(~t). !2t.
w. 2.11. 2.11
Kenned)-, Mrlllnd Miu. t'». ~
murdcr. IS9-60:s~olso
Pr.n1le·Kcnnt-dy
Ker. Jon"'' t'•mpbcll, 241. 244.
2S2.on Oh ..v.ani M.lndir.68
K~sun. 9. 63: i;.ed11ton Lriat, 19
Index
Kesba\>'aNnda. S\ll;am1. 7.t. 109
Kh"!"nlc. C K
KhilP"nlc. 0 S . « . 91. 9S. 130 •
141.aod llomtioyCouncil.«;
"'' Sura1 C<u~srm. 12R
Khar•Nllllr. 120
Khulna, xl. 261!
Kh•I•• Conspiracy ('a<c. 245
K1nr,<lord. D<>•gl., 11 .. IOO. 101.
IOll.116. 213. 2.<2,
rnrgc1, 134, l4J,
11~).}ts,ina11on
sentenc«:( ~ u ~hil Sen. IOR
Ka.s.hurcg;u1j , 17ti
Kolhapu1 . tl
KnshnJ\'.Ltm.J. Shy.1mj1, 57. 89:
and I lcn• o~. 89. 90
Kropotkin. Peter. 27
KllShtiJ. Sl
U.htn Purna ("Nndra 99
Labor<. 2.U.. 2•7
Lajpot IYo. Lall.~. 126.111,
219,ol $ur;I C°"'°"'·
l?X:
Jcf)Ofl•llllln, 1(17 ., ..
l...tth1.JO. _\2. 4l
Lele. Vi!>hnu Oh11i."-ar. Hr> '''·
13:1; in lkojh;ir 11nd Cak:ulta
136-7
Ut>cr<ad (Jo;cph Alhcn). !W
I .inion (pn\l1t1Cr). It(•)
Lonavlu.JiJ
Lytton. LorcJ. 4. 2·1b
M.acitul,;,ay, I tio1n.1"' A~1tunic1on . 20.
167
~ta..WnalJ. R.irnsay. IOU
M.adg:a\"ll.nr, (i°"u.J D1nana1h, 45
~t..h.ar.a.-.hlht ~. 1. 10. ~t
Mala\1\J. t-t~n t.1olu.n 'I'.\
Maida. 2'M. 2N<
t-t;alhcL, ParN, HPI. I \.S; arn""tl.
tS9; tu •nd 1n Ard.Jn1.tm, 2.l-i,
scnl<:fk'\! ~u..al. l:?f\.
5CnCcr~d lN
M:.l\I, l ntlho\'&nd.1 ... 1?8
M•n~undu, 119, 12'1. 119, 211.
2S2
>.-i~1n1ktol.t Kcret (l<rn>1i~1)
 Index
'""'"Y' •s<: ol .....i.tn. 270;
C<lnlJlO"l.On, 110. 2081f.
t"UntCUlum.112;urty
ancm~. 1t'>-20• finances.
lll;oo1hs. lll ; pohce
loun·c1lb1n(e. 137• rounoc. I 13;
.>1uckn1i and •'OR.en. 111;
1akcuh•pc end 1907.109;
tulnlna. 111. t~(isidcs 10
work. 110: oocupanon~<lf
mcmbcfs. '27 1; rel:1t1<>n.i; w11h
Dacc;1&1nll C'h1111d<rn,1gorc
g.rou~. 241; 11g_t1iticancc,252.
M;1n1~1<1llD J4rden. phf'lical
dcscup11on 104. p<llu.:chitar
of, 114, '6Cac1y 1aktj rorm
lhft~ l()Q, 1'Ur'-'"lll:intt J 17
111
Mar•lha>. 5. 6. ll
Mon W A l'l!I
t.tauhd. N1Lh1IM•.ar.1H Ro)'
M.1.decL. "1th1~v.•r
Mazzini. H . 26. 29, 34, 80. Ill
f\1chta. Phcrozd\ah. lS. 9S; a1
Surai C.onar<'>. 1?9
Midn•rorc. 34, U. ~. 120. 122.
124, l~b.157, 162, 2('4, 26?.
2C._l ~. vj ..11 ol Aurol-iinJo
und Uiuln . ~2
,.._tldnaporc Dtt..int.:t Confcrt.:nCC-.
124. 125
Minto. Eadof. lJl . 161<, 171.173.
221. 222. 251.254.
:..~..,~ina1k>n 1.1rgct. '231; on
Bcn1-<1h<li, 2<.»l. Qn G11et..war,
37; on rtf~r""· 220
~i11tu. Uh;;hilt'lhu.illlln. 110
Mon. Krl\hna KuM.¥. and
Ahporccasc. 1'13. 203;
dcpontd. 1911. 203. 218
Mura. Nabo""'°I. JO
f\.f1lf'I. Prama1han.a1h Jl-l. 95.
82. 2$9. od1ud""'°'
J111n- 61nn conft~. ~S: and
founding or Anu&hHan Sa1ru1i.
32~ und Ru'l..11io-Jap;ine&e War.
fl.1; harri$1M' 1n Atipor~ case.
198: d1ffca-cnce~ with Baiin
321
G!K*. C).t. p<C'i«nl of
lkngal~vofulM)ft:lii) a>Uncd ,
50. 26-1 m«l> Au'°"'"°"· ~
Mod<nt<>. and Extrnn,..., 92.
93. 9S. 127.128.1411, Z5S
Mokameb, JS(} 2
Moonic. PO
Morley.John. 91. lZ7.1611. 2.~;
0111C(011Tl\, 220
"'forlcy- Mln10 Rc:h,rn1\, ~r~
lnlhAn Cou111,;1ltt Ace
"'fonhcAd l I , 141 11"i
Mvdh<'l~.ir I\ N 127
"'1u.,hcr1(t (t.h1khop\ldh~·,,y).
JadUJt'1'111. .ll 11)4., ~l1 l.f·•,
on Ui1.t1n JitHn lc.ti•I. ti I
t.tu.klk'r1eci. J,111nJr,,; N1uh , 1'141 .
2) I 227. 2 ''.? .I~, 2 '"· n-.cf'loJ.
Aur~1ndi;1 , '\2
~lu... h<r•c~ . f'lf11n• (.c-r-at.l~~
\htL.hc.tJCC:. Pnthv.1ndr1, 227
Mulhc•J«. IUm....tiv. 1•7, lf.2
Mukhc:r11. N~1 (~I. 2\.'i
MuklrA.unP1t11h(P.111
MullJcl.. NuW< ~·. II\. II'
~fvlhck. Suhodh<Nn~h• ~.
Utl 11 \, 111'\, "'"' Au1oh11H10.
78, _.,~ Mu111fr,1quu 1111uu111,
14l, 1tt l•llll ,1f1cr n.111\.1l
C
; cH1IC1cnr<'o l'W; funth lllllh>nnl
~dUC.1h1Jn, 77-. h(IU"-' ..l'OU(ht•d,
167
f\1urtav1 . •Pfor~sor'. 1l . ~I 82
l\1uliny, ln<han. 6
Muzaffa'!'Ut.143 .SQ. l52. IS6.
252
M)m<OStnj!h . .IU. S3. t!J. llA . 2().1
N>dia.204.268
Nag. Bhupesll. 2ll.J
Nag. 81)0)1 Kumao. Ill.\, 109. 138.
11\S;an-<>t, IS~
NaJtpUr. 124
Na1h1h. 86
Nanda Gopol.237
N•ndi. Mhok . 11!1). IS.~. l9K. 20'.I;
de11lh. 226: scn1cnccd. 209
Nandi. ln~rn. 100. l 19. ll.O. 170,
322
198:antst. l&2; reJcreocc.
226. 121; scn1cnce ser aside.
221; sen tertCe'd. 20')
NooroJ•. 01dahruu. 93
Narayalljlar1>.120.2t3.2S2
Nt<1li. , 231
Nalc\an, G. A .• 62
Natiunul Couni:-11or Educaoon,
78. Ill. 92
Nt\1tonulcducauon, 74, 92. 9.),
144.231
N1.t1ionut volunleerS. 94
NlllU bro1hcts. 13
Ncpiol, S. Zl. 123
Ncvlnwn, I fcnry. W •• 127.~ qn
Pnrt1lton. 6-.i
N~wllu/111 (nn.--spapn). 79.80
Nl\'cdlll. S1:SiCf (~targ:sret Noble).
SI. and Anu:stnlan Samin. 32.
Jl; •nd f oundJ ng ol Anus!Ulan
Sam1t1. J2; and Awobil'ado.
«I; Ind l-.b-making. 110.
26S-6: and Gack 'llrl-ar.. 39~and
Ol;lura. 27-8. 260-2; break
with Ram.al nshoa Order. J9:
'hsaplc of Vh·ckananda, 26;
1nvolvcmcn1 w1lh
tC\IOlu lio111u-tc:~. 264--6; Kali
tfu: Alothu, 26, 40: mcmbe.tof
tlcngol rovolutionarycoundl,
~O. 264: on Bhupc:n Dutt. IOI/;
on Norton, 177
Nlton. J.C .. 24-0
Non"'C'°"'°PC:ration Movement. 251")
NU<ton. Eiudley. 176. in. Ull.
183. 1911.202,240.247:
lld.,scs 1ppeal of Alipo<e
ocqu111a1s,i10.11s: OflUC'
Ahporc C85C appca~ 22S; in
KS.Siord roun. ~
Okaku..-a, K#kum. 27, )l. SI ,
2S9-(o(); ll<>ok of rra, 63;
ld<0/s a/lite Eart, 28
01 '""·SJ, 63, L20. 121.149
1'ab11•. 139
Pul. Olpin Chandra, 29. 79. 95,
brdtx
12S.1'18. 174, 219; •nd &md•
Mot°""" . 92-J: Ind &ttuk
\.fdtONlnl Je'dtlilon cue. 101 ~
1nd loondonaol o...,,
Anu.5ohtlan,82- l oa.1 and afler
B•rt~I Coof(rc°"""'C. 84; leadet
or cxtrcm11.u•• 112: 5cc.h11on
tnul. IOR
Purl11. 90
Pcshwo. 6. 13
Ph:tdkc. W11 ..udeo Balw-..nt, 1, 10
P111'ty, Chidi11111>oram, 180
P1nglay. Vt11hnu Oanesh. 248
p,'<>nttr, (newspaper). Qol1 jihoonng
or0-06w•n1i, l69, 193
Plowd<n,C W.C., 141. IS6.166
Pond.:hcny, ZlJ
Poon•. ~9. II, 22. 92. 131, 198.
211. 2.IO. 266
Pon Blair, 2Jol
Pnnp.-Kcnnedy. 149, In
Puo11b. S; 1901 unr<st. l07
l'uran•. Chhol•lal, Ill
Rahman, /\hdur. 122, IJ7, l4S,
2A1
Ra1chaudhuri. Ja1indtanath, 202
RuJO Ke7.1~. " ' • 107
Rnnutkn.shna Pun1mahnn5a, 2$,
72.161
R•m>ongh, Thokur,4J- 4. llS.
l:lC)
Rana.SR .119
Ran;•lc. M G .. 7. IS
R•nd, W C' .• ~
Rangpur. 41,SS.86. 88. 110. 115.
139.14'.181. 2S2
Rawalr•nch, 107
Ray. N1hamnJ1ft, 56
Ray,1tt.WRoy
Ra)d\a'Udhun, G1nja.fihank.a.r. 26S
Re' f'•,npMM . 105
Rtt>, J O ., lt.9
Rcgullloon 111 of IKIR, IS.S. IS6,
172. 19S,191!.203.218.22l:
22A
Rctlglon, and rcvolulion. x-xi:
Urih~ view, ~9-70; in
 Index
8"'1•-onJ M•nJir, 66
R<1<Mll'°" policy, S4
Rc•"Oll oC UIS7. 6
Rc}nlOnd. Lm:llc.261 .26'
Ronakhh1y. Lord.69
Round 1 abtc Conftrcncr. 2.SS
kuta I.all Act. 250
Ro"'"' Rcron. ll,2SO, 2SZ.
2(fl~on 0hawJnl M3ndir, 68
H.uy, C'houu ( haoJr•. 119.138,
20s. 2.lJ. 2..i.s. •1n(""'. 1sa
Rny, C'hhrn l)n)ll. 249
Rov. l)111c11lhtt Kunrnr. 20, 263
Roy. lndu Hhu~n . 1119. 1 IJ: and
1.11d1 .. et t'11c1npt. 139; ~n"C"Ot.
J 'it}; oornmil\ \lnC•ck. !31l;
cunf1,,."'IA(>n- lb\ -5. lf>7~
Kntrni.....- r«IU«d_226.
tcnltn«J, 2fW;. tO Ind In
And.Jm.lM. W
Roy. M N (Narcndr&n.1lh
Bh•n"""'ry.. ).127. 2"9.on
Aurot,1Mk> and rc-hgion. 10
Roy. Mo11lal, 233. lAS; and Delhi
bomb.246
Roy. NiraPMJ.a. 109. 141: arr(:)'t.
I~2. iw:ntenccd. 209; \Cnltncc
rcduC'Cd, m
Roy, Nilrnul K11nti. , 2,.7
l\C)y, 1•taru11.,Chondn1, 110, 266
Roy. Ronunohon . "'8
Roy. S1.1dhl)RJ"-hu J1h;:1n, 186
Royul lndwn Navy mutiny. 2S5
Roy Mo1uhck. N1kh1le<;wat. 102.
2~2. 270; ·-•.11'2
Ru"'"'· lbK; R:\ot•lu1~1in.an
«•mrlc. 87 90
Ru.1&0-Jap.tnc~ Vr•r. h:.11 l, t t)
Sadh•na "1m.t1 r..uu
Safran1.lt. t-.k"f>l.11;i. '-"),~I
~h;,a t-.:.unJ• l~ tW
S;a~hJfll\ HAlta. HW
Samft,opur. I \l)
S;•n11t111. '"' 111rifr1 An\1~1l•n.
Atn1onnu11 llra1i. 'tohnd
Stuull1l''1(nCW1ot,...Jlf•). Jll )kl JU M1.
w.11~... M:4l1l1011t-.'o4.'. 101 t
SanJ"""' <-'l"rc•I 11>,U
S....yasucbclllM. 6 , I~
San1al5.6
Saoyal. KmloJ1b4n, 111, HI ,
•'"'"-· 167; rcfcr<ncc, Un
sentence set aJ1Kk, 227~
scntcntcd. 209
Sarab1 Dcvi,.stt Ohos.at. Sarala
&irk.w. 81bhuti 8hu'ln, '>9. tOS,
109, l:W.12l.141.14S, 164
nrre$t, 159;conft...:;)io1\, l63;
scn1tnce rec'.luccd. 226:
S('1\tCnced. '209: to 11nd in
And;1m:an.s. 234
Sark•<. Roj•ni. 147
Sorkar. S•tl>h. 2Z'I
s.ru.r. Suell> or Kumu. 100. 110,
l:rl. ll3;conf-.on. 167;
K'ntcncc: reduotd. 226;
.M":rnencxJ. 209~ to and"'
Aodanuns. 2l4
Sarkar. Sumo. 262. 266
Seeley. John. S
Su. Btrcudra ('handl'll, 91 , l IO.
118. I~. 176; arrc•I, 167,
reference, 226: ttt'ftttrK\"
upheld. 227; scntC"l'kit"d, ~N.
to 3nd in AnJ1un1ow. Z~
Sc:n. l-lcm, I 10dUIC'\I 1n?, l'U1
Sen. Ke~huh (.'hnrMlh1 tlft
Seo, Pun~it( h.1n1ll;1, H•- lllil ,
f'Ul. It,~, 1Hft'1'1 l,1J
Sen. \11..:h1n1Jf,, f(.u111.-1 , Ill'# I U
ltt\, ... ~-- ] , , •II•" I"''
1n Al11•••lt' J•ll, 111'
\en "-t•I « 'h•t1thit ITI
'-:n.s..J.itKlffnAf lllfl llU 1"4
21_15, .... MulAilar,-.u1 1urn11141
1"4 Mt*tl lr1l ltl f IKC'.
~ Wftl N NI Mkil 2Z1.
. . . . ft{ J b.11
~ntl"f'(.4 U1j1t) f(J4111• IN•
~••iJ•HI I\
~·-- trio •i
~..... :fa11111J11 ... 1h 211 jtJ
htllOllJ! ft\,
~hn 1111 ,, M. 11 \I\
~hi\11ji I• ''"°''
H 11, ~1
324
Sohp<>r. 9'. 118. 119
Sokhs. 24~
Sinf!.h. Ajil. 02, 130~ dep.Jflt1lfon
l07.174
SonsJ>. Bhaga1. 62
Singh. Ki'Wn. 62
Sinlw. S. P •• 247. l.~1
Sm:1tlwood (~pert w1tnc,,), 2.»I
Sooahst fC't'~Utl()flJtlC'''" 91
Soham Swann. 62.
~' Bang/a. 78. 81. IOI\
s,..........n(~•) .101. 193
Sic~. W.tham.. SO
St111ngm.... T. J .• 224. 225
S11L1n.H A .221.224.2J)
Stuan, Sir Harold. 17.C
Suhrid Samitt.. K3
Sumt.125, 180
S"'ad.,.hi. 77. 9S. 231
Swarujya, 9S
S'lttt'ttslcllf!r, IJO. lhl. 204. 20~.
214. 224.125
S•1rzrrland. ~
Tago<e. O..beadnm>lh. JO
Tag:orc. Jyo11nodrana1h. )0
Tagore. Rab:indranalh, 18. 30
Tag.ore. Su.rcndt1nai1h~ is. 262;
and Ru™>-Jap~nct.e W1u. 6.l:
6nanc:C's 1crrt>riM 1u1cmp111,
120; mtmbcr of Bcng.111
tevolurioo.ary council, .SO. SI.
2/)4
Tudtvd. L. 138. 141. 170. 2S2
T<1•n. Charles. 238. on 8"4.._ni
Mamhl.f/I
llllhJats. 248
Tmorism. ai.248 is·1-6. •nd
non·vtOk.ncc, 2..~: Aurobindo
Ohos< on. 87-8. 138. :!31.
~3: Bado Ohos< on. 2S3:
Gandhi on. ZSS: lllak Ot>. 266
Thakur Sahcb. St!tt Ramsln,ah.
Thakut
Index
Thornhdl. Mr. I~
Tilak. B•IGanl)ldhor. 7.19.lil<.
12-1. Ill. 9. 44. 21Y:oflcr
Surat Cong1cM. 131; •nd J'Jtl(,
Con~·~. t)J; t1nd Bombay
('o\lnc:ll. "'*• ond
Rus~·Jap.1rH!M: W11r, ~1; :11
Ahmed.1b:td (.'on1:t~. 47; a1
Sura1 Congrcs.t, l?M 129.
before Surat Con1,CS$. 127;
contact w11hJ1t1n 8ant1j1.22~
contact _.,th Rus..-uan com:u.I.
S7~mtet.J Ai;1NblnJoa1
1'\hmnbb.td. ~.on lt-rron>m.
266: p..-ts1do 0\.Ct (:alC"U1Ul
ShivaJi rc.,1iv:tl. 91:
rclo11nnshl1:, w11h Aurob1ndo,
~7; "'Jillon 1rial (I ~97) . 11 - 12
nm<s(London). 93
Tope:. Taty•. 6
Upodhyay. B11hn11t>ondhab. 79.
1112
Up.n"""1>.NUI Ill 111 135
Vedanta. 24. 27.66. 68. 71. 7),
100
Victoria, Oue:cn. l
Vivckanilnda. Sw;urn. 24-6, 214,
Jl:rutd 11111lonnhsn1. 26: and
religious ni1tlo11utu1m. 70:
deltth. 39
Wahabis.6
Wairu, 150
Wann.1hc: Reverend Mr.JI
Wedcluburn. Wdl11m. 168
Wi1holl (laW)cr). 198
Wordsvi.vrth. WLlham, 97
Woo1d Wu I. 248
Yog•. 72. 73. 109. 125. 126. 136.
183.133. 234
YugatUor, st~ Jugatttur