8.

Prosperity Government Foreign policy and Diplomacy

from Honeymoon to Disillusion to Reform
 It is known that the youth protest in Ethiopia forced the

12/10/2022
EPRDF regime to accept the demand and introduced reforms
which include a change of party chairperson and prime
minister.
 The reform leaders promised equality, justice, forgiveness,
reconciliation, and inclusive politics in Ethiopia.
 Above all the hallmark of Abiyi’s government is promised the
liberal idea of democratic governance and introduced a new
discourse that has been shown a radical shift from that of his
predecessors in the areas of;
 Politics 1
 Economic

 foreign policies.
Prosperity…
The guiding principles of the newly
promised reform, as prime minister Abiyi

12/10/2022
Ahmed spoke at Davos at the World
Economic Forum meeting, is called
'medemer reforms' with three interrelated
pillars:
Vibrant democracy

Economic vitality

 Regional integration (Abiy Ahmed,

2

2019).
Prosperity…
 In line with this, Abiyi Ahmed government introduced
reforms both in domestic and foreign relations.

12/10/2022
 Domestically, the new reform government introduced
appreciatable political liberalizations among others
lifting a state of emergency, releasing political
prisoners, amnesty for Ethiopian dissidents living
abroad, lifting political parties condemned as terrorist
organizations, suspending and denouncing some
proclamation condemned as infringing human rights.
 These and many more have had gained all-around
appreciation and support from both Ethiopians and 3the
world at large.
FP Honeymoon…
 In the foreign policy realm, new reforms were initiated both at
the regional and extra-regional levels.

12/10/2022
 As part of the medemer reforms, the regime took steps to
restore relations with neighbors that changed the contours of
Ethiopia's international standing began at dealing with the
long-pending Eritrea’s border issue, announcing reconciliation
and implementation of the Algiers Accord signed in 2000.
 Furthermore, the new regime took diplomatic measures to
improve relations with other neighboring states such as
Somalia and Sudan.
 With Somalia, diplomatic and consular offices were agreed to
be reopened along with agreeing to remove bilateral trade 4

barriers and securing the use of the Somali port of Berbera.

Honeymoon…
 A similar note of affability was also established
with neighboring Sudan.

12/10/2022
In addition to this, Ethiopia also played host to
bring rival factions within South Sudan and
Eritrea-Djibouti to negotiating table and
brokering peace among them.
Ethiopia also struck port deals with all its
neighbors including Djibouti, Eritrea, Sudan,
and Kenya to ensure unhampered trade access
with the outside world (Daniel 2019). 5
Honeymoon…
 New developments could also be seen in Ethiopia's relations
with extra-regional players.

12/10/2022
 Of importance to note are the close relations with the UAE that
Ethiopia was slowly drawn into in the aftermath of the split
among the Gulf States over support to ISIS and their rivalry
that spread into the Horn of Africa.
 Besides, visits to the U.S and European countries were
productive, aimed at diaspora engagement and building image.
 In general, the new regime implemented economic diplomacy,
citizens' diplomacy, and Diaspora engagement to enhance
Ethiopians image and prestige in the world at the early stage.
6
Honeymoon…
 On the economic front also several reforms have been
undertaken, among others promise of liberalization

12/10/2022
measure taken by the government on some of the
country's leading economic enterprises, seen as a big
departure from its predecessors.
 The announced liberalization and privatization of
enterprises like Ethiopian Airlines and Ethio-Telecom
is an indication that the reform regime would be
interested in attracting foreign direct investments,
promote competitiveness and enhance skill
development that is needed for the country. 7
Honeymoon…
 Generally, the early age of Prosperity government foreign
relations honeymoon are;

12/10/2022
 Ethio-Eritrean reapproachment
Public diplomacy
Diaspora engagements
Negotiating Sudan factions

Negotiating South Sudan factions

Port and foreign aid deals

Negotiating with Ethiopia’s political forces

8
abroad (G-7, OLF, ONLF, ODF, TDP, Key
political figures and activists)
Disillusion…
 However, the early foreign policy success is based on summit
diplomacy/high ranking diplomacy mainly Prime minister roles,
but failed to translate to de jure/strategic foreign policy

12/10/2022
achievements.
 As well the early process lack transparency

 Dominated by emotions and short term gain let alone strategic

calculations
 Fallowed by over politicization of ministry of foreign affairs

 This lead to disillusion

 Institutional crisis-new minister, removal of some senior

diplomats and some senior ambassadors begun to work against
the government
9
 Following the War, diplomatic mess/disillusion emerged.
Disillusion…
 The following are the causes of disillusion

 Early diplomatic success were not transparent

12/10/2022
 Over politicization of MOFA and competition
for the position among PP
 The inconvenience between senior TPLF
supporter diplomats and new PP supporters
 The underground but well organized sabotage by
TPLF supporters lead to diplomatic crisis
 Lack of institutions

 Lack of professionals in MOFA

10
These again lead to MOFA reforms
Reform…
 Institutional reforms;

 Reforming MOFA structures

12/10/2022
 Reforming and restructure diplomatic missions
(introduction of laptop diplomats)
 Introduction of office of public diplomacy

 Reform of Foreign affairs institute

 Ambassadors and diplomats reshuffling and new

appointments
Introduction of new draft FP documents
11
REVISED FDRE FOREIGN POLICY (2019)

12/10/2022
12
TRADITION AND FOUNDATION OF FP

12/10/2022
Global
Regional situations
geopolitics (Globalization)
Protection of and
citizens integration
National rights and
Prestige security
Nation
Building

13
FOREIGN POLICY STRATEGIES

International

12/10/2022
peace and
security

1. Peace
Diplomacy
Peace
Peaceful
keeping
resolution
and
of conflicts 14
deployment
STRATEGY CON’T

12/10/2022
Development
Investment and economy
partnership

Technology
transfer and
Tourism
science
diplomacy

Expand 2. Port Services

and
international Economic Maritime
trade Diplomacy issues 15
STRATEGY CON’T…

12/10/2022
Media

People to
people
Historical
and 3. Public relations

cultural
assets
Diplomacy

16
4. Citizens Focused Diplomacy
Questions for discussions…

12/10/2022
 What are the main causes of external (Western) challenges to
the reform regime?
 Why Western power in general and USA in particular
dedicated to intervene in Ethiopian politics? what necessitate
USA to do so?
 What will be the way forward?

17
 CHANGES AND CONTINUITIES
 Although, the landmarks of Ethiopians
Diplomacy going back to more than 3000

12/10/2022
years, the modern Ethiopians diplomacy
begun with the reign of Tewodros while the
first modern institutional Ethiopian diplomatic
relations begun with the coming of Menelik II
to power.
 This discussion focus on the changes and
continuities of Ethiopians diplomatic relations
18
in ‘modern’ Ethiopia since Tewodros II.
 CHANGES (IDEOLOGICAL-ORIENTATION)…
 Imperial Regime
 Continued with the tradition of Christian solidarity and Western
modernization

12/10/2022
 Views Ethiopia as Christian land siege under Muslim oceans

 Derg Regime
 Socialism
 View Ethiopia as socialist state under the siege of
reactionary states
EPRDF
 Originally Leininst-Markisist but diverted policy to
fit the post cold War new world order
 Attempted to have good relations with
Ethiopian neighbors and Arab World 19
 CHANGES (ALLIANCE AND STYLES)…
 The patterns of Ethiopian diplomatic relations in some extent
change with change of regime.

12/10/2022
 Haile silassies diplomatic relations was more of western
oriented.
 But, Mengistu changes these situations in favor of socialist
states of Eastern Europe and Latin America.
 His diplomatic relations was almost isolated from western
world.
 On the other hand, the FDRE government is odd from them.
 During this regime the Ethiopian consuls and embassies are
more expanded to Middle East and African states.
 As well the Ethiopian Embassies opened in Eastern Europe
were closed.
20
 CHANGES (DIPLOMATIC PERSONNEL)…
 The other departures among the diplomatic relations
across the regimes were mainly arising from the

12/10/2022
personality appointed as Ambassadors or consuls
general.
 The Haile Silassies diplomatic missions were more of
Ras’s and Dechasmaches who were Loyal to the
Emperor but had not modern Education.
 On the other hand, Mengistu’s diplomats were more of
military groups.
 In post 1991 when EPRDF took political power, the
Diplomatic post shifted from military group to civilian
attached to political parties and participants of
insurgent movements during armed struggle with derg.
21
 CONTINUITY
1. Convergence on Kernel of Ethiopian Diplomatic Relations
 Albeit, with some modifications, the consecutive regimes in Ethiopia based

12/10/2022
their foreign relations and Diplomacy conduct on six basic objectives. These
are:
1. Economic and military assistance
2. Access to the sea
3. keeping watchful eye on Islamism and Arabism
4. Involvement in the African Affairs-since 1950s
5. Non- alignment
6. Observance of Charters of international
organizations-since 1923. 22
 CONTINUITY…
1. Convergence on Kernel of Ethiopian Diplomatic Relations
 For instance, as the only independent sub-

12/10/2022
Saharan African nation to join the League of
Nations and a founding member of the UN,
Ethiopia continuously engaged in international
cooperation irrespective of regime changes.
 Ethiopia's participation in the United Nations
operations in Korea and then in Congo, as well
as later in Rwanda, Burundi, Liberia, and Sudan
are a testament to the country's unyielding
commitment to collective security (Mehari 2017 23

& MOFA 2021).

 CONTINUITY…
1. Convergence on Kernel of Ethiopian Diplomatic Relations
 Ethiopian leaders have been also continuously promoted and
defended the interests of Africa in various global forums and

12/10/2022
committed to African unity irrespective of regime changes.
 Haile silassie played a great role in the formation of OAU
and the decolonization of Africa.
 This included offering military training, materials, diplomatic
and political support to Africans decolonization process.
 This policy was sustained during derg regime in which
Mengistu continued to help decolonization of Africa by
providing training, diplomatic and political support for
African brothers.
 In the same way, the EPRDF government continued to
strengthen cooperation among Africans. 24
 CONTINUITY…
1. Convergence on Kernel of Ethiopian Diplomatic Relations
 The constant stand of Ethiopians on African issues

12/10/2022
irrespective of regime change was summarized by Melese on
his OAU deliberation at Lomi, Togo (ETV 1999).
 ‘…Irrespective of what government rules Ethiopia, Ethiopia
has always been committed to African independence and
liberation. Who trained Mandella? Emperor Haile Silassie,
the reactionary trained the revolutionary Mandella. Who
supported Mugabe in his fight against Rhodium? Mengistu!
Internally Mengistu was a butcher but on the issues of Africa,
Mengistu was as solid as Haile Silassie was.’
25
 CONTINUITY…
2. Decision making and Leaders Personal Cult
 The Ethiopian political tradition bequeathed maximum

12/10/2022
power to the extent feasible to one single leader and
concurrently favored personality cults.
 Haile Silassie for instance, was the centerpiece of the state,
tightly maintaining decision-making power, even over
matters of limited importance.
 Mangistu, after consolidating his hold on power, gradually
became a figure in the mainstream of this tradition,
virtually emulating his predecessor in many aspects
(Berouk, 2004).
 Melese Zenawi also followed the footsteps of both Haile
Sillassie and Mangistu in dominating the country’s foreign
26
relations and diplomacy.
 CONTINUITY…
2. Decision making and Leaders Personal Cult
 Haile Silassie for instance, was the centerpiece

12/10/2022
of the state, tightly maintaining decision-making
power, even over matters of limited importance.
 The domestic, as well as foreign policy of the
Emperor, was to strengthen his power but not to
democratize the system.
 The opening of diplomatic relations/institutions
abroad was not based on cost-benefit analysis
rather decided by the goodwill of the Emperor.
27
 CONTINUITY…
2. Decision making and Leaders Personal Cult
 For example, Getachew Bekele Ethiopian ambassador to Haiti, best

12/10/2022
showed the nature of diplomatic decision-making of the time.
 Ambassador Getachew Bekele's conversation with the Emperor from
Haiti reads as follow;
 I have wasted three of my best years just to comply with your
majesty's wish, but from now on unless I am allowed to return
to my country, I will be obliged to take a step which may not
please your majesty". Immediately he received a response from
the Emperor saying that he would be accredited to Jamaica
and Trinidad to occupy his time. The former ambassador
immediately responded to the Emperor saying that his request
was to return to his country and he had no interest28 in
diplomatic activities
 CONTINUITY…
2. Decision making and Leaders Personal Cult
 President Mangistu, after consolidating his hold on power since 1977,

12/10/2022
gradually became a figure in the mainstream of this tradition, virtually
emulating his predecessor in many aspects (Berouk 2004).
 All political power was concentrated under the strong hand of Mengistu
Hailemariam and he had controlled all political activities beyond the
discretionary power of the leader.
 The foreign policy of the country was monopolized by him and the
outcome of Ethiopian foreign policy was a reflection of the President's
idiosyncrasies and major decisions in foreign policy had taken place
without sufficient thought about its consequence and implication for
Ethiopia.
 Therefore, this monopoly of authority adversely affects the predictability
and clarity of foreign policy and makes its systematic formulation 29and
execution difficult (Negera 2018).
 CONTINUITY…
2. Decision making and Leaders Personal Cult
Melese Zenawi also followed the footsteps of

12/10/2022
both Haile Sillassie and Mangistu in
dominating the country's foreign relations
beyond the discretionary power of the head of
government on diplomatic relations.
Melese Zenawi and the party’s inner circle
defined and articulated Ethiopia’s national
interests and foreign policy.
The inconvenience found on Algiers
Agreement was partly the result of Melese
personal decision 30
 CONTINUITY…
2. Decision making and Leaders Personal Cult
 EPRDF’s major regional and global diplomatic

12/10/2022
initiatives were dominated and in some aspects
monopolized by Melese himself.
 Policy initiatives on continental issues such as
Ethiopia’s role in the New Partnership for Africa’s
Development (NEPAD), climate change negotiations,
and the deployment in 2011 of the UN Interim
Security Force for Abyei (UNISFA) depended on the
personal leadership of the prime minister in which he
monopolized the professional works by intervening
beyond his discretionary power (Mehari 2017). 31
 CONTINUITY…
3. Lack of Professionalism and Instrumentalization
 The status and prestige of contemporary diplomacy

12/10/2022
depend largely on the qualities and adequate training
of the members of its community.
 Especially since the 1990s, the typical diplomat is
constantly working to keep up with the practical
consequences of the internet and globalization.
 One of the most important trends in this respect is
the shift from traditional state‐to‐state relations to
governance.
32
 CONTINUITY…
3. Lack of Professionalism and Instrumentalization
Today, diplomats' responsibility lies into operate

12/10/2022
simultaneously in multiple government and
governance structures that differ greatly from
one another and require the use of diverse
strategies, instruments, and attitudes.
Thus, diplomats must be equipped with the
knowledge and skills to operate effectively in
transnational governance networks without
departing from the nation's objectives and
priorities, by constant practicing of their 33

professional skills to deal with ambiguity.

 CONTINUITY…
3. Lack of Professionalism and Instrumentalization
 The Ethiopian diplomatic corps lack these internationally required

12/10/2022
requirements.
 The Ethiopian ministry of foreign affairs archives (MOFA 1966, 1987,
2011 & 2021) show that Ethiopian diplomats lack the professional
qualities and training that contemporary diplomacy requires.
 Many diplomats in Ethiopia have low levels of education and work
experience in diplomatic missions and foreign relations.
 Their notion of how diplomatic relations are held and what diplomatic
protocol is minimal.
 Most of the diplomatic missions are local cadre experienced domestic
politics some of which are without any impression of what is the protocol
of state-to-state relations.
34
 In addition, they use the diplomatic post as a means to protect regime or
party survival or personal pleasure (Alemayehu, 2010).
 CONTINUITY…
3. Lack of Professionalism and Instrumentalization
 Furthermore, the persons appointed as the ministry of foreign affairs and

12/10/2022
ambassadors are politicians who have no know-how about diplomacy
 The coming regime sideline existing career diplomats and appointed its
loyal politicians as the ministry of foreign affairs, ambassadors,
diplomatic missions, and representatives of Ethiopia abroad.
 For example, Derg expels the feudal regime experienced diplomats and
appointed its own loyal as the ministry of foreign affairs, ambassadors,
and diplomatic missions.
 The same works for EPRDF who change the Derg's regime diplomatic
community and replace it with its loyal politicians.
 These bring lack of professional and career diplomats.

35
 CONTINUITY…
3. Lack of Professionalism and Instrumentalization
On the other continuum, irrespective of

12/10/2022
regime changes, consecutive regimes in
Ethiopia used the diplomatic post as
instruments/mechanisms of handling
internal political grievances.
The history of diplomatic posts in Ethiopia
showed that the regimes used the diplomatic
post as instruments of distancing politicians
from local politics or vacation for retired 36

politicians.
 CONTINUITY…
3. Lack of Professionalism and Instrumentalization
 Therefore, appointing retired politicians as ambassadors,

12/10/2022
sending local politicians as ambassadors to isolate them from
domestic politics, appointing loyal politicians as ambassadors
to satisfy individuals' interests and appointing individuals as
ambassadors to balance internal political quarrel were the
hallmarks of Ethiopian diplomatic missions (Both 2004 &
Berouk 2004).
 Therefore, the consecutive regimes in Ethiopia used diplomatic
posts as an instrument of regime political grievance handling
at the expense of national interests and the professionalization
of diplomatic posts.
37
 CONTINUITY…
4. Lack of Institutionalization
Institutionalizations of Ethiopian diplomatic

12/10/2022
relations begun aftermath of the Adwa war when
foreigners living in Addis Ababa repeatedly
insisted Emperor Menelik II establish a modern
institution of administration.
The Emperor established the first council of
ministers composed of nine Ministries of which
the Ministry of Foreign Affairs was one with the
name of 'ministry of commerce and foreign
affairs’. 38
 CONTINUITY…
4. Lack of Institutionalization
 The office of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs continued to function till

12/10/2022
today in Ethiopia as the oldest ministry of foreign affairs in Africa.
 However, the ministry was nominally established for modern pretension
but in reality, everything was controlled by successive regimes' key
political leaders.
 Although Ethiopian ministry of foreign affairs and associated embassies
is the oldest in Africa, practically successive Ethiopian regimes fail to
institutionalize the Ethiopian ministry of foreign affairs and associated
diplomatic institutions.
 Irrespective of regime change Ethiopian successive regimes let alone
existing institutions and dominate the country's diplomacy through
personal cult, political party channels, and informal leaders' decisions.
39
 CONTINUITY…
5. Priority
 Despite the theoretical aspiration of national interest first, all consecutive

12/10/2022
regimes in Ethiopia practices diplomacy centered on regime survival.
 Manickam (2020) squabbled that in Ethiopia foreign policy and
diplomacy regime security and survival have been a considered priority
and successive Ethiopian regimes' diplomacy focus on getting military
assistance as a priority than other development aspects.
 To be more detailed, the prime foreign policy and diplomacy objective of
the feudal lords in Ethiopia was to consolidate their authoritarian regime
rather than keeping the national interest of the country.
 Due to the highly securitized nature of the country's foreign policy, most
of the areas of cooperation were in providing military equipment and
training.
 This seriously undermines the contribution of foreign policy towards 40

domestic development endeavors (Broich 2017 & Muzeyen 2015).

 CONTINUITY…
5. Priority
 For example during Haile Sillassie period, the regime was the highest

12/10/2022
USA aid receiver in Africa the lion's share of which was military
assistance and at the time Ethiopia received more than half of the US's
entire military assistance to Africa.
 From 1953 to 1976 the USA trained and equipped an army of about
40,000 men and an air force of 2,000 at the cost of 280 million dollars.
 The annual subsidy to the army was about 12 million dollars.

 The regime also took military assistance and armies training support from
Swedish, Britain, and Israel too (Lemmu, 1991).

41
 CONTINUITY…
5. Priority
 With the 1974 popular revolution in Ethiopia and the coming to power of

12/10/2022
the military regime, a shift in foreign policy orientation has been
observed.
 Like its predecessors, the foreign policy approach and diplomacy of the
military regime were also characterized by its emphasis on serving the
political interest of those who were in power.
 The relation with WARSAW pact countries and Cuba was mainly military
aid.
 The foreign policy and diplomacy of the country were more ideological
than interest-based.

42
 CONTINUITY…
5. Priority
 As the result of the cold war and government policy, the

12/10/2022
country turned all of its neighbors into enemy camps.
 Minimal or no efforts were made to benefit the domestic
socio-economic and political activities of the country by
foreign policy tools and strategies (Broich 2017 & Muzeyen
2015).
 Between 1975 and 1980, Ethiopia's arms budget jumped
tenfold and USSR provided more than 1 billion dollars in
military assistance.
 Cuba also sent more than 13,000 troops while Eastern
Germany assisted Ethiopia via security advice (Lemmu 1991).
43
 CONTINUITY…
5. Priority
 Post-1991 regime also followed the same suits in

12/10/2022
which the USA global anti-terrorism movement and
Chinese unconditional aid were the golden
opportunities for the regime.
 The regime used the USA's international anti-terrorism
movement as an opportunity to get military assistance
on the one hand and salience internal political dissents
on the other.
 During the EPRDF regime Ethiopia again become the
largest USA's counter-terrorism aid receiver (Manickan
44

2020).
 12/10/2022
The end
Thanks
45