Professional Documents
Culture Documents
Alec D. Walen
3
3
Oxford University Press is a department of the University of Oxford. It furthers
the University’s objective of excellence in research, scholarship, and education
by publishing worldwide. Oxford is a registered trade mark of Oxford University
Press in the UK and certain other countries.
9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1
Printed by Sheridan Books, Inc., United States of America
To my mother, for her inspiring love of art and craft,
and to my father, for his joie de vivre.
CONTENTS
Preface xiii
1 Introduction 1
1 A Brief History of Recent Work on the Right of
Self-Defense 2
2 My Position on the Right to Defend Against Threats 8
3 The Thesis in Practice 13
4 The Structure of the Argument 19
viii | Contents
4 Putting the Mechanics of Claims in
Perspective 100
1 A Fresh Approach to Compensation 100
1.1 The Infringement Model’s Non-Unique Ability to
Account for Compensation 101
1.2 Why the Mechanics of Claims Is Better on
Compensation 103
2 Other Problems for the Infringement Model 108
2.1 Intrinsic Oddness of the Infringement Model 108
2.2 A Substantive Objection Regarding an Inappropriate
Normative Gulf 111
2.3 Occam’s Razor and the Rights–Consequentialism
Hybrid 113
2.4 Other Forms of Explanatory Power in the Mechanics of
Claims 114
3 Threshold Deontology 115
3.1 A Positive Account of Threshold Deontology 115
3.2 Overcoming Problems with Threshold Deontology
Using This Account 119
4 Final Comment on the Infringement Model 123
Contents | ix
3.2.1 Insights 145
3.2.2 Failures 146
3.3 The Dual Significance of Being a Threat 149
3.4 A Final Review of the Hybrid Argument and the
Infringement Model 150
4 Objections and Replies 151
4.1 The Nature of the Claims of Innocent Threats 151
4.2 A Temporal Objection 152
x | Contents
9 Intervening Agency and the Right of
Non-Sacrifice 195
1 Introduction to the Puzzle 195
2 Two Unsuccessful Approaches to the Puzzle 197
2.1 Misplaced Use of Counterfactual Baselines 197
2.2 A Misplaced Appeal to the Importance of Rights
Violations 200
3 Intervening Agency and Causal Roles 203
4 Application of the Claim of Non-Sacrifice 209
10 Conclusions 212
1 Conclusions About Eliminative Killing 212
2 Conclusions About Rights Theory 216
Contents | xi
PREFACE
T
he overarching aim of this book is to articulate a new theory of
rights—new except for its precursors in my own prior work. This
is a theory that aims to explain why rights are a central and non-
eliminable part of morality. It presents an account of rights that is fun-
damentally different from the dominant view, according to which rights
can be overridden by a range of competing moral considerations, though
always leaving some residue behind. It is also different from the standard
alternative account, according to which rights are mere conclusory labels
identifying what is or is not permissible after the real moral reasoning has
been done. According the view developed here, rights are the conclusions
of a distinctive sort of rights-based reasoning that involves balancing pro
tanto rights, or claims, against each other. The nature of the competing
claims and the way they compete against each other defines a “space of
rights,” a normative space that has its own distinctive normative structure.
The original ambition of this book was not to articulate a new theory of
rights; it was a more modest ambition: to provide a better account of the
right to defend against threats than currently exists. By “threats,” I meant
persons or things that are likely to cause harm unless action is taken; I did
not mean verbal statements intending to coerce. I took it that there’s no
deep problem explaining why it is permissible for an agent to defend her-
self or others against culpable aggressors:1 they have forfeited their right
1
To avoid using “they” all the time, or the awkward “he or she,” or treating the generic person as
either male or female, I have adopted a convention to treat agents as women and those who are af-
fected by an agent’s acts as men—though sometimes those roles swap around and I have to simply
pick a gender.
not to be attacked. There are interesting details to be worked out, such
as when innocent victims must suffer a small amount of harm because
the only way to avoid that is to cause much more harm to a culpable ag-
gressor.2 But I did not want to focus on such details. Rather, I wanted to
focus on three more basic questions: First, what may be done to those who
non-culpably threaten to do what they have no right to do? Second, what
may be done to people who have a right to threaten others? Third, what
difference does it make if the threat they pose is indirect, that is, if it is
mediated by the directly threatening acts of others?
I was drawn to engage these questions because, when I started to
think about just war theory, I realized that the way I framed certain basic
distinctions in the space of rights was inadequate. Bit by bit, my attempts
to expand what I had done before to handle the issues that were arising
when thinking about defending against threats took me to new, interesting
theoretical territory. And at each step along the way, it seemed as if the
ideas were revealing their own inner logic. Thus, focusing on questions
about the right to defend against threats set me on the road to formulating
a more satisfying general theory of rights.
I shifted my focus to a theory of rights more generally because, as
I wrestled with how to make sense of the right to defend against threats,
I came to realize that I had a fundamental disagreement with almost all
the other just war theorists. They were almost all working on trying to
articulate conditions under which a person who poses a threat to another
is liable to be killed. That is, they were almost all working to articulate
when and why being a threat could cause the threatening person to for-
feit his right not to be killed. But in my view, the fundamental justifia-
bility of killing threats does not depend on them forfeiting a right not to
be killed. Forfeiture remains, I believe, relevant. But even if threats have
not forfeited their right not to be killed, the very fact that they pose a threat
without having a right to do so undermines their right not to be killed.
Thus, I found myself working to articulate why one can get most of what
one needs to understand the justifiability of defensive killing without wor-
rying about liability to be harmed.3
2
See Christopher Wellman, 2012, pp. 375–376, for a list of seven distinct problems for any theory of
forfeiture. See also Kimberly Kessler Ferzan, 2016, for a thorough discussion of these in the context
of self-defense.
3
The one person I have read whose work does not focus on forfeiture is Victor Tadros. He still uses
the concept of liability, but he cuts it free from forfeiture. See Tadros, 2016a. In doing so, he rightly
points out that in the law and common parlance liability is not connected with forfeiture. Consider,
for example, liability to pay taxes. Ibid., p. 113.
xiv | Preface
The deeper issue this revealed concerns the basic model of rights one
uses. Almost everyone in the field uses what I call the infringement model.4
According to this model, the rights people have do not settle what may be
done to them. Even if they have in no way alienated their rights, if the cost
of respecting a right is great enough, then it can permissibly be infringed.
Rights violations are impermissible, but mere rights infringements are per-
missible.5 Infringing a right wrongs the right holder, but it is justifiable
overall as long as it brings about a significantly lesser evil or respects a
more stringent right.
I found this model of rights problematic in a number of ways. First, it is
unnecessarily conceptually obscure to talk about permissibly or rightfully
wronging another or, more precisely, to represent this as anything other
than an extraordinary moral phenomenon.6 More importantly, there are
ways in which the infringement model proves misleading or unhelpful on
substantive issues:
4
The one person I have found whose work is at least marginally concerned with just war theory who
is equally skeptical of the infringement model is Michael Moore. Tadros is, in a way, also skeptical
of it; but he is skeptical of the importance of rights generally.
5
This way of using the term infringing is arguably a piece of jargon that has arisen only recently in
the field of analytic normative philosophy. The more familiar meaning is synonymous with a rights
violation. The first non-obsolete definition in The Compact Oxford English Dictionary, New Edition
is as follows: “To commit a breach or infraction of (a law, obligation, right, etc.); to violate or break
(an oath, pledge, treaty, etc.); to transgress, contravene.”
6
In Chapter 4, § 3, I argue that there may be occasions when it is, all things considered, morally ap-
propriate to wrong another; but I think such occasions must be extraordinary.
7
I discuss all of these in Chapter 4, § 2.
Preface | xv
Developing these problems with the infringement model and arguing
that they can be avoided with a better model, one that provides us with
a better understanding of the moral landscape, became the deep core of
this book.
The alternative model that I argue for is one that I call the mechanics of
claims. To be clear, the mechanics of claims is not offered as an analysis
of what it means to have rights. It is offered as a model of rights that helps
us understand what is substantively morally true.
According to the mechanics of claims, people have claims that pro-
tect their interests, but whether a particular claim corresponds to a right
depends on how all the competing claims interact. To work out how they
interact, the mechanics of claims distinguishes fundamentally different
types of claims, such as claims of agents versus claims of patients (those
affected by the choices of agents), diffent types of patient-claims reflecting
the different causal roles a patient might play in an agent’s acting to achieve
some end, and different types of agent-claims depending on whether they
are claims to act or to refrain from acting. The mechanics of claims takes
the strength of claims to depend in part on the kind of claim it is. It also
provides a distinct structure for weighing different kinds of claims against
each other and for explaining how the presence of some kinds of claims
impacts the strength of other kinds of claims. Moreover, these distinctions
and structural features are not simply designed to produce morally attrac-
tive results; they are grounded in three fundamental moral principles. The
resulting picture explains in a deeply coherent way why we have the rights
we have. This coherent explanatory account cannot be provided—at least
I cannot see how it could be done—using the infringement model.
I am indebted to many people for helping me to write this book. First,
it is only because I was fortunate enough to be able to present, in various
fora, the various inadequate papers that I have written on these topics and
to get good feedback that I was able to realize at each step along the way
that more work had to be done. My gratitude along this first dimension
starts with Seth Lazar, who invited me to comment on his book. I am next
grateful to Jeff McMahan, Victor Tadros, and Helen Frowe for inviting
me to present my first attempts at providing a positive account of when
eliminative killing is justifiable—the patient-focused part of the book—
at their respective home universities. After that, my gratitude goes out to
David Rodin and the organizers of the Ethics, Law and Armed Conflict
workshop for yet another chance to present and get feedback on the next
generation of that part of the book. It was there, when I got an especially
probing challenge from Adil Haque, that I realized that I had a book to
xvi | Preface
write. With regard to the agent-focused part of this book, I am grateful to
Larry Alexander, Kim Ferzan, Stephen Galoob, and Yuan Yuan for inviting
me to present that material. And finally, I am grateful to Johann Frick
who agreed to co-teach a graduate seminar called Rights and Risks, jointly
offered at Princeton and Rutgers Universities, where I was able to teach a
draft of the book.
I would now like to thank those whose conversation and comments on
papers or drafts of the book were especially helpful. At the top of the
list is Kim Ferzan, whose encouragement and collaboration have been
among the most important and fruitful I’ve ever had. Second is Ketan
Ramakrishnan, who read the whole book in an early draft and gave me
many useful comments. Third, I would like to offer special thanks to three
people who participated in the Rights and Risks seminar and offered es-
pecially helpful comments: my co-teacher, Johann Frick, and two Rutgers
students who audited the course: Benjamin Bronner and James Goodrich.
Fourth, I would like to thank Alexander R. Cohen for his work editing the
book before I turned it in to Oxford University press.
In addition, I would like to thank all of the following people who
have given me helpful comments along the way: Larry Alexander,
Richard Arneson, Yitzhak Benbaji, Joseph Bowen, Lars Christie, Russell
Christopher, Michael Deigan, Tom Dougherty, Helen Frowe, Christopher
Frugé, Stephen Galoob, Adil Haque, Lisa Hecht, Douglas Husak,
Tyler John, Savannah Kinkaid, Gerald Lang, Seth Lazar, Adam Lerner,
S. Matthew Liao, Todd May, Jeff McMahan, Michael Moore, Armando
Jose Perez-Gea, Juan S. Piñeros Glasscock, Ajay Ravichandran, Massimo
Renzo, Samuel C. Rickless, David Rodin, Richard Schoonhoven, Re’em
Segev, Adam Slavny, Uwe Steinhoff, Victor Tadros, Danny Underwood,
Leif Wenar, Peter Westen, and Yuan Yuan. My apologies to anyone whose
name I have inadvertently left out.
Finally, I would like to thank my wife, Rachel Somerville, for occasion-
ally expressing disbelief when I ran an idea or supposed insight past her;
her sharp sense for BS has helped me avert errors on more than one occa-
sion. Additionally, I would like to thank her and my son, Amitav Walen,
for their encouragement as I wrote this book. I don’t think I’ve been too
much of a grump or a derelict partner or parent. But writing a book is still
a big, time-consuming endeavor; and it certainly helps to have family who
appreciate the project and cheer you on.
Preface | xvii
The Mechanics of Claims and Permissible Killing in War
1 Introduction
W
ars of conquest were never consistent with respect
for rights: the conquered were killed, raped, maimed, and
enslaved; their homes, their lives, and often their civilizations
were destroyed. And now, in a world shaped by the horrors of two world
wars, one punctuated by the dropping of atomic bombs, the idea of war as
a path to glory has been largely rejected.1 It is now widely accepted that
justice and respect for individual rights require strict limits on the right
to wage war (jus ad bellum) and the things that may be done in war (jus
in bello). The current law of armed conflict makes it clear: wars may be
fought only in self-or other-defense.2
It is no surprise, then, that much contemporary just war theory would
be modeled on the theory of self-defense. In this book, I offer a new ac-
count of how this modeling should work. But my focus will be more foun-
dational than is normal. My reason is that I think the dominant account
of rights used by people interested in the right of self-defense is doubly
problematic: its internal tensions undermine the plausibility of the views
people try to defend, and it is in some ways morally distorting. Thus, I will
be primarily concerned with developing and then deploying a new account
1
Reference to the two world wars and the need “to save succeeding generations from the scourge of
war” form the opening words of the Preamble to the United Nations Charter. The global surge in na-
tionalist rhetoric, as I write these words, leads me to worry, however, that war is once again coming
to be seen as a path to glory, horrors be damned.
2
The United Nations Charter limits the use of military force to two conditions: (1) actions the
Security Council considers necessary to respond to “any threat to the peace, breach of the peace, or
act of aggression” (Article 39) and (2) exercises of the “right of individual or collective self-defence
if an armed attack occurs against a Member of the United Nations, until the Security Council has
taken measures necessary to maintain international peace and security” (Article 51).
of rights, one that I hope will put the discussion of the right to defend
against threats on more solid footing.
This introductory chapter covers four themes. First, to explain why
I think the current state of just war theory calls for a new account of rights,
I trace a brief history of recent discussions of the right of self-defense.3
Second, I describe my position on when it is permissible to defend against
threats. Third, I explain how this relates to current law and to other phil-
osophical work on the topic. Finally, I sketch an outline of the rest of
the book.
I start with Judith Jarvis Thomson’s 1991 article “Self Defense,”4 which
set the table for contemporary moral discussions of the right of self-
defense. Her aim was to understand why it seems permissible for an agent
to engage in self-defense against not only culpable aggressors but also
innocent threats—people who threaten to cause harm to another not by
any voluntary acts they perform but simply by the involuntary motion of
their bodies—even though it seems impermissible for an agent to kill a
bystander to save herself. Her key move was to suggest that if a threat,
even an innocent threat, would kill an innocent victim if he were not
killed first, then he would “violate [her] right that he not kill [her].”5 This
is not true of innocent bystanders. This contrast provided the basis for
Thomson’s claim that threats lack, while bystanders retain, the right not
to be killed.
In response, both Jeff McMahan and Michael Otsuka argued that
Thomson was mistaken to think that an innocent threat can violate a
victim’s rights. As McMahan put it:
3
I return to give a more positive treatment of the themes in this section in Chapter 6.
4
Thomson was not concerned with addressing just war theory. She “bypass[ed] the question how
the fact of war affects questions about self-defense” on the ground that it was “too hard.” Thomson,
1991, p. 298.
5
Ibid., p. 300.
This argument left McMahan and Otsuka taking the position that self-
defense against a fairly broad range of innocent agents is normally im-
permissible. The only condition under which it would be permissible is
that the harm to them would be substantially outweighed by the harm
they would impose on others if not stopped, in which case a lesser-evil
justification could be invoked. The range of innocent agents who retain
their right not to be killed includes not only an innocent projectile but a
person suffering an epileptic seizure whose motions could kill another,
a person who has started to attack another because she drank coffee
laced with a behavior-altering drug, and a person who is about to press
a button on her phone that, for reasons she could not have anticipated,
will cause a bomb to explode that will kill an innocent victim.7 On their
view, a potential innocent victim (I leave the word potential implicit
from this point forward) is no more free to kill any of these innocent
threats in self-defense than she would be to kill an innocent bystander in
self-preservation.
McMahan and Otsuka also proposed a strategy to limit the implication
of their view so that it did not imply that only culpable threats could for-
feit their right not to be killed.8 They focused on the responsible choice to
impose a risk on another, giving rise to a situation in which someone must
die. Here, in essence, is McMahan’s example:
Conscientious Driver: Connie, who always keeps her car well maintained
and always drives carefully and alertly, decides to drive to the cinema.
On the way, a freak event that she could not have anticipated occurs
that causes her car to veer out of control in the direction of Peter, a
pedestrian.9
6
McMahan, 1994, p. 276. Otsuka offered a nearly identical argument, identifying a falling human
with “a chunk of granite.” Otsuka, 1994, p. 80. Otsuka also convincingly argued that the view that
an innocent threat causes an innocent victim’s rights to be violated—a view taken, for example, by
Frances Kamm—likewise makes no sense (p. 80n17).
7
I take the epileptic case and the laced-coffee case from Rodin, 2002, p. 80; the phone-button case
comes from McMahan, 2009a, p. 165. To be clear, in all cases we must assume that the person had
no warning that she might have a seizure, drink drugged coffee, or become a projectile. If she had
a warning and ignored it, then she knowingly or negligently imposed a risk on others and her case
moves into the other category, in which she may have forfeited her right not to be killed.
8
McMahan came to his solution later than Otsuka.
9
This case is almost identical to the one described by McMahan, 2009a, p. 165.
Introduction | 3
McMahan argued that Connie has forfeited her right not to be killed in
defense of Peter. As he wrote, she knows “that her action carries a small
risk of causing great though unintended harm.”10 He continued: “because
she knowingly imposed this risk for the sake of her own interests[,]she is
morally liable to defensive action to prevent her from killing an innocent
bystander.”11
Otsuka similarly offered a case in which self-defense was, in his view,
justifiable because the person against whom it is used has non-culpably
chosen to put another’s life at risk.
Diane’s mistake is reasonable, and she acts non-culpably, given what she
reasonably believes. But given the facts, she threatens to kill Howard
without having any right to do so. Otsuka argued that Howard can justi-
fiably kill Diane because Diane “takes a gamble” by choosing to use vio-
lence against him.13 In essence, he says that her choice to use force makes
her liable to be killed if it turns out, as it does in this case, that it is not in
fact a justified choice.
The main problem with these responsible-choice accounts arises from
the fact that McMahan and Otsuka accept that there is a strong presump-
tion against intentional killing such that to justify it, as McMahan put it,
“there must be some important moral difference between the Threat and
[the Victim].”14 The problem is that the responsible choices the threats
make in Conscientious Driver and Hologram do not seem to provide
an “important moral difference” between the threats and their victims.
There’s a Coasian symmetry in the situations that McMahan and Otsuka
both ignore that makes it, in fact, unclear who took the responsible choice
to create it.
10
Ibid., p. 166.
11
Ibid.
12
This case traces back to Otsuka, 1994, p. 91. The formulation I use is modeled closely on one from
Frowe, 2014, p. 81.
13
Otsuka, 1994, p. 91. Otsuka, 2016, defends this position again.
14
McMahan, 2009a, p. 169.
15
Lazar, 2009, p. 717.
16
Otsuka, 1994, p. 91.
17
Lazar, 2009, p. 701. See also McMahan, 2009a, p. 177: whether someone is liable “cannot be
merely a matter of luck” (original emphasis).
Introduction | 5
Summing up, if we start with the assumption that killing is particularly
hard to justify because people have robust rights not to be killed, then
it looks like self-defense will be justifiable only against culpable threats
or when rights can be overridden because of strong consequentialist
considerations giving rise to a lesser-evil justification.18 Self-defense
against innocent threats and innocent aggressors seems just as much a
rights violation as self-preservation that kills innocent bystanders. But
this has profound implications for just war theory, for, as Lazar points
out, “many unjustified combatants are morally innocent of the threats
that they pose, excused either by duress or because they reasonably be-
lieve their cause to be justified, in conditions of uncertainty and high
risk.”19
Thus, we seem to face the following options:
1. Reject the idea that we can learn anything useful about the justifia-
bility of war by thinking about the rights of individuals in the context
of self-defense.20
2. Accept that individual rights limit the justifiability of war and adopt
a high threshold for rights forfeiture, accepting that individual rights
therefore limit the justifiability of war in a way that implies a strong
presumption of pacifism, one that can be overridden only if the result
of waging war is so much better in consequentialist terms than not
waging war that it justifies infringing individual rights.21
3. Accept that individual rights limit the justifiability of war but adopt a
low threshold for rights forfeiture, accepting that unjust combatants
will therefore generally have forfeited their right not to be killed, and
that the same will often be true of unjust noncombatants who con-
tribute to an unjust war effort.22
4. Embrace the idea that people enjoy strong agent- centered
prerogatives that permit them to kill in self-defense even when the
attacker has done nothing to forfeit her right not to be killed.23
18
Rodin, 2002, p. 97, embraced that position.
19
Lazar, 2009, p. 701.
20
See, e.g., Benbaji, 2008.
21
Lazar, 2009, p. 728, tentatively embraces this position.
22
Frowe, 2014, adopts this position. She thinks that liability for posing an unjust threat depends on
having had “a reasonable opportunity to do otherwise” (p. 73) and that even noncombatants who aid
unjust combatants are generally liable to being killed.
23
See, e.g., Quong, 2012.
24
I argue this in Chapter 2, § 3.
25
I argue against agent-centered prerogatives and for a narrower notion of negative agent-claims in
Chapter 3, § 2.4.
26
Frowe tries to get past this problem by adopting a hybrid of duty-based reasoning and a lesser-evil
justification first proposed by Tadros. I argue in Chapter 6 that this proposal fails.
27
I argue this point in Chapters 6 and 7.
28
The notion of waiver can be read broadly to cover voluntary renunciation of a claim for the rest
time or narrowly to cover only renunciation for a particular instance or set of instances. If read nar-
rowly, then we need to introduce the notion of alienation to describe voluntary renunciation of a
claim for the rest of time. I will generally use the broad concept of waiver.
Introduction | 7
rights to provide a robust normative protection and for a threat not to have
a right not to be killed simply because he is a threat.
I will argue for a fundamentally different model of rights, according to
which they are the result of the balance of a set of competing claims. Claims
are pro tanto rights. That is, they have a normative force that pushes to es-
tablish an unqualified right. An unqualified right (I leave the word unquali-
fied implicit from this point forward) emerges from the balance of claims as
a normative conclusion, indicating, if it is a patient-right, that one or more
agents has a corresponding duty or, if it is an agent-right, that the agent has
the freedom to do or refrain from doing something. For example, P’s claim
not to be killed pushes to establish that P has a right not to be killed. If it is
undefeated in the balance, then P has that right; if it is outweighed, then P
does not have that right.
I will argue that the weight of the claims in the balance reflects more than
responsibility for choices made (the stuff of forfeitures and waivers, and of
contractual or promissory acquisition of property or duties); it also reflects
how a claimant relates to others. Moreover, unlike those who emphasize re-
sponsible choice as the key to taming the threat posed by luck, I think we
need to embrace ownership of one’s luck as key to making sense of rights.
Luck is pervasive, and often what distinguishes how people relate to each
other is just a matter of luck.
I will lay out this alternative model of rights, which I call the mechanics of
claims, in Chapter 3. Before doing so, I want to take care of two preliminary
matters. First, I will spend the rest of this chapter describing my position on
the right to defend against threats. My purpose in doing so is in part to make
explicit what I assume and what I argue for and in part to identify and own
what I think the implications of my view are. Second, in Chapter 2, I will
describe and defend my methodology for doing moral philosophy, my under-
standing of moral justifications, my conception of what it means to eliminate
a threat, and my view of the relationship between individual rights and just
war theory.
29
I assume that torture is out of the question and that those cases in which causing severe suffering
is both worse than killing and not the result of torture are sufficiently rare that they don’t affect the
overall analysis.
30
This is the position taken by Frowe, 2014, especially chapter 2.
31
I argue in Chapter 3 that there are two kinds of obstacles: those who have relatively weak claims
not to be killed because they are obstacles to the agent doing what she proposes to do and those who
have relatively strong claims not to be killed because they have prior claims to a resource the agent
needs to do what she proposes to do.
32
As far as I know, this distinction between acts and actions was introduced by Ross, [1930] 1988,
p. 7. This distinction is also sometimes described as the difference between acts thinly and thickly
described. See Wedgwood, 2011, p. 388.
33
I focus on this point in Chapter 5, where I argue that intentions are generally not the sort of
wrongmaking features of an action that matter for just war theory.
Introduction | 9
I now offer a set of six conditions that together describe my position,
which I label permissible eliminative killing. To describe these conditions,
I consider a schematic in which an agent, A, can eliminatively kill a threat,
T, to protect some victim, V, possibly thereby endangering some bystander,
B. To be clear, any of these characters could represent more than one person.
In addition, A could be identical to V. I discuss them separately on the as-
sumption that other-defense and self-defense are justifiable under the same
conditions.
This condition sets the context for the discussion of eliminative killing.
There are two things to say about this condition. First, I use the success verbs
eliminate and reduce because it is important to distinguish the person who
thinks her act will eliminate or reduce the threat but who is mistaken and is at
best excused from the person who is correct on that score and who would be
justified in killing T if the other requirements are met. Second, the risk clause
is important because sometimes reducing risk is the best that an agent can
hope for, and eliminative killing is sometimes justified if the risk reduction
is sufficient. This may seem to sit uneasily with the idea of conditioning the
justifiability of eliminative killing on successfully eliminating or reducing
the threat, but I will argue in Chapter 2, section 2, that these ideas can be
reconciled.
2. V’s claim to avoid the harm that T would have caused him is strong
enough to outweigh T’s claim not to be killed and B’s claim not to be
harmed by the eliminative killing of T.
This is the first of the two proportionality clauses. I call it baseline pro-
portionality as it compares the harm caused by eliminative killing to the
baseline of doing nothing. A’s act of eliminative killing is permissible only
if it is baseline proportional.34
34
This condition is, strictly speaking, problematic and unnecessary. It is problematic because in
complicated cases it is often unclear what it means to say that A “does nothing.” (I am grateful to
Benjamin Bronner for making this clear to me.) It is unnecessary because one can get its content
out of condition 4, which deals with comparative proportionality. One can simply set A’s act to
“allowing the threat to take place” (in however many meaningfully different ways A might do that)
to see whether among the acts that pass the test of comparative proportionality is one that involves
Introduction | 11
the conditions in which it forbids an act are unlikely to occur. If, for ex-
ample, some alternative act to the one under consideration would cause
far less harm to T but cost A a little more effort, then we cannot rule out
that act on the ground that it is unnecessary. We would need to look to the
second of the proportionality clauses.
Before moving on to this second proportionality clause, it is worth
linking necessity and imminence. Traditional doctrine in both criminal
law and the law of armed conflict requires that a threat be imminent before
it is permissible to use defensive force against it. But I agree with David
Rodin that the imminence requirement “is simply the application of the
necessity requirement subject to epistemic limitations. The point is that we
[normally] cannot know with the required degree of certainty that a defen-
sive act is necessary until the infliction of harm is imminent.”38 Given that
imminence is at best an imperfect proxy for necessity and that I take rights
to turn on fact-relative justifications, not evidence-relative justifications,39
I will put imminence to the side and focus directly on necessity and the
related proportionality notion.
4. If A can choose between two alternative acts, act 1 and act 2, and,
compared to act 2, act 1 would harm T less but would provide less pro-
tection to V or impose more cost on A or B, then act 2 is permissible
only if the claims of V to more protection or of A and B to have to bear
less cost outweigh T’s claim to suffer less harm.
38
Rodin, 2002, p. 41
39
See Chapter 2, §§ 2.2 & 2.3.
40
I say more about an agent’s right to take options off the table in Chapter 3, § 2.1.4.
41
There is no standard legal definition of terrorism, and the term is sadly politicized because so many
want to use it to justify their attacks on others as “terrorists,” while at the same time insisting that
the morally dubious acts that they support are the acts of freedom fighters or some such thing. My
definition seeks to cut through these politicized uses.
42
See Lazar, 2015, pp. 70–71: “Victory is achieved not by killing every individual who contributes
to a threat against us, but by communicating to the enemy armed forces and their leadership . . . that
the costs of continuing to fight outweigh the expected advantages of doing so. . . . Killing in war is
always pour encourager les autres.”
Introduction | 13
combatants and noncombatants, I want to include all humans as possible
targets of terrorism. My goal in doing so is to highlight the contrast be-
tween what it takes to justify (or attempt to justify) an act as an act of ter-
rorism and what it takes to justify (or attempt to justify) an act as an act of
eliminative killing.
To justify an act as an act of eliminative killing is to appeal to the fact
that the killing directly eliminates or reduces a threat. The word directly is
important. Eliminative killing, as such, does not reduce a threat by way of
deterring potential future threats. Eliminative killing may have the effect
of influencing others and thereby reducing future threats. But the act can
be justified as an instance of eliminative killing if and only if the direct re-
duction in the threat justifies the killing.43
So much for what permissible eliminative killing does not entail in prac-
tice. What does it entail? One thing it strikingly entails is that a wide range
of civilians might permissibly be targeted for eliminative killing. Here,
I use the word civilian, a legal term meaning a person who is not formally
a member of the military, rather than noncombatant. I do so to make room
for the possibility that certain civilians function as combatants; in general,
I will be focused on the functional distinction between combatants and
noncombatants, but in this context, for reasons that will immediately be
made clear, I need to use the legal term.
Consider, for example, civilians who design or manufacture weapons;
who manufacture parts for weapons; who provide other equipment needed
by combatants, such as reconnaissance drones or hardened vehicles; who
do linguistic analysis of information intercepted from the enemy; or who
raise money to provide resources for combatants. Assuming that one is
fighting a just war, that it will take some time to win the war, and that the
efforts of these civilians are prolonging both the war and the killing of in-
nocents, then it may be permissible to eliminatively kill them. Moreover,
the point is not simply that they may be killed in the effort to prevent
them from performing specific instances of the relevant threatening acts.
Permissible eliminative killing holds that they may be targeted wherever
they are, whatever they are doing, as long as doing so is necessary and
43
I am not here arguing that targeted killing for terroristic (or, more broadly, instrumental) purposes
is necessarily ruled out. For warfare to be permissible, it had better be true that unjust combatants
have generally forfeited their right not to be targeted for terroristic purposes. Inquiring whether this
is true is beyond the scope of my book, which focuses on eliminative killing, not terrorist killing.
I do, however, touch on the theme again in Chapter 2, § 3.2. And in Chapter 7, I criticize Frowe for
proposing a theory of forfeiture with such a low threshold that it seems noncombatants would too
often be liable to terrorist killing.
44
Some writers who are sympathetic with the claim that noncombatants may be eliminatively killed
have shied away from the full implications of their reasoning. See, e.g., Draper, 2016, p. 200.
45
The principle of distinction is listed as “rule 1” by the International Committee of the Red Cross
in its database on customary international humanitarian law: “The parties to the conflict must
at all times distinguish between civilians and combatants. Attacks may only be directed against
combatants. Attacks must not be directed against civilians” (https://www.icrc.org/customary-ihl/
eng/docs/v1_cha_chapter1_rule1).
46
Rule 14 encodes the proportionality limit: “Launching an attack which may be expected to cause
incidental loss of civilian life, injury to civilians, damage to civilian objects, or a combination thereof,
which would be excessive in relation to the concrete and direct military advantage anticipated, is
prohibited” (https://ihl-databases.icrc.org/customary-ihl/eng/docs/v1_cha_chapter4_rule14).
47
Rule 6 qualifies the protection of rule 1: “Civilians are protected against attack, unless and for
such time as they take a direct part in hostilities” (https://www.icrc.org/customary-ihl/eng/docs/v1_
cha_chapter1_rule6).
48
HCJ 769/ 02 (2005) (http://www.haguejusticeportal.net/Docs/NLP/Israel/Targetted_Killings_
Supreme_Court_13-12-2006.pdf). For a more restrictive interpretation of the exception that allows
Introduction | 15
[A]civilian taking a direct part in hostilities one single time, or sporad-
ically, who later detaches himself from that activity, is a civilian who,
starting from the time he detached himself from that activity, is entitled
to protection from attack. He is not to be attacked for the hostilities which
he committed in the past. On the other hand, a civilian who has joined a
terrorist organization which has become his “home,” and in the framework
of his role in that organization he commits a chain of hostilities, with short
periods of rest between them, loses his immunity from attack “for such
time” as he is committing the chain of acts. Indeed, regarding such a ci-
vilian, the rest between hostilities is nothing other than preparation for the
next hostility.49
Permissible eliminative killing has exactly the same structure with regard
to the temporal element, though placing no emphasis, other than epistemic,
on joining any sort of organization.50
The way permissible eliminative killing differs from the Israeli court’s
opinion is with regard to the significance of taking “a direct part in
hostilities.” The court says, on the one hand, that “a civilian bearing arms
(openly or concealed) who is on his way to the place where he will use
them against the army, at such place, or on his way back from it, is a ci-
vilian taking ‘an active part’ in the hostilities.”51 On the other hand, “a
civilian who sells food or medicine to unlawful combatants is . . . taking
an indirect part in the hostilities.”52 In the gray area in between, the court
suggests using a broad interpretation of “directly” engaging in hostilities,
so “civilians are encouraged to stay away from the hostilities to the extent
possible.”53 In practice, the court takes that to mean
the targeting of civilians insofar as and for such time as they take a direct part in hostilities, see
Melzer, 2009.
49
Ibid., ¶ 39.
50
I think court president Aharon Barak, the author of the opinion, would agree that membership in an
organization is significant merely for providing evidence of someone’s ongoing activities.
51
Ibid., ¶ 34. The court cheats a bit when it includes the civilian on the way back with the arms. If
this is his one act of supporting hostilities and he is on his way home, he may be liable to arrest but
not to targeted attack. The court is really relying on the thought that when he is so closely connected
to a hostile act, he must demonstrate, in some way, that he is done with engaging in hostilities to
regain his protected status.
52
Ibid.
53
Ibid.
The bottom line for the court is that “[a]ll those persons are performing the
function of combatants. The function determines the directness of the part
taken in the hostilities.”55
Without meaning to gainsay the Israeli court’s interpretation of the
law, my defense of permissible eliminative killing implies that, from a
purely moral point of view, its emphasis on the function of combatants
is misplaced. If the aid civilians provide makes it possible for unjust
combatants to attack people whom they have no right to attack, such
that interrupting that aid would reduce the threat posed by those unjust
combatants, then we have passed the threshold question for justifying
eliminative killing; we now have to engage the other moral considerations
that might nonetheless make it impermissible. It might turn out to be im-
permissible, all things considered, but the directness or indirectness of the
threat and its connection or lack of connection to any traditional activities
of combatants are, I argue, morally irrelevant, except in two secondary
ways: (1) the legal prohibition on targeting civilians gives some moral
weight to the pro tanto duty not to target civilians,56 and (2) the indirect-
ness or legality of their harmful activity might tend to make them less
morally culpable, and thus less likely to have forfeited their right not to be
killed, which, in turn, affects the conditions under which targeting them
is permissible.57
In sum, my thesis is not as radical a departure from the principle of
distinction as it seems at first blush. In addition, the permissive aspects
of permissible eliminative killing break no new ground in the literature
54
Ibid., ¶ 35.
55
Ibid. For a broader treatment of this topic, see Melzer, 2009. According to Melzer, some experts
on the law of armed conflict think that activity should count as direct if its impact is large and
unique: “in extreme situations, namely where the expertise of a particular civilian was of very ex-
ceptional and potentially decisive value for the outcome of an armed conflict, such as the case of nu-
clear weapons experts during the Second World War” (p. 57n122). Tadros offers a slightly different
reading of the law. According to him, the law uses some notion of causal proximity to harm to define
what it means to be directly taking part in hostilities. See Tadros, unpublished manuscript, pp. 2–4.
In the end, these different accounts do not matter for my point.
56
I return to this point in Chapter 10, § 1.
57
I return to this point in Chapter 4, § 2.1.
Introduction | 17
on just war theory. Something similar has been defended, for example,
by Jeff McMahan, who writes “[T]he account of liability to attack in war
that I have defended cannot rule out the possibility that civilians may be
liable to intentional attack.”58 Helen Frowe adds “that non-combatants
are often liable to [defensive] killings, and that this conclusion follows
naturally for those who think that moral responsibility for an unjust
threat renders a person liable to defensive harm.”59 My account differs
from theirs, in terms of the extent to which I justify the eliminative
killing of noncombatants, only by being slightly more permissive, and
it has that effect only because I reject their reliance on forfeiture (i.e.,
liability).
Importantly, the implications of permissible eliminative killing are
not only permissive; they are also restrictive. The theory holds that
eliminatively killing just combatants is impermissible. This too may seem
to be a radical thesis, given that the law of armed conflict imposes no
such restriction. But, in truth, this is not a radical thesis in the history of
just war theory.60 It is also not a part of the thesis that I will spend much
time on.61 What I will spend more time on, with regard to restrictions,
and what is slightly more radical is the broader claim that it is impermis-
sible to eliminatively kill, or even to interfere with, the threatening acts of
those who have a right to engage in such acts. In doing so, I take a more
hard-line position on the impermissibility of responding to those who
have a right to act than any others of whom I am aware. McMahan comes
close when he argues that bystanders who would be killed as a side effect
of the acts of justified combatants may not kill them in response.62 But
even he thinks that the bystanders may still try to defend themselves by
jamming the weapons of justified combatants. I argue, in Chapter 8, that
even that is not permissible. If the acts of combatants are justified, they
may not be resisted. And if the acts of noncombatants that contribute to
58
McMahan, 2009a, p. 221.
59
Frowe, 2014, p. 187. See also Draper, 2016, pp. 198–202 (discussing how munitions workers
might be liable to defensive [i.e., eliminative] killing).
60
See McMahan, 2009a, p. 35. McMahan acknowledges that other major figures in the just war tra-
dition have also taken this position: Francisco de Vitoria and Francisco Suárez in the sixteenth and
seventeenth centuries and G. E. M. Anscombe in the twentieth (p. 34). Both Reichenberg, 2008, and
Steinhoff, 2012, emphasize that this view has deep roots, going back to Augustine, Thomas Aquinas,
and Hugo Grotius. Steinhoff characterizes the contrary view as a modern aberration, due mostly to
Michael Walzer, 1992. But Reichenberg (p. 193) traces the contrary view to the fifteenth century,
with “roots in ancient Rome.”
61
I do discuss it in Chapter 8, §§ 3.3 and 4.
62
McMahan, 2014b, p. 110.
The argument in this book has four main parts. This chapter and Chapter 2
are the introductory chapters. Chapters 3 through 5 comprise the second
part of the book, laying out the case for the mechanics of claims63 and
for rejecting two competing theories. One of these competitors is the cur-
rently dominant model of rights, which I call the infringement model.
This is the model according to which there are two ways to fail to respect
rights: to impermissibly violate them or to permissibly infringe them.64
The other competitor theory competes at a different level. It is a compet-
itor theory not of rights but of the underlying normative foundation for just
war theory. It is the view that the intentions of agents are of fundamental
moral significance.
Chapters 6 and 7 form the third part of the book, the part most directly
concerned with justifying eliminative killing. Chapter 6 makes the argu-
ment that eliminatively killing innocent threats is easier to justify than
killing innocent bystanders as a side effect—the latter presenting the issue
of killing as collateral damage. Chapter 7 then builds on this foundation
to argue that the eliminative killing of noncombatants who contribute to
the threats posed by unjust combatants is also permissible under similar
conditions.
Chapters 8 and 9 constitute the last part of the book. They examine the
last substantive condition in permissible eliminative killing, condition 5,
which prohibits eliminatively killing anyone for doing what he has a right
to do. In Chapter 8, I argue that it provides an agent the right not to be
eliminatively killed. In Chapter 9, I argue that indirectness, which reflects
intervening agency, can be relevant to having the right to act. But I also con-
clude that it has limited relevance to just war theory because intervening
agency provides an agent the right to act only when it creates a causal
structure in which she is exercising the right not to sacrifice herself for
others. This sort of transformation is important for cases of self-defense,
but its relevance to just war theory is more or less limited to cases in which
people face the choice of submitting to an invasion or resisting and thereby
63
I introduced this model in Walen and Wasserman, 2012.
64
This model’s most influential expositors are arguably Feinberg, 1980, and Thomson, 1990.
Introduction | 19
bringing it about that an invader harms others. In other words, generally,
intervening agency will not provide a normative basis for blocking the jus-
tification of eliminative killing.
Lastly, because I invent a lot of new jargon in the course of devel-
oping my argument, I include at the back of the book, in addition to the
index and a table of cases, a glossary providing brief definitions of the key
theoretical ideas.
T
his chapter covers four themes in two groups. The first group
concerns my general approach to moral theory. It includes the role
of theory and cases in my work and the role of evidence and facts
in justification. The second group concerns two topics specifically relevant
to just war theory: reductive individualism and the distinctive causal struc-
ture of eliminative killing.
The reigning method in moral philosophy is the search for reflective equi-
librium. As John Rawls wrote, one searches for a theory that “as a whole
articulates our more firm considered convictions . . . at all levels of gener-
ality, after due examination, once all adjustments and revisions that seem
compelling have been made.”1 In practice, this means that one seeks to
develop a theory that is grounded in high-level principles that are morally
plausible and relevant, keeping in view how they work to explain mid-
level principles as well as judgments in particular situations. Insofar as
one cannot match one’s considered judgments in particular situations with
a theory consistent with one’s high-level principles, one has to adjust one
or both to try to find a better fit.
An interesting feature of contemporary moral philosophy is how much
weight most theorists put on matching intuitions in test cases. My own
1
Rawls, 1993, p. 28.
inclination is to lean the other way, to put more weight on finding plau-
sible, relevant, high-level moral principles that can be used to generate
mid-level principles and judgments in particular situations. This is for two
reasons. First, there are good reasons to distrust intuitions in particular
cases. Intuitions are known to vary depending on influences as diverse
as cultural prejudices, the mood of the person offering a judgment, and
the order in which questions are posed (i.e., framing effects).2 This is not
to say that intuitions in particular cases are morally irrelevant or useless.
Insofar as a certain result is clearly morally implausible, that can serve
as a reason to reject a theory that implies it. In addition, moral intuitions
can “usefully prod moral theorists into developing richer, more nuanced
theories, [which] would then have to be tested to see whether they stand
up to scrutiny in terms of other basic moral commitments.”3 Thus, I do not
shy away from discussing intuitions in particular cases. But I also try not to
put too much weight on matching them in seeking reflective equilibrium.
Second, I think it makes sense to put more weight, relatively speaking,
on good theoretical work. I have more trust in theory that articulates plau-
sible, relevant, and generative moral principles, as long as those principles
do not produce clearly implausible results, than I do in raw intuitions. My
reason is simple: I think we have a better grasp of the kinds of reasons
that could count as fundamental moral principles than we have of what
counts as a morally sound judgment in particular cases. The fundamental
principles have to make sense when asking the question, What is the point
of taking moral reasons seriously? This is a project we can engage with
in a rich way. By contrast, it is at best mysterious why we can rely on
an intuition about whether, for example, A killing T in a particular artifi-
cial and unusual situation is morally permissible. Maybe most (or some)
people have reliable, inchoate insights into such truths; but it is unclear
why we would think so without being able to ground those insights in a
deep, plausible moral theory. Thus, my discussion tilts in favor of focusing
on theoretical plausibility. This methodological tilt will be evident when-
ever I embrace a counterintuitive result because the theoretical reasons
for doing so seem to me to outweigh the appeal of widely shared moral
intuitions.4
2
See Walen, 2014, p. 461.
3
Ibid.
4
For example, I reject the widely shared intuition that people whose rights are infringed are
“wronged” (Chapter 4), and I remain agnostic about the common intuition that an agent may use
lethal force to defend herself against an innocent threat (Chapter 6).
5
For the distinction between evidence-relative and fact-relative justifications, see Parfit, 2011,
pp. 150–58.
6
This is based very closely on the case by Parfit (ibid., p. 159). I believe the first person to present
such a case was Regan, 1982.
P ERHAPS you have heard people say that it is not good to sleep
in a room with plants.
They say this, because they have heard that at night the plant
does not give out oxygen, but that it does give out the poisonous
carbonic-acid gas.
Now, you children know that part of this statement is true.
You know that the plant cannot give out oxygen at night, because
at that time there is no Sunbeam about to help Leaf Green tear apart
carbonic-acid gas and send the oxygen back into the air.
But how about the other part of the statement?
Is it true that at night plants give out the poisonous carbonic-acid
gas?
Both day and night, plants give out carbonic-acid gas; for though
plants, save in the sunlight, cannot eat by means of their little green
cells, they can breathe through the tiny mouths (Fig. 137) on the
under side of the leaf by night as well as by day.
And when either a plant or an animal breathes, it takes the life-
giving oxygen from out the air mixture, and keeps it for its own use.
But poisonous carbonic-acid gas is sent back into the air. Now, the
question is, whether a plant does most good or most harm to the air
by taking in and sending out the different gases.
Of course, it does good when it lets the oxygen out through its cell
walls, and stores away the carbon within itself; and it may seem to
do harm when through its leaf mouths it breathes in oxygen and
breathes out carbonic-acid gas.
There is only one key to unlock the matter, and that is this,—to find
out whether the plant does most towards poisoning or towards
purifying the air.
And that has been found out already.
Wise men say that Leaf Green and Sunbeam do much more good
to the air than the little breathing mouths do harm. The two good
fairies take away a great deal of poison, and send back a great deal
of the helpful oxygen; while the tiny mouths neither rob the air of
much oxygen nor give it much poison. Indeed, the harm they do is so
small compared with the great good accomplished by Leaf Green
and Sunbeam, that even at night you need not worry at the thought
that you have plants in your room.
Perhaps you wonder that a plant does these two things that are so
exactly opposite to each other.
But a plant must breathe as well as eat; for when it breathes, it
takes in the precious oxygen which is just as necessary to its life as
to ours.
In summer, by the dusty roadside, you see plants almost white
with dust, looking quite ill and lifeless.
And they are both ill and lifeless; for their little leaf throats are so
choked that they cannot breathe in the oxygen they need, and in
consequence they are being slowly suffocated.
THE DILIGENT TREE
Fig. 138
So by the way in which a tree sheds the rain, you can tell just
where its root branches reach out underground.
In smaller plants you see much the same thing. Fig. 138 shows a
plant called the Caladium. You can see that the raindrops must roll
outward down these leaves, and fall upon the earth just above the
tips of the root branches.
Fig. 139 shows you the rhubarb plant. This has quite a different
sort of root. Now, if the rhubarb leaves were like those of the
Caladium, unless the rhubarb root-branches changed their direction,
these root-branches would grow very thirsty indeed.
Fig. 139
But as it is, the water pours down these leaves toward the center
of the plant, and reaches the ground almost directly over the straight,
fleshy root, with its downward-growing branches; and we see that
these root-branches are watered by the leaves above just as
carefully as are those of the Caladium.
By knowing one thing about a plant, often you can guess that
another thing is so.
You understand now that when the leaves of a plant shed rain
water after the fashion of the Caladium, the chances are that its root-
branches spread out as far as the drip of the water; and that the root
of the rhubarb points almost straight downward, is told you by the
drip of water from the rhubarb leaves.
LEAF VEINS
S OME time ago you learned that from the stem of a plant you
could guess the number of seed leaves which it brought into the
world, and that in the same way from the seed leaves you could
guess what kind of a stem it would build up.
From the way in which a leaf is veined you can guess both of
these things. You can guess what sort of a stem belongs to the plant,
and with how many seed leaves it began life.
When the little veins run in and out, forming a sort of network, we
say that the leaf is “net-veined.”
Fig. 140
Fig. 141
Fig. 142
These leaves of the quince (Fig. 140), the maple (Fig. 141), and
the basswood (Fig. 142) are all net-veined.
Net-veined leaves are borne by plants which brought into the
world more than one seed leaf; and with the net-veined leaf we can
expect to find that stem which comes with more than one seed leaf,
—a stem where the skin or bark, the woody rings, and the soft
central pith, are clearly separated one from another.
Fig. 143
Fig. 144
But a leaf such as that in Fig. 143 or that in Fig. 144, where the
veins do not branch off in a network, but run in unbroken lines side
by side,—such leaves as these tell you that they are borne by plants
which started life with only one seed leaf, and which have such a
stem as the cornstalk, where you see no woody rings or central pith.
These leaves are called “parallel-veined.”
I fear that you find all this a little difficult to understand and to
remember; but if you read it patiently, when you study the botany for
older children, I think it will come back to you and make your lessons
easier.
LEAF SHAPES
Fig. 145
It is much easier to describe some new plant we have met on our
walks if we remember the shape of its leaves.
Next summer I hope you will make a collection of leaves, pressing
and keeping them. I think you will be amazed at their great variety in
shape.
Fig. 146
Some you find long and narrow, others almost round. Some are
arrow-shaped, others star-shaped, others needle-shaped (Fig. 145).
Some are three-pointed like the maple leaf (Fig. 146); others deeply-
parted, like the oak leaf (Fig. 147).
Fig. 147
Sometimes a large leaf is cut up into several little leaves. These
little leaves are called “leaflets.”
Fig. 148
Fig. 149
The locust leaf (Fig. 149) is cut into a great many leaflets.
The edge of one leaf (Fig. 150) is smooth, while that of another is
cut into little teeth (Fig. 151) like the teeth of a saw.
Fig. 150
Fig. 151