Body Image 47 (2023) 101613

Contents lists available at ScienceDirect

Body Image
journal homepage: www.journals.elsevier.com/body-image

#BodyPositive: A qualitative exploration of young people’s responses to

body positive social media content
Rachel F. Rodgers a, b, *, 1, Katherine Laveway a, Julia Zalvino a, William Cardone a, c,
Lindsay Wang a, d
a
APPEAR, Department of Applied Psychology, Northeastern University, Boston, USA
b
Department of Psychiatric Emergency & Acute Care, Lapeyronie Hospital, CHRU Montpellier, France
c
Department of Cognitive, Linguistic & Psychological Sciences, Brown University, Providence, USA
d
Department of Psychology, Tufts University, Medford, USA

A R T I C L E I N F O A B S T R A C T

Keywords: Body positive social media content has been suggested to be more helpful to body image as compared to
Body image mainstream idealized images. However, body positive content is heterogeneous, and the processes underpinning
Body positivity the effects of body positive social media content on body image are not well understood. The aim of this study
Social media
was to qualitatively examine variations in reactions to different types of body positive images among young
Gender
Processes
people and their perceptions of the underlying processes. A sample of n=33 people, 67% cisgender women, aged
Individual characteristics 14–25, mean (SD) = 19.6 (2.57) years, were interviewed. Thematic analysis revealed that body positive content
highlighting the unrealistic nature of social media and inclusive in its broad portrayals of beauty were evaluated
as most helpful. Two main processes were identified: (1) the broadening of understandings of beauty and greater
inclusivity; and (2) the modeling of positive body image and active resistance to appearance ideals. However,
these effects may vary according to content creators’ characteristics as well as individuals’ own body image
concerns and their perceived proximity to those portrayed. Additional work across age, gender, and other
identities is warranted to identify the most useful types of content for different individuals.

1. Introduction 1.1. The body positive movement

Body positive social media content has been suggested to be more
helpful to body image as compared to mainstream idealized images
(Cohen et al., 2019; Hendrickse et al., 2020; Rodgers et al., 2021).
However, social media content tagged as body positive is heterogeneous
(Cohen et al., 2019; Lazuka et al., 2020), and so far only emerging ev­
idence has started to clarify which types of body positive social media
content might be most helpful to body image (Vendemia, Brathwaite, &
DeAndrea, 2022; Vendemia, DeAndrea, & Brathwaite, 2021; Rodgers,
Paxton, & Wertheim, 2023). Importantly, the processes accounting for
the effects of body positive social media content on body image are also
not well understood (Tylka et al., 2023). The present study aimed to
start to bridge this gap by qualitatively exploring the reactions of young
people to a range of types of body positive social media content.
With origins in the fat acceptance movement in the 1960s, the body
positive movement has harnessed the reach of social media to develop a
strong online presence (Lazuka et al., 2020; Sastre, 2014). Body posi­
tivity refers broadly to holding positive regard for one’s appearance and
resisting oppressive appearance ideals (Lazuka et al., 2020; Rodgers
et al., 2022). However, the growth of the body positive movement has
also highlighted heterogeneity in the way some elements are concep­
tualized, such as the centering of bodies or the alliance of the body
positive movement with marketing intentions (Cwynar-Horta, 2016;
Darwin & Miller, 2020; Rodgers et al., 2022). These divergent views are
illustrated by heterogenous social media content being tagged as “body
positive.” As noted in previous content analyses and theoretical work
(Lazuka et al., 2020; Rodgers et al., 2022), some of the dimensions on
which body positive content differs, and that may impact its effects,
include the presence or not of images of bodies, the explicit centering or

* Corresponding author at: APPEAR, Department of Applied Psychology, Northeastern University, Boston, USA.
E-mail address: r.rodgers@northeastern.edu (R.F. Rodgers).
1
Dr Rodgers was supported by an Instagram ROAR Well-being and Safety Research Award

https://doi.org/10.1016/j.bodyim.2023.08.005
Received 2 May 2023; Received in revised form 2 August 2023; Accepted 15 August 2023
Available online 31 August 2023
1740-1445/© 2023 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.
R.F. Rodgers et al. Body Image 47 (2023) 101613

decentering of body characteristics that diverge from appearance ideals, Table 1

user-generated versus commercially-generated content, and the pres­ Theoretical frameworks guiding the study.
ence or absence of efforts to educate users regarding the techniques used Theoretical framework Construct Application
to produce images and their intent (which are part of social media lit­
Sociocultural theories Promotion and Viewing content that
eracy) (Paxton et al., 2022). Understanding how the effects of body internalization of promotes appearance ideals
positive social media content may vary according to these elements is appearance ideals. may increase endorsement
important. of those standards, while
viewing content that resists
or departs from those ideals
1.2. Theoretical framings of the effects of body positive content may decrease internalization
of appearance ideals
Although mainstream photo-based social media use has been asso­ Objectification theory Self-objectification, Viewing objectifying images
ciated with detrimental effects on body image (de Valle et al., 2021), body shame, and self- may increase self-
surveillance objectification while
body positive photo-based social media has been described as less
viewing images that are not
detrimental (Cohen et al., 2019; Hendrickse et al., 2020; Rodgers et al., objectifying or sexualizing
2021). Several theoretical frameworks have been utilized to account for may decrease body shame
the positive effects of body positive social media content on body image, and self-objectification
Social learning theory Modeling of body Perceiving the poster as
including sociocultural and objectification theories of the development
appreciation demonstrating body
and maintenance of body image concerns (Thompson et al., 1999) as acceptance appreciation and acceptance
well as theories of the development of positive body image (Tylka & may foster these attitudes in
Wood-Barcalow, 2015) (Table 1). In addition, social cognitive theory the viewer
and extensions of social comparison theory have been usefully imple­ Positive body image Decentering Content that is not
appearance, appearance focused may
mented (Walther & Parks, 2002), as well as more recent theories
appreciation of body help to decenter appearance
developed specifically to frame the effects of social media including the functionality while content focused on
selective accessibility model (SAM) (Mussweiler, 2003), and self- and body functionality may help
affect-management (SESAM) mode (Luong et al., 2021). to increase functionality
appreciation
Sociocultural theories have highlighted how the unattainable
Social cognitive theory Identification with the Identification with the
appearance ideals promoted by mainstream media increase body model model in a post may increase
dissatisfaction through their internalization and repeated appearance perceived proximity and
comparisons with these unrealistic portrayals (Schaefer et al., 2017; enhance social comparison
Schaefer & Thompson, 2018; Thompson et al., 1999). In contrast, body Attribution theory and Source factors Perceived authenticity may
cognitive response increase the helpfulness of
positive content frequently portrays bodies that diverge somewhat from
content. In contrast,
appearance ideals and therefore relieves the pressure to pursue unreal­ perceived commercial intent
istic appearances and offers the opportunity for appearance comparisons may decrease the
that are not unfavorable (Tylka & Wood-Barcalow, 2015). In addition, helpfulness of the content
some body positive content may offer education around the unrealistic Social comparison Direction of Social comparisons may be
theory comparison upwards, downwards, which
nature of most images (Tiggemann & Zinoviev, 2019), which could in­ Inspirational process/ over the longer term both
crease social media literacy and thus be protective for body image evaluative perpetuate body image
(Paxton et al., 2022), concerns, or lateral, which
Objectification theory offers an additional perspective and highlights are more helpful.
Posts that prompt
how the sexualized portrayal of women in the media and the indexing of
inspirational rather than
their social worth on their appearance leads women to adopt an external evaluative processing may
view of their body and to overvalue their appearance, termed self- help individuals to strive for
objectification (Fredrickson & Roberts, 1997). Body positive content, self-growth regardless of
although heterogenous, may be less sexualizing overall, and therefore comparison direction
Selective accessibility Similarity of the target Perceived proximity to the
decrease self-objectification. Thus, sociocultural and objectification model (SAM) target may increase social
theory highlight how differences in the bodies portrayed in body posi­ comparison as well as
tive content as compared to mainstream media may account for its modeling processes
positive effect on body image. Self- and Motivated viewing of Individuals may be
affect–management relevant content motivated to seek out social
Other theories have focused on the messages conveyed by the im­
(SESAM) model media content that they
ages. In particular, social learning theory and the constructs of obser­ know will enable them to
vational learning (Bandura & Walters, 1977), as well as the theoretical engage in inspirational and
underpinnings of positive body image, emphasize how the social positive processes
modeling of comfort with and appreciation of one’s body may occur
through viewing images of individuals who depart from mainstream
evaluated, and their motivations, will influence the impact of the con­
appearance standards displaying these attitudes. In addition, the shifting
tent. For example, commercial content may be evaluated as less
of attention from the body’s appearance towards appreciation of its
authentic given its profit-driven motivations, and judged less favorably,
other characteristics, such as functionality, as described in body positive
leading to fewer benefits for body image. Similarly, content that is
theory, is another potential way in which body positive content may
judged to be “inauthentic” due to other factors such as the use of digital
positively affect body image (Rodgers et al., 2022).
modification or inconsistent messaging will be less impactful (Brath­
Social media, unlike traditional media, is largely contributor driven.
waite & DeAndrea, 2022).
Social cognitive theory, and in particular attribution theory, also offers
Social media is also interactive, which provides users with more
interesting perspectives regarding how content is interpreted according
agency than traditional media. In recognition of this, social comparison
to the attributions made regarding the source (Friestad & Wright, 1994).
theory has been enhanced by elements of social cognitive theory to
Thus, for example, messages from sources that are considered to be
better account for social media effects, for example through the selective
authoritative and credible will be evaluated more positively. With re­
accessibility model (SAM) (Mussweiler, 2003), and the self- and
gard to body positive content, the way a contributor’s identity is

2
R.F. Rodgers et al.
affect-management model (SESAM) (Luong et al., 2021). The SAM de­
scribes how comparison processes, and here appearance comparisons,
occur in relation to targets that are judged by individuals to be appro­
priate based on their proximity and other characteristics. Greater
perceived proximity or identification with the individual portrayed
would therefore theoretically be associated with greater likelihood of
engaging in appearance comparison. Given that individuals portrayed in
body positive content are typically more representative of the general
population, and that as a medium, social media increases perceived
proximity, this might also be an important element to consider. Given
that, much like traditional media, social media disproportionately por­
trays individuals who hold majority identities (and are small and
able-bodied, light skinned, etc.) (Lazuka et al., 2020), minoritized in­
dividuals continue to be underrepresented even in these spaces. Thus,
individuals who perceive themselves as further from this narrow range
of accepted physical attributes may feel less proximity to body positive
images.
The SESAM further integrates individual motivations into the rea­
sons for target selection (Luong et al., 2021), and as such considers social
media-based comparisons to be dynamic and goal-oriented processes
that allow individuals to regulate their self-image and emotions. As
mentioned above, social comparison theory describes that comparisons
may be perceived as being in one’s favor (downwards), in favor of the
target (upwards), or neutral (lateral). Moreover, even in traditional
media, appearance comparisons that are upwards, and thus unfavorable,
have been described as having different effects depending on whether
individuals experience them as evaluative and pertaining to fixed
characteristics, or inspirational and pertaining to modifiable factors
(Luong et al., 2021). The SESAM model extends this by positing that
individuals are motivated to select content according to their desire for
these different outcomes, and thus, for example, seek out upwards
inspirational content through self-improvement motives.
Preliminary support for the usefulness of these theories in explaining
the effects of body positive content on body image, individual differ­
ences in these effects, and the relative effects of different types of content
has emerged. For example, images that are more sexualized or appraised
as digitally modified have been shown to have fewer benefits for body
image (Vendemia et al., 2022; Vendemia et al., 2021), consistent with
objectification and social cognitive theory. Similarly, evidence has
suggested that body positive posts that are judged as self-promoting or
promote commercial products are also appraised as less helpful for body
image by young women (Brathwaite & DeAndrea, 2022). Moreover,
initial experimental evidence has emerged for the SESAM in the selec­
tive use of content and differential effects on self-image (Luong et al.,
2021). Thus, these theories offer promising avenues for understanding
the effects of body positive social media content on body image; how­
ever, to date these processes are not well documented or understood.
In addition to the characteristics of different types of body positive
social media content, a final focus of the study was the ways in which
participant’s own characteristics might modulate the content’s effects
on body image. Indeed, several ways in which individual characteristics
might moderate the effects of body positive content on body image have
been suggested. Recent theoretical formulations have highlighted how
individuals’ own body image, their levels of social media literacy, and
their position on their journey towards body liberation and neutrality
may also influence their reactions to different types of body positive
social media content (Burnette et al., 2017; Rodgers & Laveway, 2023;
Rodgers et al., 2022; Smith et al., 2023). Based on this previous work, an
exploratory goal here was to conduct a preliminary investigation of the
usefulness of a stage model proposing that individuals may transition
through stances of internalization of appearance ideals towards those of
body appreciation, liberation, and then neutrality, and how social media
use and skills may not only reflect these attitudes but also contribute to
changes in attitudes.
3
Body Image 47 (2023) 101613
1.3. Current study
Building on previous work, the current study therefore had four
aims. The first aim was to extend initial investigations of the relative
effects of different types of body positive content on body image (Ven­
demia et al., 2022; Vendemia et al., 2021) by examining responses to
body positive social media content that varied across characteristics (e.
g. presence/absence of bodies, centering/decentering appearance,
source, and social media literacy efforts). The second aim of this study
was to gather young people’s understandings of the processes underly­
ing the effects of different types of body positive social media content on
their body image. A third aim was to explore individual differences in
terms of held identities and body image as related to reactions to body
positive social media content. Finally, a fourth exploratory aim was to
provide a preliminary exploration of the potential usefulness of a stage
model of social media use and literacy to account for reactions to
different types of body positive social media content.
A qualitative methodology was chosen as we were interested in
hearing from young people in their own words about their experience of
body positive images on social media. Moreover, this format allowed for
clarification of young people’s perceptions of the processes through
which body positive social media content has an impact on them. Our
target population included individuals aged 14–25 years, as findings
have suggested that younger people are most influenced by social media
images (Burnette et al., 2017; de Valle et al., 2021), and that this age
group includes the majority of photo-based social media users (Auxier &
Anderson, 2021). Moreover, although important developmental differ­
ences exist across this age range, as well as some specificities in terms of
social media platform functions and policies, we chose to recruit across
this group to gain a broad understanding of the attitudes and experi­
ences of viewing body positive social media content. Although young
people increasingly interact with video-based platforms, the current
study focused on Instagram static content as, at the time of data
collection, it was judged to offer the most variety in terms of types of
sources of body positive content.
2. Methods
2.1. Participants
The sample was comprised of young people recruited from a large
university in the northeastern region of the United States and the sur­
rounding metro area. Participants were recruited by social media, word-
of-mouth, and postings on university-based forums that broadly framed
the study as an interview-based research study focused on body posi­
tivity across all genders. This procedure resulted in a sample of 33
people between the ages of 14 and 25, with a mean age (SD) of 19.6
(2.57) years (see Table 2). In terms of gender, most participants iden­
tified as women or girls (n=22, 66.7%), followed by men or boys (n=8,
24.2%), and finally as genderqueer, nonbinary, or agender (n=3, 9.1%).
Participants self-identified their race and ethnicity, with some indicating
multiple held identities. Participants who reported their race (n=27)
identified as White (n=16, 59.3%), Asian/Asian American (n=9,
33.3%), Black/African/African American (n=3, 11.1%), Pacific Islander
(n=1, 3.7%), and Middle Eastern (n=1, 3.7%), with n=4 of these in­
dividuals (14.8%) holding multiracial identities.
2.2. Procedure
Following in vivo training by the first author (RR) for the first two
interviews, a team of graduate and undergraduate research assistants
conducted the subsequent interviews. Interviews were either adminis­
tered by the graduate student (KL) or in an undergraduate-graduate
student dyad through a secure videoconferencing platform. All
research assistants participated in interview training to increase fidelity
to the interview protocol. For participants under the age of 18, at least
R.F. Rodgers et al. Body Image 47 (2023) 101613

Table 2 Table 3
Participant Demographics. Description of Social Media Stimuli Shown to Participants.
Participant Gender Age Race/Ethnicity Post Description
# (years)
Posts shown to female participants
1 cisgender woman 19 White Instrument/Ornament* A text-only image addresses the viewer with
2 cisgender girl 16 N/A messaging that decenters the importance of
3 cisgender man 20 N/A appearance and encourages viewing the body as
4 cisgender woman 18 White, American an “instrument” for use rather than as an
5 cisgender man 19 White “ornament” to be admired.
6 nonbinary, assigned female 18 Asian American, Love Body Despite Flaws A smiling, midsize, White woman wearing
at birth Indian, Black underwear and a shirt that reads
7 cisgender woman 19 White “#BodyPositive” reclines in a seated pose. In the
8 cisgender woman 19 Middle Eastern, White caption, she shares that while she has rolls,
9 cisgender woman 18 White cellulite, and stretch marks, among other
10 cisgender woman 18 Asian, South Asian features, she “still accept(s) and love(s)” her
11 cisgender woman 22 N/A body.
12 cisgender man 25 Asian, Indian The caption emphasizes the importance of
13 cisgender man 19 White advocating for the representation of all body
14 cisgender woman 21 Asian types and encourages others to acknowledge
15 cisgender woman 21 Asian, Bangladeshi their own privilege in relation to physical
16 agender, assigned male at 22 White, Ashkenazi appearance.
birth BoPo Models* Three models of varying body types and
17 cisgender girl 17 White, Latina ethnicities pose smiling in similar bikinis; the
18 cisgender boy 14 White center model, a Black woman living in a larger
19 cisgender boy 16 White body, describes overcoming doubt about her
20 cisgender woman 24 White, American appearance by staying busy and booking
21 genderqueer, assigned 18 White, American modeling jobs
female at birth What size do you wear? A midsize, White woman wears a two-piece
22 cisgender girl 15 White exercise outfit and looks down; comments
23 cisgender woman 24 African-American inquire about where she found her outfit and
24 cisgender woman 20 Asian, Chinese her size.
25 cisgender man 20 N/A Deconstructing Poses* Two images feature the same White woman
26 cisgender man 18 Asian, Chinese living in a smaller body. The first photo shows
27 cisgender woman 20 N/A clear signs of editing, and her pose highlights
28 cisgender woman 19 N/A the smallness of her waist. In the second photo,
29 cisgender woman 20 White and Pacific she has adjusted her shorts to expose her
Islander stomach and legs with a playful expression on
30 cisgender woman 24 African her face.
31 cisgender woman 20 White, American Aerie Confidence* An advertisement for the clothing brand Aerie
32 cisgender woman 21 Asian, Chinese pictures a smiling, midsize, Black woman in
33 cisgender woman 22 Asian, Asian-American underwear. In the caption, she discusses
developing her own body confidence as “a
Note. Unavailable data = N/A. journey.”
“So Brave”* A smiling, midsize, light brown skinned woman
one parent provided consent, and then a modified assent form was of mixed race sits in her underwear with
exposed belly rolls. A user comment calls the
reviewed with the participant. After providing informed consent and
woman “so brave” for having curves and being
assent, when applicable, participants were shown one of three sets of confident.
Instagram posts containing the hashtag #bopo or #bodypositive. Sets Cellulite is Normal A smiling, White fitness influencer living in a
were curated by gender; the first set contained images primarily of smaller body poses in a bikini on the beach with
young women, the second of young men, and the final set included self- visible cellulite, with positive comments
affirming her statement that “cellulite is
identified transgender and gender diverse young adults in addition to normal.”
images from the former two groups. Participants were shown the set Positive Feedback A smiling, midsize, White woman is pictured in
they indicated was most applicable to them. Each set contained nine a bra with uplifting comments that do not focus
images and included images of young people emphasizing body appre­ on her body.
Posts shown to male participants
ciation and showcasing physical characteristics such as stomach rolls,
Men have Body Image Issues A BodyLove campaign pictures a group of White
stretch marks, cellulite, etc. One post was comprised of only text with men and women of varying body sizes in their
body positive messaging (e.g., “Loving your body isn’t believing your underwear with the phrase “Body Love” painted
body looks good, it is knowing that your body is good, regardless of how across their stomachs. The caption emphasizes
it looks”). In posts that included images of young people, the subjects of that men, too, face difficulties with appearance
ideals and body image.
these photographs were frequently staring directly at the camera, Dignity at Every Size A smiling, White man living in a larger body
broadly smiling, with their entire body or bodies in the frame. These wearing swim trunks is pictured next to the
individuals were most often depicted in their underwear, swimsuits, caption “Body positivity means knowing that
athletic wear, or were casually dressed. Posts varied in the explicitness people deserve dignity at every size”.
Overcoming Fear A Black man living in a larger body wearing a
of their body positive messaging, with some including accompanying
lace shirt looks directly into the camera. The
captions stating their intention to promote body positivity with their caption encourages the reader to overcome fear
post; others included a caption unrelated to body positivity or left the to embrace confidence and self-appreciation.
space blank. Other posts still provided deconstructions of edited or Acne is Normal* An Asian man’s face with acne is featured with
posed images, highlighting their unrealistic nature. The individuals phrase “Acne is normal” stamped on his cheek.
The caption encourages people to separate acne
portrayed were judged by the authors to be diverse in terms of race, from self-worth and acceptance.
ethnicity, body size, and body shape (Table 3). Group Beach Advertisement An advertisement for KingSize and Swimsuits
Participants viewed screen captures of each Instagram post. Of the For All pictures two White men and one Black
nineteen total posts used as stimuli, fourteen included a caption, seven (continued on next page)

4
R.F. Rodgers et al.
Table 3 (continued )
Post Description
man living in larger bodies wearing bathing
suits at the beach, with a comment
complimenting the scenic landscape.
Deconstructing Angles Two images feature the same White man living
in a smaller body. In one image, he poses
casually, and in the second image, he has
twisted the top half of his body around to show
his belly rolls.
Individual Beach Advertisement A smiling, Black man living in a larger body
plays in the ocean, with a caption describing the
struggles of traveling for plus sized individuals
and promoting activism in this area.
Unity, Diversity, & Acceptance An advertisement for the brand EveryMan
Underwear Advertisement shows three men of varying races and all living
in smaller bodies, wearing underwear holding
each other’s arms.
Posts shown to TGNC participants
De-gender Fashion An Asian gender nonconforming, transfeminine
person living in a smaller body poses in jewelry,
heels, a bralette, and leggings with exposed
body hair. The caption discusses the importance
of the movement to de-gender fashion for trans
liberation.
All Bodies Are Capable & Worthy A smiling, midsize Asian fitness influencer with
top surgery scars smiles at the camera while
flexing. The caption describes their positionality
as a trainer who focuses on building strength
and feeling good in one’s body, highlighting the
importance of including queer, trans, POC, fat,
and disabled individuals.
Note. TGNC participants also viewed posts marked with an asterisk (*).
included comments, and three had both a caption and comments. The
posts including comments were specifically selected to engage partici­
pants in a discussion of how reading these comments modulated their
own response to the content. For example, a comment on one post read,
“You’re so brave for showing young women it’s fine to have curves and
be confident,” and in another, commenters inquired about the size of the
woman portrayed in the image.
Participants were led through a semi-structured, individual inter­
view with questions that pertained to their general social media use and
their thoughts and beliefs about the effects of social media on body
image (see Appendix A for interview guide). Participants were asked to
describe the specific types of content that they felt could positively or
negatively induce these effects. Following this, the social media posts
were shared with the participant. For each image, they were asked to
describe how the post made them feel about their body, the possible
process for that feeling, any specific thoughts associated with viewing
the post, what might have made the post better for their body image, and
how they imagined others might react to this post. After reacting to these
images, participants were asked to discuss the forms social media might
take in the future to better promote positive body image. Interviewers
asked follow-up questions for clarification or elaboration when
appropriate.
Following this, a subsample (n=18) participants then responded to a
set of four statements describing varying stances related to body posi­
tivity. These stances included 1) a low affinity to body positive
messaging and high affinity to idealized appearance content, 2) their
own positive body image as a work in progress, 3) all bodies are beau­
tiful/resisting appearance ideals, and 4) divestment from the impor­
tance of appearance/body neutrality.
The mean duration (SD) of the interviews was 53 minutes (11.4).
Participants were compensated with a $25 Amazon gift card for their
participation in the study. The study was approved by the University’s
institutional review board.
5
Body Image 47 (2023) 101613
2.3. Data analyses
The coding team was comprised of three undergraduate students
guided by the first author. The research team was comprised of three
White women, one Asian woman, and one White man. Four authors
identified as heterosexual and one identified as queer. As a group, the
authors held a range of lived and clinical experience with body image
and eating concerns. Research team members transcribed the interviews
verbatim following training.
Data from the transcriptions were analyzed using both inductive and
theoretical approaches of thematic analysis (Braun & Clarke, 2006,
2014). The approach was both reflexive and subjective, in that it
recognized the theoretical background and positionality of the re­
searchers and derived meaning from the experiences of participants
(Braun & Clarke, 2019). The authors developed a coding system for
analyzing transcripts, and a group of three coders were trained to
implement the coding system. First, two authors independently identi­
fied themes and sub-themes from the interviews (see Fig. 1). An initial
codebook was developed from these themes and sub-themes, and coders
practiced coding two transcripts independently with the pilot codebook.
When new themes or sub-themes were identified by means of review of
additional transcripts, they were included in the revised final codebook.
The following overarching themes were coded and used in this study
(Table 4): (1) Idealized images as unrealistic versus more inclusive
representations, (2) decentering of appearance, (3) modeling of resis­
tance to appearance ideals, (4) personal journeys, (5) source factors in
the effects of body positive social media content, and (6) individual
factors in the effects of body positive social media content.
Codes were then compiled in a spreadsheet to calculate frequencies
of each code and were analyzed separately. A subsample of three tran­
scripts were coded twice independently to ensure interrater reliability.
Percent agreement between the coders was calculated by dividing
agreements by agreements plus disagreements, and then multiplying
that result by 100. Percent agreement was strong averaging 98.0%
across themes. In the case of discrepancies, coders discussed among
themselves and resolved all disagreements.
3. Results
3.1. Reactions to different types of body positive social media content
Among women, the posts identified as the most helpful were posts 2,
3, 5, 6, and 8. No posts were perceived as being principally unhelpful,
however, some were described as being both helpful and unhelpful or
neutral, including posts 1, 4, 7, and 9.
Specifically, post 1 (love despite flaws/representation) was rated as
helpful by n=19, post 3 (BoPo model), was rated as helpful by n=18,
post 5 (deconstructing poses) was rated as helpful by n=19, post 6 (Aerie
confidence) was rated as helpful by n=17, and post 8 (cellulite is
normal) was rated as helpful by n=16. In contrast, post 1 (instrument/
ornament) was rated as helpful by n=13, unhelpful by n=2, both helpful
and unhelpful by n=5, and neutral by n=4). Post 4 (no explicit BoPo)
was rated as helpful by n=6, both helpful and unhelpful by n=7, and
neutral by n=9. Post 7 (so brave) was rated as helpful by n=10, both
helpful and unhelpful by n=11, and post 9 (positive feedback) was rated
as helpful by n=9, unhelpful by n=2, both helpful and unhelpful by n=2,
and neutral by n=4. Thus, posts that tended to be explicit about their
body positive message, that highlighted and deconstructed the unreal­
istic nature of social media, and promoted body appreciation were
overall found to be helpful. In contrast, posts that were less explicit
about their deliberate portrayal of resistance to appearance ideals were
rated as less helpful.
Among men, post 4 (acne is normal, rated as helpful by n=7), post 6
(group advertisement, rated as helpful by n=6), and post 7 (decon­
structing angles, rated as helpful by n=5) emerged as the most helpful.
The other posts were overall rated as less helpful, and most often the
R.F. Rodgers et al.
Fig. 1. Thematic Map of Themes and Codes.
majority of participants described their effects as neutral. Two stimuli
were specific to the TGNC group, and of these one was judged as helpful
by both participants (degender fashion), while the other was judged as
helpful by one participant and neutral by the other. The third individual
in this group, who identified as agender, asked to view the stimuli
curated for men.
3.2. Processes underlying the effects of BoPo on body image
When describing their reactions to the stimuli proposed, as well as
their perceptions of social media content that is helpful to body image
more generally, participants highlighted various factors including (1)
idealized images as unrealistic versus more inclusive representations,
(2) decentering of appearance, (3) modeling of resistance to appearance
ideals, and (4) personal journeys.
3.2.1. Idealized images as unrealistic and inclusive representation and
decentering of appearance
A first process of influence described by the participants was the
highlighting of the unrealistic nature of social media images, and in
contrast the broader representation and valuing of bodies and appear­
ances. Participants described how content that highlights the unrealistic
content of social media is helpful for distancing oneself from pressures
created by this content. For example, one participant described “those
realistic showing off the one side that people tend to post versus what they
actually look like. I think those are really helpful” (P20, cisgender woman,
age 24). Another participant related, “and I also like that it shows like the
more truthful aspect to social media, that I feel like a lot of people don’t try to
show” (P7, cisgender woman, age 19). Another participant commented
on the helpfulness of naming the parts of their appearance that diverge
from socially constructed appearance ideals, as means of resistance,
“because so many of those words have such a stigma around them, you don’t
talk about stretch marks, you don’t talk about chub rub, you don’t talk about
cellulite. It’s like, well, just pretend you don’t have it or try to fix it. You know,
so it’s nice that she’s just again, owning it. I like that” (P28, cisgender
woman, age 19). Similarly, participants described the usefulness of
broadening representations and promoting broad conceptualizations of
beauty. For example, one participant noted “I just like that it’s inclusive to
everybody beyond just people who look like me - like everybody can kind of
find someone who could potentially have the same body type as them” (P7,
cisgender woman, age 19). This participant continued to say, “I feel like if
more people posted …the pictures that you showed me where it’s just them
unedited, showing whatever they want to, and like not trying to change
themselves or look like a different person…that could be really helpful for
body image mindsets, because it kind of gives people a more real image.”
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Body Image 47 (2023) 101613
Another participant described, “everybody is beautiful. I think that’s like an
important message. Like beauty, I am very much of a ‘beauty is in the eye of
the beholder’ stance. You should respect everybody, and everybody should be
appreciated. And I think everybody is beautiful in their own way” (P29,
cisgender woman, age 20).
Relatedly, some participants explicitly described the helpfulness of
the body positive movement in terms of its alignment with social justice.
One participant described, “this girl is pretty inspiring on how she’s fighting
to make sure everyone is represented. And I like how she included you know
genders, ethnicities, skin colors, abilities when we’re still talking about body
positivity” (P24, cisgender woman, age 20). Another participant noted,
“And I think now when people of all different appearances come to the
forefront - because of social media, it’s very much more democratic. And I
think for young people especially, to see people that look like them, it’s very
empowering and it’s very relatable” (P32, cisgender woman, age 21).
Related to the idea of inclusive representations, participants
described the importance of seeing individuals by whom they felt rep­
resented or to whom they felt close. For example, one participant noted,
“‘I have rolls, I have cellulite, I have stretch marks, I have dimples,’ all this
stuff like, it’s nice cause like, I have all that stuff too” (P9, cisgender
woman, age 18). Another participant described, “I think this one makes
me feel good. I… I, I personally resonate like with this image and just like, like
with the way she’s sitting” (P10, cisgender woman, age 18). This feeling of
closeness was related to a perception of the individuals portrayed as
“authentic” or “genuine”, terms that came up frequently, or that the
groups portrayed conveyed a supportive relational proximity. One
participant stated, “the picture I mentioned before with a bunch of different
girls, they look like they’re all friends, they all have different body types, like
that – those kinds of things are definitely very helpful just ’cause it looks like
everyone’s happy with themselves” (P1, cisgender woman, age 19).
Another participant described, “I just like that she’s confident, her smile
seems really genuine” (P28, cisgender woman, age 19). Thus, participants
expressed that seeing themselves in the people portrayed provided
benefits, as did reading messaging that they perceived as authentic or
genuine.
3.2.2. Decentering of appearance
Second, participants commented on the usefulness of decentering
appearance and focusing on other dimensions such as body function­
ality. One participant described, “It sort of makes me more conscious
about… the fact that I think that my body has to look good and like that’s like
the main thing. And it makes me actively… think about why that’s like not a
good mindset and try to change it” (P14, cisgender woman, age 21).
Another participant stated, “we’re so lucky to have the bodies that we live in
and we shouldn’t be viewing, we shouldn’t be critiquing others. We should
R.F. Rodgers et al.
Table 4
Themes, Subthemes, and Examples.
Theme and subthemes
Idealized images as unrealistic and
more inclusive representation
Highlighting unrealistic nature of
social media
Proximity to self and own concerns
Broader representation of bodies
Validation of all bodies as beautiful
Decentering of appearance
Authentic, personal, genuine,
unposed
shifting focus to functionality
Modeling of resistance to
appearance ideals and positive
body image
Reclaiming of “imperfections”
“owning it”
Modeling of positive body image
Positive mood and outlook as
“contagious”
Appreciation of braveness of others
Personal journeys
Vulnerability about personal
journey and experiences
Example Quote
“And I also like that it shows like the more
truthful aspect to social media, that I feel like
a lot of people don’t try to show.” (Participant
7)
“Yeah, I think, it – and also like ”I have rolls, I
have cellulite, I have stretch marks, I have
dimples,” all this stuff like, it’s nice cause like,
I have all that stuff too” (Participant 9)
“I feel- it makes me feel good because there’s
three different body types and it’s just saying
that all like all of these are normal, all these
are beautiful.” (Participant 33)
“So I think this is good. I mean it just shows
three people with, you know, three, different
bodies obviously. And, so I think like, showing
like variety like, is, nice cause it shows you,
you know, no matter if you look like any of
these people or anyone else, you can still love
your body.” (Participant 9)
“I like this one because the girl looks really
comfortable with herself, and just like how
she posed, how she looks- it doesn’t look
edited. Again, like she just looks genuinely
happy with herself.” (Participant 7)
“Saying that, it’s an instrument for your use
and not an ornament to be admired; kind of, it
definitely makes me feel more happy about
my body and that it doesn’t have to be perfect
because it keeps me alive, you know? It’s
what makes me function, I guess.”
(Participant 22)
“I think this gives me similar to like Lizzo
vibes, where it’s like someone not following
the traditional standards and just owning it. I
like that like he has confidence, because once
you have confidence, there isn’t really
anything that people can take away from you
because if people are shaming you ever, if
you’re confident about it and consistently
confident and don’t let their opinions affect
how you act, then that’s like the strongest
position possible because then like you’re
owning it and if they’re upset or whatever
then that’s their energy and their negative
energy or like problem, not yours.”
(Participant 3)
“She’s stating her like, facet about her body
and what a lot of women probably have as
well. So, she’s just reaching out to women,
and she’s saying she still accepts and loves her
body. And because she’s posting a picture,
she’s smiling, it looks like she also loves the
way that she looks. So, that- it seems like to
me, she does really love her body.”
(Participant 33)
“And it’s also the fact that they’re like very
confident in themselves and it makes me feel
like I can also be like that.” (Participant 14)
“I mean, I agree on that because there’s
definitely people out there who don’t feel
brave because they have body roles, cellulite,
etcetera. So, I agree, she is brave for posting
her body out there and being confident and
saying, “Hey you should be confident too in
your body”.” (Participant 24)
“Cause like I’ve been saying, if it’s not a
personal message, it’s just less impactful- and
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Body Image 47 (2023) 101613
Table 4 (continued )
Theme and subthemes Example Quote
because she’s talking about herself and it’s
something that a lot of women, or like women
identifying people have in common, it feels
like it’s more applicable to the people who
might have body image issues.” (Participant
8)
Common humanity “People who don’t have cellulite like, they’re
just blessed by the Lord, like that is what it is.
You know, everyone pretty much has cellulite
and it’s normal, it’s not just bigger people. I
think that that’s something that should be
taken into consideration.” (Participant 28)
Validation of body acceptance as a “I think I definitely agree on the confidence
longer process thing cause it doesn’t really come in an
instant. You have to keep working on it and,
you know, I wasn’t really instantly positive
about my body, and so I had to work on it for a
couple of years, so I can definitely relate to
her.” (Participant 24)
Source factors in the effects of body
positive social media content
Identification with post or poster “This one makes me feel more connected to
the person that posted it, cause she added a
picture of herself.” (Participant 22)
Commercial entity vs individual “This also kind of makes me feel confident to
know that, you know, everybody kind of has
the same issue. Ya know, acne sucks. I like
that you can also see this people like stubble
and stuff like that, like they’re definitely
imperfect and I think the message is good and
the fact that they’re not immediately trying to
sell me something is also cool.” (Participant
25)
Individual factors in the effects of
body positive social media
content
Mindset or levels of appearance “You know there’s someone this one is a little
concerns different umm…I dunno. Eh –personally I –
just cause I’m not at the point where I’m like,
*laughs* completely confident with my body?
(Participant 31)
Effects of chronic illness/disability “…but I also know that it’s also not entirely
on weight my fault cause I have PCOS, which infamously
makes people fat.” (Participant 20)
just be happy that we have, like this body that is able to do so much for us”
(P20, cisgender woman, age 24). Thus, the shift of focus towards func­
tionality was described as helpful for body image by some participants.
3.2.3. Modeling of resistance to appearance ideals, positive body image
Participants also described how the modeling of positive body image
was an important process. For example, one participant described, “she
just looks like she’s owning the space and like her smile. It looks genuine
’cause like her eyes are smiling too” (P14, cisgender woman, age 21).
Another stated, “I would say it makes me feel, I don’t know. It’s kind of
similar to the last one like, wanting to pose more just like that. She has
confidence and it makes me want to be confident and show off my body, you
know?” (P22, cisgender girl, age 15). A third described, “and she’s so
positive and happy and proud of her body and like if I have those things, I can
be happy and proud of my body too” (P20, cisgender woman, age 24). In
this way, participants described how witnessing others expressing
comfort with and pride in their body was a strong influence on their own
feelings related to their bodies.
In addition, participants noted how the images could be interpreted
as resistance to and activism against appearance ideals. One participant
described, “I think she is saying something with the image itself, where she’s
not afraid to post herself with body rolls, which is what society deems as
negative” (P24, cisgender woman, age 20). Another participant noted,
“her like owning the joke and like owning what people are saying about her,
that can inspire me to be confident, sometimes just like owning it” (P28,
R.F. Rodgers et al.
cisgender woman, age 19).
Participants simultaneously described an appreciation for the pro­
cess of these images being offered by others, the social risk taken, and
the ways in which the individuals posting such images took on personal
risk for the benefit of others. One participant described, “the fact she’s
like doing it to herself, I think definitely helps, because it’s putting herself in a
vulnerable position” (P1, cisgender woman, age 19). Another similarly
noted, “but there is a sense of bravery and vulnerability in posting about your
story. And like seeing - and the comfort that also brings us to see other people
who really relate to that” (P15, cisgender woman, age 21).
3.2.4. Personal journeys
Relatedly, participants noted how the acknowledgement of concur­
rent pervasive appearance pressures and body image concerns with ef­
forts toward body positivity was validating. One participant reflected on
a comment in the stimuli describing how body confidence needed to be
exercised like a muscle, “taking the time that you need to, that you need, to,
to love your body and constantly – everyone’s constantly working towards
confidence – not like suddenly someone just has confidence. I’m just kind of
saying like everyone works on it” (P13, cisgender man, age 19). Another
commented on the usefulness of hearing people describe the deliberate
effortful process of improving their body image, “I think I really empathize
with people when they say- oh I used to feel this way about my body, but like
I’ve really come to accept it and now I feel really empowered…And I think I
love seeing people like processes of growth- so I love that, and that’s really
effective for me, because it shows that even if at one point you were feeling a
certain way, you can grow and change that” (P32, cisgender woman, age
21). Another participant made a similar point, “being able to see like
someone else be comfortable in their own skin even after having suffered from
like uhmm, like, an eating disorder is like, uhm, it’s like encouraging and
stuff” (P2, cisgender girl, age 16).
In these ways, participants described how viewing others in a posi­
tion of vulnerability, expressing and modeling resistance to appearance
ideals, and seeking to show others how comfortable they felt in their
own bodies (which was read as wanting to show others how to achieve
this) were helpful aspects of body positive social media content.
3.2.5. Source Factors in the Effects of Body Positive Social Media Content
Participants described elements that they felt strengthened or
weakened the helpfulness of body positive social media content
including characteristics of the content itself and the perceived source of
the post. Almost every participant commented on how their perceived
proximity to the person posting increased the perceived helpfulness of
the post. For example, one participant noted, “it’s good to be able to relate
with things that I guess aren’t talked about very often. I know that if someone
else is that confident, like you can be as well” (P27, cisgender woman, age
20). Another participant described, “I also think that the most impactful
posts for me are the ones where their hair is natural, no makeup on, body like
wearing you know the rattiest clothes or whatever clothes they’re wearing.
And it’s like, ‘This is me.’” (P28, cisgender woman, age 19). In addition,
however, participants also described that their perception of the post as
coming from an individual or a commercial entity as modifying its
helpfulness. For some, the knowledge that the post was an advertise­
ment, and the awareness of the marketing intent, decreased the help­
fulness of the content. For example, one participant noted, “you never
know if the company might be, ya know, just … be trying to get stuff out of
you, but a normal person might not be trying to get stuff out of you…I know
it’s a company, but maybe if they could make it sound a little less of an
advertisement that would kind of help more people” (P18, cisgender boy,
age 14). For others, however, the knowledge that the content was
created by a brand did not diminish its helpfulness. One participant
described, “he seems like a cool guy, and I like that, I don’t know, it doesn’t
feel like an advertising team put it together, as much as it just feels like a guy
at the beach, who just happened to be photographed in the moment” (P5,
cisgender man, age 19). Another person commented, “they try it and
advertise it and you’re like well, she’s working it and she actually loves the
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Body Image 47 (2023) 101613
brand, so you know there’s something good about the brand” (P30, cis­
gender woman, age 24).
3.2.6. Individual factors in the effects of body positive social media content
Participants also described the role their own individual factors
played in their responses to the posts. Participants noted how their own
body image, mindset, and mood when viewing the post might modify
their response to it. For example, one participant noted a mixed response
to a post due to engaging in both upwards and downwards comparisons,
“I was like ‘Wow, I wish I had that size.’ So that was my first thought. And
then my second thought is, you know, she also has fat on her arms and I’m
just like, ‘Oh me too.’” (P24, cisgender woman, age 20). Another partic­
ipant who described endorsement to appearance ideals noted “almost
fear. I think I’ve mentioned it before, I don’t ever want to accept.or I’m scared
of ever falling back into a trap or accepting that I can’t get better in any aspect
of my life, so any content that says ‘You’re enough.’ kind of makes me
scared” (P25, cisgender man, age 20). Participants also noted how
ability and chronic illness affected their responses to the social media
content. For example, one participant described their medical concerns
as protective in terms of their body image, which therefore decreased
their perception of this content as helpful, “when they’re like “your body is
good”, cause I know like some messaging is like, oh you should be like, it
doesn’t matter how your body looks, like it got you through this and you’ve
been living and you can do these things and activities. And I’ve personally had
like a lot of medical issues and stuff with my body, so I’ve never, very rarely
have I ever been self-conscious about how I’ve looked” (P29, cisgender
woman, age 20).
Of the larger sample, n = 3 participants identified outside of the
gender binary, and described their relationship to body positive social
media content through this lens. Two participants noted that seeing
representation of other trans and nonbinary people was overall helpful.
One remarked, “I love this post. I guess I feel that the person shown has quite
a different body type than me…but I like this one because this person is
obviously wearing gender nonconforming clothing…this gives me more con­
fidence” (P21, genderqueer, assigned female at birth age 18). The other
participant noted, “I think it has a pretty positive impact to see someone
who.I don’t know what race they are or what gender they are…but to see
someone who is clearly a person of color and clearly gender non-conforming,
whether or not they are trans, is kind of nice to see…just understanding that
I’m not alone” (P6, nonbinary, assigned female at birth, age 18).
Another participant, an agender person who was assigned male at
birth, noted that their body was not subject to the same scrutiny as
others, as they are frequently read as a cisgender man, shaping their
response to body positive content - “It just more reminds me of like,
uhm, the level of scrutiny I think… for, female bodies is a lot higher than
for male bodies, so sometimes…some of that body acceptance doesn’t
relate to me, just because, you know.my body type hasn’t been, kind of,
strictly scrutinized and, uh, dehumanized in the same way” (P16,
agender, assigned male at birth, age 22).
Finally, one participant shared that while representation of queer
and trans bodies was helpful, body positive content overall needed to be
more inclusive: “Coming from someone who is assigned female at birth but I
don’t identify as a woman, it’s kind of alienating to see that all the body
positivity stuff is very geared toward cis women.it’s like the only queer people
I’ve seen have been white and the only people of color that I’ve seen have been
cisgender and heterosexual” (P6, nonbinary, assigned female at birth, age
18).
3.3. Preliminary exploration of the stage model
Among the n=18 participants who provided responses regarding
their alignment with specific stances related to body positivity, only one
selected the first option representing a low affinity to body positive
messaging and high affinity to idealized appearance content (Stance A).
Eight participants described a stance of their own positive body image as
a work in progress (Stance B). Two participants described a stance of
R.F. Rodgers et al.
endorsing all bodies are beautiful/resisting appearance ideals (Stance
C), while one described divestment from the importance of appearance/
endorsement of body neutrality (Stance D). Four participants described
a mixture of the final two stances (Stances C and D), while the last
participant described a mix of their own positive body image as a work
in progress and an endorsement of body neutrality (Stances B and D).
While ratings of the helpfulness of the body positive posts across
participants was similar for posts 1, 3, 5, 7, and 8 among women, re­
sponses varied for the other posts according to stance. Specifically, post
2 was judged helpful by a greater proportion of women who endorsed
stances A or B (100%) than those who endorsed stances C or D (71%). In
addition, post 4, although consistently rated low in terms of helpfulness,
was described as helpful by 29% of those endorsing stances C or D, but
only 12.5% of those endorsing stances A or B. Post 6 was rated more
often as helpful by those endorsing stances C or D (86%) as compared to
stances A or B (50%). Finally, post 9 was endorsed as helpful by 71% of
those endorsing stances C or D, but only 38% of those endorsing stances
A or B. Only 3 men rated their stance, and therefore comparisons were
not meaningful for that group.
In addition, differences emerged in terms of the perceived process
underlying reactions to the posts. Individuals endorsing stances A or B
described the highlighting of the unrealistic nature of social media
content as an important factor, while this was less emphasized among
those endorsing stances C or D. Similarly, the recognition of the common
experience of body dissatisfaction was given greater importance by
those endorsing stances A or B, as compared to those endorsing C or D. In
contrast, the usefulness of decentering appearance and placing emphasis
on functionality was mentioned more frequently among those endorsing
stances C or D, as was the validation of body acceptance being a constant
process in the face of pervasive appearance pressures.
4. Discussion
The aim of this study was to examine variations in reactions to
different types of body positive images among young people and their
perceptions of the processes underlying these effects. Findings from the
qualitative interviews revealed that different types of content were
perceived as differently helpful for body image, with posts that high­
lighted the curated nature of social media and those that emphasized
body appreciation and resistance to appearance ideals rated most useful
most consistently. Variability emerged though, when considering in­
dividuals own stance vis-à-vis their body image and personal attitudes,
with individuals who were actively engaged in challenging their own
internalization of appearance ideals tending to find these posts most
useful, as compared to individuals who endorsed greater body accep­
tance and neutrality. Consistent with theoretical framings, several pro­
cesses for these effects emerged, including increased representation and
decreased upwards appearance comparison, the modeling of body
appreciation, as well as some additional processes. These findings
highlight the complexity of delineating which types of social media
content might be most helpful for supporting positive body image, and
the usefulness of frameworks that account for interactions between in­
dividual and content characteristics.
The first aim of this study was to explore variations in the perceived
helpfulness of different types of body positive social media content.
Findings revealed that overall, as predicted by sociocultural and objec­
tification theories (Schaefer et al., 2017; Schaefer & Thompson, 2018;
Thompson et al., 1999), body positive social media content that high­
lighted the curated and unrealistic nature of social media were judged as
helpful, as were posts that expressed resistance to appearance ideals and
embraced body appreciation. In contrast, posts that were less explicitly
resistant to appearance ideals were overall viewed as less helpful.
Interestingly, findings also highlighted how the comments that posts
receive may alter their perceived helpfulness. In addition, the post in
which someone had commented that the individual pictured was “so
brave” (highlighting the fact that the person’s appearance departed from
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Body Image 47 (2023) 101613
appearance ideals, and that posting this image was therefore risky for
social capital) was mostly viewed as unhelpful by participants. Taken
together, these findings suggest that, among women, posts that increase
in-the-moment awareness of the unrealistic nature of social media
content and potentiate media literacy skills are experienced by young
people as helpful (Rodgers et al., 2021; Tiggemann & Anderberg, 2020).
In addition, these findings highlight how explicit naming of resistance to
appearance ideals may be useful (Tiggemann, Anderberg & Brown,
2020). Among men, it is interesting to note that only two posts were
overall judged as positive and one of these depicted acne, rather than a
more diverse body shape or size, and the other included a group of
people. This suggests that perhaps, among our male sample, images of
diverse body shapes and sizes, or explicit attention towards body parts
that deviate from appearance norms (e.g. body rolls) were not experi­
enced as helpful. More work is still needed to better understand the ways
in which men respond to body positive images.
The second aim of this study was to examine the perceived processes
underlying the effects of different types of body positive social media
content. Consistent with previous theoretical frameworks aiming to
account for the effects of body positive social media content on body
image (Rodgers et al., 2022), two broad pathways were identified. The
first pathway highlighted the impact of broader and more inclusive
representation with decreased appearance-centering, while the second
pathway related to the modeling of body appreciation and resistance to
appearance ideals. The first of these pathways, aligned with theories of
the development and maintenance of positive body image (Tylka &
Wood-Barcalow, 2015), included more specific ideas related to the
normalization of bodies that diverge from appearance ideals, the vali­
dation of all bodies as beautiful, the authenticity and genuineness
inspired by the content, and the decentering of appearance and focus on
functionality. The second pathway related to the modeling of positive
body image included specific themes regarding the use of self-disclosure
regarding body image, the modeling of positive body image through
conveying genuine comfort, ease, and positive affect, the validation of
ongoing systemic pressures related to appearance, and the modeling of
active resistance to those pressures and appearance ideals. The existence
of these two pathways is consistent with the tenets of body appreciation
and positive body image, with resistance to appearance ideals, appre­
ciation of a broad range of appearances, and the providing and receiving
of body acceptance as important elements (Swami et al., 2021; Tylka &
Iannantuono, 2016; Tylka & Wood-Barcalow, 2015).
The third aim of the study was to examine source and individual
factors that intervene in the effects of body positive content on body
image. Consistent with the SAM and SESAM models (Luong et al., 2021;
Mussweiler, 2003), participants described how their perceived prox­
imity to the source was an important factor in their reactions to the
content, with greater perceived proximity enhancing the helpfulness of
the content. In addition, as predicted by the SESAM model, un­
derstandings of these processes seemed to guide individuals in their
choices of content and their preferences in terms of body positive social
media content. In addition, and consistent with social cognitive and
attribution theory (Friestad & Wright, 1994), the authenticity of the
source and its perceived commercial intent also affected reactions to the
post. Content that was judged to be inauthentic or with clear marketing
intent was judged to be less helpful for body image. In terms of indi­
vidual factors, again consistent with theory and the importance of
perceived proximity (Luong et al., 2021; Mussweiler, 2003), perceived
similarity in terms of sociodemographic factors was described as
enhancing the potential for positive effects of the content on body
image. Importantly, other participants also drew attention to ways in
which body positive content lack diversity and might be perceived as
exclusionary by certain groups.
Finally, the fourth exploratory aim of the study was to provide a
preliminary investigation of the potential usefulness of a stage model of
the interplay among social media use and literacy and body image. The
model builds on recent work highlighting how these factors may reveal
R.F. Rodgers et al.
complex and bidirectional patterns over time (Burnette et al., 2017;
Rodgers & Laveway, 2023; Rodgers et al., 2022; Smith et al., 2023). The
resulting stage model proposes that individuals may move from inter­
nalization of appearance ideals towards a stance of body appreciation,
liberation, and then neutrality, and how social media use and skills may
not only reflect these attitudes but also contribute to changes in atti­
tudes. The findings from this study provide very initial evidence that
individuals who hold different positions in this stage model may display
distinct patterns in terms of their reactions to body positive social media
content. These preliminary findings provide support for further explo­
ration of the usefulness of this model.
Overall, findings highlight how the effects of body positive social
media content are dependent on both the characteristics of the content
itself, those of the viewer, and the interaction between these two factors.
For example, proximity to the individual portrayed emerged as an
important element in increasing the helpfulness of the post; however,
the commercial nature of the post and an individual’s own body image
concerns were also important elements. Thus, these findings both extend
previous work examining the different effects of various types of body
positive social media content (e.g. Vendemia et al., 2022), and contex­
tualize the findings of other work (e.g. Tiggemann & Anderberg, 2020),
by suggesting that group level effects may obscure moderated effects in
experiemental work. Together these findings have important implica­
tions for future research with a view to informing practice and inter­
vention. Additional work is needed to better understand the ways in
which individuals’ own characteristics interact with those of body
positive social media content and to develop frameworks that can
inform which types of content would be most useful for different persons
at different points in their body image journeys. Nevertheless, broadly
speaking, body positive social media content that broadens representa­
tion and explicitly values a wide range of appearances while resisting
appearance ideals and highlighting the unrealistic nature of most social
media images, as well as content that can model positive body image
through the visual and written communication of the posters’ own body
acceptance, is likely to be helpful (Rodgers et al., 2022). Given the noted
importance of source and individual factors in the positive effects of
body positive content on body image, as well as the emerging support for
models such as the SESAM model that emphasize the role of individual
motivations in content selection and its effects, interventions may be
most successful when adopting a personalized and tailored approach
that accounts for the fact that individuals may experience the same
content differently.
This study includes notable limitations. First, although efforts were
made to recruit participants across genders, the majority of participants
identified as cisgender women, and future research should aim to in­
crease gender diversity, as well as diversity across other important di­
mensions of identity including race and ethnicity, ability, sexual
orientation, and body shape and size (Lucas & Hodler, 2018). Second,
given the constraints of the interview setting, only a limited number of
posts were able to be shown to each participant, and these were chosen
by the interviewers rather than allowing participants to identify for
themselves social media content that they found helpful. It might be
useful in the future to ask individuals to share content that they have
found to be particularly impactful in developing or maintaining positive
body image. Third, only a subset of participants completed the questions
related to the staged model, as these were developed during the course
of this study, and more work exploring the usefulness of this concep­
tualization is warranted. In addition, it should be noted that our study
did not seek ecological validity in terms of the posts included and it may
be that individuals see very different types of body positive content on
their own social media platforms due to their own interests and previous
activity. Moreover, the current study focused primarily on content that
fell within the realm of body positivity as opposed to the growing body
liberation and body neutrality movements. Additional work exploring
reactions to and efforts of such content is warranted. Finally, our study
specifically investigated Instagram images as stimuli. Future work
10
Body Image 47 (2023) 101613
expanding these findings to other types of content (e.g. Instagram Reels)
as well as other platforms (e.g. TikTok, Snapchat) would be useful. In so
far as these findings pertain to static images, it is likely that they can be
extended to similar types of content on other platforms, however,
exploring the extent to which these findings can be extended to
video-based content would be an important future direction.
To conclude, the findings from this study support that social media
content tagged as body positive may be variably helpful for body image
depending on both the characteristics of the content and those of the
viewer. Broadly, social media content that highlights the curated and
unrealistic nature of social media, expresses resistance to appearance
ideals, and conveys body appreciation are likely to be helpful for many
individuals. This helpfulness, however, may vary according to the
perceived characteristics of the content creators as well as individuals’
own body image concerns and their perceived proximity to the in­
dividuals portrayed. Additional work among individuals across ages,
gender, and other identities is warranted to validate frameworks that
can identify which type of content may be most useful for different in­
dividuals with a view to informing practice and intervention.
Author statement
RR and KL conceptualized the study. All authors contributed to data
collection under the supervision of RR. All authors participated in the
data analysis. RR and KL drafted the initial version of the manuscript
and all authors edited and approved the final version.
Declaration of Competing Interest
The authors have no financial conflicts of interest. Dr Rodgers holds
an unpaid advisory role with Meta.
Data Availability
The data that has been used is confidential.
Acknowledgements
The authors extend their gratitude to Brynn Trusewicz for their
assistance in developing the digital version of the thematic map.
Appendix
Interview Questions
1. Can you tell me about the social media platforms that you use, and
when you started using them?
2. Do you think that using social media can impact people’s body
image?
a. Can you describe which types of social media content have a
negative impact on body image?
b. Are there types of social media that can make people feel good
about their body?
3. Have you noticed that these (as described in their response)/ any (if
none described) types of social media content make you feel good
about your body?
Can you tell me more about what it is about them that makes you feel
good?
4. Social media content can be images and/or text, and can be
accompanied by captions and comments. Can you tell me how
those different pieces have an impact on body image for you?
5. I am going to show you some social media posts (for each the
questions below):
a. Can you tell me how this post makes you feel about your body?
R.F. Rodgers et al.
b. What is it that makes you feel that way?
c. What does it make you think to yourself?
d. Is there something that the person could have changed that
would have made the post make you feel more positively
about your body?
e. Do you think other people might react differently?
6. Can you tell me what you think it might be helpful to have more
of on social media to help people feel better about their bodies?
7. In your opinion, how can we encourage people to post more
content that is helpful for body image on social media?
8. If you could change one thing about social media to make it more
supportive of positive body image, what would that be?
9. Is there anything I haven’t asked about that you think is relevant
to this discussion and would like to add?
10. Before we wrap up can you briefly tell me how old you are and
how you identify in terms of your gender? I am going to show you
a variety of different bodies. Can you tell me which one you think
looks most like you? Now if I show you this grid of complexions,
which one looks most like yours?
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