The Secondhand Trade in Europe

History Compass 13/6 (2015): 297–309, 10.1111/hic3.
12240
The Significance of the Secondhand Trade in Europe,

1200–16001
Kate Kelsey Staples*
West Virginia University
Abstract
We tend to think of the trade in used clothing and other goods in past economies as secondary to the trade
in wholesale or luxury items. Instead, the medieval economy was a multifaceted one, with many points of
entry. The concurrent expansion in both trade and fashion in the Middle Ages resulted in a larger
inventory for secondhand dealers, and the ways in which credit undergirded exchange allowed for a deep
and varied clientele. The purpose of this article is to suggest, through a review of what we know about the
trade in secondhand goods, that by considering this vital commerce, we can expand our knowledge of
asset preservation, sartorial expression, and commercial exchange in medieval Europe. Rather than an
indication of poverty, the trade in used clothing and goods was an expansive and adaptable trade that
ref lects the complexity of the medieval European economy. Further, it was a trade to which the majority
of people had access. By selling, loaning, renting, coveting, valuing, and refurbishing secondhand clothing
and other goods, women and men actively shaped their economy, and the space in which they lived
and worked.
Video abstract (click to view)
Throughout Europe beginning around the year 1000, trading networks increased, and
wholesale commerce intensified. Regions began to specialize in finished products. These
developments are well documented and well studied. Most people living in towns and the
countryside witnessed a complex f low of goods, yet because of the limited availability of capital
and the generally rigidified social structure, they would have experienced this f low secondhand.
If we limit ourselves to urban spaces where sources concerning trade are rich, we can see that
commerce for the majority of people did not involve the movement of raw materials, bulk
foodstuffs, or luxury finished products. Instead, the secondhand market would have been an
important market for most townsfolk to tap into.
[Correction added on 6 August 2015 after first online publication: a video abstract has been added.]
© 2015 John Wiley & Sons Ltd

298 The Secondhand Trade in Europe, 1200–1600
As today, medieval Europe was a world sated with visual cues. Clothing and material goods
were powerful; the cut and type of fabric of a cloak could transform one socially, while dining
ware and emblems on personal adornments could express status and aspirations.2 These material
items could also be exchanged for other goods and services, donated, or be used to store personal
or cultural meaning for owners. Without a secondhand market, many individuals would have
been cut off from the material means for expressing their political, social, or religious aspirations.
Through the study of the trade of used goods, we are able to imagine urban space and to consider
the interrelatedness of the medieval economy. Merchants and artisans,3 topography,4 credit in-
struments,5 transportation innovations and networks,6 wage differentials,7 ties with and depen-
dencies upon the hinterland,8 poverty9 – all are pieces of the multifaceted puzzle of economic
history. The circulation of used goods is another puzzle piece, and it is necessary to determine
the contours of this trade in order to visualize the full picture of commerce in medieval Europe.
Secondhand dealers in clothing and goods were well aware of the power and meanings of
their products and, as a result, had their fingers in many pies: buying, selling, renting, and
refurbishing goods for a diverse consumer base. Peddlers and hucksters coexisted with second-
hand dealers in the Middle Ages, peddling used cloth and sundry goods, but also varieties of
food, drink, and spices.10 Documents such as guild statutes, freedom registers, tax records, and
city ordinances reveal that a group of secondhand traders operated within a bounded urban
marketplace, while peddlers traversed countryside and cityscape alike and often operated
outside of guild regulations. Secondhand dealers left wills, served apprenticeships, acted as
witnesses and guardians for others, paid taxes, and vied for market space to reach their clients.
In the 13th century, secondhand dealers in Paris articulated their own statutes and practices
before city elders, including apprenticeships. They were one of the 101 established trades
operating in the city at the time, and they were also taxed among the city’s population.11 Guilds
of secondhand dealers were also established in the late 13th and early 14th centuries in the cities
of the Low Countries: Bruges (1297), Ghent (1302), Utrecht (1347), Leuven (1360), and
Dordrecht (1367).12 In 14th- and 15th-century London, secondhand dealers were also levied13
and served in city government positions. For example, John de Northamptone and Simon Eyre,
once upholders (used clothing and goods dealers), served as mayors of London in 1381–2 and
1445.14 Around the medieval Mediterranean, the trade in secondhand goods likewise thrived.
In medieval Alexandria, for instance, there existed a bazaar of secondhand dealers because new
clothing was expensive and as S.D. Goitein has explained, because “garments were cash, under
certain circumstances even better than money. . .”15 In Venice, the secondhand trade can be
traced in historical sources to as early as 1233 with its own guild by 1264. Similar traders were
present in medieval Florence, Bologna, and Toulouse, as well as in Valencia.16 The ubiquity of
these traders and the records they left suggest that the trade in secondhand goods was a vibrant
part of the urban landscape.17
Moving to the late Middle Ages, as commerce expanded in the 15th and 16th centuries,
the demand for secondhand goods appears to have continued, and the number of those
who plied the trade seems to have increased. Harald Deceulaer has shown that the
numbers of secondhand dealers swelled in the Low Countries between the 16th and
18th centuries (although the living standards often decreased) and they were crucial for
the f low of goods from urban to rural markets.18 In this period, individuals visited second-
hand dealers’ homes or booths and shopped for gently used goods for home and parish and
rented clothing, livery, dishes, and wall-hangings for special events. In 15th-century
Venice, Patricia Allerston has noted a canon’s observation that some women rented
dresses for special events.19 At the start of the 16th century in Bologna, a secondhand
dealer had 47 pairs of stockings, some in livery colors, as well as doublets and women’s
clothing, including detachable silver-cloth sleeves,20 and in the same century in
© 2015 John Wiley & Sons Ltd History Compass 13/6 (2015): 297–309, 10.1111/hic3.12240
The Secondhand Trade in Europe, 1200–1600 299
Florence, Ann Matchette has carefully detailed how individuals, living in “a world of
mutual indebtedness,” moved used goods and furnishings in and out of the marketplace.21
In London in 1562, the churchwarden’s account of the parish church of St. Michael’s in
Cornhill included receipts for “olde” painted cloths and “olde” alter cloths, gently used
goods to outfit the church.22 And, as Shakespeare awakened London’s dramatic culture,
theater-owner Philip Henslowe’s 1590s diary revealed a warehouse of cast-off clothing
used by thespians. His notes also suggested the diversity of goods secured for cash or other
goods. As Natasha Korda has shown, Henslowe obtained sundry goods from more women
than men,23 who pledged Henslowe petticoats, gowns, doublets, buttons, kirtels,
bedsheets, spoons, cups, ear pickers, pots, and more.24 Ann Jones and Peter Stallybrass
have opined that Henslowe’s accounts reveal a veritable “banking system in clothes.”25
This brief sketch indicates the presence and significance of the trade in secondhand
clothing and goods. A consideration of how the trade has been approached by scholars will
reveal its potential for understanding the larger economy.
Interpreting the Secondhand Market
The presentation of the secondhand market in the Middle Ages has f luctuated over time.
Charles Pendrill, writing in the early 20th century, included old clothes’ dealers in his survey
of medieval London, explaining the centrality and profitability of the Frippery (in Cornhill)
where these dealers set up market.26 Secondhand traders in London also featured in the
20th-century guild histories.27 However, the late 20th century saw a change in the interpreta-
tion of this trade. At times, guided either by modern conceptions of consignment shops or by
contemporary prescriptive sources decrying the fraudulent activities of traders,28 some scholars
have suggested that the trade in secondhand clothing and goods was a peripheral one. For
example, although not the focus of their work, a number of scholars have indicated that the
secondhand trade was not one that required much capital and therefore indicated poverty in
urban spaces and served patrons from a lower economic standing.29 More recently, James Davis
relied heavily on prescriptive sources to suggest that the secondhand market in medieval England
was an inconsistent, marginal trade, and one “viewed with suspicion.” Davis found that
medieval secondhand marketing existed at the margins of the mainstream exchange process. . . [it]
provided important outlets for cheap and used goods, but. . . operated beyond the formal rules and
quality procedures that safeguarded consumers of new commodities.30
In his study, Davis found that the secondhand trade network in medieval England was extensive
but asserts the trade was bound up with anxieties about product quality, on behalf of regulators,
and predominantly tailored to the poor, on behalf of the practitioners.31 Yet, this evidence alone
is not enough to count the secondhand trade as only peripheral to regulated trades. In medieval
London, the trade in used clothing served an important function for many consumers and
traders alike.32
In medieval Europe more broadly, the size of the town, and thus the consumer base, made a
difference. However, research on the trade in early modern Europe by Laurance Fontaine,
Beverly Lemire, Elizabeth Sanderson, Miles Lambert, John Styles, and Madeline Ginsburg
has suggested that the exchange of used goods was pursued by a variety of individuals. 33 In
other words, before mass production changes of the 18th century, when new goods came in
and out of fashion in a faster cycle and were made of cheaper materials, as noted by Bruno
Blondé and Ilja Van Damme for the Low Countries, there was capacity in the trade of
secondhand goods to meet the needs of many. 34 Recent scholarship suggests that before 1600,
too, the trade in secondhand goods reached up and down the social ladder.
Even though luxury items became more available in the 15th and 16th centuries, they were
not readily acquirable by everyone. Many individuals sought out secondhand dealers through-
out the commercial changes of this period.35 It also seems clear that even though luxury clothing
and goods were still expensive, they remained desirable for the ways they represented and
transformed identities and were therefore worth recycling. In other words, the goods served
both as signs of social aspiration but also held monetary value that communicated power and
status.36 For 14th- and 15th-century Valencia, for example, the secondhand trade was substan-
tial, central, and integral. Juan Vicente García Marsilla has argued that the trade in secondhand
goods in this city was “one of the chief parts of the system” of commerce, serving a broad
clientele.37 Likewise, in late medieval Venice, Allerston found that
Second-hand dealing in that period did encompass humble and unspecialized activities, but it also in-
cluded a wide range of other pursuits which were not of that ilk. These other activities ensured that the
guild held a relatively high position in the Venetian hierarchy: it compared quite well with the drapers’
and mercers’ guilds, was roughly equal to the furriers and was more important than the tailors’ guild.38
In Venice, secondhand dealers served a five-year apprenticeship and had their own guild, which
was dominated by elite Jewish groups. Across Italy in Florence, Jacqueline Musacchio has sug-
gested that the trade was present there as well. Musacchio explored a sale conducted by the
Ufficiali dei Ribelli in 1495 of a portion of the Medici family estate that included selling goods
to commune officials and secondhand dealers ranging from family sheets to a childbirth tray.
“In an object-oriented society like Renaissance Florence,” goods functioned as status markers,
as useable objects, and as value holders, and this market, she explains, “was just as important
[as the commission of new goods] to many Florentines seeking to furnish their homes with both
art and household goods.”39 In the north, Deceulaer has found that the variety in secondhand
dealers matched the regional variety of the early modern cities of the Low Countries, yet the
existence of their guilds in many towns and the connections they formed with consumers in
the countryside suggest a “multidimensionality” not yet recognized fully in premodern urban
histories.40
Another approach scholars have taken to this subject is to consider the extent to which this
was a woman’s trade. Scholarship on working women is vibrant and has proven that women
were essential in the shops of medieval Europe and in the rapid commercial change at the
end of the period.41 Martha Howell has argued that by the end of the commercial revolution,
women in the most profitable trades were “edged out of direct participation in the market” and
they became passive carriers of property in control of domestic space instead.42 Broadly
speaking, women’s participation in the trade in secondhand goods seems to match Howell’s
description – they were present as secondhand dealers throughout the period, although not at
the top echelons of the trade, but appear to be edged out by the 18th century. Focusing on
the medieval period, in 13th-century Paris, women secondhand dealers were in the minority
(women comprised around 8% of the frépiers noted in the tax rolls at the end of the century,
for example),43 as well as in 14th- and 15th-century London.44 In contrast, in the Freedom
Register from 15th-century York, only women upholders were recorded, and their
counterparts seem to have been active in Cheshire as well.45 In 16th-century Bruges, women
used clothing and furniture sellers (uitdraagsters) appear to have controlled part of the trade, both
holding markets stalls and selling in an itinerant fashion.46 Scholars have also found women
active in the trade elsewhere: there were 38 women secondhand goods’ dealers, or Käuf lin,
in Nuremberg in 1572,47 28 women in the oudekleerkopers’ (or old clothes buyers) guild in
the first 50 years of the 17th century in Ghent (7% of the total new guild members),48 and 111
women registered in the guild of secondhand dealers (rigattiere) in Venice between 1616 and
1646, or 14% of the total membership.49
In early modern Europe and colonial America, Patricia Allerston, Beverly Lemire, Merry
Wisner Wood, and Ellen Hartigan-O’Connor have argued that women played an important
role in the secondhand trade, serving as dealers, appraisers, and pawnbrokers.50 However, Miles
Lambert has posited that by the 18th century in the north of England, women were pushed out
of the trade as it became more regulated and lucrative, “resulting in a decided gender shift away
from informal female dealers towards shop-based male pawnbrokers and clothes brokers.”51
Deceulaer found a similar shift over the early modern period in Leuven.52 In contrast, for retail-
ing as a whole, in early modern Antwerp (where a guild of secondhand dealers was established
by 139953), Laura Van Aert has observed that “retailing was becoming increasingly feminized”
and women fully participated in the market place in selling textiles and possessing stalls.54 For
the secondhand trade, there appears to have been a difference between guild members,
membership that was often restricted to men, and those secondhand dealers working outside
of the guild or in provincial towns without guilds. When we consider women in this trade,
as in others, it is important to keep in mind the limits of the source material: their activity does
not indicate their dominance or marginality, merely their presence. The social and legal restric-
tions placed on women in many parts of Europe often dictated how they appeared in the
sources and regional differences prevent generalization about the gendered nature of selling used
goods. Nevertheless, the f luidity of this trade may have permitted women (and men) to pick up
this employment in addition to another they pursued, and as such, they may not have been
noted in the records as secondhand dealers.55
It is possible that outside of very large urban spaces, the trade in secondhand goods was more
f luid, including more women, and adapting to smaller populations as secondhand traders
jockeyed for economic position with other merchants and artisans. Yet, this participation is also
arguably much harder to uncover in the records. While secondhand dealers predate the
pawnbroker,56 in the 16th century, they took in clothing and goods in pledge and purchased
goods no longer wanted. For example, in 1573 in Leicester, women selling apparel and goods
were called “brogers or pledge women” and were noted as itinerant traders accepting goods for
pledge.57 There is some speculation that the secondhand dealer was also an undertaker in some
capacity, and one can envision the medieval or early modern estate sale and the role of this
dealer in that end-of-life event, purchasing goods heirs might wish to liquidate for cash.58
One can also envision women as assessors of household goods and clothing as much as men,
and Elizabeth Sanderson has found women active as assessors by the 18th century in Scotland.59
As scholars explore more sources, tracking gender distribution in the trade and the effects of
gender ideology on social and economic structures will remain essential lines of inquiry.
New Areas of Research

Recognizing the deep reach of this trade is important, and considering these approaches
advances our understanding of the medieval economy. The secondhand trade had the capacity
to serve myriad customers and the f lexibility to permit a variety of dealers. One secondhand
dealer could have had her own shop or stall and another could have pursued the trade
concurrent with his work as a haberdasher or smith. One last avenue of research to explore is
the demand side of the trade, arguably the most difficult to uncover, but which holds potential
for understanding the medieval economy as a whole.
Despite the increase of goods in the market at the end of the Middle Ages, consumers
remained markedly defensive and cash-strapped. Yet, cash-strapped does not mean hamstrung.
Craig Muldrew has argued convincingly for a value-rich understanding of exchange during this
period, for a credit-supported economy in which trust and reputation were keystones.60 In such
an economy, only those at the very top could afford the newest and shiniest material objects,
and for nearly all, transactions were carried out on promises, in exchange for labor or service,
or in kind. Although careful to note how it varied by social class, Laurence Fontaine, for
example, has shown in urban spaces in early modern Europe that merchants of various stripes
kept careful records of debts owed to them or securities received. Fontaine has also shown
effectively that pawning goods was an activity that cut across social classes.61 Concomitant with
a credit-based economy, discomfort with both the f luidity of status and the dangers of
commerce increased over the span of the Middle Ages. Contemporary literature spoke of crafty
traders, while sumptuary legislation communicated the fears of the ruling elite of blurred social
divisions.62 For consumers navigating this uncertain landscape ripe with opportunity, recycling
and purchasing secondhand items remained important strategies. If we can understand these
strategies as much as possible, we can gain a better appreciation for consumption patterns and
consumer markets.
Tracing the outlines of consumption patterns has engaged scholars for decades. Using
household accounts, shopkeepers’ ledgers, advice manuals, inventories, and other sources, these
scholars have largely focused on the 18th century, traditionally seen as the era in which
“a consumer society was born”63 and the pivotal aligning of the industrious, consumer, and
retailing revolutions (although scholars debate the terminology and dating of these events).64
Archeologists and medievalists have helpfully amended this presentation of consumption to
indicate that individuals purchased, displayed, and used goods for purposes beyond subsistence
or quotidian use (to express, to impress, to imitate, to empower, to compete) long before the
18th century.65 Evelyn Welch, for example, revealed a vibrant market of varied consumption
in urbanizing Italy but argued that rather than a long trajectory of consumerism, sources from
Renaissance Italy suggest a complex process that drew upon long-established patterns of
consumption and engaged new business techniques and cultural practices.66
It is not my intent here to engage in this abundant scholarship regarding when consumerism
began or how it f luctuated; instead, I propose that the secondhand market can help us better
understand consumption patterns in medieval Europe as this market permitted more individuals
to express their identities and aspirations through the procurement, display, and use of a variety
of goods. By exploring what secondhand dealers traded in and their clientele, not only might we
come to understand what goods people consumed, but for what reasons as well. As Welch
claims for Renaissance Italy, recent work on the secondhand market “has shown how important
it is to shift attention away from the ‘new’ to the ‘nearly new’ in order to fully understand issues
of acquisition and demand.”67 If medieval Europeans used fabric, fashion, livery, and material to
communicate status, aspirations, and identity, what better way to understand consumerism
than through the market of used goods, a market with more points of access than that for
new goods? This market also can inf luence how we understand later economic developments.
As Sara Pennell posits, “without recirculation of a wide range of goods and materials, it is
possible that the phenomenon problematically called the ‘consumer revolution’ could not have
happened at all.”68
Through a review of the scholarship, we can see that the secondhand market mirrored other
sectors of the economy, it engendered fears of fraud, it included women and men alike, and at its
heart were objects, pregnant with value and symbolic power. A logical, yet widely untapped,
place to look to understand the trade in used goods is to these goods themselves.69 For certain,
tracing the strategies of those who acquired used goods in this period is difficult, as are the tactics
pursued by the traders themselves; only those wealthy or inf luential enough, either as traders or
shoppers, appear on the head of the nail, the rest are buried beneath the dense wood of the
secondhand market. An examination of material culture opens a rich avenue of analysis and can
illuminate more about the operations of the secondhand market in medieval Europe. Theorist
Ian Woodward explains “people require objects to understand and perform aspects of selfhood,
and to navigate the terrain of culture more broadly.”70 Following this idea, objects both ref lect
the meanings humans give to them and can exercise inf luence upon human actors. Exploring
the goods, then, can help us get closer to describing the world that surrounds those actors.71
For example, tracing girdles through debt cases and in inventories, clothing as gifts, and pawned
pots could shed light on the f low of secondhand items in the marketplace and might also pro-
vide an access point for understanding the value of these sartorial and domestic items. Katherine
French has argued that the study of material objects can reveal aspects of women’s lives hidden
from view in written sources, while Ann Matchette has shown that the sale of household goods
can elucidate the shifting meanings people ascribed to domestic objects.72 Similarly, used goods
weaving in and out of the market could reveal aspects of the lives of those who do not otherwise
appear in written sources.73 Theories of material culture can provide a different angle from
which to examine this expansive commerce.
Women and men from many different backgrounds plied the trade in used clothing and other
goods: they hocked disease-infested clothing, appraised goods listed in wills and enumerated
as collateral in loans, served as apprentices to learn the art of assessing value, negotiated terms,
and altered clothing to fit style, need, and status. This trade persisted despite significant changes in
the broader economy between 1200 and 1600. While geography and population size remain
crucial variables, all of these participants were part of a complex network. This network has been
seen variously as the underbelly of respectable trade, and as instrumental to “mainstream”
commerce. They are not mutually exclusive. This secondary or gray economy is as crucial as other
aspects of the economy to understanding medieval commerce and trade in its entirety.
Short Biography
Kate Kelsey Staples is an Associate Professor of History at West Virginia University, where she
teaches courses on medieval and early modern England, gender history, and medieval Europe.
She is interested in social, gender, cultural, and urban history, particularly of late medieval
England, and has published Daughters of London: Inheriting Opportunity in Late Medieval London
(Brill, 2011), an article on fripperers, and has co-authored an article on sanctity and sexuality.
Her current book project explores the multifaceted nature of the trade in secondhand clothing
and goods and considers who traded in used goods, the material culture of their products, and
the market spaces in which they appraised, negotiated, and operated. She received her PhD in
History from the University of Minnesota.
Notes
* Correspondence: Department of History, West Virginia University, Morgantown 26506, West Virginia, United States.
Email: Kate.Staples@mail.wvu.edu.
1
I am grateful to the section editor, Katherine French, for her guidance and comments, as well as to the two reviewers for
this piece, one anonymous and the other James Davis. They provided thoughtful suggestions that made this a stronger essay.
Thank you, too, to Brian Luskey for his comments on an earlier version of this article.
2
There is a large historiography on the topic of the power of clothing to transform, reflect, and produce status. See Stuard,
Gilding the Market; K. Burkholder, “Threads Bared,” 133–53; Crane, The Performance of Self; Sponsler, Drama and Resistance;
Howell, Commerce before Capitalism in Europe, 208–60; and I. Van Damme, “Middlemen and the Creation of a ‘Fashion
Revolution’ ”. For the power of clothing to express identity and to disguise, rather than to alter status perceptions, see J.
Bennett et al., “Early, Erotic and Alien,” 1–25.
3
E.g., Reyerson, The Art of the Deal, and Swanson, Medieval Artisans.
4
E.g., Lilley, Urban Life in the Middle Ages, Hutton, “Women, Men, and Markets: The Gendering of Market Space in Late
Medieval Ghent,” 409–431, and Smail, Imaginary Cartographies.
5
E.g., McIntosh, “Money Lending on the Periphery of London, 1300–1600,” 557–571, and Jordan, Women and Credit in
Pre-Industrial and Developing Societies.
6
E.g., J. Langdon et al., “Transport in Medieval England,” 864–875.
7
E.g., S. Bardsley, “Women’s Work Reconsidered,” 3–30. See also J. Bennett, “History that Stands Still,” 269–283.
8
E.g., D. Leech, “Community of Town and Country,” and Masschaele, Peasants, Merchants and Markets.
9
E.g., Farmer, Surviving Poverty in Medieval Paris.
10
See Fontaine, History of Pedlars in Europe, for a study of itinerant peddlers, their stock and trade networks, and their
mountain connections in the early modern period. Fontaine notes that peddlers, too, were present early on, for example,
in Zurich in the 14th century. Fontaine, History, 10. For work on hucksters in England, who were present in large and
small towns alike, for example, see R. H. Hilton, “Lords, Burgesses, and Hucksters,” 3–15, Barron, “Women Traders and
Artisans in London,” <http://www.oxforddnb.com/view/article/52233>, and S. Wright, “Churmaids, Huswyfes and
Hucksters,” 100–121. Hilton and Barron point out that hucksters could also trade in used clothing. See also K. Mummey
et al., “Whose City is This?” 910–922.
11
De Lespinasse et al., eds. Le Livre des Métiers D’Étienne Boileau (Paris: Imprimerie Nationale, 1879), 161. The 13th-century
Parisian taille also lists frépiers taxed for the city. Five of these lists survive, from 1296 to 1300, while the first three years, ’93,
’94, and ’95, have been lost or destroyed. Two of the five surviving rolls have been transcribed and published, 1296 and 1297;
the other three are in the Archives Nationale in Paris (AN KK283). Michaëlsson, Le Livre de la Taille de Paris l’an 1296, and
Michaëlsson, Le Livre de la Taille de Paris l’an 1297. Evidence for apprenticeship in this trade exists in the 16th century as well.
See C. Loats, “Gender, Guilds, and Work Identity,” 20.
12
H. Deceulaer, “Second-hand Dealers in the Early Modern Low Countries,” 15.
13
In Parliament records for England, there is a detail of a subsidy granted to the king in 1489 to be levied on goods and
chattels of a group of merchants, including upholders. Parliament Rolls of Medieval England, vol. 1 Henry VII (1489),
<http://www.british-history.ac.uk/report.aspx?compid+116566>.
14
Houston notes John de Northamptone, upholder and draper, was mayor of London in 1381–2. See Houston, Featherbedds
and Flock beds, 3. C. Barron, “Eyre, Simon (c. 1395–1458),” <http://www.oxforddnb.com/view/article/52246/>.
15
Goitein, A Mediterranean Society, vol. 5, 61, quotation at vol. 4, 184.
16
P. Allerston, “The Market in Second-hand Clothes and Furnishings in Venice, 1500-c. 1650,” 6, 7, 38. Herlihy found
women acting as secondhand dealers in Italian cities. See Herlihy, Opera Muliebria, 95, 155. J. Vicente García Marsilla,
“Avec les vêtements des autres,” 123–143. See also P. Allerston, “Reconstructing the Second-hand Clothes Trade in
Sixteenth- and Seventeenth-century Venice,” 46–56, and M. G. Muzzarelli, Guardaroba Medievale.
17
Luskey and Woloson make a similar argument in their introduction to a study on the role of “secondary” commerce to
19th-century capitalism in the United States. Capitalism by Gaslight.
18
Deceulaer, “Second-hand Dealers,” 14, 27–35.
19
Allerston, “The Market,” 176. Renting or loaning clothing and goods was not uncommon in premodern Europe. See
also Allerston, “Clothing and Early Modern Venetian Society,” Blackham, The Soul of the City: London’s Livery Companies,
313, Deceulaer, 21, and C. Edwards, “The upholsterer and the retailing of domestic furnishings,” 55.
20
Welch, Shopping in the Renaissance, 158–9.
21
Matchette, “Credit and Credibility,” 226.
22
Overall, ed., The Accounts of the Churchwardens of the Parish of St. Michael, 155.
23
Korda, Labors Lost, 230, n. 156.
24
Foakes, ed., Henslowe’s Diary.
25
Jones and Stallybrass, Renaissance Clothing and the Materials of Memory, 31.
26
Pendrill, Wanderings in Medieval London, 147–8.
27
Houston, Featherbedds and Flock Bedds.
28
Allerston, “The Market,” 7.
29
For England, for example, see Dyer, Standards of Living in the Later Middle Ages, 207, B. Hanawalt, “Reading the Lives of
the Illiterate,” 1069, and McIntosh, Working Women in English Society, 230. For Paris, see Lombard-Jourdan, Les Halles de Paris
et leur Quartier, 64.
30
J. Davis, “Marketing Secondhand Goods in Late Medieval England,” 270–286, quotations at 276 and 271.
31
Davis, “Marketing Secondhand Goods,” 278.
32
K. Staples, “Fripperers and the Used Clothing Trade in Late Medieval London,” 151–171.
33
Fontaine, ed., Alternative Exchanges; B. Lemire. “Consumerism in Preindustrial and Early Industrial England,” 1–24 and
“Peddling Fashion,” 67–82; E. C. Sanderson, “Nearly New,” 38–48; M. Lambert, “Cast-off Wearing Apparell;” J. Styles,
“Clothes and the Non-Elite Consumer;” M. Ginsburg, “Rags to Riches.”
34
B. Blondé et al., “Retail Growth and Consumer Changes,” 654–6. See also Deceulaer’s discussion of this idea, “Second-
hand Dealers,” 33–35. Allerston sees the decline of the trade in Venice in the 17th century. Allerston, “The Market,” 326–7.
35
Howell, Commerce before Capitalism, 294.
36
Howell, Commerce before Capitalism, 5, 214–222. Howell sees this time period as one of cultural crisis: “born of commerce
and given expression in dress”, 256.
37
García Marsilla, “Avec les vêtements des autres,” quotation at 142: “. . . l’une des pièce maîtresses de ce système. . .”
38
Allerston, “The Market,” 165. See also Allerston, “Reconstructing the Second-hand Clothes Trade”; Mackenney,
Tradesmen and Traders, 12–13.
39
J. Musacchio, “The Medici Sale of 1495,” 313–323, quotations at 314 and 313.
40
Deceulaer, “Second-hand Dealers,” 36.
41
E.g., Hanawalt, ed., Women and Work in Preindustrial Europe; M. Kowalesi et al., “Crafts, Gilds, and Women in the Middle
Ages,” 474–488; K. E. Lacey, “Women and Work in Fourteenth and Fifteenth Century London,” 24–78; S. Farmer,
“Merchant Women and the Administrative Glass Ceiling in Thirteenth-century Paris,” 89–108; D. Van Den Heuvel,
“Partners in marriage and business?” 217–236; C. Frick, “Gendered Space in Renaissance Florence.” 125–145. Bennett’s
landmark work on brewing and alewives often provides the framework for these discussions of gender and trade: Ale,
Beer, and Brewsters in England.
42
Howell, Commerce before Capitalism, 290–291.
43
See note 12 above. See also J. Archer, “Working Women in Thirteenth-century Paris” for a study of women’s presence
in these tax rolls.
44
Staples, “Fripperers and the Used Clothing Trade,” 168–9. For Southwark, see Bennett, History Matters: Patriarchy and the
Challenge of Feminism, 92–93.
45
Collins, ed., Register of the Freemen of the City of York, vol. 1: 1272–1558 (1897). Thank you to H. Swanson and K. Crassons
for sharing their research findings on upholders in York. For Cheshire, see G. Walker, “Women, Theft and the World of
Stolen Goods,” 81–105.
46
M. Danneel, “Handelaarsters in oude kleren in de 16de eeuw te Brugge,” 203–218, esp. 210–215.
47
Rublack, Dressing Up: Cultural Identity in Renaissance Europe, 233. See also M. Wiesner Wood who suggests women
dominated the trade here, “Paltry Peddlers or Essential Merchants? Women in the Distributive Trades in Early Modern
Nuremberg,” 8–9.
48
49
Allerston, “The Market,” 159. Allerston suggests that for 16th- and 17th-century Venice, while women were enrolled in
the guild, they rarely owned their own workshops and were subordinate within the guild, more often moving in and out of
the trade as it suited their needs. Allerston, “The Market,” 185–6, 189. There are other terms for secondhand dealers
including a brocanteur in French, who was a dealer in secondhand goods, and pelherius in Occitan. For more on
terminology, see Staples, “Fripperers and the Used Clothing Trade,” 151–171, and Staples, “Fripperers” and “Botchers”,
Encyclopedia of Medieval Dress and Textiles.
50
Allerston found women making up 1/7 of the guild membership in the first half of the 17th century. “The Market,” 7,
150, 158–9, 189. Lemire emphasizes that the secondhand trade was often an informal women-dominated activity, with
women using clothing as capital in unsteady economy and translating their sewing skills to the business side. Lemire,
Dress, Culture, and Commerce, 98. See also Lemire, The Business of Everyday Life. Wiesner Wood, “Paltry peddlers,” 8–10.
Hartigan-O’Conner argues that in 18th-century America, women were crucial in pawnbroking because of their
adaptability and were more likely than men to convert clothing into money. The Ties that Buy, 40, 114, 167.
51
M. Lambert, “Cast-off Wearing Apparell,” 1–2.
52
Deceulaer, “Second-hand Dealers,” 28–9.
53
54
L. van Aert, “Trade and Gender Emancipation: Retailing Women in Sixteenth-century Antwerp,” 297–313, quotation at 310.
55
Staples, “Fripperers and the Used Clothing Trade,” 167–9.
56
Hudson has suggested that pawnbrokers existed in the Middle Ages as a group but catered only to the nobility, as most of the
population had very few possessions of quality to pawn. He also argued that because of economic depression, pawnbroking did
not become a profession until the 17th century. Pawnbroking: An Aspect of British Social History, 22–29, 32.
57
Bateson, ed., Leicester Borough Records III, 147.
58
Hazlitt, Livery Companies of the City of London, 654.
59
Sanderson, Women and Work in Eighteenth-Century Edinburgh, 208.
60
Muldrew, “ ‘Hard Food for Midas’: Cash and Its Social Value in Early Modern England,” Past & Present, 170 (2001), 78–120.
61
Fontaine, L’économie morale. See also C. Muldrew, The Economy of Obligation, J. Shaw, “Market Ethics and Credit Practices
in Sixteenth-century Tuscany,” and J. Hardwick, Family Business, particularly chapter four: “Economies of Markets:
Borrowing, Customary Practices, and Emerging Markets.”
62
On the topic of sumptuary legislation, see Heller, “Limiting Yardage and Changes of Clothes,” 121–136, Killerby,
Sumptuary Law in Italy 1200–1500, and D. O. Hughes, “Sumptuary Law and Social Relations,” 69–99.
63
J. Stobart, “A history of Shopping,” 342–349, quotation at 343.
64
This historiography is vast, but notable contributions include McKendrick et al., eds., The Birth of a Consumer Society,
Mukerji, From Graven Images, Shammas, The Pre-Industrial Consumer in England and America, B. Blondé and I. Van
Damme, “The Shop, the Home, and the Retail Revolution,” 335–50, and De Vries, The Industrious Revolution.
65
E.g., Walsh, Consumerism in the Ancient World, Goldthwaite, Wealth and the Demand for Art in Italy, 1300-1600, Hamling
et al., eds., Everyday Objects.
66
Welch, Shopping in the Renaissance.
67
Welch, Shopping in the Renaissance, 14.
68
Although her chapter focuses on the 18th century, it is possible to read this idea back to earlier centuries, as it is clear that
this recycling and reuse was well established before the 18th century. S. Pennell, “All but the Kitchen Sink,” 37–56,
quotation at 37–8.
69
In her review of works on consumption 20 years ago, Cissie Fairchilds suggested it would be productive to place goods at
the heart of any analysis of consumption. C. Fairchilds, “Consumption in Early Modern Europe,” 858.
70
Woodward, Understanding Material Culture, vi.
71
For starting points to material culture studies, see Harvey, ed., History and Material Culture, Hodder, Reading the Past,
Cohen, ed., Animal, Vegetable, Mineral, and Appadurai, ed., The Social Life of Things. For an example of using material
culture to understand the past, see L. Auslander, “Beyond Words,” 1015–1045.
72
A. Matchette, “To Have and Have Not,” 701–716.
73
K. L. French, “Genders and Material Culture,” 197–214.
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