Indigenous Feminist Gikendaasowin

(Knowledge): Decolonization through

Physical Activity Tricia Mcguire-Adams
Visit to download the full and correct content document:
https://ebookmass.com/product/indigenous-feminist-gikendaasowin-knowledge-decol
onization-through-physical-activity-tricia-mcguire-adams/
NEW FEMININITIES IN
DIGITAL, PHYSICAL AND SPORTING CULTURES

Indigenous
Feminist
Gikendaasowin
(Knowledge)
Decolonization through
Physical Activity

Tricia McGuire-Adams
New Femininities in Digital, Physical and
Sporting Cultures

Series Editors
Kim Toffoletti
School of Humanities and Social Sciences
Deakin University
Melbourne, VIC, Australia

Jessica Francombe-Webb
Department for Health
University of Bath
Bath, UK

Holly Thorpe
School of Health
University of Waikato
Hamilton, New Zealand
Palgrave’s New Femininities in Digital, Physical and Sporting Cultures
series is dedicated to exploring emerging forms and expressions of femi-
ninity, feminist activism and politics in an increasingly global, consumer
and digital world. Books in this series focus on the latest conceptual,
methodological and theoretical developments in feminist thinking about
bodies, movement, physicality, leisure and technology to understand and
problematize new framings of feminine embodiment. Globally inclusive,
and featuring established and emerging scholars from multi-disciplinary
fields, the series is characterized by an interest in advancing research and
scholarship concerning women’s experiences of physical culture in a vari-
ety of cultural contexts.

More information about this series at

http://www.palgrave.com/gp/series/15874
 Tricia McGuire-Adams

Indigenous Feminist
Gikendaasowin
(Knowledge)
Decolonization through Physical
Activity
Tricia McGuire-Adams
University of Ottawa
Ottawa, ON, Canada

ISSN 2522-0330     ISSN 2522-0349 (electronic)

New Femininities in Digital, Physical and Sporting Cultures
ISBN 978-3-030-56805-4    ISBN 978-3-030-56806-1 (eBook)
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-56806-1

© The Editor(s) (if applicable) and The Author(s), under exclusive licence to Springer Nature
Switzerland AG 2020
This work is subject to copyright. All rights are solely and exclusively licensed by the Publisher, whether
the whole or part of the material is concerned, specifically the rights of translation, reprinting, reuse of
illustrations, recitation, broadcasting, reproduction on microfilms or in any other physical way, and trans-
mission or information storage and retrieval, electronic adaptation, computer software, or by similar or
dissimilar methodology now known or hereafter developed.
The use of general descriptive names, registered names, trademarks, service marks, etc. in this publication
does not imply, even in the absence of a specific statement, that such names are exempt from the relevant
protective laws and regulations and therefore free for general use.
The publisher, the authors and the editors are safe to assume that the advice and information in this book
are believed to be true and accurate at the date of publication. Neither the publisher nor the authors or
the editors give a warranty, expressed or implied, with respect to the material contained herein or for any
errors or omissions that may have been made. The publisher remains neutral with regard to jurisdictional
claims in published maps and institutional affiliations.

Cover illustration: © ‘Keeping the Past. Keeping Strong’ (2008, Acrylic on Canvas), Rachel Mishenere

This Palgrave Macmillan imprint is published by the registered company Springer Nature Switzerland AG.
The registered company address is: Gewerbestrasse 11, 6330 Cham, Switzerland
 Artist Statement

Keeping the Past. Keeping Strong. (2008, Acrlyic on Canvas)

There are three images in this painting. There is a woman standing tall,
strong and proud of her cultural identity. She is embracing the younger
version of herself, the child within. The hand on the back (of the woman
kneeling), represents the past and the intentional colonial violence that
was directed towards Indigenous Peoples.
I am the woman in the painting. The strong woman embraces and hon-
ours the child within, and will always acknowledge the past harms that were
directly, and indirectly, targeted at her and her People. The very act of existing
today is a reflection of the strength and resilience of Indigenous Peoples.
Learning about, and understanding, the relationship between the
Indigenous Nations and the Government of Canada through the per-
spectives and lived experiences of Indigenous Peoples empowered every
essence of my being. The heinous effects of colonialism inflicted on my
ancestors continue today through the intergenerational impacts and cur-
rent policies and practices. Like many Indigenous Peoples, I have a

v
vi Artist Statement

responsibility to do work in my life that will make a positive impact in

the lives of my relations.
Miigwetch,
Rachel Mishenene
Anishinaabe, Member of Eabametoong First Nation and bloodborn to
Mishkeegogamang First Nation
 Acknowledgements

This book could not have happened without the ever-present love and
support offered from my family. To Ryan, Ziigwaan, Mom, and Debbie,
chimiigwetch for your continual support. To the strong Anishinaabekweg
and the women who committed to Wiisokotaatiwin, I am incredibly
thankful for your guidance and for your sharing your dibaajimowinan
with me.
Thank you/chimiigwetch to the for the Elders of Naicatchewenin First
Nation, Gary Smith, and Clint Geyshick for your guidance, learnings,
and support. I am humbled to be welcomed to learn through
Anishinaabemowin and our Anishinaabeg intelligence.
To Sheridon, Jennifer, and the Odawa Native Friendship Centre, miig-
wetch for your sustained support for the kettlebell programme and in for
my research. To all my dear friends who gave me words of encouragement
and listened to me as I rambled on about my dissertation, and now book-­
writing journey, miigwetch. I navigated some difficult spaces, and my
friends and family were always there to hold me up.
Thank you to Audrey Giles, Nicholas Ng-A-Fook, and Mythili Rajiva
for your guidance with the first iteration of this manuscript, my
dissertation.
To Lindsey Kirby-McGregor, my incredible Master of Arts student,
miigwetch for your assistance with the final production push.

vii
viii Acknowledgements

To Seven Generations Educational Institute, the University of Ottawa,

Indspire, Rose Nolan Foundation, and the Canadian Institutes of Health
Research - Institute of Indigenous Peoples’ Health (CIHR-IAPH) miig-
wetch for the financial support over the course of my research.
I am forever grateful that you have published your Anishinaabeg
intelligence.
To Kim Toffoletti, Holly Thorpe, and Jessica Francombe-Webb, I am
deeply grateful for your support with my research and guidance through-
out this process.
 Contents

1 Introduction  1

2 Indigenous Feminist Theory and Embodied Settler

Colonialism 31

3 Relational Accountability to our Ancestors 45

4 Women’s Stories of Decolonized Physical Activity 63

5 Oshki-Michitweg or New Runners 83

6 Wiisokotaatiwin: Kettlebell Training, Critical Dialogue,

and Creating Well-­Being Through Physical Activity 99

7 Disciplined Physical Activity as an Ethic of Anishinaabeg

Self-Discipline129

ix
x Contents

8 Conclusion147

Glossary163

Index165
 1
Introduction

The stories we tell about ourselves and each other matter. They inform
how we make sense of our realities, our experiences, and the way we feel
and think about each other, and indeed, how we think and feel about
ourselves. What stories does settler colonialism tell about Indigenous1
women in Canada? Often, settler colonialism tells a story about
Indigenous women in a multitude of negative tones: that Indigenous
women are not high achievers; that we have too many babies, with too
many fathers; that we are too promiscuous and do drugs and alcohol,
which leads us to be murdered and/or missing; that we are not healthy
and well; and that we are not physically strong.2 These settler-colonial
stories about Indigenous women are rooted in the justification of the tak-
ing of Indigenous lands and territories. Indigenous women, from across
Turtle Island and from diverse Nations, were (and are) the leaders, think-
ers, and cultural catalysts among our respective communities. We had a
formidable strength garnered from our immense spirituality, and we fos-
tered knowledge and teachings that continue to guide our journey within
mino-biimaadiziwin (the good life). Settler-colonial stories come from a
settler-colonial mythology about Indigenous women that maintains the
interlocking institutions of heteropatriarchy, white supremacy, and

© The Author(s) 2020 1

T. McGuire-Adams, Indigenous Feminist Gikendaasowin (Knowledge),
New Femininities in Digital, Physical and Sporting Cultures,
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-56806-1_1
2 T. McGuire-Adams

Christianity. Such stories spin a rationalized space in the minds of settler-­

colonial people in order for their existence on stolen territory to make
sense to them. But these stories are not how we, as Indigenous women,
think about ourselves and each other.
The dibaajimowinan shared in this book tell different stories. The
dibaajimowinan tell of deep ancestral knowledge and strength that show
that Anishinaabekweg had immense physicality and strength; they tell of
Anishinaabekweg embodying ancestral strengths through physical activ-
ity, such as running, and they tell of creating community and support
through critical dialogue and physical activity. These dibaajimowinan are
a truth telling; they speak to the regeneration occurring among Indigenous
women, and they speak back to the settler-colonial stories, stories that are
meant to show our presumed disappearance.
This book presents the dibaajimowinan of Anishinaabeg women,
Elders, and urban Indigenous women regarding our physicality, health,
and well-being. Their stories inform personal decolonization and regen-
eration within the fields of sociology of sport and Indigenous femi-
nist theory.

Toni Morrison “If there is a book that you want to read, but it hasn’t been writ-
ten yet, you must be the one to write it” from the Handy English Grammar
Answer Book.

Locating Myself
Boozhoo, Dibikgeezhigokwe indigo. Mishkwasdesi dodaim. Bingwi
Neyaashi Anishinaabek (Ojibway) nindoonji, Anemki Wekwedong nin-
doonji. I belong to Bingwi Neyaashi Anishinaabek on Animbiigo
Zaagi’igan and grew up in Thunder Bay, Ontario, both of which are in
the Robinson Superior Treaty Territory. My paternal family is from
Bingwi Neyaashi Anishinaabek. My maternal family is from Animakee
Wa Zhing 37 First Nation in Treaty #3 Territory. I also have family ties to
Couchiching First Nation in Treaty #3 through marriage. Anishinaabeg,
other times spelled Anishinaabek, comprise the Potawatomi, Odawa, and
Ojibway (in the United States Ojibway is also known as Chippewa)
 1 Introduction 3

peoples who span the Traditional Territories now known as Manitoba,

Ontario, Québec, in Canada, and the state of Minnesota in the United
States. Anishinaabeg reside in rural and urban areas and in their respec-
tive First Nation communities, in addition to other global localities. It is
important that I introduce to you my Anishinaabeg family and commu-
nities to demonstrate and honour my identity, relationships, and the sto-
ries shared within this book.
Anishinaabeg knowledge is derived from our stories or dibaajimowi-
nan. We learn from our personal stories, ancestral stories, funny or tragic
stories, and truth-telling stories; indeed, “stories are meant to heal”
(Wagamese 2008, p. 4). As Anishinaabeg, we have a responsibility to
preserve our stories as they are meant to teach us new ways of being. My
ancestral stories have guided me while writing this book. I share them
now to honour my ancestors who continue to guide me:

I was a young woman, just 19, when my father told me a story about my
Anishinaabekweg ancestors living on the territory of Animbiigo Zaagi’igan. A
long time ago on Animbiigo Zaagi’igan, three Anishinaabekweg went to check
their fishing net beneath the winter ice. One of the women was pregnant and
during the trip to collect the fish, she gave birth. She then walked back to our
community—carrying the fish with her baby. In this story, my nookomisag
showed immense physical strength, both in traversing the frigid, frozen lake to
collect the fish meant to feed their families and in delivering a baby on the
frozen, icy lake. The birth of this precious baby instilled a far greater strength in
my nookomisag than the trip initially demanded of them. My nokomis showed
an ethereal physicality to give birth on Animbiigo Zaagi’igan and to then carry
her newborn with the fish back to her family. It is extraordinarily meaningful
and is an act for which I am very grateful.
A second story features the birth of my father. My auntie, Dr. Patricia
McGuire, recounted the story of the birth of my father to me on one of our many
visits together. My nokomis, who at the time was nine months pregnant, sent
her children off to school one day. Upon returning from school, the children
began to eat their supper while their mama busied herself with daily chores. The
siblings noticed a strange sound coming from a basket. Their first thought was
that it was a puppy; however, they were astonished to discover it was their new
baby brother. In this story, my nokomis was able to not only give birth to my
father completely on her own, but she was also then able to collect the wood to
4 T. McGuire-Adams

set up the fire in the wood stove, prepare and cook supper for the kids, and
continue to occupy herself with other tasks.
A third story is about my ancestral relative, Pikaagooseekwe. Shared by my
auntie as part of her own dissertation, it is a story highlighting the fortitude
and physical strength of our ancestor.
Pikaagooseekwe came to Animbigoo Zaagi’igan when her grandmother out-
fitted her with food and a birch bark canoe. She and her grandmother were
living by Lake Superior in what is now Pic Heron First Nation. Her grand-
mother did not want her to marry a specific man, as Pikaagooseekwe would
have become his second or third wife. Pikaagooseekwe was about 14 years old
when her grandmother prepared her for this journey … It took her about two
weeks to travel by water from Heron Bay, close to Lake Superior and Marathon,
Ontario, to the shores of Lake Nipigon. She travelled on her own and was able
to avoid fur traders and various other dangers in the process. Pikaagooseekwe
arrived safely at the home of her relatives at Nipigon House, a Hudson Bay
trading post on Lake Nipigon. She made certain her grandchildren knew of this
journey and the reasons why it was undertaken. (McGuire 2013, p. 74)

These stories speak to the incredible physical strength, health, and well-
ness that Anishinaabekweg possess. In each story, the women embodied
a strong physicality that enabled them to collect fish for their family,
deliver babies on their territories, and evade unwelcome circumstances.
Together, these ancestral stories provided me with purpose as I thought
mindfully and spiritually about my responsibility in conducting research.
These stories grounded me and gave me strength, as I knew my ancestors
were guiding me. Most incredibly, the stories led me to realize the aim of
this book, which was to understand how our ancestral stories of physical
strength, and current personal stories of physical activity, may influence
our current efforts to challenge ill health. The guiding question for the
research presented in this book is, “Can physical activity that encom-
passes a decolonization approach be a catalyst for regenerative well-being
for Anishinaabeg women?” Answering this question required three stages
of research, each comprising their own study. In stage one, I held a shar-
ing circle with Anishinaabeg Elders to ask how settler colonialism is man-
ifested upon Anishinaabeg women’s bodies? The results of this stage are
positioned in Chap. 3. I choose to place the knowledge that the Elders’
shared in the forefront in the book as their words ground how settler
 1 Introduction 5

colonialism is both presented and challenged through our stories. In stage

two, I interviewed Anishinaabeg women who are exemplars of decolo-
nized physical activity to ask, why did you become physically active?
What drives you to commit to physical activity? And, why is physical
activity important to you? The results of this stage are presented in Chaps.
4 and 5 of the book and represent how Anishinaabeg women are disrupt-
ing settler colonialism through their decolonized physical activity. In
stage three, I implemented Wiisokotaatiwin to explore the benefits of
bringing urban Indigenous women together to engage in physical activity
while discussing issues related to colonization, decolonization, health and
well-being, ancestral stories, and other aspects of physical activity. This
chapter showcases a novel study of Indigenous women’s physical activity
practices, this time in urban gym settings, to consider the place of decolo-
nization and strength in understandings of well-being and provides a fur-
ther example of how settler colonialism may be disrupted from a
community perspective. In the last chapter, I demonstrate how Indigenous
folks might take up the knowledge presented in this book by enacting
disciplined physical activity as a form of resistance to settler colonialism.
Through these chapters, I speak to how settler colonialism is mani-
fested in our bodies through ill health, trauma, and grief through the use
of statistics and Elders’ stories (Chap. 2); I show how embodied settler
colonialism is disrupted by the enactment of decolonized physical activ-
ity (Chaps. 4, 5, and 6), and I show how we can implement decolonized
physical activity by turning toward an Indigenous ethic of discipline
(Chap. 7).
The remainder of this introduction is divided into three sections. First,
I describe the literature regarding Indigenous Peoples’ health disparities
and the role of settler colonialism and personal decolonization in health.
Second, I engage with sociology of sport literature, in particular works
that engage women of colour and settler-colonial perspectives and note
the importance of physical activity in improving Indigenous Peoples’
well-being. In the final section, I introduce my research framework,
including the Anishinaabeg research paradigm, and my research meth-
ods, analysis, and ethical considerations.
6 T. McGuire-Adams

Literature Review
Health Disparities

For many years, researchers have been documenting the health disparities
between Indigenous Peoples and non-Indigenous People in Canada.
Indigenous Peoples report poorer health and high rates of chronic health
conditions (Gionet and Roshanafshar 2013). For instance, 63 per cent of
off-reserve First Nations people over the age of 15 experience at least one
chronic condition, an additional 24 per cent report two chronic condi-
tions, and 35 per cent report three or more chronic conditions (Rotenberg
2016). When compared to the general Canadian population, who experi-
ence obesity at a rate of 52 per cent, Indigenous Peoples experience higher
rates of obesity: 63 per cent of First Nations people living off-reserve (74
per cent on reserve), 61 per cent of Métis, and 58 per cent of Inuit are
considered obese (Public Health Agency of Canada 2011).
Additionally, heart disease is 1.5 times higher and rates of type 2 dia-
betes are three to five times higher among First Nations people, with rates
increasing among the Inuit; tuberculosis infection rates for Indigenous
Peoples are eight to ten times higher than non-Indigenous People (Health
Canada 2006). Importantly, type 2 diabetes has reached epidemic rates
(Gionet and Roshanafshar 2013; Reading 2009a), which is a cause for
concern because diabetes intensifies other chronic conditions. The Public
Health Agency of Canada (2011) reported that individuals with diabetes
are between two to four times more likely to develop cardiovascular dis-
ease than those without, and Indigenous Peoples experience higher rates
of complications from diabetes, overall. The high rates of type 2 diabetes
among Indigenous women further compound this statistic.
Almost every health indicator shows that Indigenous Peoples in
Canada are overburdened with ill health (Reading 2009a) and that there
are important gender-based health differences between Indigenous men
and women. Indigenous women appear to be particularly vulnerable to
ill health. They experience higher rates of physical inactivity and chronic
diseases than do non-Indigenous women and Indigenous men (Browne
et al. 2009; Public Health Agency of Canada 2011). For instance, First
 1 Introduction 7

Nations women in Canada who live off-reserve are less likely to engage in
physical activity and experience higher rates of ill health than their male
counterparts (Browne et al. 2009; Bruner and Chad 2013; Native
Women’s Association of Canada 2007). Furthermore, First Nations peo-
ple in Canada experience type 2 diabetes at a rate that is three to five
times greater than the general Canadian population (Health Canada
2006), with Aboriginal females having a greater prevalence of type 2 dia-
betes than Aboriginal males (Public Health Agency of Canada 2011).
Findlay (2011) also found that while First Nations people living off-­
reserve are more physically active than the non-Aboriginal population,
they nonetheless experience poorer health, specifically regarding obesity
and other chronic diseases. To that end, data from 2011 showed that
Aboriginal women have higher inactivity rates (Bruner and Chad 2013;
Findlay 2011), have higher overweight and obesity rates (Bruner and
Chad 2013), and suffer from “poorer health than non-Aboriginal women
in Canada … and more chronic diseases than Aboriginal men” (Bourassa
et al. 2004, p. 23). In addition, they are more likely to be diagnosed with
at least one chronic condition when compared to Indigenous men and
non-Indigenous women (Arriagada 2016). A recent study of First Nations
people in Alberta, Canada, reported that First Nations women experience
the highest lifetime risk of developing type 2 diabetes when compared to
First Nations men, and non-Indigenous men and women (Chowdhury
Turnin et al. 2016). This finding supports results from Bourassa et al.’s
(2004) significant study in which they reported that “chronic disease dis-
parities are more pronounced for Aboriginal women than Aboriginal
men. For example, diseases such as diabetes are more prevalent among
Aboriginal women than either the general population or Aboriginal men”
(p. 1). Furthermore, Indigenous women are less likely to report their
health as excellent or very good (48 per cent reported excellent or very
good health) when compared to Indigenous men (53 per cent reported
excellent or very good health), and non-Indigenous women (64 per cent
reported excellent or very good health) (Arriagada 2016). Also, First
Nations women have been found to be “significantly more likely than
[First Nations] males to be diagnosed with arthritis, asthma, an anxiety
disorder, or mood disorder” (Rotenberg 2016, p. 7). These health
8 T. McGuire-Adams

indicators show that Indigenous Peoples, in particular Indigenous

women, experience chronic diseases and ill health at an alarming rate.
While becoming aware of health disparities is important for under-
standing the ill health experienced by Indigenous Peoples, it nonetheless
occurs within a colonial narrative that places mainstream health as the
standard from which to measure all Indigenous Peoples’ health. For
instance, Findlay (2011) has argued that even when key social determi-
nants of health are addressed (e.g., poor housing and lower income),
physical activity still does not correspond to improved health for First
Nations people. When non-Indigenous health researchers document the
health disparities between Indigenous Peoples and non-Indigenous
People in Canada, it often unknowingly reproduces a discourse that nor-
malizes mainstream health and often pathologizes Indigenous Peoples as
ill (Ahenakew 2011; Wilson 2008). This, then, results in a normalization
of settler health that excludes Indigenous conceptions of health. For
instance, Getty (2010) problematized how “White” researchers who aim
to improve Indigenous Peoples’ quality of life often reify whiteness and
marginalize Indigenous Peoples’ cultural solutions. She explained,

Instead of supporting the desires and efforts of Aboriginal people to

improve their quality of life, we can try to fix it for them. In so doing,
absorbed in our efforts to help, we can ignore their wishes and resources,
including their strengths and culture. This is the crux of the problem faced
by White researchers who want to support Aboriginal peoples to improve
their quality of life and health. (p. 10)

Indeed, Bruner and Chad (2013) have noted that the sociocultural
factors that influence physical activity have not been adequately researched
from the perspectives of Indigenous women themselves. Their study,
which focused on the attitudes, beliefs, and practices of physical activity
among First Nations women, found that while participants believed
physical activity is important for good health, a lack of time, a lack of
community opportunities, and environmental factors are barriers to par-
ticipation in physical activity. Other studies have connected the underly-
ing causes of Indigenous women’s disproportionate burden of ill health
directly to the impacts of colonialism (Bourassa et al. 2004; Loppie
 1 Introduction 9

Reading and Wein 2009). While it is well documented that physical

activity can improve health (Foulds et al. 2011; Lavallée 2007; Reiner
et al. 2013), scholarly accounts informed from Indigenous perspectives of
Indigenous women’s understandings of physical activity and their experi-
ences of colonialism regarding ill health are scarce.

Race and Gender in the Sociology of Sport Field

Research concerning women’s physical activity is extensive and has

spanned multiple areas: participation in sport (Thompson 2002); femi-
ninity ideology and sport (Roth and Bascow 2004); physical activity and
health (McDermott 2010); bodies, gender, and health (Kuhlmann and
Babitsch 2002); women’s physicality (McDermott 1996, 2000); and the
body, femininity, and disability (Inahara 2009). While this research has
broadened understandings of sport, physical activity, gender, and embod-
ied practices, by in large, it has been conducted through a white main-
stream lens. However, more recent scholarship has focused on race and
sport (Joseph et al. 2012), and sport, race, and gender (Ratna and
Samie 2017).
Joseph et al. (2012) address the complexities of race and racism in
sport in Canada. The authors recognize that there is a lack of research for
ethnic minority populations and “the subject of race and sport in Canada
continues to be under-addressed and under-analyzed” (p. 13). As such,
this body of work is timely, necessary, and effective at addressing the
complexities of race and racism in sport. This book is one of the only
books to “describe, historicize, critique, and ultimately challenge domi-
nant articulations of race within a variety of Canadian sport and physical
activity settings” (p. 2). The authors bring attention to the enactments of
inequality in sport from the perspectives of mostly immigrant and Black
experiences and how such enactments protect and sustain whiteness and
hierarchies of race and power. While there is some noted Indigenous-­
sport presence, namely discussing Aboriginal men’s experiences in hockey,
a concerted focus from an Indigenous women’s perspective on sport and
physical activity remains absent.
10 T. McGuire-Adams

Ratna and Samie’s (2017) timely addition to the field creates a con-
certed gendered analysis of power, whiteness, and race in sport contexts.
The collection of authors provide an in-depth historical rendering of the
field to pinpoint where and how the voices of ethnic “Other” women and
girls lacked engagement or were given space only through the eyes of
white female researchers’ “interpretations of ethnic ‘Other’ women”
(p. 19). This collection is valuable as it creates a space from which women
of colour can speak about their sporting and physical cultural experi-
ences. The authors in this book showcase ethnic “Other” girls’ and wom-
en’s participation in and relationship with sport to tease out the
complexities of sport as both an oppressive space and as a resistance to
oppression to find new transformations. While the authors acknowledge
that their collection cannot possibly represent all the voices that need to
be heard, they provide a crucial foundation to build upon. Indeed, they
invite scholars to continue the interrogation of such power dynamics
within sport and physical cultural contexts, and this book does just that.
By looking to the dibaajimowinan of Anishinaabeg and other Indigenous
women, through an Indigenous feminist lens, this book adds to the dis-
cipline of the sociology of sport from “Other” women perspectives, more
specially from an Indigenous perspective. To centre the perspectives and
stories of Anishinaabeg women, urban Indigenous women, and
Anishinaabeg Elders fosters a critical and timely reading of embodied
decolonization through physical activity.

Indigenous Peoples: Sport and Physical Activity

Indigenous and non-Indigenous sport, physical activity, and health schol-

ars have brought much-needed attention to Indigenous Peoples’ partici-
pation in sport and physical activity (Ferguson and Philipenko 2016;
Forsyth and Giles 2013; Forsyth and Wamsley 2006; Hall 2002; Salamone
2013; Tang and Jardine 2016) and to Indigenous women’s participation
in particular (Bruner and Chad 2013; Coppola et al. 2016; Giles 2004;
Lavallée 2008; McHugh et al. 2014; Paraschak and Forsyth 2010).
Forsyth and Giles’ (2013) notable contribution, including discussions on
residential schools, sport policy, and cultural relevance in physical
 1 Introduction 11

education, for instance, is a prominent edited collection on Indigenous

Peoples and sport in Canada. The authors skillfully lay the groundwork
for researchers to further explore Indigenous perspectives on sport and
physical activity. For instance, and more recently, Hayhurst et al. (2016)
encourage scholars, both within sport for development and within the
broader sport and health fields, to create opportunities to be better
informed by Indigenous epistemologies; such inclusion offers support to
the advancement of sport that directly benefits, and is useful for,
Indigenous communities. Lavallée’s (2007, 2008) noteworthy study on
urban Indigenous women’s experiences with martial arts provides a neces-
sary starting point from which to build further scholarship from an
Indigenous context. Using an Anishinaabe research method, Lavallée’s
study shows the importance of using Anishinaabe ways of being in
research to propel Indigenous-led methods and practices for physical
activity. In a similar vein, Hippolite and Bruce (2013) showcase the value
of implementing a Māori research methodology in their study on Māori
perspectives and practices in sport. Another study from New Zealand
features a Māori feminist perspective in sport management (Palmer and
Masters 2010) that used a kaupapa Māori paradigm that is inclusive of a
Māori feminist and intersectional approach. The authors describe Māori
feminism as encompassing Māori women’s perspectives on their identi-
ties, realities, forms of oppression, and aspects of strength and resilience.
The coupling of the Māori feminist approach in the sport management
field is unique and necessary to showcase the perspectives of the few
Māori women in this field, and it helped to contextualize their experi-
ences and perspectives.
Importantly, while these texts create a foundation from which to
explore specific Indigenous contexts in physical activity, this book is
unique as it uses an Indigenous research approach to examine physical
activity that is framed within a decolonial praxis, or said another way,
using physical activity as a tool for personal decolonization. While the
ways in which physical activity and sport involvement might be used as a
tool for decolonization have largely escaped scholarly attention, the ways
in which it has been used as a tool of colonization have received consider-
able attention.
12 T. McGuire-Adams

Although sport can replicate and is infused with colonial and nation-
alistic values that further the assimilative goals of Canada (Forsyth and
Wamsley 2006), it has also been used as a means of resistance. Within
residential schools, which will be discussed more fully in Chap. 7, the
survivors subverted the outright assimilatory purpose of sport by taking
up the physicality of it and using it as a way to celebrate their athletic
achievements (Bloom 2000; Forsyth 2013; Forsyth and Wamsley 2006).
Similarly, O’Bonsawin (2015) analysed how Indigenous athletes faced
systemic oppression when participating at the Olympics, especially in
those moments when they showed resistance to nationalistic values (e.g.,
Damien Hooper wearing a T-shirt featuring his Indigenous Australian
flag when entering the boxing ring and Alwyn Morris raising an eagle
feather while being presented his medal). Indeed, sport has the paradoxi-
cal potential to oppress Indigenous bodies, while simultaneously provid-
ing a space where personal empowerment can be achieved, which then
may assist in resistance to and regeneration from the effects of colonial-
ism on Indigenous Peoples’ bodies (Forsyth and Wamsley 2006; Hovey
et al. 2014; Reitenburg et al. 2014). Resistance to the effects of coloniza-
tion is a key feature of Indigenous sport and physical activity research,
but what is yet to be addressed is the settler-colonial discourses embedded
within the Indigenous sport and health disparity research.

Settler Colonialism

Prior to colonization, Indigenous Nations, in what is currently called

Canada, had their distinct sovereignties enacted through their respective
political, social, economic, social, and spiritual systems on, through, and
within their territories. Indigenous sovereignty includes more than gover-
nance systems; it includes intrinsic relationships to land, water, animals,
and each other, which are animated through ceremonies and the practis-
ing of ancestral knowledge of how to live well. Indigenous Nations’
respective sovereignties were devastated with the coming of settlers and
their enforcement of settler-colonial laws, policies, and practices
(Alfred 2005).
 1 Introduction 13

Canada is a settler-colonial country, one that has a long history of set-

tler colonialism (as do other settler-colonial countries across the globe
including the United States, Australia, and New Zealand). Settler colo-
nialism is different from colonization in that settler colonizers come to
stay, to erase, and to replace the original caretakers of Indigenous
Territories (Wolfe 2006). Informed by the main theorists of settler colo-
nialism, Battell Lowman and Barker (2015) identify three main pillars of
settler colonialism in the Canadian context. The first relates to how inva-
sion did not stop after the arrival of the settler but continues to endure
through the “social, political, and economic structures” (p. 25) that are
deeply entrenched within the structures of settler colonialism. For
instance, practices of private property, patrilineal descent and the institu-
tion of patriarchy, and economics tied to resource extraction (Battell
Lowman and Barker 2015) are noted structures imbued with settler-­
colonial logic of erasure (Wolfe 2006). The second pillar is that settlers
come to permanently stay in Indigenous Peoples’ stolen territory. The act
of staying is given supposed legitimacy by settlers assuming their colonial
sovereignty is the highest order of these stolen territories and a separation
from their colonial homelands begins by establishing settler governance,
settler identity and practices, and settler futurity (Battell Lowman and
Barker 2015; Downey 2018; Veracini 2013; Wolfe 2006). The third pil-
lar is the foundational drive of settler colonialism itself, the complete
elimination of the original inhabitant, which is so deeply “established
that it is naturalized, normalized, unquestioned and unchallenged”
(Battell Lowman and Barker 2015, p. 26). The imposition of settler colo-
nialism becomes so entrenched that it is assumed as normal, and thus, the
invisibility of settler colonialism ensues. As settler colonialism continues
to cause an overwhelming disruption to Indigenous Peoples’ well-being,
with the goal being our ultimate erasure (Veracini 2013), the health dis-
parities discussed at the outset of this chapter reproduce a settler-colonial
narrative whereby Indigenous Peoples disappear through succumbing to
ill health. Our erasure is necessary for settler governments and societies to
thrive, which is predicated on the ongoing endeavour that is the theft of
Indigenous Territories (Arvin et al. 2013; Battell Lowman and Barker
2015; Veracini 2013).
14 T. McGuire-Adams

Despite the commonality of settler colonialism, scant few sport schol-

ars address settler colonialism in their scholarship; however, there are a
few notable exceptions. In an examination of the Olympics, Sykes (2017)
presents the forced removal of people from stolen lands for a mega-­
sporting event as a continual enacting of settler-colonial erasure, as was
the “symbolic” showcasing of Indigenous dancers at the Vancouver
Olympics, which reinforced the notion of creating a new nation, separate
from their imperial roots. Sykes (2014) also provided an important dis-
cussion on how queerness and sport studies are implicated within the
ongoing process of settler colonialism, which, for her, troubles the colo-
nial locations and histories of her identity as a queer sport scholar. Sport
management scholars Chen and Mason (2019) discuss the invisibility of
settler colonialism operationalized in sport management studies. They
bring attention to how sport management is implicated within settler
colonialism (i.e., a lack of interrogation of how sport management
research and education are embedded within the broader settler-colonial
systems) and offer a series of questions that help visibilize settler colonial-
ism in the broader sport management scholarship and practices. By
encouraging settler scholars to uncover how settler colonialism is present
in their scholarship and teaching, the authors contribute to disrupting
the seeming invisibility of settler colonialism in their field. Finally,
Downey (2018) explored the complexities of settler colonialism in sport
through an in-depth study on lacrosse. He showed how lacrosse, an
Indigenous sport and cultural practice, was the site of settler-colonial
erasure. Lacrosse, once flourishing among many Indigenous Nations in
what is now called Canada, was taken over by the settler-colonial means
of “erase to replace” (Wolfe 2006) by Euro-Canadians who were eager to
establish a unique identity distinct from their homelands.
Settler colonialism, while certainly not a new theory, is a nascent the-
ory used in sport studies to explore the hidden complexities of the struc-
tures intent on the erasure of Indigenous Peoples to justify the taking of
Indigenous Territory, of which sport is not immune. This book continues
the analysis of settler colonialism by teasing out how ill-health discourses
are imbued with settler-colonial logics and adds a much-needed decolo-
nial perspective to the discussion.
 1 Introduction 15

Centring Decolonization

Understanding how settler colonialism causes ill health and how

Indigenous Peoples can pursue regeneration from these effects is impor-
tant for Indigenous Peoples’ personal decolonization efforts. Wilson and
Yellowbird (2005) defined colonization as an “all-encompassing presence
in our lives” (p. 2), which includes individual behaviours, colonial poli-
cies, and systems. The authors further described decolonization as the
meaningful and active resistance to the forces of colonialism that per-
petuate the “subjugation and/or exploitation of our minds, bodies, and
lands” (p. 2).
However, it is not enough to simply name how the effects of settler
colonialism negatively influence our well-being; we must engage in
action. Wilson (2004) explained,

Decolonization … is about transforming negative reactionary energy into

the more positive rebuilding energy needed in our communities.
Decolonization in its farthest extension moves us beyond mere survival and
becomes a means of restoring health and prosperity to our people. (p. 71)

As settler colonialism directly impacts Indigenous Peoples’ health and

well-being, it becomes necessary to engage in personal decolonization to
counteract its negative effects. In further describing decolonization,
Alfred (2005) challenged Indigenous Peoples to create a life committed
to “meaningful change [and] to transform society by recreating our exis-
tences, regenerating our cultures, and surging against the forces that keep
us bound to our colonial past” (p. 19).
Tuck and Yang (2012) emphatically articulated that decolonization is
not a metaphor for other types of proactive changes occurring in settler
society (e.g., educational indigenization or social justice activities).
Rather, the authors asserted that decolonization is about the full repatria-
tion of Indigenous Territories. Indeed, decolonization is fundamentally
about the regeneration of Indigenous Peoples’ respective nationhood
upon returned stolen territories (Alfred 2005; Coulthard 2014; Wilson
and Yellowbird 2005). Yet, we cannot discount the simultaneous role that
personal decolonization plays in everyday acts of resistance, as “first and
16 T. McGuire-Adams

foremost, decolonization must occur in our own minds” (Wilson and

Yellowbird 2005, p. 2). To be clear, decolonization is vital for the well-­
being of Indigenous Peoples, and it starts with the ongoing process of
centring decolonization in our everyday lives (Alfred 2005; Wilson and
Yellowbird 2005). Thus, while health disparities result from settler colo-
nialism, stories that focus on our strengths, health, and well-being are
integral to our regeneration and are an enactment of personal decoloniza-
tion. The role that personal decolonization may have on regenerating
health and strength in Anishinaabekweg is currently missing from the
broader health disparity literature.
The ill health experienced by Indigenous Peoples indicates that settler
colonialism has had, and continues to have, detrimental effects on the
physical strength and well-being of Indigenous Peoples (Alfred 2005;
Reading 2009b; Wilson and Yellowbird 2012). In consideration of creat-
ing active resistance to our apparent trajectory of ill health, I sought to
understand what strategies for personal decolonization could be acquired
from ancestral and current stories of physical activity.

Physical Activity Used as Regeneration

How can physical activity help us to re-achieve health and well-being?

Wilson (2012) encouraged Indigenous Peoples to take up physical train-
ing regimes that regenerate the physicality experienced by our ancestors
to counteract the impacts of colonization. She explained that, histori-
cally, Indigenous Peoples would engage in physical training regimes on
the land, which she argued can be replicated through contemporary prac-
tices of physical activity. These physical activities can be resumed by
employing contemporary exercise “with a proven capacity to build
strength, endurance, speed, flexibility, balance and coordination”
(p. 132). Such physical activity may include running, martial arts, and
other various activities or sports. Engagement in physical activity that is
mindful of our ancestors’ physicality is, thus, an important aspect of per-
sonal decolonization.
Lavallée’s (2008) research on Indigenous women’s perceptions of phys-
ical activity is important for understanding how Indigenous Peoples may
 1 Introduction 17

use physical activity as a catalyst for personal well-being. Her research has
shown how Indigenous women’s experiences with physical activity can
foster empowerment by helping women to challenge low self-esteem and
to learn about their cultural identity. Through interviews and focus
groups, Lavallée’s participants described how they achieved holistic well-­
being, which she described as encompassing spiritual, emotional, physi-
cal, and mental elements, through physical activity. The participants in
the study reflected on the importance of the physical activity programme
being located at a culturally appropriate location, the Native Canadian
Centre of Toronto (a non-profit organization serving urban Indigenous
Peoples), and the instructor being an Indigenous person who integrated
cultural teachings into the programme.
The connection between culture and physical activity is significant as
it spiritually connects a person to his/her/their commitment to health
through physical activity. The Tohono O’odham community in Arizona
is an example of how this occurs. In her article “Toka: Empowering
Women and Combating Obesity in Tohono O’odham Communities,”
Brooks (2013) highlighted how Indigenous women use physical activity
as a form of regeneration. The Tohono O’odham community is address-
ing the high rates of chronic diseases by being physically active. The com-
munity regenerated Toka, a sport specific to women, to foster a
commitment to physical activity. By reviving a traditional sport that is
played on the land, the Tohono O’odham women are engaging in regen-
eration while simultaneously gaining physical fitness; they are challeng-
ing the effects of colonialism on their physical well-being. This is a
powerful act of resistance against colonialism through regenerated
strength. The Tohono O’odham community is inspiring as its members
created the programming based on their epistemology. For instance, they
have coordinated their programming based on O’odham Himdag, their
lifeways, which draws upon their cultural wisdom and heritage to formu-
late solutions for their present and future (Tohono O’odham 2013).
Their efforts align with decolonization processes as they seek to overcome
colonial-based solutions to ill health by using their own knowledge and
culture to enact solutions.
The preceding literature has shown how physical activity can be used
as a catalyst, given the right conditions, to regenerate holistic well-being
18 T. McGuire-Adams

among Indigenous Peoples. Still, more research is needed to “explore the

impact of physical activity” (Lavallée 2007, p. 149), especially research
that considers the role of personal decolonization for Indigenous Peoples,
particularly women. Further, Indigenous women’s health and well-being
cannot be separated from the context of settler colonialism (Browne et al.
2009; Kelm 1998). As my stories above demonstrate, before coloniza-
tion, Anishinaabekweg had to be physically strong to live on the land,
which also signified the enactment of health and well-being. Thus, it is of
critical importance to analyse Indigenous Peoples’ stories of health and
well-being enacted through physical activity, both ancestral and current,
to discern how they may impart innovative solutions to the trajectory of
ill health for Indigenous Peoples.
Johnston (1976) explained that as Anishinaabeg, we carry a responsi-
bility to be healthy and strong to best represent our families, communi-
ties, and Nation. Given our current ill health, I contend that we are not
fulfilling our responsibility as Anishinaabeg. Certainly, given the struc-
tures of settler colonialism that continue to control and oppress
Indigenous Nations, it can often feel immutable; however, through per-
sonal decolonization processes enacted to actively change our ill-health
trajectory, we can provide contention to the continuation of settler colo-
nialism. As an Anishinaabe scholar, one of my goals is to achieve a better
understanding of how stories of strength, well-being, and health that are
gained through physical activity may assist us from surging back from the
grips of settler colonialism erasure. Indigenous feminist theory is a tool
that has enabled me to do just that.

Note on Theory

Indigenous feminist theory has gained considerable momentum in the

last two decades with the publication of edited volumes and special issue
publications (Goeman and Denetdale 2009; Green 2007; Suzack et al.
2010). During this time, Indigenous feminisms began to be articulated
through the examination of topics such as Anishinaabeg womanhood
(Anderson 2000; LaDuke 1997; Solomon 1990); feminist and Indigenous
approaches to decolonization (Green 2007; Jaimes and Halsey 1992;
Another random document with
no related content on Scribd:
 character of, 93;
wounded, 99;
death of, 100;
burial of, 100
Jenner, Major, murder of, 215
Jombeni Hills, 87
Jora, measurement of, 53
Jumbi ben Aloukeri, 11, 105, 155, 158, 234, 267
Juma, 14, 176

Kamasia, 136
Karanjui, camp at, 84;
fight at, 324
Karama, 147
Kenia, Mount, 34;
first sight of, 66;
again in sight of, 291;
north of, 137
Kibaba, capacity of, 53
Kibuyu, 54
Kilaluma, 43, 343
Kinangop, Mount, 338, 342
Kinuthia, 49-51
Kinyala, song of, 310
Kiongozi, 12
Kirrimar plain, 253
Kitoma, 53
Kolb, Dr., 5, 11;
account of death of, 156
Koranja, 51;
accompanies us, 59;
trepidation of, 62;
bids us farewell, 63;
meeting with, 349
Koromo, meeting with, 104;
makes blood-brotherhood with El Hakim, 113
Kota, 52
Kriger and Knapp, Messrs., 18;
decide to accompany us, 24;
return of, 35
Kriger’s farm, arrival at, 22;
departure from, 25;
return to, 361
Kundu, 53
Kwa-Ngombe, 345

Leeches, 212
Lemoro, 213
Leopard, 35
Lion, number of, 32;
hunt, 156, 279;
El Hakim’s adventure with, 292, 332, 333
Loads, method of carrying, 16
Lokomogo, 213;
present of, 270
Lolokwe, Mount, 136
Longfield, Capt., 353
Lorian, 3, 4;
news of, 246;
the start for, 246;
 where is it?, 258;
dissertation on, 265
Loroghi Mountains, 5, 137
Lubo, 213;
immense possessions of, 232
Lykipia plateau, 52, 137

Mahogo, 52
Makono, measurement of, 53
Malwa, 13
Manga, 51;
indisposition of, 56;
greeted by, 349
Marabout stork, 39
Maranga, arrival at, 51;
abundance of food in, 52;
departure from, 59;
return to, 349;
peculiar method of crossing a river of people of, 356
Maragua river, 46;
bridge across the, 47;
return to the, 358
Maragua bean, 53
Marathwa river, 352
Marazuki, death of, 128
Marisi-al-lugwa-Zambo plateau, 204-245
Marlé tribe, 228
Marsabit, 222
Masai, 242, 338
Materu, camp at, 62
Mau escarpment, 137
M’biri, visit to, 352
M’bu, arrival at, 64;
hostility of natives of, 67;
an anxious journey, 71;
the guides desert, 74;
farewell to, 73
Metama, 52;
matindi, 53
Midges, attacked by, 178
Milindi, 31
Milk, method of adulteration of, 54
Mineral spring, 161;
salts, 162
Mogogodo, 181
Mogoroni river, 345
Moravi, route across, 81
Morio trees, 135, 160
“Morning Whiffs,” terrible results of, 39;
further experiences with, 55
M’thara, arrival at, 90;
purchasing food in, 91;
description of camp at, 98;
camp in danger, 104;
getting supplies of food in, 113;
departure from, 148;
bad news from, 297;
return to the camp at, 302;
farewell to, 331
Muhindi, 52
Mules, 19;
 accident to one of the, 78
Mumoni Hills, 47
Mumunye, 53
Munipara, 11
Munithu, arrival at, 84;
departure from, 84;
return to, 116;
story of the pillaged goods at, 116;
departure from, 131;
attack on, 319
M’wele, 52

Nairobi, 1, 2, 6, 8, 9;
river, 27;
falls, 27;
the return to, 362
Naivasha, 338
N’dizi, 53
N’Dominuki, chief of M’thara, character of, 89;
declining influence of, 90;
is accused of treachery by the Somalis, 106;
explanation of, 108;
offers himself as guide, 111;
fidelity of, 299
N’doro, 341
Neumann, Mr. A. H., 5;
influence over N’Dominuki of, 89;
acquaintance with Dr. Kolb, 155
Ngare Mussoor, 336
Ngare Nanuki, 337
N’gombe, Mount, 178
Noor Adam, 17;
appearance and character of, 94
Nyemps, 136;
the old men of, 330

Oryx, 183

Papyrus reeds, 26;

swamps, 360, 361
Petrie, Prof. Flinders, 276
Photography under difficulties, 260, 262
Pig, 254
Porters, selecting the, 9
Provisions, selecting the, 8
Python, narrow escape from, 207

Rain, 301, 312

Ramathani, 13, 177, 309;
fright of, 356
Rats, troubled by, 117
Rendili, nomadic habits of, 163;
no signs of, 200;
encampment, 203;
arrival at village of, 211;
chiefs, 213;
flocks, 215;
trading with the, 216;
settlements of the, 221;
appearance and dress of the, 227;
ornaments, 228;
women of the, 228;
fondness for children of the, 229;
propensity to falsehood of the, 231;
 small-pox among the, 232, 238;
fighting qualities of the, 235;
love of begging of, 236;
love of tobacco of, 236;
household utensils, 238;
weapons, 239;
saddlery, 239;
courage of the, 240;
dread of the Masai of the, 241;
return to the camp, 268;
fortifying the camp, 273;
burial places, 275;
departure from the, 274
Rendili sheep, 198, 234
Registration of porters, 16
Resarse ben Shokar, 12, 324, 331
Rhinoceros, Lieut, von Hohnel injured by a, 4;
a delicate situation, 28;
encounters with, 34, 45, 149;
pugnacious disposition of, 164;
hunt on mule-back, 173;
hunt, 182;
shot by El Hakim, 185;
shot by author, 186;
hunt, 198;
large numbers of, 250, 253, 257;
adventure with a, 255;
disturbed at night by, 260;
shot by George, 298;
hunt, 295, 341
Rudolph, Lake, 4, 5, 58

Sabaki river, 31
Sadi ben Heri, 11;
death of, 128
Sagana, 45
Salt, failure to procure, 179;
large plain of, 233
Sand rivers, 200, 290
Sand rats, 212
Seton-Karr, Mr., 276
Sirimon river, 337
Sheba, Mount, 164
Sheep, buying from the Rendili, 268;
death of many of the, 314;
the disposal of, 358
“Sherlock Holmes,” 13;
illness of, 340;
death of, 342
Shooting, useful hints on, 146
Skene, Captain, 358
Smallpox, 59, 232, 238, 354
Somali caravan, start of, 17;
news of the, 83;
attacked by the Wa’Embe, 84;
conference with leaders of, 93;
friction with, 141;
meeting with portion of, 201;
disaster to the, 217;
the alarm in the, 271;
the panic in the, 272
Song of Kinyala, 310
Spot, death of, 263
Sulieman, 12;
desertion of, 259
Swahili porters, character of, 7
Sweinfurth Falls, 46
Swamp Camp, 178, 291
Sycamores, 79

Tana river, 4, 45;

the source of the, 343;
flooded, 350;
attempts to cross the, 351, 355;
across the, 357
Teleki, Count Samuel, 4
Thika-Thika river, 17;
crossing the, 42;
building a bridge across the, 359
Thompson, Joseph, F.R.G.S., 3;
description of Kenia by, 66;
description of Masai by, 242, 332, 333
Thorn forest, 88;
terrible experience with thorns, 205
Ticks, abundance of, 28
Tikiti, 53
Tomori people, 85
Trade goods, list of, 15
T’savo river, 31
Turkana people, 222

Uimbe, 52

Viazi, 52
Victoria Nyanza, Lake, 1, 7
Vikwer, 52
Viseli, 132

Wa’Chanjei, visit of the, 316

Wa’Embe, decision to punish the, 94;
plan of attack, 95;
the start, 96;
ambush by the, 98;
the Burkeneji trading with the, 268
Wa’Gnainu, pillage of our goods by the, 116
Wa’Igani, desire to make blood-brotherhood with us, 81
Wa’Imbe, cordial greeting of the, 79;
conference with the, 80;
audacious proposal of the, 80
Wa’kwafi, 136
Wakamba porters, characteristics of, 7
Waller’s gazelle, 205
Wa’Mbu, bad character of the, 57;
hostility of the, 65;
renewed hostility of the, 67;
interview with the chiefs of, 69;
capture of the chiefs of, 69;
farewell to the, 73
Wandorobbo, description of the, 179;
language of the, 181;
guides, 194;
desertion of the guides, 195
Wangwana, 7
WaN’yam-wezi porters, characteristics of, 7
Wargasse, Mount, 136
Waso Nyiro, 3, 4;
tiring march to the, 160;
splendid climate of, 175;
 desolate landscape on the, 249;
crossing the, 291;
the source of the, 338
Washenzi, 7
Waterbuck, 184;
capture of young, 292
Wa’Zuka, cordial reception by the, 75
Weapons, list of our, 9, 10
Whistling trees, 332
Witchcraft, 340
Wild dogs, 292

Zanzibar, 7
Zebra, 33, 43, 336, 341
Zuka, entry into, 75;
camp in, 77
Zura, welcome at, 81

THE END.

PRINTED BY WILLIAM CLOWES AND SONS, LIMITED, LONDON AND

BECCLES.
 PART OF
BRITISH EAST AFRICA
Longmans, Green & Co. London, New York & Bombay.
 Transcriber’s Notes
pg 223 Changed: I endeavoured to yet near enough
to: I endeavoured to get near enough
pg 316 Changed: A deputation from the Wa-Chanjei
to: A deputation from the Wa’Chanjei
pg 317 Changed: These ball cartidges contained
to: These ball cartridges contained
pg 329 Changed: an experience which once befel
to: an experience which once befell
Errata changes from page xvi have been made in text.
 *** END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK AN IVORY
TRADER IN NORTH KENIA ***

Updated editions will replace the previous one—the old editions will
be renamed.

Creating the works from print editions not protected by U.S.

copyright law means that no one owns a United States copyright in
these works, so the Foundation (and you!) can copy and distribute it
in the United States without permission and without paying copyright
royalties. Special rules, set forth in the General Terms of Use part of
this license, apply to copying and distributing Project Gutenberg™
electronic works to protect the PROJECT GUTENBERG™ concept
and trademark. Project Gutenberg is a registered trademark, and
may not be used if you charge for an eBook, except by following the
terms of the trademark license, including paying royalties for use of
the Project Gutenberg trademark. If you do not charge anything for
copies of this eBook, complying with the trademark license is very
easy. You may use this eBook for nearly any purpose such as
creation of derivative works, reports, performances and research.
Project Gutenberg eBooks may be modified and printed and given
away—you may do practically ANYTHING in the United States with
eBooks not protected by U.S. copyright law. Redistribution is subject
to the trademark license, especially commercial redistribution.

START: FULL LICENSE

THE FULL PROJECT GUTENBERG LICENSE
 PLEASE READ THIS BEFORE YOU DISTRIBUTE OR USE THIS WORK

To protect the Project Gutenberg™ mission of promoting the free

distribution of electronic works, by using or distributing this work (or
any other work associated in any way with the phrase “Project
Gutenberg”), you agree to comply with all the terms of the Full
Project Gutenberg™ License available with this file or online at
www.gutenberg.org/license.

Section 1. General Terms of Use and

Redistributing Project Gutenberg™
electronic works
1.A. By reading or using any part of this Project Gutenberg™
electronic work, you indicate that you have read, understand, agree
to and accept all the terms of this license and intellectual property
(trademark/copyright) agreement. If you do not agree to abide by all
the terms of this agreement, you must cease using and return or
destroy all copies of Project Gutenberg™ electronic works in your
possession. If you paid a fee for obtaining a copy of or access to a
Project Gutenberg™ electronic work and you do not agree to be
bound by the terms of this agreement, you may obtain a refund from
the person or entity to whom you paid the fee as set forth in
paragraph 1.E.8.

1.B. “Project Gutenberg” is a registered trademark. It may only be

used on or associated in any way with an electronic work by people
who agree to be bound by the terms of this agreement. There are a
few things that you can do with most Project Gutenberg™ electronic
works even without complying with the full terms of this agreement.
See paragraph 1.C below. There are a lot of things you can do with
Project Gutenberg™ electronic works if you follow the terms of this
agreement and help preserve free future access to Project
Gutenberg™ electronic works. See paragraph 1.E below.
1.C. The Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation (“the
Foundation” or PGLAF), owns a compilation copyright in the
collection of Project Gutenberg™ electronic works. Nearly all the
individual works in the collection are in the public domain in the
United States. If an individual work is unprotected by copyright law in
the United States and you are located in the United States, we do
not claim a right to prevent you from copying, distributing,
performing, displaying or creating derivative works based on the
work as long as all references to Project Gutenberg are removed. Of
course, we hope that you will support the Project Gutenberg™
mission of promoting free access to electronic works by freely
sharing Project Gutenberg™ works in compliance with the terms of
this agreement for keeping the Project Gutenberg™ name
associated with the work. You can easily comply with the terms of
this agreement by keeping this work in the same format with its
attached full Project Gutenberg™ License when you share it without
charge with others.

1.D. The copyright laws of the place where you are located also
govern what you can do with this work. Copyright laws in most
countries are in a constant state of change. If you are outside the
United States, check the laws of your country in addition to the terms
of this agreement before downloading, copying, displaying,
performing, distributing or creating derivative works based on this
work or any other Project Gutenberg™ work. The Foundation makes
no representations concerning the copyright status of any work in
any country other than the United States.

1.E. Unless you have removed all references to Project Gutenberg:

1.E.1. The following sentence, with active links to, or other

immediate access to, the full Project Gutenberg™ License must
appear prominently whenever any copy of a Project Gutenberg™
work (any work on which the phrase “Project Gutenberg” appears, or
with which the phrase “Project Gutenberg” is associated) is
accessed, displayed, performed, viewed, copied or distributed:
 This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United
States and most other parts of the world at no cost and with
almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away
or re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License
included with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org. If you
are not located in the United States, you will have to check the
laws of the country where you are located before using this
eBook.

1.E.2. If an individual Project Gutenberg™ electronic work is derived

from texts not protected by U.S. copyright law (does not contain a
notice indicating that it is posted with permission of the copyright
holder), the work can be copied and distributed to anyone in the
United States without paying any fees or charges. If you are
redistributing or providing access to a work with the phrase “Project
Gutenberg” associated with or appearing on the work, you must
comply either with the requirements of paragraphs 1.E.1 through
1.E.7 or obtain permission for the use of the work and the Project
Gutenberg™ trademark as set forth in paragraphs 1.E.8 or 1.E.9.

1.E.3. If an individual Project Gutenberg™ electronic work is posted

with the permission of the copyright holder, your use and distribution
must comply with both paragraphs 1.E.1 through 1.E.7 and any
additional terms imposed by the copyright holder. Additional terms
will be linked to the Project Gutenberg™ License for all works posted
with the permission of the copyright holder found at the beginning of
this work.

1.E.4. Do not unlink or detach or remove the full Project

Gutenberg™ License terms from this work, or any files containing a
part of this work or any other work associated with Project
Gutenberg™.

1.E.5. Do not copy, display, perform, distribute or redistribute this

electronic work, or any part of this electronic work, without
prominently displaying the sentence set forth in paragraph 1.E.1 with
active links or immediate access to the full terms of the Project
Gutenberg™ License.