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age in 1948 by establishing the Atomic Energy Commission (AEC), with Homi Bhabha
as the chairman. Later on the Department of Atomic Energy (DAE) was created under
the Office of the Prime Minister Jawahar Lal Nehru. Initially the AEC and DAE received
international cooperation, and by 1963 India had two research reactors and four nuclear
power reactors. In spite of the humiliating defeat in the border war by China in 1962 and
China's nuclear testing in 1964, India continued to adhere to the peaceful uses of
nuclear energy. On May 18, 1974 India performed a 15 kt Peaceful Nuclear Explosion
(PNE). The western powers considered it nuclear weapons proliferation and cut off all
financial and technical help, even for the production of nuclear power. However, India
used existing infrastructure to build nuclear power reactors and exploded both fission
and fusion devices on May 11 and 13, 1998. The international community viewed the
later activity as a serious road block for the Non-Proliferation Treaty and the
Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty; both deemed essential to stop the spread of nuclear
weapons. India considers these treaties favoring nuclear states and is prepared to sign
if genuine nuclear disarmament is included as an integral part of these treaties.
India possesses both nuclear weapons and extensive nuclear fuel cycle
capabilities. India tested its first nuclear device in May 1974, and remains
outside both the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons (NPT)
and the Comprehensive Nuclear Test Ban Treaty (CTBT). However, India has
a facility-specific safeguards agreement in place with the International Atomic
Energy Agency (IAEA) and a waiver from the Nuclear Suppliers Group (NSG)
allowing it to participate in global civilian nuclear technology commerce. India
has a sizable and growing nuclear arsenal, primarily due to decades of conflict
with its nuclear-armed neighbor Pakistan.
According to the 2019 SIPRI Yearbook, the Indian arsenal includes 130 to 140
warheads. 1 The ranges of such estimates are generally dependent on
analyses of India’s stockpile of weapons-grade plutonium, which is estimated
at 0.58 ± 0.15 tons. 2 India has also stockpiled roughly 4.0 ± 1.4 tons of highly
enriched uranium (HEU), some of which is intended for use in nuclear
submarines and research reactors. 3
The plutonium for India’s nuclear arsenal is obtained from the 100 MWt
research reactor, Dhruva, which began operations in 1988. 4 Another 40 MWt
CIRUSreactor produced about 4 to 7 kg of weapons-grade plutonium annually
until it was decommissioned in 2010 under the separation plan of the
U.S.-India nuclear cooperation agreement. 5 Irradiated fuel from the reactors
is reprocessed at the Plutonium Reprocessing Plant in Trombay, which has a
capacity of roughly 50 tons of spent nuclear fuel per year. 6 A 500MW
prototype fast breeder reactor (PFBR) at Kalpakkam in the South Indian state
of Tamil Nadu was expected to reach criticality by 2019 to increase India’s
plutonium production capacity, but has not yet reached this goal. Starting in
2021, India plans to construct six more PFBR-type reactors. 7 8
In the years that followed, the internal debate over whether India should
develop a nuclear explosive device continued. On one hand, the scientific
establishment wanted to prove that it was technically capable of detonating a
nuclear device, whereas hawks within the security establishment pointed to
security developments in China and elsewhere as necessitating a nuclear
deterrent. 21Many politicians opposed nuclear weapons both for economic and
moral reasons, arguing that nuclear weapons would not make India safer, and
that the solution to nuclear proliferation was comprehensive global nuclear
disarmament. 22 As a result, a consensus emerged on both sides that India
should not sign the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons (NPT)
when it was opened for signature in 1968 unless the nuclear weapon states
agreed to a clear plan for nuclear disarmament. 23
After the 1998 tests the Indian government established a National Security
Advisory Board, which issued a Draft Report on Indian Nuclear Doctrine in
1999 that broadly outlined India’s nuclear no-first-use policy and defensive
posture of “credible minimum nuclear deterrence.” 40 In January 2003, a
Ministry of External Affairs press release maintained adherence to
no-first-use, although with the condition that nuclear weapons could also be
used in retaliation for a biological or chemical attack, or to protect Indian
forces operating in Pakistan. 41In line with this posture, India does not keep its
nuclear force at a heightened state of alert. The country’s nuclear weapons
remain under the control of the civilian Nuclear Command Authority (NCA),
comprising of a Political Council, chaired by the Prime Minister, and an
Executive Council, led by the National Security Advisor. 42
By 2019, India had put total of 26 reactors under IAEA safeguards. 49 Enabled
by the NSG waiver granted to it in 2008, India has signed nuclear cooperation
agreements with Russia, United States, France, United Kingdom, South
Korea, Canada, Argentina, Kazakhstan, Mongolia, Australia, Sri Lanka,
Japan, Vietnam, Bangladesh, Czech Republic and Namibia. 50 Additionally,
India continues to participate in international nuclear trade and has signed
agreements with Canada, Kazakhstan and Australia to supply uranium to fuel
its civilian nuclear reactors. Negotiations are currently underway for
concluding negotiations to construct six reactors in the Indian state of Andhra
Pradesh by Westinghouse. 51
India has been actively pursuing membership into the NSG and has received
explicit support for its membership from many current NSG members
including the United States, Russia, Switzerland and Japan. 55 56 57 58 In
arguing for NSG membership, India has portrayed itself as a responsible
nuclear power, pointing to its positive record on nonproliferation and
consistent support for complete nuclear disarmament. 59 However, China
does not support an explicit membership in the NSG for India but instead
proposes a two-step approach: first would be to reach consensus on a
non-discriminatory resolution that would apply to all non-NPT countries alike
and then discuss individual membership applications by non-NPT countries. 60
India argues that its membership should be considered under current rules
because NSG is an export-control mechanism and not a nonproliferation one
so question of linking NSG membership to the NPT membership does not
arise. 61 Furthermore, India argues that there is a precedent for
non-signatories of NPT joining the NSG when France became a founding
member of the NSG in 1974 but did not accede to the NPT until 1992. 62
Homi Jehangir Bhabha was called as the father of India’s nuclear program
and he is the founder of Tata Institute of Fundamental Research.
Political Prime It is the sole body which can authorize the use of nuclear
council Minister weapons
Executive National It provides inputs for decision making by the Nuclear
council Security Command Authority and executes the directives given to
Advisor it by the Political Council