THE CONGRESS RAJ (1937-39)

Nawab Viqar-ul-MuIk had expressed his apprehensions in his presidential address at the
inaugural session of the All-India Muslim league in 1906 about Hindu mentality. He had
forewarned the Muslims that if Hindus ever came to power in the sub-continent they would
most catainly, wreck vengeance upon them in return for Aurangzeb's rule. To the horror of the
Muslims, the Nawab's prediction came true in 1937 when the Congress assumed power in
eight provinces and started vandalistic policies to annihilate Muslim culture, civilization,
language religion to settle, presumably, old scores with them.
It all started when elections were held in India in February-March
1937 under the Government of India Act 1935. Both the major parties, All-India Muslim
League and the Congress, participated in these elections. The manifestoes of the two rival
parties for the elections stwwed little difference. In essence the League's manifesto could be
summed up in the following objectives:
a) Protection of the religious rights of the Muslims.
b) Quashment of all oppressive laws.
c) Opposing all those laws which were antagonistic to of India and which adversely
affected the basic human rights.
d) Curtailing administrative expenditure and using the savings on constructive projects.
e) Curtailing experditure on army, ensuring irdi£ting into the army using the savings on
projects.
f) Industrialization and improvement in the economic, social and educational
conditions in rural areas.
g) Compulsory primary education.
h) Protection of Urdu language and its script.

i) Improvement in the general welfare of the Muslims

j) Cultivating correct public opinion and reawakening. of general political awareness.

In addition, the All-India Muslim League also announced that it Would cooperate with the
Congress in the Legislative Assembly.
The manifesto of the Congess was rwt much different. prof. a renowned historian, after studying
the two marúfestoes
190

concluded, 'To all appeararEes the social policy it Leag•q advocated was much the same as the
Congress policy". Even Prof Mohammad Mujib, a staunch Nationalist Muslim admits that
manifesto issued by the League showed 2 as much of peoples needs as that of the Congress".
The Congress fought these election with moœy
Of capitalists of Bombay arxl on the one hard the other, its propaganda machinery the
Hirxlu&demigod Gandhi's influence to its best interests. On the conrary, the All-Irü Muslim
League did ru)t have capitalists for financial support to match, neither it any effective propaganda
machinery to counter the Congress on any front The All-Irdia Muslim Izague had only orE
newspaper The Star ofIndia face the of the Congress media. The All-Irdia Muslim Leag1E could
notfransform the political situation to any great extent as it had not yet become a popular party of
masses itself.
As a cumulative effect of all these factors, the Congress earned significant success in the
elections as it won 711 seats out of total 1585 provincial seats. It won absolute majority in five
provinces i.e. in Madras, U.P.. CP., Bihar arxi Orissa. In Bombay, though it could mt attain
absolute majority yet it was in a position to form the government, with the help of smaller groups.
The All-India Muslim League could not get any notable success in these elections.
Long before the elections, the Congress party and its leaders were intoxicated with the of
but the unexpected lardslide victiY at the polls virtually turnd their As results of started pour in,
the real of t1E Congress began to come to light. The lent of the Congess, Subash Chardra Bog
was first to declare from now on the Congress ','ould slogan of Congress
Dictatorship" should abardon the of coopa-ation or formation of a coalition gove•nrnent. Pardit
Nehru went a stq ard that due were only parties in the Conges the Governrrmt. The 0M must lirE
up. TIE Qnid-i-Azam promptly refuted this claim ard said, '1 to line with 'That is a third party in
this ard that is the We are B)ing to be to by anybodŸ'.3
Immediately after the election Congress putting for-wd urbcrupulous reflecüng
it Wing wield its brute majœity. Act of 1935 ttE Of with to
the rights of As a filS stQ its dream of Ram Raj the Congess anmunced that it you-u
would not use üæir This unjustifiable as a mnral
—a:y, creatd a political impasse. of govinces wtze
Congess parv won, invited governrt•nts. The reita-ated its demard which created a such
an extent the of for had to in Houg of Lords on April 18, 1937 that sirEe the govermrs
wet invested with special powers the Act, therefore rx) assurance could given as their
suspension. The impasse remaiœd till
1937. At last. Lad Linlithgow, the Viceroy of rna& a categœical that the govermrs would
in the day-to-day affairs of
In the same breath, he held out assurame the minorities that Govanment Should their
rights at all cost. The Viceroy to Congess to help the Government to form ministries. The
Congess Wœäng Committee heeded the call decided to form the minisùies.

THE PROBLEM OF SETTING UP OF

GOVERNMENT
As has already been explained that there was a common perception
before the elections that the Congress and the League would form
coalition governments, but as a consequence of unexpected Congress
victory at the polls, the impression turned out to be false.
In UP. the Congress displayed its customary Hindu mentality with
regard to the formation of the ministry. This province had a special
significance due to various reasons. firstly, this area had been the citadel of
Mu*al glory and its remnants were at eve-y inch of the land. the Indian
culture literature had developed here dtE to deep social intermixture.
Thirdly, the Muslims of UP. despite being in mimrity had been leading the
Iriiian in culture civilisation, literature traditional national aspiration.
Fourthly, UP, being home province of Nehru family had been the hub of
Congess
Therefore, the whole Of was watching inæntly the taking place in this It was
commonly pqularly believed that whatever settlement was arrivd at between
the Hirdus the Muslims in this province was to throw its shadow on whole of
the sub-contirænt.l
In the U.P. Legislative Assembly the number of elected Muslim
members was sixty-six. Out of these sixty-six only one Muslim member had
been on Congress party ticket. Moulana Abul Kalam Azad, the president of
the Congress, sent a letter to Chaudhry. Khaliquzznman,
Ashiq Husain Batalvi, Iqbal Kai Akhri Do Sul, Lahore, 1969. p456.
192
the President of Muslim Leagtz Parliamentary Party stating that the Muslim
League could be allowed to join the Government only if it acceded to
certain conditions. He put forward the following conditionE.
I) The U.P. Muslim League Parliamentary Party shall ceae to exist.
The existing members of the Muslim League Party in the
Assembly shall become a part of the Congress Party.
 2) These new members of the Congress would abide by Of conduct
prepared by the Working Committee of the Congess.
3) The Muslim League Parliamentary Boar*would be dissolved
and the League would not put up its own candidates in any
future elections.
4) In the event the Congress Party deciding on resignation from
the Ministry or the Assembly seats, the new members would
follow suit.
The Muslim League could not have accepted these disgaceful These had
made the Conges intentions prejudices quite clear to the Muslims. The
Congress that the UP, was the centre of power for the League and its
elimination from would automatically forecast its virtual demise all over
Abul Kalam Azad had himself admitted, "If the U.P. League's offer of
cooperation been accepted, the Muslim League party would for all practical
pupose have merged in the Congress. All students of Indian politics know
that it was from the UP. that the League was reorganised. Mr. Jinnah took
hill advantage of the s uation and started an offensive which ultimately to
Pakistan".2 Fven Jawaharlal Nehru, without mincing words Mote to Rajendra
• This was the winding up of the Muslim League goup in the UP. and its
absorption in the Congress. This would have a geat nc only in the UP. but all
over India and even outside. This would nuna field for our work without
communal
Quaid-i-Azam rejected these untenable condition of Abul Kalam Azad
outrightly. Not only the Muslims •but also a large number Of for' gners and'
some Hindus as well condemned this Hindu narrow• mil ded mentality. Sir
P. Griffiths terming it as a grievous blunder on the part of the Congress,
declared, that since there was no difference between the political and social
programmes of the two parties so the coalition government could easily
function. The Muslims, in this situation, were compelled to believe that they
were removed from power only because the Congress was an utterly Hindu
party.

I
Chaudhry Khaliquzzaman, Pathway to Pakistan, Lahore. 1961, p. 16.
2

1
Abul Kalam Azad. India Wins Freedom. Calcutta, 1959, p.161. B.N.Pandey.
The Indian Nationalist Movement, p.125.
'P.Griffiths, The Briti'h Impact on India, London, 1953, p340.
Sinha of a well-establislEd daily the Hindustan Standard tiE
Congress attitude criticised its to allow Izag1E to joir; minisäy as
ridiculous.l Moulvi Tufail Ahmad Manilori, who was a Beat supporter
of the Congess that despite similahty between the progammes Of the
two parties coordination du-ing the Congress, perceiving that it had
attained majority refusd to accqt the Muslim Leag.E in the cabiœt.2
 Eventually, when the Congress formed its governments in various
provinces, it adopted a dictatorial policy of highhandedness towards the
Muslims. The Urdu biweekly Madina (Bijnor) which the Congress was forced
to comment, "The Hir{dus developed a misconception that the sun of the
Hindu Raj was now in ascendcnce, therefore, they should treat the Muslims
like the rulers do" 3

BANDE MA TRAM — AS NATIONAL ANTHEM

Imntdiately afta to power, the Congres Tricolour
(Haò as the flag Bade Matmm as natiorul anthem. a &libaaœ to tease
piqtæ MISIim sentintnts govanrœnt orders that asœmbly and
11Eetings of Boards simild with singing of Matram In this been
from a mvel Anand Math by a Bengali writer, Barüim Charxira Chattaji. A
cusory glance at ti•æ thenE of mvel ard antzn reveals any doubt that are
rxÿhing but a Imp of malicious the Parxiit Nehru declared &mde
Mctrwn núml anthem refuting In later, he WTCRe, •It is ate that Matrwn
i.nü_rmtely with Irdian ruüonalisrn rmre than thirW of sentinmt ard
Erifice have it are to can be gow out Of enunmt.
Thring all years BWIde
Marant song was œva having any religious significaxe as a núnal xng in
How far Pandit Nehru's claim was based on truth and sincerity can be
gauged by throwing a glance at the novel and the anthem. The story of
novel revolves round the life of a Hindu militant who decides to fight
against the Muslim rulers as a defender of his faith. The plot of

Kay Akhri Do Saal. p.480. hufül Mmglori, Musalnwzon

3

Madim (bi-wekly, Bijnor), January 9. 1940.

(d) QuU-e-Aum
1977. p262
the novel is develpped in the backdrop of Siraj-ud-Daula's in Bengal.•
The Nawåb now ruled Murshidabad. The hero of the Bhaonand plans
to_raise an army to topple the Muslim rulers. He one Mohinder andtputs
before him the plan of an armed revolt against the Muslims but
Mohinder turns down the plan as impracticable. It infuriates Bhaonanä.
In utter frenzy and depression he says that their religion has
beena¿stroyed; their honour has been defiled, their religion can not be
safeguarded unless those Muslims arc turrEd out. Mohinder asks him if
he can turn them out all by himself. In answer, Bhaonand sings an
anthem, "Will you consider the weak even when seven hundred million
tongues raise the slogan and fourteen hundred million hands wield the
sword?" Mohinder still refuses to believe him and Bhaonand tries again
to convince him saying, "An Englishman does not flee—the battlefield
even when his life is in danger. but a Muslim runs away even if he
perspires"
 Ttm Mohinder to a Hindu temple to take Of a statœ calld Jaèat Dharti.
The priest of the temple t}Ern the glorious past of the motherlarxi the arrival
of the MtsIin8. Then they go into a cellar where a dreadful black statue of
nakd Kali Mau is kept TIE p-iest tries to incite their feelings saying 'Look!
what Mudims have doæ to the mother". After.¥Üds they enter amtha room
where stanz of female deity with ten arms is kept The says that the will
regain her youthful charm when they defeat eœmy.
Afterwards, Bhaonand and Mohinder together raise an army
liberate the mother (land) from the enemy (the Muslims). Every soldier
takes oath that he will refrain from indulging in worldly pleasures
unless he succeeds in evicting the enemy from the Motherland. After
taking the oath. every soldier sings Bande Matram with solemnity.
controversy over this anthem continued to rage for a long time.
Zetland rightly ponted out to Linlithgow, the Viceroy of India that. in
fact, it not a song but declaration of war which the Hindus had adopted
to start a national movement against the Muslims but if the Congress
ministers of the U.P. thought that the Muslims, too, ought to sing this
Bhajan (Hindu religious song) with love and devotion, then their
ignorance was extremely regettable. It tantamounts to saying that the
people of Czechoslovakia and Poland should be called upon to raise
slogans in favour of their comrwn enemy Hitler. Quaid-i-Azam
conderrmed Bande Matram as a war-song against the Muslims: He
declared that it smacked of blasphemy.
Commenting on Bande Matram, Himayat-e-lslam. a rm-pohtical
magazirE representing Anjuman-e- Himayat-e-lslam Lahœe wrote,”We
'Ahmad Szed (ed.). Gunar-i-Quaid-i-Azam. 1976. p. 199.
 disagee with this song only because being Muslims. we that it is by no
means appropriate for the Muslims to sing it. The reason is that the
views expressed in it are quite contrary to Islamic beliefs."
Adabi Dunia was another popular and non-political magazine
published from Lahore. It was also critical of Bande Matram because it
was written in a provincial language Bengali, expressing very limited
and narrow minded views. According to Adabi Dunia, Allama Iqbal's
national anthem "Saray Jahan Say Acha Hindustan Hamara" was a
much better creation than Bande Matram on account of its forceful
expression and thought content. Moreover, it had been written by Iqbal
in a language which was much simple and easily understood by the
people living throughout India from Peshawar to Calcutta and from
Sylhet to Banglore and Srinagar.

WARDHA EDUCATIONAL SCHEME

Another vicious plan reflective of bigoted Hindu rtmtality was a reprt
that came to be knowm as Wardha Educational scheme. TtE real pupose of
this shenE was to brain wash the Muslim youth by infrsing in tiErn Wogy ard
theory of One Nation in place of Two Nation Theory. With this blatantly
anti-Muslim intentions M.K Gandhi appointed a in 1937 the presidentship Of
Zakir Husain to prepare a œw dEational syllabus. committee of ten nErnber
out of which two were the Muslims. In fact, the cMnrnittee which
&ect arxi guidance of Garxihi, preparxi its reçm in December 1937. report
was called Wardha Scherœ — an apt appellation, for it was titled tuvily
against the Muslims. The in esxnce, sought to a-ase from the Of the Muslims
glory, importa'x:e, and love of their religion. cultwe, and traditional social
values, It the culmination of this by infusing in Muslim minds the of religion
ard culttre Of the multifarious designs, the rmst crucial arxi most refarious
were the itEulcation of the of nationalism Ahimsa (non-violence) in tie
context of Hiú domination. Obviously both thee evil objectives were
rQugnant to the fundamental Islamic
The new educational scheme declared co-education and teaching Of
music as compulsory. Five new books for students were prepared, under
the serial title of New Book, which the qualities of Hindu culture in the
most emphatic manner. The manner, approach and Style of writing
showed a deliberate attempt to minimise tlE glory, honour and
achievements of the Muslim pioneers. For instance, the write-up of the
Prophet of Islam (PBUH) was done with the conscious effort to
denigrate the veneration and esteem, in which he is held by the faithfuls.
His biographical sketch ran like this: "Hazrat Muhammad
To
worshipped in a cave. He started his work at the age of forty and this
world at the age-of sixty-three". Contrary to this. Hindu religion. philosophy
and the achievements of its pioneers were admired highly hyperbOIic style.
The books propagated the concept vigorously that all the religions were
genuine and, therefore, there was no ned to follow any particular religion
for salvation.
In CP. and Berar, a new scheme under the name of Vidya Mandee
scheme was akin to Wardha scheme in purpose and intent. The new scheme
for its very name was unacceptable to the Muslims. Secondly, the Muslims
rejected it because all the members of this syllabus committee were non-
Muslims. According to the scheme, schools were to be set up only in those
rural areas where land for school was by a philanthropist whose annual
income was not less than Rs.200'. and where at least forty educated, capable
boys and girls were available within the radius of one mile. The Of
instruction, under this scheme of education, was to be the vernacular
language. It meant that the Muslims were. per force, supposed to study Hindi
or Marathi language. The Muslims, then, demanded that the name of the
scheme should be changed and syllabus should be modified in such a way
that their children could get education in their own mother tongue. These
demands of the Muslims were deemed unworthy of consideratiom Then,
things came to such a pass that they were forced to start an agitation in front
of the secretariat at Nagpur in January, 1939.
In fact, Wardha scheme was a part of Congress' grand political plan,
the main objective of which was to prepare a generation of the Muslims
devoid of knowledge and insensitive to their past cultural glory,
civilization and religion. A glance at Moulvi Abdul Haq's letter to Gandhi
would reveal ghe dangerous implications involved in this scheme for the
Muslims. In his letter he stated, "You will be surprised to learn that when a
representative Of my Anjuman paid Visit to a in village Pandher of district
Chindhwara, he was dumbfounded to SE that most of the Muslims and the
Hindu students were offering prayers in front of the statue of the goddess
Sarsawati with hands clapped before school hours. The students studying
in such schools have forgotten their traditional greetings and in stead of
exchanging Assalamo Alaikum they greet with Namastay or Jay Ramji Ki. i
On Wardha g}Erne tiEre is agœrTEnt among neunl f'ñign that it alienated
the Muslims by cutting at the Of cultual system. •was this rot to

Ava. 1941.
as a challenge to Muslim of as the Of idolatry? "asked Sir
Reginald Couplardl Eventually, all the political and non-political
pmies of
Muslims declared the Wardha scheme as harmful and unacceptable.
The All-India Muslim League at a meeting of its committee with
Quaid-i-Azam in the chair, rejected this scheme on July 2, 1939. In a
resolution adopted on the occasion. it was clearly stated that the
scheme was repugnant to the sentiments, ideology and religion and its
real purpose was to destroy the Muslim cultural heritage gadually and
elevate the Hindu culture to a place of dominance progressively.2
Sayyid Suleman Nadvi criticised this so-called educational scheme as
an attempt of the majority to dye the minority in their own colour.
 Even Moulana Ahmad Saeed of the Jamiatul Ulamae-Hind —
supporter of the Congress — threatened in a public meeting on March
5, 1939 to launch civil disobedience movement if the Congess
implemented the scheme in toto.3

URDU LANGUAGE
The controversy over Hindi or Urdu has been raging since long but
during these two years the Congress found the real opportunity to
implement its nefarious designs. The Congress had adopted the
killUrdu policy because Gandhi who was its spiritual mentor had once
remarked that Urdu was the religious language of the Muslims and
since it was also written in the Quranic script, therefore, only the
Muslims could take the responsibility of keeping it alive.
In the beginning Gandhi raised the slogan of languge then carried
the flag of Hindi language. Then all the leaders of Congress, in a chorus,
propagated the cause of Hirdi. Pardit Netw supporting the use of Hindi
'The national rmvements could gain great strength through Hindi
language". Therefore, suggested to dopt Hindi as medium of instruction.
The then president of the Conges, Subash Chandra Bose joined the
chorus reiteraüng that only wuld the common language. The chief
minister of Bombay, B.C. Khare, that nobody differed with the idea
that stmilcl have a language and that everybody ageed that Hirdi was
the common language. Babu Raje1Kira Prasad declared that one commn
language was

Indian Politics 193642, p.191.

Resolutions of the All-India Muslim l.zague, December 1938-March 1940. pp. 14-
15.
Inqilab, Lahore, March 9, 1939, p.5.
 198

tø cenEü the nationalism ngu¥ was Hirai. For there was no betta
script Devnagi ard only that
Immediately after assuming the Congess leaders to implement their
schemes. In Orissa, the provincial minister of education issued orders that
Hindi should be taught in every school. while in Madras province Devnagri
script was introduced in two hundred schools for Hindi language. To top it
all, all government announcements, statements and advertisements began to
be issued in Devnagri script. This insistence on teaching of Hindi under
duress provoked strong reaction throughout the province. The C.P.
Legislative Assembly, then. also decided to publish its proceedings and
minutes in Hindi and Marathi. On demand from the Muslim members that
Urdu be also used for this purpose, one minister declared that printing and
publishing of assembly speeches in Urdu for the sake of a handful of minority
members would be wastage of time and money.
aaIn U.P. the language which was sought to be introduced in government
offices and courts was tempered and all the commonly understandable Urdu
words were replaced by difficult Sanskrit words. When the school inspectors
would visit schools, they would ask students questions in a language replete
with difficult and uncommon Hindi words. Even in All-India Radio news
broadcasts Sanskrit words replaced the current and easily understandable
diction. Words like Taleem (education), Azadi (freedom), Ailaan
(announcement), Muddai (plaintifD and Siasi (political) were replaced with
weirdly sounding Sanskrit words like Shiksa, Sotantra, Ghoshna, Tabadi and
Rajnaitik respectively. Commenting on this state of linguistic affairs, the
Madina (Bijnor) wrote, "News and articles which are being broadcast from
the Radio stations these days are stuffed with majority of such words that
cultured•people feel impelled to plug their ears"
In short the Congress, after coming to power tried its level .best to
obliterate Urdu language but failed to achieve its goals. During this period,
Baba-i-Urdu Moulvi Abdul Haq did a yeoman's service to protect Urdu
language from the linguistic atrocities of the Congress. The All-India Muslim
League and Anjuman-e-Taraqqi-e-Urdu forged a joint stand and the Muslim
League issued, as it did in the past, statements in favoug of Urdu. In 1937, in
the Lucknow session of the • All-India Muslim League, the Raja of
Mahmudabad, stressed upon the Urdu speaking people in a resolution that
they should continue their efforts for the progress and protection of the
language at every level.

I
Fuman Fatehpuri, Hindi-Urdu Tanaza, Islamabad, 1976. pp423•24.
In his in New in 1938, tE/Quaa-i-Azam lengh runi6cúts afta-eff&ts of
the impositim of Hirdi tiE of Urdu. He said tut txcible imposition of E5rdi
was a death-kœll Urdu. In said, 'Hirdi is being nutht Shools. Think will of
tiEir social, Cultiral thinking when the MISIim children sndy Hirdu religion
 Its unavoidable is that Urdu language will be eliminated ard the
Muslims will loose tiEir Islamic characteristics".l Similarly, Liqut Ali Khan, amtha
Muslim Leag1E explaining the Muslim viewpoint with regard conflict. stated
in 1939, "We left Arabic langu¥ fŒ this Irxiia for the we left Turkish
language a language which canE into existeIEe made progess in this counù•y — a
bnguage which is not spoken anywhere else. Now, it is demarød of us that should
speak the language of BalnEek. We have taken rmny steps forward for the sake of
Hitxiu-Muslim unity. We shall rx)t take stq forward. We standiry at the edge
of our limit. Anyone who wishes to us, come ha-e".

PIRPUR REPORT
In 1937, the All-India Muslim Izague set up an eight member
committee under the chairmanship of Raja Sayyid Mohammad Mehdi of
Pirpur to into the complaints of the Muslims. The committee after thorough
investigations and deliberations prepared a report which came to be called
Pirpur Report. This report, spread over 96 pages and divided into three
portions, covered a whole range of socio-cultural, political and intra-
communal tensions. The first portion of the Report made a general review
of the communal problem, the second encompassed Congress policies. the
rift of anthem, Bande Matram, Taranga Flag, dismissal of the Muslims from
I.x»cal Bodies, causes of communal riots and riots on language and culture,
-while the third portion dealt with the complaints of the Muslim inhabitants
of Madras, Bihar. Orissa, C.P.. Bombay and U.P.
Analysing this report, Prof. Coupland remarked that the report was
prepared with utmost wisdom and it presented the Muslim complaints in a
logically argumentative style. Its notable quality was that nowhere it lost
control over moderation and patience and, therefore, whatever was written
was done with extreme care.

SHAREEF REPORT
Similarly, in Bihar, the All-India Muslim League, an investigation
committee under SM. Shareef to probe into complaints of

excesses committed against Muslims by rQort of this

committœ was also divided inb
g)rtion presented a deep into duplicity of glaring
dichotomybetween its priœiples and practices third dilated upon
the acts of suppression oppression against violation of their rights
with regard to government employnmt CONGRESS RAJ IN C.P.
A book under this title, having three hundred and sixty pages, was
collated in 1941 by Hakeem Israr Ahmad Kurevi. This is considered an
authentic history of Congress ministry in C.P and Berar The book
contained report on .the state of law and order, Wardha Educational
scheme, Vidya Mander scheme, exploitation carnage Of the Muslims,
injustice and ill-will of Hindus usumation of rights of the Muslims to
public sector jobs. In addition to this, two OtlEr Muslim Sufferings
 Under the Congress Rule It Shall Never Happen Again were brought
out. These two booklets tmk st* of the exploits of the Congress ministry.
It is worth mentioning that everyone from the President to an
ordinary worker of the Congress had come to believe that the time to
take revenge of their thousand years slavery of the Muslims arrived.
Towards the end of 1938, a carefræ Congressite from Lucknow said to•
his Muslim friend, 'My dear, IEople have beconr unnerved only in a
year and a half. Look at us! We did not loose heart when the Muslims
straddled us for seven hundred years".
The historical importance Of the period of the Congress ministries
lies not so much in the question of whether the Muslim grievances were
greater or whether they were exaggerated, but in the fact that the
overwhelming majority of Muslims believed them to exist.

THE DAY OF DELIVERANCE

The extent to which the Muslims suffaed atrocities at the hands of
Hindus du-ing theœ two years can be gauged from the statement that
Quaid-i-Azam gave at of the Congress ministries On (ktoba 22, 1939, the
Congress ministries resigœd. On this occasion, the Þd-i-A.zam expressed
his heartfelt satisfaction in a StatenEnt in which he aÆX.a_ld to Muslims to
celebrate of Congress as a Day of
He proviXial, disrict ard Muslim Leagtg to hold public
rnæängs offa giving payers to

I
sayyid Raza Ali. Aamal kama. 1945. p.503.
tigir Ense of relief at this historical public
—ngs .would be tEld in an ard humility ard
mthing would be a
rution becauœ all the excesœs
Fe paperated primarily by
of cortÞ diEiplirq hut tlE felings of any
on Muslins othe
High Commardl
Quaid•i-Aiam sent the following resolutions to be carried in public rtEings on this
occasion 'This public meeting Of the Musalmans recŒds *ion that Congress have
corElusiveIy demnstrated vroved falsetmd of the Congress claim that it repreœnts
all interests justly ard fairly, by its decidedly anti-Muslim policy. That the
Congress ministries have failed safeguard rights arxl interests of Musalmans
That the Conges ministries both in the dischÜge of their dutes of the ard in the
legislatures have doœ their best to flout Muslim opinion, to destroy Muslim culture
ard have intafaed with tEir religious ard social life trampled üEir ecormic political
rithts.. Thaefore, it its deep sense of relief at termination of regirœ rejoices in
obzrving this day as Day of
The Quaid-i-Azam's appeal to the Muslims infuriated Congess leadersd to
state Of frenzy. They criticised the anrnmcement as untimely, provocative and
anti-national. They accused him of expressing delight on the termination of
governments and welcoming bureaucratic arangements. He was also arraigned for
inciting the Muslims against the This Step Of his, they declared, would add fuel to
the already flaming fire of communal tension. Some Muslim leaders the Prime
Minister of the Punjab, Sir Sikandar Hayat and two other leaders of the Unionist
Party, Raja Ghazanfar Ali Khan and Mir Maqbool Mahnmd strongly objected to
this resolution. .They declared that the decision was disturbing and inimical to the
communal amity?
The Quaid-i-Azam refuted all these impressions and stated that their
movement was not against the Hindus but its object was simply to •condemn the
actions of the Congress governments. This statement was received warmly all over
India. It is worth mentioning that not only the Muslims but other minorities i.e.
Parsees, Depressed Classes and Justice Party responded to the call of the Quaid-i-
Azam wholeheartedly. The Day of Deliverance was celebrated in all the villages,
towns and cities in the most disciplined manner and with unprecedented fervour. It
was such a success that S.P. Rath, editor of the New Orissa, the Day of
Deliverance as a red letter day in the annals of plitical history
1Jamil-IA-Din (d), Speec}æs ard Writings ofMr. Jùtngh, p98:
2

1bid„ pp.98-99
3Reminiscences ofthe Day ofDeliverance, Islamabad, 1976, V. 18.
on this day of Muslims arø gathering toget1Er to pay their gatitide to
Allah fœ &livering from a nightnwe of intolaarwe arø authœitzianism.l
M.C. Rajha who was the president Of the All-Irdia Association of
Depressed Classes welcomed Quaid-i-Azam's declaration and strongly
supported the demand for setting up of a Royal Commission to look into the
 misdeeds of the Congress ministries. The Parsees, on their pan, participated
in the celebrations with full zeal.
In connection with the Day of Delivera1Ee, a meeting was held in Badshahi
Mosque, Lahore after the Friday congegation. TIE meeting was presided over by
Malik Barkat Ali. In his he said that atrœities of Bagh before the huge loss of life,
property suffered by•the Muslims of minority provinces during those two a lulf .
years. As the representative of the Parsee community, Homi Rustam Ji addressed
the meeting. He declared. 'Tòday Jinnah is, tiE hero of the minorities who is
fighting against Congess fascism aloœ. Parsee nation has full confidence in the
leadership of Mr. Jinnah. We are part parcel of Jinnah's army On December 22, in
Bombay, a resolution was moved by Currimbhoy Ebrahim in a meeting which was
presided over by Ismail Ibrahim Churùigar. Dr. Ambedkar, the of the
Untouchables, supported this resolution urEquivocally
'Today, the positión of the British Government is that of a 'Receiver' wtw is the
guardian of the disputed property Of the two parties. If the Conges this property
through intimidation of the Receiver, this act be regarded as a crime only against
the British Government but also gainst the minorities". This meeting was
described by the Times of Indül as the mst peaceful and disciplined meeting in
Bombay.
The Day 01 Deliverance was celebrafed through the length and breadth of
India in a most disciplined and most graceful manner. Sir Arthur Moor, ex-editor
Of The Statesman expressing his views the manner in which this Day was
celebrated stated, 'This day was celebrated with almost religious solemnity; there
was no violerEe and
•thanksgiving' prayers were offered in the most responsible manner'.
In stK»rt. the Day Of Deliverance enjoys place of in history Of Muslims. This
incident beyorxi doubt that
Quaid-i-Azam had cast his influerEe over the of India in a very of that was their
only genulœ represntative rue This Day Of Deliverarwe belied Congess claim that
it was g)le of It was also a srong testirrmy of tlw Quaid's political srategy. It
manifestd the fundamental quality of his ladership nanæly to srike and how to
sùike" eminiscences Ofthe Day OfDeliverance, p. 18.