New York, New York: Cultural Life and Civic Experience in the Global City

Author(s): Jay Kaplan

Source: World Policy Journal , Winter, 1996/1997, Vol. 13, No. 4 (Winter, 1996/1997),
pp. 53-60
Published by: Duke University Press

Stable URL: https://www.jstor.org/stable/40209503

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 REFLECTIONS
Jay Kaplan is the executive director of the New York Council for the Humanities and the editor of its magazine, culturefr

New York, New York

Cultural Life and Civic Experience in the Global City
Jay Kaplan

New York City enjoyed uncontested pri- tural ferment on the road for profit, only to
macy among America's cultural centers be improved upon by the theatrical empire
from the end of the nineteenth century to staked out by the Shubert brothers, which
the middle of the twentieth. In almost every filled vacant theaters around the country
area of artistic and public intellectual life, it with traveling road companies performing
played a central, dominant, or exclusive Broadway shows.
role. Following the Second World War, In other words, New York's national
New York City grew into a position of market position in cultural products was
built upon the foundation of a solid local re-
global leadership, so that today it has argu-
ably become first among the world's cul- lationship between cultural production and
tural centers. Along the way, though, consumption. The local market produced
something changed. cultural products for local consumers and
Gotham built its cultural dominion tourists, reflecting local values and condi-
upon its historic role as the most importanttions. In vaudeville and the theater, for ex-
port connecting the North American conti- ample, cultural producers and consumers
nent to Europe, and as a trans-shipment cen-encountered one another face-to-face, on the
ter between Europe and the Caribbean. same site, at the same time, with a give-and-
Through the Narrows passed not just com- take that allowed for interplay and, even,
merce but, also, people and ideas. The city some modest blurring of roles between per-
was an entry point for what was new and ex- formers and audiences.
citing, a place of interaction and hybridity. From the end of the nineteenth century
From the late eighteenth to the early twenti-through the first half of the twentieth, local
eth century, the vernacular culture of New cultural attractions offered New Yorkers not
York's inhabitants - their ideas, values, and only recreation and stimulation but also es-
creativity - gradually found expression in tablished the basis for a shared public dis-
market-oriented cultural production as well course, thereby helping to build a common
as in noncommercial, but public, venues civic culture. They provided New Yorkers
such as clubs, lyceums, and cafes. with meeting places, shared experiences,
New York's cultural products reflected and opportunities to interact with one
the connections between people, place, and another.
time. They owed their popularity and com- Of course, some of these cultural experi-
mercial success to the vibrancy of these rela-ences, such as the philharmonic or opera,
tionships. It was but a natural step for the were accessible virtually only to the upper
nation's premier center of ideas, popular en-sectors of society, but even these helped to
tertainment, and high culture to develop mold a bourgeois sensibility in the literal
both cultural tourism and a cultural "ex- sense, one in which class consciousness
port" economy. The vaudeville circuit, for combined with urban civic pride. Other cul-
example, had long been taking the city's cul-
tural experiences, from vaudeville to Anton

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Seidl's Coney Island concerts of strikingly As the twentieth century progressed,
contemporary classical music, brought to- technological developments worked to un-
gether a remarkable range of New Yorkers dermine the significance of local cultural
from virtually every other station of society geography relative to national market
and every immigrant group, although re- demographics. Films and recordings, for ex-
strictions were imposed on African Ameri- ample, severed the temporal and spatial
cans. New Yorkers saw their separate links that made producers and consumers
identities reflected in popular entertain- collaborators in a common, evanescent ex-
ments and, through the solvent of their col- perience. The new communications media
lective engagement, acquired a new sense of allowed for the separation of cultural produc-
themselves as New Yorkers. tion and consumption. If these new tech-
nologies thus transformed the occasions they
Civic Rituals hoped to replicate faithfully, they were able
When, for example, they went to the ball to "capture" their visual and aural traces
park to cheer for the Dodgers, the Giants, once and for all time so that they could be
or the Yankees, they participated in a civic endlessly reproduced and sold as physical
ritual that affirmed their hometown connec- products.
tion and transcended their differences in During the second half of the twentieth
an epiphany of shared emotion. Demonstrat- century, the culture industries increasingly
ing what today seems a touching innocence, wedged their concentrated financial power
New Yorkers at that time did not regard and commercial expertise between actors
their teams as mobile corporate franchises. and audiences, writers and readers, artists
They saw them, rather, as consisting of and viewers, musicians and listeners, attenu-
players who were fellow New Yorkers, per- ating the basic interactions of a vital local
haps not by origin but, at least, by adop- cultural life.
tion. Their skills and idiosyncracies were Today, New York City's cultural pre-
familiar, and, in most cases, they could eminence no longer rests on a virtual monop-
be expected to be around for a long time. oly. On the contrary, its postwar ascendancy
They were not traded with aplomb and has been achieved against a backdrop of
moved about the leagues like anonymous broad cultural diffusion, fostered in no small
units of production, nor did they yet have measure by New York City-based philan-
the opportunity to place themselves upon thropies and cultural institutions. In fact,
the market as free agents available to the some observers sympathetic to the city have
highest bidder. fretted over the proliferation of competitors,
New Yorkers' deep and lingering sense warning that insofar as cultural superiority
of betrayal at the way the Dodgers and Gi- encourages emulation, it reduces its own
ants abandoned the city provides eloquent margin of supremacy.
testimony to the familial sense of attach- But such a view is essentially static.
ment, the sense of social contract, that had Cultural expansion is not a zero-sum game.
bound fans to players. Today, in a less inno- It is a growth industry. Far from undermin-
cent time, when it has become common- ing the role of dance in New York City,
place for baseball owners to threaten to for example, the Ford Foundation's support
move their clubs, fans still go to the ball- for regional dance programs enhanced es-
park for recreation, but it is a lot harder for teem for the art, democratized access to it,
them to muster quite the same enthusiasm and multiplied the audiences who could
for teams identified more by a familiar cor- appreciate the achievements of New York
porate logo than by the constantly changing City's great classical, modern, and avant-
roster of their players. garde companies.

54 WORLD POLICY JOURNAL • WINTER 1996/97

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 While New York City remains powerful Cultural philanthropy, more highly de-
as a cultural producer and a locus of cultural veloped in New York City than perhaps any-
consumption, its paramountcy ultimately in- where else, serves four vital purposes: it
heres in its ability to determine "what is supports protected staging areas for, ulti-
good." New York City gives direction to cul- mately, more commercial forms of creative
tural enterprise in two ways. First, it estab- activity and nurtures new talent; it validates
lishes aesthetic standards, offers serious "what is good" or, at least, promising; it
criticism and consumer advice, launches helps inculcate cultural literacy by educat-
styles and trends, and arbitrates matters of ing prospective audiences; and, in what
taste. Journalism, advertising, marketing, amounts both to a summary and a separate
the media, and a good part of cultural activ- point, it sustains the infrastructure that con-
ity itself promote cultural consumption by tributes to cultural productivity.
assisting consumers to identify and discrimi- Here and there a lone painter, writer, or
nate among the products of the culture in- composer might successfully work in virtual
dustries. Second, those who make financial isolation, but far more seem to thrive on the
decisions on behalf of the city's vast concen- confluence of other artists, libraries, con-
trations of wealth exercise cultural control certs, museums, universities, bookstores,
through the clout they bring to bear both in and cafes, not to mention the artists' service
market-oriented decisions, such as which organizations, fellowships, internships, part-
books, magazines, films, or Broadway pro- time work opportunities, revolving loan pro-
ductions to back, or which cable systems grams, agents, intellectual property lawyers,
and film libraries to invest in, as well as in studio and rehearsal spaces, laboratories, spe-
their charitable giving to nonprofit cultural cialized shops, and artisanal services that can
activities. only be found in a place such as New York.
As in many other areas of metropolitan
The "New" New York dominance, advantages accrue to the already
As a major center of cultural decisionmak- privileged: the existence of such an infra-
ing, production, assembly, financing, mar- structure exerts a powerful attraction upon
keting, and consumption, the city retains a would-be artists, intellectuals, artisans, and
still-sizeable, albeit diminished and some- cultural entrepreneurs.
what atavistic, sector of locally oriented cul- New York City's cultural hegemony de-
tural production and consumption. A large rives in significant measure from the city's
part of this sector could not survive economi- economic transformation. One of the central
cally without subsidy, and it has long re- features of what we term globalization is
ceived state and city support as well as an ever-increasing economic concentration
foundation, corporate, and individual gifts. and differentiation between strategic plan-
However, in this time of diminished public ning, financial control, and information
revenue, competing charitable priorities, management, on the one hand, and manufac-
and uncertain demographic prospects (par- turing or service delivery, on the other. As
ticularly for "high culture" performing arts America's and the world's corporations have
activities other than dance), the justifica- gobbled one another up in an acquisitive
tions for contributions have increasingly orgy, and dismembered one another and dis-
been offered in economic terms, rather than persed the pieces to wherever cost and profit
through appeals to civic conscience. One projections dictated, New York City has
government study, for example, underlines fared far better in retaining corporate heads
the importance of the city's cultural attrac- than corporate body parts. And the city's
tions to its tourist sector, in particular its ho-
culture industry has profited from its asso-
tels and restaurants.1 ciation with corporate management -

New York, New York 55

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through commissions and employment very high, but a significant measure of na-
opportunities, through the patronage of tional or regional diversity - and downright
wealthy and, often, sophisticated high- quirkiness - of style has been sacrificed. To-
income employees, and through corporate day, for example, as young French singers
contributions designed to demonstrate are being trained in the same international
good citizenship or to embellish the corpo- style prevailing elsewhere, the aficionado
rate name with untaxed dollars. What is rarely finds true exemplars of the French
more, many of the giants of the culture in- lyric tradition.
dustry itself are located in New York City Artistic standardization has also beset
where they number among the city's largest the operas themselves: the blocking of
corporations. Even the movie industry, eco- entrances, stage movements and exits is in-
nomically the most important segment creasingly governed by convention, the bet-
of the culture industry not based in New ter to whisk superstars through productions
York, depends on the city to help finance with a minimum of expensive rehearsal
its productions. time. Ironically, as the educator and musi-
Speedy, cheap, and prolific channels of cian Leon Botstein has written, recordings
transportation and communication have have made performances of unparalleled
transformed the cultural sector, creating technical sophistication available to audi-
audiences on several continents for produc- ences that are more geographically far-flung
tions conceived, assembled, financed, and and numerically larger, but far less musi-
marketed globally. In the world of opera, forcally literate, than those of the past.2 In
example, highly engineered digital studio re-these circumstances, showmanship - not to
cordings - more perfect than it is possible say vulgar exhibitionism - has sometimes
for any individual live performance ever to blossomed where musicianship and dramatic
be - have made the consummate talent of a values have wilted.
handful of genuine superstars familiar Elsewhere in the field of classical music
throughout the world and stimulated a vora-a similar phenomenon prevails. A recent arti-
cious demand for live appearances. Estab- cle in the Economist, "Why Orchestras Are
lished singers of the caliber of Pavarotti, Too Alike," notes that
Domingo, Krauss, Hampson, Ramey, Freni,
Rysanek, Battle, Gruberova, Te Kanawa, fine orchestras once sounded as distinc-
Norman, and von Stade, or emerging talents tive as the cultures which bred them.
such as Alagna, Heppner, Bartoli, or Lar- French ones, with their light, thin horns
more will, often in one season, appear in and bassoons, used to have a sound as
houses in Europe and the United States, strong and airy as the Eiffel Tower.
as well as in South America, Japan, and Aus- Strings in Central Europe had the colour
tralia. Whole productions will sometimes and touch of Habsburg-plush. German
travel intercontinentally, as did - to cite orchestras with their granite discipline
just two examples from recent years - those got burgomasterly weight from the dou-
of the Kirov Opera or William Christie's Les ble-basses. American ones had a brassy
Arts Florissants. directness, in New York, an aggressive-
As opera lovers the world over will tes- ness even.3
tify, much has been gained through im-
proved technology and increased mobility. But, "that was then." The magazine
But something has also been lost. Increased quotes pianist Andras Schiff to the effect
uniformity has been the cost of opera's corn-that today only the Vienna Philharmonic
modification. The superstars have set per- has a recognizable sound. It identifies four
formance criteria and audience expectations factors as contributing to increased unifor-

5 6 WORLD POLICY JOURNAL • WINTER 1 996/97

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mity: national distinctions in the instru- Even more ironically, the marketers often
ments themselves have largely disappeared; employ a sales strategy emphasizing a spuri-
local teaching traditions have been dis- ous "diversity."5 As one sardonic observer
rupted by international travel, sabbaticals, has commented, "When we talk about the
and guest conductorships; recordings have dominance of one culture, or even, less
disseminated an international style; and con- agonistically, of the globalization of culture,
ductors have made shorter-term commit- it is important to keep in mind that what is
ments to their orchestras and perform with really at issue is the victory of culture that
them less frequently than in the past, with makes money over all other forms, and par-
consequently less opportunity to mold a ticularly, over both folk culture and elite
unique orchestral voice. culture."6
The homogenization of popular culture Cultural globalization has, of course,
has far outstripped anything that has oc- not proceeded without counterpoint. With
curred in the world of classical music. Mov- increasing frequency in recent years, mili-
ies, television, radio, print journalism, and tantly rejectionist forms of ethnic, national-
book publishing have made major contribu-ist, and religious chauvinism have offered
tions to cultural uniformity, not to say cul- sometimes violent resistance to the insidious
tural leveling. Despite the highly vaunted integrationism of the marketplace. On a
possibilities of narrowcasting - the defini- commercial level, the neglect of certain rela-
tion and service of distinct audience seg- tively affluent audiences with specialized in-
ments - market pressures favoring mass terests has allowed boutique publishers and
audiences have proven virtually inexorable, a few successful low-cost, independent
and not just in the United States. movie producers to enter fields dominated
One indicator from 1991 shows that all by corporate giants lacking the suppleness
of the top-ten-grossing motion pictures in or incentive to pick these crumbs up off the
Argentina, Austria, Brazil, Egypt, Greece, floor.
Hungary (only eight listed), the Nether- Nor has cultural diffusion been entirely
lands, Poland, Switzerland, and the United unidirectional. Building upon an extensive
Kingdom were imported, usually from literature in ethnomusicology, for example,
the United States. In Chile, Denmark, Orlando Patterson has shown how, in draw-
Germany, Iceland, Spain, and Sweden, ing upon indigenous Jamaican musical tra-
nine of the top ten were imports, while ditions, reggae evolved from an imitative
even in France, for all the importance of response to American rhythm-and-blues,
its historic contributions to the art of film, cowboy, and bluegrass music to a distinc-
eight of the top ten were imports.4 Other tively original form, one that, in the dance-
examples prove the same point. Reruns of hall versions brought to New York by
/ Love Lucy, Bonanza, and Dynasty still play underclass Kingston immigrants, stimu-
to audiences worldwide, while African audi- lated, in turn, the development of African-
ences tune in to CNN, and Chechen rebels American rap.7
proudly point to pictures of themselves in But, while his documentation of what
Newsweek. he terms "periphery to center cultural flows"
offers a useful corrective to a more simplistic
The Ironies of Multiculturalism model of cultural exchange, Patterson's
Ironically, multiculturalism has emerged as neglect of the significance of economic
an ideal or a cause at precisely the moment disparities casts doubt on his more far-
when the global marketing of, largely reaching claim that "it is simply not true
American, popular culture threatens local that the diffusion of Western culture, espe-
cultural expression virtually everywhere. cially at the popular level, leads to the

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homogenization of the culture of the world. the vitality and commercial potential of
Indeed... just the opposite is the case."8 artistic productions drawing on the tradi-
The originality of Patterson's analysis tions and lives of New Yorkers. George C.
lies in its grass-roots focus. Rather than ex- Wolfe's successful production at the Public
amining cultural decisionmaking at the Theatre of Bring in Da Noise, Bring in Da
level of recording-industry executives, Pat- Funk, with tap-dance phenomenon Savion
terson, adopting the sociologist Saskia Sas- Glover, has recently moved from its non-
sen's term, traces cultural transmission to profit venue to a Broadway run, and Rent, a
the Jamaicans living in the "transnational low-budget off-off-Broadway musical depict-
space" of what he calls "multicultural Amer- ing the life of the community surrounding
ica." With a majority of their adult working the hole-in-the-wall East Village theater
populations living abroad, many Caribbean where it premiered to rave reviews, has also
societies, according to Patterson, no longer opened on Broadway.
find political and social boundaries meaning- Encouragement comes, too, from the
ful. Their expatriates in the United States creativity the post-Second World War mi-
"are not ethnic groups in the traditional grants and immigrants have brought to the
American sense." Instead, quoting Jamaican city. In a spectrum of traditional and novel
folk poet Louise Bennett, Patterson de- forms - including, among others far too nu-
scribes their enclaves as "colonization in re- merous to cite, the poetry of the Nuyorican
verse," as a physical migration involving "no Cafe; the photography of Charles Biasiny-
traumatic transfer of national loyalty from Rivera's En Foco workshop; the costumes de-
the home country to the host polity," since signed by Brooklyn's Caribbean community
"home is readily accessible and national loy- for the annual Labor Day Parade; the impec-
alty is a waning sentiment in what is increas-cable instrumental skills being acquired at
ingly a postnational world." Juilliard, the Manhattan School of Music,
As far as he is concerned, such a multi- and Mannes by young Asian Americans; the
cultural America- consisting, in addition popular and commercial success of jazz and
to this "West Atlantic regional cosmos," of salsa artists in the Afro-Caribbean tradition;
the "Tex-Mex cosmos of the Southwest," the or the emergence of such writers as Edwige
"Southern California cosmos," and the "Pa- Danticat or such filmmakers as Mira Nair -
cific Rim cosmos" - is a fact; it coexists the bounteous talents of newcomers and
with a "traditional America" and an "ecu- their children are manifesting themselves
menical America," which synthesizes the di-in the city's daily life and enriching all its
vergent values and practices of the other two inhabitants.
sectors. In an assertion that bears further ex-
amination below, Patterson warns that "any Inauspicious Portents
cultural policymaker must begin by recog- Pessimists, however, can point to several in-
nizing the fundamentally tripartite nature auspicious portents. The Broadway success
of America."9 of Beauty and the Beast has led its owner and
The eclipse of place, optimists will note, producer, the Disney Company, to acquire
has not progressed as far in New York City and refurbish one of the theater district's
as elsewhere, thanks to the city's genuine landmarks, the New Amsterdam Theatre.
cosmopolitanism, the centrality of its role in While few who actually have to cross 42nd
directing cultural globalization, its enor- Street will regret this encroachment upon a
mous enclave of only partially assimilated stronghold of the pornography industry, and
foreign-born residents, and its mall-resistant many will rejoice at the rehabilitation of a
geography, zoning, and tax policies. Two re-dilapidated movie house to a state of archi-
cent theatrical examples give expression to tectural grandeur, the importation from

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Hollywood of corporately "imagineered" not at all clear that New York City's newest
entertainments, even more so than the re- immigrants have any less desire to assimi-
cent reign of insipid Andrew Lloyd Webber late than their predecessors, it is true that in
musicals and their imitators, sadly seems to certain respects they experience somewhat
mark a reversal of the natural order, a slip- less pressure to do so. Modern transporta-
page moving New York City one step closer tion and communications technologies per-
to ordinariness. mit them to remain in regular touch with
Even more troubling is the growing dis- their homelands. Distinct "colonies" or
junction among the major components of neighborhood enclaves, combined with a
New York City's population. One of the two-tier economy, mean that many do not
most detrimental effects of cultural globali- undergo some of the socializing experiences
zation is the way it erodes meaningful local of earlier immigrants who shared schools,
discourse, opportunities for civic engage- neighborhoods, and jobs with other immi-
ment, and, even more basically, occasions to grants and native-born Americans. Current
share public space and experiences as equals immigration policies, moreover, permit a
with one's fellow city residents. While it continuous influx of newcomers to refresh
may be convenient to sit at home and watch their communities' linguistic, cultural, and
the Mets on television or listen to a Dvorak political ties to their countries of origin.
quartet on compact disc, it does not build a The danger, of course, is one of entrap-
sense of community. ment by choice or circumstance in "transna-
Over and over we hear how the Internet tional space," involving political disenfran-
brings people of common intellectual (and chisement for the immigrants and an accom-
class-based) interests together over vast dis- panying loss of public services, as well as in-
tances in "virtual" groups whose members creased civic polarization and xenophobia.
have more in common with one another To the extent that Patterson is correct in his
than with their geographical neighbors. Butdescription of such a multinational Amer-
not enough attention is being paid to how ica, the prospects for democracy are dim.
this diminishes the capacity for participa- All that ultimately holds America to-
tory democracy in the place where we actu-gether is a shared belief in democracy and
ally live. The erosion of the public sector, the responsibilities of civic participation. To
including local cultural institutions such as the extent that America opens its doors to
libraries and museums, has, as Christopher immigrants (and there are a host of reasons
Lasch has pointed out, distended the link- rooted in liberal and humane values as well
age between the insularity and particularism as a concern for tolerance to suggest the wis-
of the ethnic neighborhood and the cos- dom of regulating the flow to match soci-
mopolitanism of the city as a whole.10 ety's resources and absorptive capacity), it
It has done so, moreover, at a time whenmust guarantee them full access to civic life,
an influx of immigrants of varied cultural provide them with a full panoply of govern-
and linguistic backgrounds severely strains ment services, and expect them to fulfill
the civic culture. Seen in conjunction with their civic duties. The alternative of doing
the out-migration from the city of the de- as Patterson suggests and accepting "the fun-
scendants of earlier generations of immi- damentally tripartite nature of America" is
grants, those who have patronized and sus- to sanction an even more divided society in
tained many of the city's most important which increasingly overt means of social con-
cultural institutions, this bodes ill for the fu-
trol replace the bonds of shared civic and
ture of New York City's cultural sector. cultural values. •
It is in this context that Patterson's This and the following essay are the first in
views take on an ominous aspect. While it aisseries on the global city.

New York, New York $9

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Notes 4. Cited from Variety International Film Guide,
1993, in Benjamin R. Baibct, Jihad vs. McWorld
A version of this article will appear in The City and the
World: New York City in the Global Context, edited by(New York: Random House, 1995), pp. 299-301.
Margaret £. Crahan and Alberto Vourvoulias-Bush, 5. Benetton's magazine, for example, is
to be published by the Council on Foreign Relations titled Colours. According to David Rieff, "Multi-
Press. culturalism helps to legitimize whole new areas of
1. Port Authority of New York and New Jer- consumerism" ("Multiculturalism's Silent Partner,"
sey, the Alliance for the Arts, the New York City Harpers, August 1993, p. 64).
Partnership, the Partnership for New Jersey, The 6. David Rieff, "A Global Culture?" World
Arts as an Industry: Their Economic Significance to the Policy Journal 10 (winter 1993/94), p. 76.
New York-New Jersey Metropolitan Region, part 1 of 7. Orlando Patterson, "Ecumenical America:
Tourism and the Arts in the New York-New Jersey Re- Global Culture and the American Cosmos," World
gion, 1993. Policy Journal \\ (summer 1994), pp. 103-17.
2. "Making Classics: 'I Know What I Like' vs. 8. Ibid., pp. 104, 109.
'I Like What I Know,'" culturefront 2 (winter 1993), 9. Ibid., pp. 111-18.
p. 28. 10. The Revolt of the Elites and the Betrayal of De-

3. March 2, 1996, pp. 77-78. mocracy (New York: Norton, 1995), pp. 130-32.

60 WORLD POLICY JOURNAL • WINTER 1996/97

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