Collective Consciousness and Gender

Alexandra Walker
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 COLLECTIVE CONSCIOUSNESS & GENDER

Alexandra Walker
Collective Consciousness and Gender
 Alexandra Walker

Collective
Consciousness and
Gender
Alexandra Walker
Centre for Social Impact
UNSW Australia
Sydney, NSW, Australia

ISBN 978-1-137-54413-1    ISBN 978-1-137-54414-8 (eBook)

https://doi.org/10.1057/978-1-137-54414-8

Library of Congress Control Number: 2018947180

© The Editor(s) (if applicable) and The Author(s) 2018

This work is subject to copyright. All rights are solely and exclusively licensed by the Publisher, whether
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The use of general descriptive names, registered names, trademarks, service marks, etc. in this publication
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The registered company address is: The Campus, 4 Crinan Street, London, N1 9XW, United Kingdom
This book is dedicated to my mother, Anne Walker; the wisest person I know.
 Foreword

This highly original book claims as well as demonstrates that conceptual-

izing the international community as a global collective self with collec-
tive consciousness provides valuable understandings as well as new
research questions about its laws, limitations, and future opportunities.
Adopting the ‘sociology of human consciousness’ approach—developed
by George Herbert Mead, Walter Buckley, Tom R. Burns and Erik
Engdahl, and Norbert Wiley, among others—the book shows that global
collective consciousness operates as a ‘public mind’ of the world commu-
nity, in particular, its global legal community with diverse networks. The
collective consciousness is understood as a reflective, social activity, devel-
oped through language, group communication, collective representations
(including self and other conceptions), institutional and cultural arrange-
ments, and processes of self-reflectivity. The book draws also on the work
of psychiatrist Carl Jung and post-Jungians to explain ways in which a
collective self consists of conscious processes as well as unconscious
mechanisms which derive from (are based on) archetypes, established
collective phobias, compulsions, and defense mechanisms.
Collective consciousness is defined in this book as the acquired, shared
awareness and reflectivity that are generated through interactions among
members of a group or collective. The collective produces its identity as
well as distributed and shared mental states, emotions, and experiences of
group participants. At a certain level of cohesion and integration, groups
vii
viii Foreword

become collective selves with an identity, autonomy, and consciousness,

apart from their individual members. Individual mental states and activi-
ties are overlaid with the collective’s shared mental states and patterns of
behavior; and as such, the ‘sense of being an individual ‘I’ gets subsumed
by, or incorporated into, the feeling of being a collective ‘we” (Kotler and
Wheal 2017, p. 68).
Beyond its extraordinary, empirical scope, this book is highly original
in developing sociological and social psychological theories of conscious-
ness as well as in applying the framework to a major issue in international
law, namely gender. The work investigates and analyses gender issues, in
particular, gender inequality and justice in international law through
research on laws, legal debates and agendas, court decisions, government
investigations and analyses, and reports (such as those dealing with rec-
ognition of the need for and construction of women’s rights as well as
those addressing more specific issues such as rape and other violence
against women). The international legal community is concretely
grounded in the UN organizational complex, World Courts, global legal
institutes, research networks, legal associations, and other international
non-government organizations (INGOs), and their reports and related
discussions and reflections.
The work is explanatory, critical, and normative: Walker applies, devel-
ops, and integrates theories not only from sociology and social psychol-
ogy, but also from analytic psychology (in particular, Jungian theory),
gender theory, international law, and international relations. In doing
this, she demonstrates a truly impressive knowledge and command of
multiple vast literatures.
Walker states that in accordance with her framework, all human groups
and institutions form a collective self: partnerships, families, corpora-
tions, nation-states, international organizations, and a global commu-
nity. What we find in the case of an established collectivity (if you will, a
‘socio-cultural population’) is an identity or self-representation, extensive
communications and interactions, processes of collective judgment and
decision-making as well as self-reflectivity. Each collective specified in her
general model is considered to be a type of self-reflective agent embedded
in a socio-political and cultural context.
 Foreword
   ix

In her research on international gender law and its development,

she conceptualizes and illustrates how collective consciousness and
unconsciousness are manifested in, and also supported through, law,
legal processes, and narratives. The conscious aspects are manifested in,
among other things, specific laws, and legal and related discursive pro-
cesses, whereas the unconscious mechanisms of the global collective self
reveal themselves through cultural archetypes and coded narratives, self-­
deceptions, and fabrications embedded in ongoing legal processes and
practices; for example, gender-relevant narratives assume that men and
the public sphere are intrinsically empowered, whereas women and the
private sphere are intrinsically disempowered.
Several key points of the book are:

• Public international law is a social structure established by multiple agents

in historical processes in particular socio-cultural and legal contexts. The
community (communities) of those engaged in international law con-
sists of agents that interact and co-create evolving legal systems and a
global collective self.
• Collective selves have an identity, entailing interactions among partici-
pants that generate consciousness in reflectivity. Collective selves are
conscious through their shared communications, shared reflections on the
collectivity, its relationships, procedures, its collective decision-making, its
determinations of goals and intentions as well as collective actions.
• A collective self possesses distinct conscious and unconscious proper-
ties that can be identified and analyzed using the sociology of con-
sciousness framework.
• Collective unconscious material consists of archetypes, animus/anima,
persona/shadow duality, and cultural complexes. She emphasizes
aspects of the ‘cultural unconscious’—its elements and processes—
more than Jung’s ‘personal unconscious,’ because the former is associ-
ated with definable collectives (and individuals participating in these
collectives) rather than purely isolated persons.
• The book raises awareness of the impact of unconscious elements,
understandings, and assumptions in international law and sheds light
on the tacit norms, stereotypes, ambiguous language, and habitual,
unreflective practices of international law relating to gender issues. The
x Foreword

unconscious split (differentiation) between masculine and feminine

consciousness, she shows, is evident in international laws and organi-
zations relating to women and men.
• The unconscious archetypes, dualities, biases, and other constraints are
circulated in the global collective self—and manifest themselves in the
practices and discourses of law and the public sphere. She finds in
international laws, procedures, and communications diverse concep-
tions and narratives about gender and gender justice, the manifesta-
tion of relationships between masculine and feminine consciousness
and related archetypes.
• It might seem paradoxical to speak of ‘unconscious narratives.’
Archetypes, biases, tacit dissonant assumptions, and inherent predis-
positions may operate unconsciously at the same time that legal and
public narratives are typically understood as public and conscious but
operate with coded assumptions and tacit or hidden messages. There
are many features of a narrative or legal discourse that are taken par-
tially for granted, and seldom reflected upon, and therefore remain
largely unconscious—much of this relates to stereotypes and gender
archetypes.
• Collective unconscious material is a significant factor in the persistent
violations and paradoxes of international law: for instance, concerning
genuine gender justice—universal feminine archetype as victim/pros-
titute; masculine as dominators, violators; and other biases and distor-
tions built into the formal law.
• Despite the conscious intentions of the international legal community
(and its agents)—and the movers and shakers behind it—to create
gender justice and equality, it has in fact tended to perpetuate many
patterns of gender duality and division.
• The collective unconscious operates in combination with particular
interests and value orientations and has the power to generate legal
distortions, deviations, and failures of implementation in international
gender law. This is a key proposition, explaining, according to Walker,
persistent violations of many international laws. Institutional arrange-
ments, institutionalized procedures and rituals also play a part in the
problematique of the failings of a legal system or, in fact, any norma-
tive system.
 Foreword
   xi

Normative and Policy Contributions

In addition to her substantial theoretical and empirical work in this book,
Alexandra Walker provides a complex of normative and policy ideas. She
takes as a point of departure the axiom that ‘males and females are the
same’ and should be treated in such a way. In fact, people of all races, all
religions, all orientations, and all languages are the same or can be treated
in a certain sense as the same. As such, both sexes (not just women) and
both the private and public spheres suffer from the splitting of men and
women. Men and the public sphere suffer as a result of their exclusion
from feminine consciousness and the private sphere. Yet international
laws and institutions have adopted (and institutionalized) a narrative of
treating women as victims because they were originally ‘left out’ of the
public sphere. In the process of correcting to a certain extent the gender
division by granting women public sphere rights, ‘the exclusion of men
from the feminine private sphere has been ignored, and the devaluation
of feminine consciousness has not been addressed.’
In her consideration of normative implications of her international
gender research, she proposes trying to integrate what is alienated or dis-
sonant in relation to some gaps and distortions of international law, for
instance, the failure to recognize masculine and feminine forms of con-
sciousness—as well as other dualities and biases. Integration could be
partially accomplished, in Walker’s view, by changing the narratives of
gender, transforming gender organizations, and transforming the formu-
lations of international law concerning gender issues.
She goes a long way toward explaining inherent socio-cultural com-
plexities (not just technicalities) in international law and its praxis.
Particularly noteworthy is her identification of a fatal flaw in a system in
which tens of thousands have been involved in constructing, namely, the
rights of women and access to the public sphere. She argues that this
approach of focusing on granting rights to women and encouraging
women into the public sphere has had the side-effect of disempowering
the feminine by victimizing women, ignoring the emotional and intui-
tive needs of men, glorifying the public sphere, and diminishing the sig-
nificance of the private sphere. In short, women have been increasingly
xii Foreword

granted public sphere rights while a man’s equal right(s) to the private
sphere has not yet been fully acknowledged or articulated. Also, she takes
up issues about rape of boys and men as well as other forms of violence
against men; the drafting of boys and men into violent gangs and armies
is not properly considered in international legal discourses and laws.
Walker proposes a transformation of the language and narratives of
gender practices as well as practices in international law so as to integrate
better masculine and feminine consciousness and public and private
spheres in the global collective self and in international law. This integra-
tion can, in her view, be pursued by:

• Changing the narratives of gender

• Changing gendered properties of organizations
• Systematically transforming formulations of international law relating
to gender issues so as to realize more balanced and just equality

Through such initiatives unconscious conditions and forces can be in

part countervailed, in particular to overcome the split between the differ-
ent consciousnesses in international law and the hidden powers of the
unconscious to compromise or distort the law. ‘Unconscious’ implies for
Alexandra Walker the challenge to work or to struggle to make the uncon-
scious distorting features conscious (this is a key Jungian process and one
which Walker uses as a normative idea). She continues, again in an opti-
mistic mode, ‘Once a collective self becomes aware of its unconscious
material, it is able to begin to transform its narratives and ways of think-
ing/reasoning as well as to create ongoing reflective norms and social
processes that allow a collective self to become consciously articulated
and to achieve its objectives.’
She emphasizes that the practical elements of such struggle—the appli-
cation of her framework—can assist a group, a family, an organization, an
institution, or a nation-state to confront its unconscious material in order
to work toward more encompassing forms of consciousness.
Walker’s revolutionary framework can be applied fruitfully to not
only international legal systems, such as gender law, but readily to
many diverse collectives: families, partnerships, collaborating groups,
diverse organizations, institutions, nation-states, and, of course, the
 Foreword
   xiii

global legal community. This is because all collective selves are socially
constructed and maintained. They are characterized by conscious as
well as unconscious forms of expressions, actions, and reactions. In
any application of the framework, the key is to determine the con-
sciousness narratives of each collective self, and the unconscious
materials and mechanisms lying hidden outside of the conscious nar-
ratives. The latter refers to the nature of collective representations,
rules and institutional arrangements, and self-reflectivity, while
unconscious materials and mechanisms consist of tacit understand-
ings, automatic responses and habits, established dualities, and
archetypes in the culture such as the relationships between masculine
and feminine consciousness.
The international system of gender law and legal structures and mech-
anisms has parallels then in the ‘complex cultures’ associated with other
collectivities (‘socio-cultural populations’). For instance, societies charac-
terized by a ‘social contract,’ which is commonly recognized, reflected
upon, communicated about, referred to, and applied. (Similarly, a consti-
tution plays a similar role in a political system.) In addition to the explicit,
possibly formalized ‘social contract,’ there are also tacit rules, rules about
‘exceptions’ and ‘special’ interpretations and applications, part of a vast
underworld that constrains, biases, and distorts people’s ‘rational’
cognitive-­normative world.
Her arguments and intuitions provide a platform for pursuing radical
changes; widespread consciousness raising and mobilization of people
would be essential factors in any such transformation. She writes, ‘It is
now time to withdraw the boundaries that prevented men and women
from accessing either masculine or feminine consciousness.’ Of course,
institutional arrangements and power relationships will have to be trans-
formed or, at least, countervailed.
Future work will need to discuss what social and political conditions it
would take to bring about some of these changes; the power or authority
conditions and the potential opposition as well as possible unintended
consequences will provide a deeper and more complete understanding of
the policy changes to be accomplished.
In sum, Walker has very much extended the sociological and social
psychology theory of consciousness in her application of it for the first
xiv Foreword

time to international law. She also extended its theoretical base by incor-
porating Jungian analytic psychology—and the concept of the uncon-
scious and its constraining impact on conscious thinking and behavior.
She also contributed with a feminist critique of international gender law.
The book brings an original voice to feminist theory in international law,
by including men in the gender narrative, and re-valuing the private
sphere for men, women, and the global collective self. Alexandra Walker’s
theoretical framework of a global collective self (or selves) with conscious-
ness—applied to international law on gender—entails a new way of theo-
rizing about international law (as well as other legal systems) as conscious
as well as unconscious processes of a global collective self.

Professor Emeritus of Sociology, University of Tom R. Burns

Uppsala, Uppsala, Sweden
Visiting Scholar, Woods Institute for the
Environment, Stanford University, Spring, 2004–2014
Senior Research Associate, Centre for Research
and Studies in Sociology (CIES),
Lisbon University Institute, Portugal
 Acknowledgements

This book is based on my PhD, which was completed at the Australian

National University (ANU). My supervisors were Professor Kim
Rubenstein and Associate Professor Mark Nolan from the ANU College
of Law. I am grateful to them for their enduring support throughout the
PhD and beyond. I would also like to express my gratitude to my col-
leagues at the Centre for Social Impact, UNSW Sydney, particularly
Associate Professor Leanne Piggott and Professor Kristy Muir. Thank you
to my parents Anne and Ross Walker, my eternal inspirations. Thank you
to my publishers Palgrave Macmillan for persisting with me as an author
despite many stops and starts with this manuscript as a result of two
babies and two sets of maternity leave. Finally, to my husband Alex and
my sons Raphael and Theodore—you are everything to me.

xv
 Contents

1 I Versus We: Introduction to Collective Consciousness   1

Part I Collective Consciousness in Theory   13

2 Entanglement: The Interaction Between Individual

and Collective Consciousness  15

3 Collective Consciousness Theory in Sociology  35

4 Collective Consciousness in Psychology  47

5 The Field Hypothesis: Quantum Phenomena and Mind/

Matter Interaction  59

6 The Collective Self Framework  69

7 The Collective Unconscious: How Collective

Consciousness Is Distorted  83

xvii
xviii Contents

8 How Collective Consciousness Works 105

Part II Collective Consciousness in Practice: Gender in

International Law 111

9 Case Study Part One: The Collective Consciousness

of Gender 113

10 Case Study Part Two: Unconscious Gender Role-Playing 157

11 Case Study Part Three: Raising Consciousness—Sexual

and Gender-­Based Violence in Armed Conflict 199

12 Case Study Part Four: Different Perspectives on Sexual

and Gender-­Based Violence 251

13 Case Study Part Five: Empowering the Masculine

and the Feminine in International Law 273

14 Final Observations 291

Bibliography 293

Index 351
 List of Figures

Fig. 6.1 The Collective Self Framework. ©Walker, A. Cambridge

University Press, 2015 reprinted with permission 70
Fig. 9.1 The collective self framework and gender justice in interna-
tional law 115
Fig. 10.1 The collective self & gender justice in international law 166
Fig. 10.2 The women as victims construct in human rights law 178
Fig. 10.3 Women ‘granted access’ to the public sphere 179
Fig. 10.4 The interplay of projection between masculine & feminine
consciousness186

xix
 List of Tables

Table 10.1 Characteristics of masculine and feminine consciousness 161

Table 10.2 Age eligibility for pensions in Australia 168
Table 11.1 States of masculine consciousness 203
Table 11.2 States of feminine consciousness 204

xxi
 1
I Versus We: Introduction to Collective
Consciousness

There is a difference between our identity as individuals and our identity

as group members. Think about that. As individuals we exist and behave
in terms of our personal identity: ‘I’ or ‘me.’ This mode of identity is
linked to our autonomous experiences, for example, ‘I am hungry,’ ‘I feel
happy,’ or ‘That email was sent to me.’ We behave differently when we are
with others. This seems self-evident, but it has important consequences
for our lives, as we often develop our plans and goals as individuals, and
then execute those plans as group members.
In social settings, we understand and make sense of ourselves through
the groups in which we participate. Thus, our sense of self encompasses
our social identity, defined as ‘that part of an individual’s self-concept
which derives from his [or her] membership of a social group (or groups),
together with the value and emotional significance attached to this’
(Tajfel, 1978, p. 63). Examples of our social identity may be: ‘I am a
university student,’ ‘I am a parent,’ ‘I am a passenger on an aeroplane,’ or
‘I am an Australian.’ Our social identity is a part of our self-concept; it
adapts over time as our circumstances change.

© The Author(s) 2018 1

A. Walker, Collective Consciousness and Gender,
https://doi.org/10.1057/978-1-137-54414-8_1
2 A. Walker

There is another mode of identity—the collective identity—that

becomes salient when we merge with the groups in which we are mem-
bers. To merge is to combine with others to form a new, larger iden-
tity. When a group of any size comes together and shares a strong and
aligned emotional experience, a new collective identity or collective
self is created. A collection of individuals can become, for example, a
relationship, a team, a council, a family, a corporation, or a city. In
the collective mode, we are not just members of families and work-
places; we are also a part of larger identities such as the systems in
which we work, our gendered experiences, the international commu-
nity, and nature as a whole. As we continue to share the same environ-
ment and/or experiences with other people, we develop a shared or
collective consciousness with that group. Examples of collective con-
sciousness include ‘our thoughts on the subject,’ ‘our strategy against
the other team,’ ‘our goals and intentions for this organisation,’ and
‘our patriotic duty.’ Collective consciousness exists where there is a
shared identification with a particular community that encompasses a
strong sense of being ‘who we are’ and ‘what we do, or do not do’
(Burns & Engdahl, 1998a). When participating in collective con-
sciousness, individuals adopt a collective identity, defined as ‘an indi-
vidual’s cognitive, moral, and emotional connections with a broader
community, category, practice, or institution’ (Polletta & Jasper,
2001, p. 284).
Collective consciousness is defined in this book as ‘the shared acquired
awareness, reflectivity and mental states that result from membership in a
group or collective’ (Burns & Engdahl, 1998a). Collective consciousness
is based on the identity and behaviour of the group as a whole rather than
the separate identities of its members. It produces a new identity based on
the distributed mental states, emotions, and experiences of all the partici-
pants in the group. Our mental states and behaviour are overlaid with the
group’s mental states and behaviour, and as such, ‘our sense of being an
individual ‘I’ gets replaced by the feeling of being a collective ‘we” (Kotler
& Wheal, 2017, p. 68). At a certain level of cohesion, groups become col-
lective selves with an identity, autonomy, and consciousness, apart from
their individual members. There is a diverse range of collective conscious-
ness, from partnerships to nation-states and the global collective self.
 I Versus We: Introduction to Collective Consciousness 3

People participate in collective consciousness when they live in an area

and know the way around. They may have a home or a place to stay, a social
network, and a sense of belonging. They are familiar with where to go and
where to avoid. They know the atmosphere of different streets. They under-
stand the local vernacular and recognise the change of seasons and the pat-
terns of traffic. They are a part of the consciousness of that region.
People participate in collective consciousness when they work in an
organisation. They know how to dress, speak, and behave in the working
environment. They know the behaviours that are rewarded and the
behaviours that are penalised. They understand the power hierarchy and
their role. They are a part of the consciousness of that organisation.
People participate in collective consciousness when they are members
of a particular religion. They are familiar with its tenets and beliefs. There
are education and community institutions for them to join. They partici-
pate in its rituals and share a connection with other members. If they are
committed to their religion, it may mark the milestones of their life. They
are a part of the consciousness of that religion.
People participate in collective consciousness as members of a family.
They understand the emotional dynamics. They know the topics and
tones of voice that are likely to escalate into either heated arguments or
icy silence. They know the acceptable range of conversation and humour.
They know what their family values and what their family fears. They are
a part of the consciousness of that family.
The key argument of this book is that when individuals actively join
together as group members and share an environment and experiences, a new
entity or agent is formed. Or, put in another way, when the shared awareness
of individuals in a group becomes salient, a new ‘collective self’ is created. A
collective identity or self exists when people think, feel, and act primarily as
group members rather than as autonomous individuals in the temporal and
spatial context of that group. These new ‘collective selves’ have unique ideas,
rituals, values, symbols, and behaviours. In this mode, we behave in align-
ment with the groups in which we are direct participants. In all aspects of life,
such as relationships, work, religion, and politics, collective consciousness can
influence our interactions with individuals and groups.
Here are two examples of how one individual moves among the
personal identity, the social identity, and the collective identity:
4 A. Walker

Example 1:

–– I play soccer: this is personal identity (individual consciousness).

–– I am in a soccer team: this is social identity (an extension of individual
consciousness).
–– We could read where our teammates were going to place the ball, and
because of these instincts, we won the game: this is collective identity
(collective consciousness).

Example 2:

–– I am excited to see my friends: this is personal identity (individual

consciousness).
–– I am meeting my friends for dinner at our favourite restaurant: this is
social identity (an extension of individual consciousness).
–– When we meet, we laugh all night about all of the fun times we have
shared and we end up finishing each other’s sentences. It doesn’t matter how
any of us felt at the start—we always have a great time: this is collective
identity (collective consciousness).
Collective consciousness can produce positive and negative behav-
iours. It can lead to flow and coherence, for example, the transcendence
of group meditation, a sense of pride in volunteering, and singing in
harmony. The collective mode might be activated by the sense of belong-
ing engendered by a family ritual, or the tendency of a particular social
group to dress in a similar way. In the collective mode, we may say, ‘I hope
we win the game on the weekend,’ or ‘Our company is well placed to
handle your request.’ However it can also create anarchy and hysteria, for
example, in intergroup conflict and property bubbles.
Based on shared experiences in the group and the group’s identity in
the world, members of the group acquire similar awareness, the capacity
to reflect on the group’s experience, and mental states. Collective con-
sciousness is more than just shared knowledge and practices; it is the
strong intersubjectivity that results from mutual awareness and norma-
tive (emotional) interactions (Burns & Engdahl, 1998a, 1998b). It arises
when you think, feel, and act in similar ways to other members of your
 I Versus We: Introduction to Collective Consciousness 5

group as a result of your membership in that group. Collective conscious-

ness has also been referred to as thought communities: groups that share
unique beliefs and social experiences (Zerubavel, 1997).
When minds are changed on a group or mass scale, this is collective
consciousness at work. This might be expressed as the global participa-
tion in various forms of social media, a new cultural attitude to ageing
(e.g., the idea that ‘sixty is the new forty’), the popular overthrow of
regional governments, as seen in the Arab Spring of 2011, or the Women’s
Marches that took place in the United States and elsewhere around the
world on 21 January 2017.
We can also observe collective consciousness in animals, when a flock
of birds suddenly changes direction mid-flight or a school of fish moves
together in perfect coherence. There appears to be an internal intelligence
in these groups of animals, and emerging research on this type of animal
behaviour has been adapted by Dr. Mitch Mooney, performance analyst
for the Australian netball team. Mooney applied the insights of the collec-
tive behaviour of animals to predict the patterns of behaviour in opposi-
tion netball teams: ‘Dr Mooney’s analyses uncovered an intuitive, collective
style of play; just like the swirls of a shoal of fish, these patterns weren’t
decisions that the players were making. It was instinct, hard-wired into the
whole team over decades’ (Werner & Webb, 2017). It must be noted that
collective consciousness does not necessarily represent total unanimity or
obedience within the collective self; it merely suggests tendencies towards
certain ideas and behaviours and away from others. Dr. Mooney discov-
ered that different countries had their own style of playing netball, from
the elite teams down to the junior levels. There was ‘a way’ that each
nation thought netball should be played (Werner & Webb, 2017).
This echoes Allott’s argument that every society has a theory of itself
whereby ‘[o]ver time they construct an idea or image, an analytical con-
struct—theories of what the principles of the society are’ (2005, p. 257).
A society’s theory of itself can be applied to other aspects of culture, for
example, education, politics, science, and technology. Evidence of col-
lective consciousness in every society can be found in language, collective
representations, conceptions of self, and self-reflectivity (Burns & Engdahl,
1998a, p. 67). Self-reflectivity processes are ‘institutionalized in modern
societies in the form of social science research, mass media reporting
6 A. Walker

and discussions, and political discourse and are central to critical and
transformative processes’ (Burns & Engdahl, 1998a, p. 70).
Like nested dolls, small and large collective selves are all versions of the
same fundamental model, ultimately enclosed within one global collec-
tive: ‘the world’ or humanity. It is argued that the same laws can be
applied universally to all collective forms because ‘all functioning groups
and organizations with shared rule regimes and communications exhibit
collective consciousness (and unconsciousness)’ (Burns & Engdahl,
1998a, 1998b). Throughout human history, aided by technology, differ-
ent types of collective selves have connected to form a global collective self
using increasingly homogenous modes of communication, finance, trans-
port, and law. The global collective self is commonly referred to as the
global or international community. The narrative and language of public
international law is a reflection of both the collective consciousness and
unconscious material in the global collective. In turn, the global collec-
tive self is influenced and transformed by the events of international law.
It is argued that although each collective self is a conscious and dynamic
entity in its own right, all collective selves ultimately culminate in the
emergent, evolving global collective self, which is the focus of this book.
The global collective self is directly shaped by all of the individuals in the
international community who participate in institutions and processes at
the global level. These institutions include nation-states; international
organisations, for example, the UN; international courts such as the
International Court of Justice (‘the ICJ’) and the International Criminal
Court (‘the ICC’); non-governmental organisations (‘NGOs’); universi-
ties; policy institutes; and various media outlets.
Collectives also have life cycles. They are created, they transform, they
have triumphs and challenges, and they may perish. Collective selves
exist in an interdependent relationship with the people that form the col-
lective. On the one hand, collective selves would not exist if individuals
did not exist; collectives have little meaning outside of the individuals
that comprise them. For example, if Australia, Indonesia, and Japan were
all suddenly devoid of citizens, their collective selves would be suspended.
On the other hand, collective selves can become more than just a
­collection of individuals, and under certain conditions they transcend the
sum of their parts. For example, a family endures even after some of its
 I Versus We: Introduction to Collective Consciousness 7

members die, a corporation carries on even after its founders move on to

other ventures, cities and nations take on larger identities than the amal-
gamation of their citizens, and aspects of government such as the judi-
ciary and the parliamentary process are complex systems with replaceable
individual members.

1 The Importance of Collective

Consciousness
It is essential to understand the collective mode of behaviour and iden-
tity because it often leads to unconscious role-playing based on the
social norms, expectations, or archetypes of the group. For example,
behaviours arising from the collective identity may include binge drink-
ing at university parties, the order, routines and discipline of soldiers,
‘the aggression of soccer hooligans… or financial risk-taking by bank-
ers’ (Ellemers, 2012, p. 848). In a collective context, the personal ethics
and values of individuals are replaced by ‘whatever the group is doing,’
such as being caught up in peer pressure, cults, and social movements.
We can also see evidence of unconscious role-playing in ‘protest gather-
ings, gripping fads, joyous and celebratory sports crowds, and the con-
certed campaigns and actions associated with social movement activism’
(Snow, 2001, p. 2214).
If we understand the dynamics of collective consciousness, we can
learn to harness the power of the group. Examining collective con-
sciousness is important as it underpins the decision-making and con-
flict resolution styles of organisations, governments, corporations, and
judicial systems. Outcomes as diverse as profit margins, staff productiv-
ity, land developments, Presidential elections, immigration policies,
multilateral negotiations, and armed conflicts are all intrinsically linked
to collective consciousness. As Elgin writes, ‘Collective consciousness is
not an esoteric potential removed from daily life. It is a natural aspect
of existence that presents itself in practical ways throughout life—in
relationships, classrooms, organizations, communities, nations, and in
humanity as a whole’ (1997, p. 11).
8 A. Walker

2 Collective Consciousness Models

Individual and collective consciousness have been studied from many per-
spectives, including neuroscience, cognitive psychology, and philosophy. This
book adopts a psychological and sociological approach, referring to ‘social
scientific writings that integrate two spheres of human reality: the psychic
and the social.’ (Cavalletto, 2007, p. 1). In particular, this book utilises social
identity theory in social psychology and the Sociology of Human Consciousness
(SHC) model in sociology. This model uses the theories and methodologies
of sociology and social psychology to analyse collective identity and human
consciousness. The SHC model has been developed by sociologists and social
psychologists working in the tradition of George Herbert Mead, including
Walter F. Buckley (1996), Norbert Wiley (1994), Burns and Engdahl (1998a,
1998b), Burns, Tom Baumgartner, Thomas Dietz, and Nora Machado
(2003). The SHC approach highlights the social nature of consciousness.
While the book is situated in the disciplines of sociology and social psychol-
ogy, it also introduces the hypothesis of a ‘field’ character of consciousness
that influences social life and social change. This book explores the possibility
that the human mind is not separate from its environment, but is connected
to it and participating in it through a field of collective consciousness. It fol-
lows that instead of being separate, atomised individuals, we are all partici-
pants in a connected network.

3 Terminology
In relation to the terminology adopted in this book, there is a crucial
distinction among the terms collective self, collective consciousness, and
‘collective unconscious’ or ‘deep structure.’ It is important to clarify these
terms because they will be used extensively throughout the book.
The collective self refers to the totality of all conscious and uncon-
scious processes that occur in the group.
Collective consciousness relates to the awareness and attention that
we share with others in a group. It encompasses all aspects of the collec-
tive that have been named and recognised (the aspects of which the col-
lective is aware). The collective consciousness can also be understood as
 I Versus We: Introduction to Collective Consciousness 9

the collective ego. As Hall and Nordby write, ‘consciousness is the only
part of the mind that is known directly…’ (1999 [1973], p. 33).
The collective unconscious or deep structure refers to those aspects of
collective life of which the collective is unaware or unable to understand.
Until they are actively brought to consciousness, these aspects of the col-
lective self remain unnamed and unrepresented, though they impact
heavily upon collective life, for example, in the form of archetypes, resis-
tance, shadow material, unconscious narratives, and recurring negative
patterns and dualities.

4 Case Study: Gender Justice

in International Law
By way of case study, the book will explore the collective consciousness of
gender justice in international law. It will be shown that there is a split
between masculine and feminine consciousness inherent in the global
collective self that is given expression through international law. The case
study shows that men have traditionally symbolised the masculine con-
sciousness and the inherently powerful public sphere in international law,
whereas women have traditionally symbolised the feminine conscious-
ness and the inherently vulnerable private sphere in international law. As
such, men have been conflated with masculine consciousness and women
have been conflated with feminine consciousness. Thus, the book sug-
gests that corrective international laws relating to ‘women’s rights’ are
linked to a matrix of conscious and unconscious factors in the global col-
lective self. It will be argued that the ongoing challenges in the experience
of gender justice (e.g., inequality and sexual violence in armed conflict)
are associated with the unconscious—unnamed or unrepresented—
material of the global collective self.
Despite the conscious intentions of international law to create gender
justice and equality, it may have in fact perpetuated gender duality and
division. Since the latter half of the twentieth century, feminist theory
and international laws have identified the primacy of men and the exclu-
sion of women from the public sphere as a key source of suffering and
division in the global community. Charlesworth, Chinkin, and Wright
10 A. Walker

have argued: ‘the structures of international lawmaking and the content

of the rules of international law privilege men; if women’s interests are
acknowledged at all, they are marginalized. International law is a thor-
oughly gendered system’ (1991, pp. 614–615).
Indeed, this book takes as a given that due to innate biological tenden-
cies and/or culturally and socially constructed gender categories, mascu-
line and feminine qualities have historically been attributed to males and
females respectively. As a result of this attribution, men have tended to
dominate and symbolise the public, mental objective collective life (mas-
culine consciousness) and women have tended to dominate and symbol-
ise the private, emotional subjective life (feminine consciousness).
According to Jungian theory, all individuals need access to both mas-
culine and feminine consciousness1 and to the public and private spheres
in order to lead an integrated life (Kast in Papadopoulos, 2006, pp. 113;
117–118). In this way, males and females are the same. In fact, in this
way, people of all races, all religions, all orientations, and all languages are
the same. As such, both sexes (not just women) and both the private and
the public spheres have suffered from this original split of consciousness
between men and women: men and the public sphere suffered as a result
of their exclusion from feminine consciousness, and women and the pri-
vate sphere suffered as a result of their exclusion from masculine con-
sciousness. Yet international laws and institutions have adopted a narrative
of treating women as victims because they were ‘left out’ of the public
sphere. In the process of ‘fixing’ the gender division by granting women
public sphere rights, the exclusion of men from the feminine private
sphere has been ignored, and the original devaluing of feminine con-
sciousness has been ignored. This approach of only granting rights to
women and encouraging women into the public sphere has had four sig-
nificant consequences. It has:
1. Categorised women as archetypal victims
2. Ignored the needs of men to access the feminine consciousness
3. Glorified the public sphere, and
4. Diminished the significance of the private sphere
1
In Jungian theory, the masculine consciousness is referred to as ‘animus’ and ‘Logos’ and the femi-
nine consciousness is referred to as ‘anima’ and ‘Eros’ (Jung, 1982, p. 65).
 I Versus We: Introduction to Collective Consciousness 11

In essence, women have been treated as the silent victims of history

and have accordingly been granted masculine, public sphere rights, while
a man’s right to feminine consciousness and the private sphere has not yet
been fully acknowledged. Moreover, in the process of giving women
access to the public sphere, there is an inherent assumption that the pub-
lic sphere itself is a perfect system, and would not be improved or trans-
formed by the unique contribution of the feminine consciousness (in
men and women). As such, distinctly feminine qualities were not invited
into the public sphere, and the private sphere remains devalued and
silent. This book will suggest that it is optimal for individual and collec-
tive selves to work towards equal expressions of masculine and feminine
consciousness, rather than subscribing to unconscious role identities that
may be based upon anachronistic traditions and outdated archetypes.

Bibliography
Allott, P. (2005). Review Essay Symposium: Philip Allott’s Eunomia and The
Health of Nations, Thinking Another World: ‘This Cannot Be How the
World Was Meant To Be,’ An Event to Mark the Retirement of Professor
Philip Allott, Professor of International Public Law, University of Cambridge,
28–29 May 2004. European Journal of International Law, 16(2), 255–297.
Buckley, W. (1996). Mind, Mead, and Mental Behaviorism. In K. M. Kwan
(Ed.), Individuality and Social Control: Essays in Honor of Tamotsu Shibutani.
Greenwich: JAI Press.
Burns, T. R., Baumgartner, T., Dietz, T., & Machado, N. (2003). The Theory of
Actor-System Dynamics: Human Agency, Rule Systems, and Cultural
Evolution. In F. Parra-Luna (Ed.), Encyclopedia of Life Support Systems.
Systems Science and Cybernetics, Developed Under the Auspices of
UNESCO. Oxford: EOLSS Publishers.
Burns, T. R., & Engdahl, E. (1998a). The Social Construction of Consciousness,
Part One: Collective Consciousness and Its Socio-Cultural Foundations.
Journal of Consciousness Studies, 5(1), 67–85.
Burns, T. R., & Engdahl, E. (1998b). The Social Construction of Consciousness:
Individual Selves, Self-Awareness, and Reflectivity. Journal of Consciousness
Studies, 5(2), 166–184.
Cavalletto, G. (2007). Crossing the Psycho-Social Divide: Freud, Weber, Adorno
and Elias. Aldershot: Ashgate.
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 SALAD OF MIXED SUMMER FRUITS.

Heap a rice-crust-dish quite high with alternate layers of fine fresh

strawberries stripped from the stalks, white and red currants, and
white or red raspberries; strew each layer plentifully with sifted sugar,
and just before the dish is sent to table, pour equally over the top two
wineglassesful of sherry, Madeira, or any other good white wine.
Very thick Devonshire cream may be laid entirely over the fruit,
instead of the wine being mingled with it. Currants by themselves are
excellent prepared in this way, and strawberries also. The fruit
should be gently stirred with a spoon when it is served. Each variety
must be picked with great nicety from the stalks.
 PEACH SALAD.

Pare and slice half a dozen fine ripe peaches, arrange them in a
dish, strew them with pounded sugar, and pour over them two or
three glasses of champagne: other wine may be used, but this is
best. Persons who prefer brandy can substitute it for wine. The
quantity of sugar must be proportioned to the sweetness of the fruit.
 ORANGE SALAD.

Take off the outer rinds, and then strip away entirely the white
inside skin from some fine China oranges; slice them thin, and
remove the seeds, and thick skin of the cores, as this is done; strew
over them plenty of white sifted sugar, and pour on them a glass or
more of brandy: when the sugar is dissolved serve the oranges. In
France ripe pears of superior quality are sometimes sliced up with
the oranges. Powdered sugar-candy used instead of sugar, is an
improvement to this salad; and the substitution of port, sherry, or
Madeira, for the brandy is often considered so. The fruit may be
used without being pared, and a little curaçao or any other liqueur
may be added to the brandy; or this last, when unmixed, may be
burned after it is poured on the oranges.
 TANGERINE ORANGES.

These beautiful little oranges, of which the rinds have a most

peculiar, and to many tastes not a very agreeable flavour, are
remarkably sweet and delicate when in their perfection; but they
come later into the market than the more common varieties of the
orange, and disappear from them sooner. They make a very refined
salad, and also an ornamental rice-crust dish: their cost is somewhat
higher than that of the Malta and St. Michael oranges. There is
another species of this fruit known commonly as the blood-orange
which has many admirers, but it is not we should say greatly superior
to the more abundant kinds usually served at our tables.
 PEACHES IN BRANDY.

(Rotterdam Receipt.)

Prepare and stew some fine full-flavoured peaches by the receipt

of page 459, but with two ounces more of sugar to the half pint of
water; when they are tender put them, with their syrup, into glass or
new stone jars, which they should only half fill; and when they are
quite cold pour in white, or very pale, French brandy to within an inch
and a half of the brims: a few peach or apricot kernels can be added
to them. The jars must be corked down.
 BRANDIED MORELLA CHERRIES.

Let the cherries be ripe, freshly gathered, and the finest that can
be had; cut off half the length of the stalks, and drop them gently into
clean dry quart bottles with wide necks; leave in each sufficient
space for four ounces of pounded white sugar-candy (or of brown, if
better liked); fill them up entirely with the best French brandy, and
cork them closely: the fruit will not shrivel if thus prepared. A few
cherry, or apricot kernels, or a small portion of cinnamon, can be
added when they are considered an improvement.
 BAKED COMPÔTE OF APPLES.

(Our little lady’s receipt.)

Put into a wide Nottingham jar, with a cover, two quarts of golden
pippins, or of the small apple which resembles them in appearance,
called the orange pippin (this is very plentiful in the county of Kent),
pared and cored, but without being divided; strew amongst them
some small strips of very thin fresh lemon-rind, throw on them,
nearly at the top, half a pound of good Lisbon sugar, and set the jar,
with the cover tied on, for some hours, or for a night, into a very slow
oven. The apples will be extremely good, if not too quickly baked:
they should remain entire, but be perfectly tender, and clear in
appearance. Add a little lemon-juice when the season is far
advanced.
Apples, 2 quarts; rind, quite small lemon; sugar, 1/2 lb.: 1 night in
slow oven; or some hours baking in a very gentle one.
Obs.—These apples may be served hot as a second course dish;
or cold, with a boiled custard poured round or over them. They will
likewise answer admirably to fill Gabrielle’s pudding, or a vol-au-vent
à la crême.
 DRIED NORFOLK BIFFINS.

The Norfolk biffin is a hard and very red apple, the flesh of the true
kind being partially red as well as the skin. It is most excellent when
carefully dried; and much finer we should say when left more juicy
and but partly flattened, than it is when prepared for sale. Wipe the
apples, arrange them an inch or two apart, and place them in a very
gentle oven until they become so much softened as to yield easily to
sufficient pressure to give them the form of small cakes of less than
an inch thick. They must be set several times into the oven to
produce this effect, as they must be gradually flattened, and must
not be allowed to burst: a cool brick oven is best suited to them.
 NORMANDY PIPPINS.

To one pound of the apples, put one quart of water and six ounces
of sugar; let them simmer gently for three hours, or more should they
not be perfectly tender. A few strips of fresh lemon-peel and a very
few cloves are by some persons considered agreeable additions to
the syrup.
Dried Normandy pippins, 1 lb.; water, 1 quart; sugar, 6 oz.; 3 to 4
hours.
Obs.—These pippins, if stewed with care, will be converted into a
rich confection: but they will be very good and more refreshing with
less sugar. They are now exceedingly cheap, and may be converted
into excellent second course dishes at small expense. Half a pound,
as they are light and swell much in the stewing, will be sufficient to
serve at once. Rinse them quickly with cold water, and then soak
them for an hour in the pan in which they are to be stewed, in a quart
of fresh water; place them by the side of the stove to heat gradually,
and when they begin to soften add as much sugar as will sweeten
them to the taste: they require but a small portion. Lemon-rind can
be added to them at pleasure. We have many receipts for other
ways of preparing them, to which we cannot now give place here. It
answers well to bake them slowly in a covered jar. They may be
served hot in a border of rice.
 STEWED PRUNEAUX DE TOURS, OR TOURS DRIED PLUMS.

These plums, which resemble in form small dried Norfolk biffins,

make a delicious compôte: they are also excellent served dry. In
France they are stewed until tender in equal parts of water, and of
the light red wine of the country, with about four ounces of sugar to
the pound of fruit: when port wine is used for them a smaller
proportion of it will suffice. The sugar should not be added in stewing
any dried fruits until they are at least half-done, as they will not
soften by any means so easily in syrup as in unsweetened liquid.
Dried plums, 1 lb.; water, 1/2 pint, and light claret, 1/2 pint, or
water, 1/4 pint, and port wine, 1/4 pint: 1-1/2 hour. Sugar, 4 oz.: 2
hours, or more.
Obs.—Common French plums are stewed in the same way with or
without wine. A little experience will teach the cook the exact quantity
of liquid and of sugar which they require.
 TO BAKE PEARS.

Wipe some large sound iron pears, arrange them on a dish with
the stalk end upwards, put them into the oven after the bread is
withdrawn, and let them remain all night. If well baked, they will be
excellent, very sweet, and juicy, and much finer in flavour than those
which are stewed or baked with sugar: the bon chrétien pear also is
delicious baked thus.
 STEWED PEARS.

Pare, cut in halves, and core a dozen fine pears, put them into a
close shutting stewpan with some thin strips of lemon-rind, half a
pound of sugar in lumps, as much water as will nearly cover them,
and should a very bright colour be desired, a dozen grains of
cochineal, bruised, and tied in a muslin; stew the fruit as gently as
possible, four or five hours, or longer should it not be perfectly
tender. Wine is sometimes added both to stewed pears and to baked
ones. If put into a covered jar, well tied down and baked for some
hours, with a proper quantity of liquid and sugar, they will be very
good.
 BOILED CHESTNUTS.

Make a slight incision in the outer skin only, of each chestnut, to

prevent its bursting, and when all are done, throw them into plenty of
boiling water, with about a dessertspoonful of salt to the half gallon.
Some chestnuts will require to be boiled nearly or quite an hour,
others little more than half the time: the cook should try them
occasionally, and as soon as they are soft through, drain them, wipe
them in a coarse cloth, and send them to table quickly in a hot
napkin.
Obs.—The best chestnuts are those which have no internal
divisions: the finest kinds are quite entire when shelled.
 ROASTED CHESTNUTS.

The best mode of preparing these is to roast them, as in Spain, in

a coffee-roaster, after having first boiled them from seven to ten
minutes, and wiped them dry. They should not be allowed to cool,
and will require but from ten to fifteen minutes’ roasting. They may,
when more convenient, be finished over the fire as usual, or in a
Dutch or common oven, but in all cases the previous boiling will be
found an improvement. Never omit to cut the rind of each nut slightly
before it is cooked. Serve the chestnuts very hot in a napkin, and
send salt to table with them.
 ALMOND SHAMROCKS.

(Very good, and very pretty.)

Whisk the white of a very fresh egg to a froth sufficiently solid to
remain standing in high points when dropped from the whisk; work
into it from half to three-quarters of a pound of very fine dry sifted
sugar, or more should it be needed, to bring the mixture to a
consistency in which it can be worked with the fingers. Have ready
some fine Jordan almonds which have been blanched, and
thoroughly dried at the mouth of the oven; roll each of these in a
small portion of the icing until it is equally covered, and of good form;
then lay them on sheets of thick writing paper, placing three together
in the form of the shamrock, or trefoil, with a small bit of sugar
twisted from the centre almond to form the stalk. When all are ready,
set them into a very slow oven for twenty minutes or longer: they
should become quite firm without taking any colour. They make an
excellent and very ornamental dish. To give them flavour and variety,
use for them sugar which has been rasped on the rinds of some
sound lemons, or Seville oranges, or upon citron, and dried before it
is reduced to powder; or add to the mixture a drop of essence of
roses, and a slight colouring of prepared cochineal. A little spinach-
juice will give a beautiful green tint, but its flavour is not very
agreeable. Filbert or pistachio nuts will answer as well as almonds,
iced in this way.
 SMALL SUGAR SOUFFLÉS.

These are made with the same preparation of egg and sugar as
the almond-shamrocks, and may be flavoured and coloured in the
same way. The icing must be sufficiently firm to roll into balls
scarcely larger than a nut: a little sifted sugar should be dusted on
the fingers in making them, but it must not remain on the surface of
the soufflés. They are baked usually in very small round paper
cases, plaited with the edge of a knife, and to give them brilliancy,
the tops are slightly moistened before they are set into the oven, by
passing the finger, or a paste-brush, just dipped in cold water, lightly
over them. Look at them in about a quarter of an hour, and should
they be quite firm to the touch in every part, draw them out; but if not
let them remain longer. They may be baked on sheets of paper, but
will not preserve their form so well.
For 1 white of egg, whisked to a very firm froth, 8 to 10 oz. of sifted
sugar, or more: soufflés, baked in extremely gentle oven, 16 to 30
minutes, or longer if needful.
Obs.—We have confined our receipts here to the most simple
preparations suited to desserts. All the confectionary of the
preceding chapter being appropriate to them (with the exception of
the toffie), as well as various compôtes, clear jellies, and gateaux of
fruit turned from the moulds; and we have already enumerated the
many other dishes of which they may be composed.
 ICES.

There is no real difficulty in making ices

for the table; but for want of the proper
means of freezing them, and of preventing
their being acted on by a too warm
atmosphere afterwards, in many houses it
cannot very easily be accomplished unless
the weather be extremely cold.
A vessel called a freezing-pot, an ice-pail,
a strong wooden mallet, and a copper
spatula, or an ice-spoon, are all that is Ice Pail and Freezer.
positively required for this branch of
confectionary. Suitable moulds for iced
puddings, and imitations of fruit, must be had in addition when
needed.
When the composition which is to be frozen is ready, the rough ice
must be beaten quite small with the mallet, and either mingled
quickly with two or three handsful of powdered saltpetre, or used
with a much larger quantity of salt. The freezing-pot must then be
firmly placed in the centre of the ice, which must be pressed closely
into the vacant space around it until it reaches the top. The cover of
the ice-pot, or freezer, may then be removed, and the preparation to
be iced poured into it. It should then be turned by means of the
handle at the top, quickly backwards and forwards for eight or ten
minutes; then the portion which will have frozen to the inside must be
scraped well from it with the ice-spoon and mingled with the
remainder: without this the mass would be full of lumps instead of
being perfectly smooth as it ought to be. The same process must be
continued until the whole of its contents are uniformly frozen.
The water-ices which are made in such perfection on the
continent, are incomparably superior to the ice-creams, and other
sweet compositions which are usually served in preference to them
here. One or two receipts which we append will serve as guides for
many others, which may easily be compounded with any variety of
fresh summer fruit.[179]
179. The ices for desserts should be moulded in the form of fruit or other shapes
adapted to the purpose; the natural flavour and colouring are then given to
the former, but it is only experienced cooks or confectioners generally who
understand this branch of ice-making, and it is better left to them. All the
necessary moulds may be procured at any good ironmongers, where the
manner of using them would be explained: we can give no more space to the
subject.
Red Currant Ice.—Strip from the stalks and take two pounds
weight of fine ripe currants and half a pound of raspberries; rub them
through a fine sieve, and mingle thoroughly with them sufficient cold
syrup to render the mixture agreeably sweet, and,—unless the pure
flavour of the fruit be altogether preferred,—add the strained juice of
one large or of two small lemons, and proceed at once to freeze the
mixture as above. Currants, 2 lbs.; raspberries, 1/2 lb.; sugar, 3/4 to
1 lb.; boiled for 6 or 8 minutes in 1/2 pint of water and left till quite
cold. (Juice of lemon or lemons at pleasure.)
Strawberry and raspberry water-ices are made in precisely the
same manner.
To convert any of these into English ice-creams, merely mingle the
juice and pulp of the fruit with sufficient pounded sugar to sweeten
them, or with the syrup as above, and then blend with them gradually
from a pint and a half to a quart of fresh sweet cream, and the
lemon-juice or not at choice. The Queen’s Custard, the Currant, and
the Quince or Apple Custard of pages 481 and 482 may all be
converted into good ices with a little addition of cream and sugar;
and so likewise may the Countess Cream of page 472, and the
Bavarian Cream of page 477, by omitting the isinglass from either of
them.
 CHAPTER XXIX.

Syrups, Liqueurs, &c.

Antique Wine Vase.