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SPRINGER BRIEFS IN EDUC ATION
Ulf Blossing
Torgeir Nyen
Åsa Söderström
Anna Hagen Tønder
13
Ulf Blossing Åsa Söderström
University of Gothenburg Karlstad University
Gothenburg Karlstad
Sweden Sweden
Torgeir Nyen
Anna Hagen Tønder
Fafo Institute for Labour and Social
Research
Oslo
Norway
How school improvement comes about in local schools is a strong interest among
the authors of this book. What the local drivers for improvement capacity are,
and how we can understand them, are the questions we investigate in this book.
Studying political school reform and how initiatives are applied in local schools,
we have taken the standpoint that knowledge about local schools and how school
leaders and teachers think about their improvement capacity is essential. In this
book, we identify six types of school organisations shaped by different sense-
making processes. We have come to understand the development of improvement
capacity as being tightly coupled to what school leaders and teachers in local
schools believe drive improvement, and to how this belief makes sense in their
local school history and in their identities as teachers and school leaders.
The data come from an evaluation of a state-financed school improvement pro-
gramme in Norway called ‘The Knowledge Promotion Reform—From Word to
Deed’. The evaluation was carried out in 2006–2010 and was based on a combina-
tion of qualitative and quantitative data.
This study is intended for researchers, graduate students, school leaders and
teacher leaders. As we aim at both research and practice we have included theory
and methodology, but also quite detailed descriptions of the schools illustrating
each of the six types. We hope these will be recognisable for practitioners and thus
inspire them to initiate improvements in their own schools.
We are very grateful to the schools in Norway and to the teachers, school lead-
ers and students who willingly and carefully engaged in our interviews. We would
also like to direct our thanks to the experts who have read the manuscript for this
book and have suggested improvements. These have been very helpful in making
our intentions and reasoning clearer.
v
Contents
1 Introduction. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1
Local Support and Challenges in Educational Policy. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4
References. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6
3 Method. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 27
Sampling. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 28
Procedure. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 28
Analysis. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 29
School Types as Basis for Describing School Organisations . . . . . . . . . . . 31
Comments on the Construction of Types . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 33
References. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 34
vii
viii Contents
5 Concluding Reflections. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 65
The Sensemaking Organisation of Capacity. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 66
Supporting Local Capacity-Building . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 69
Support from the Central Educational System . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 70
References. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 74
Chapter 1
Introduction
Abstract International trends in education are outlined that are important for
school improvement efforts at both the national level and in local schools. Key
concepts include competitiveness, efficiency, freedom of choice, flexibility and
decentralisation. International knowledge measurement is a driving force when
national educational reforms are planned and implemented. The concrete mean-
ing of these concepts and the international knowledge measurements vary between
countries and between local schools. The aim of our study was to explore and
describe how improvement capacity in local schools is organised and to develop
an understanding of this organisation as a practice and as a sensemaking process in
local schools. We present Hopkins’ four drives towards building an effective local
capacity for improvement and consider what kind of support schools need in order
to be effective. In contrast to Hopkins, we focus on how local schools put their
improvement work into their situated and sensemaking practices, which are not
always perceived as progress from the outside. The chapter ends with an overview
of the book.
In most countries, during the first decades of the second millennium, there have
been a number of major reforms in the field of education with the aim of enhanc-
ing competitiveness. Many of these reforms are rooted in neoliberal and neocon-
servative governance ideals, where competition and choice are seen as key drivers
for increasing the public school system’s effectiveness and improving student out-
comes (see, e.g. Apple 2006; Dalin 1994; Giddens 1996; Giroux 1997; Hargreaves
1998; Kumar and Hill 2009). Concrete examples of changes being implemented
in this spirit are privatisation in the sector, decentralisation of responsibility,
results-based management and an intense control of school quality and students’
academic performance. According to Daun (2002), there are both political and
economic reasons for these changes. The aim is that flexibility will increase as
local responsibility increases. At the same time, higher productivity in terms of
improved student outcomes is expected.
However, higher productivity does not naturally follow in the steps of neolib-
eral governance. Teachers and school leaders still struggle with developing their
instruction in order to improve student outcomes. On the one hand, nations come
up with new reforms in an attempt to display a top-level educational system in
the global competitive, and on the other hand, school leaders struggle to build
local improvement capacity among their teachers in order to put reforms into
practice.
This study is about the organisation of local school improvement: how such
organisation is constituted in practical work and how it shapes capacity in local
schools. Ideas about what drives improvement and ways of organising this work
are intertwined and make sense for the teachers and school leaders, despite
research knowledge on what promotes the building of local improvement capacity.
The aim of this study is (1) to explore and describe the organisation of improve-
ment capacity in local schools and (2) to develop an understanding of this organi-
sation as a practice and sensemaking process in local schools. In conclusion, we
will also (3) address support issues in relation to these findings. However, a school
organisation is only local in relation to its context, and therefore, we would like to
dwell somewhat longer on the topic of neoliberalism and globalisation.
Globalisation is a term that describes how the world has “shrunk” and how inci-
dents in one country can quickly have an impact far beyond that country’s own
borders. The international market is characterised by free movement of capital,
and local economic ups and downs can have severe global consequences. Cultural
expressions, attitudes and ideas are spread and contribute to the experience of a
global get-together, which simultaneously adds diversity as well as “monoversity”.
Some concepts that are applied in the description of modern society, and that cre-
ate an image of the time we live in, are freedom of choice, individualism, flexibil-
ity and responsibility (Bauman 2002; Beck and Beck-Gernsheim 2002; Giddens
1996, 2003; Harvey 2007). In the context of this global social change, education
has become an increasingly important competitive factor both at the international
level and at the individual level. Requirements for education and mobility increase
pressure within the labour market. Beck (1998) describes how increased globalisa-
tion requires a geographical and social mobility which risks cutting off people’s
cultural and social roots. This leads to increasing individualisation, where equals
find themselves in a competition to gain and keep a position in the labour market.
The central role of education as a means for competition, both within and between
countries, in an increasingly tough global economic market, has highlighted how
countries make international comparisons of their success in their efforts to edu-
cate their citizens.
In a European perspective, education has become an important area of both col-
laboration and competition. Lawn (2011) describes a process of Europeanisation
in education among the countries in the European Union (EU). This process
is governed by the creation and use of indicators, standards and comparisons.
1 Introduction 3
The central parts of the educational policy outlined above focus on increased local
responsibility, more inspection and a clearer obligation to account for the local
authorities. This means that teachers and school leaders need to review their stu-
dents’ outcomes and their social development as well as the school organisation’s
capacity to improve. This was the major theme of the Norwegian school improve-
ment programme. In addition, there was also an investment in a supporting net-
work of external agents helping the schools with evaluation, guiding or lecturing,
and also an increased responsibility for the local authority.
Local Support and Challenges in Educational Policy 5
concerned with human agency, change and stability. We continue with schools’
improvement capacity, focusing on the social structural perspective on improve-
ment capacity, which we use in our analysis. Chapter 3, “Method”, accounts for
our data sources, our choice of theoretical perspective and the notions used in the
analysis. Chapter 4, “Six school types”, is the main chapter in that it aims at giv-
ing a rich description of the six school types. Each type starts with a typologi-
cal description which gives an illustration of the main characteristics of the type.
Thereafter follows a background description of a specific school which is chosen
to illustrate the type. Next follows a description of the school’s infrastructure, and
then the school’s improvement history. Each type concludes with a section on
understanding and strengthening the school’s improvement capacity. The aim of
this section is to provide reasoning for teachers and school leaders, who may rec-
ognise their own schools in a particular type; the type descriptions may work as
a reflective background when they go on to their improvement work in their own
schools. The book ends with Chap. 5, “Concluding reflections”. We summarise
our findings and develop an understanding from the basis of our theoretical per-
spective. We discuss support issues and end with methodological reflections.
References
Aasen, P., Møller, J., Rye, E., Ottesen, E., Prøitz, T., & Hertzberg, F. (2012). Kunnskapsløftet
som styringsreform—et løft eller et løfte? Forvaltningsnivåenes og institusjonenes rolle i
implementeringen av reformen [The knowledge reform as steering reform—A promise or a
boost?]. Rapport 20/2012. Oslo: NIFU.
Apple, M. W. (2006). Educating the “right” way. Marketing, Standards, god and inequality.
New York: Routledge.
Bauman, Z. (2002). Det individualiserade samhället [The individualised society]. Uddevalla:
Daidalos.
Beck, J. (1998). Morality and citizenship in education. London: Cassell.
Beck, U. (2000). What is globalization? Malden, Mont: Polity Press.
Beck, U., & Beck-Gernsheim, E. (2002). Individualisation: Institutionalised individualism and
its social and political consequences. London: Sage.
Blossing, U., Imsen, G., & Moos, L. (Eds.). (2014). The Nordic education model. ‘A school for
all’ encounters neo-liberal policy. Dordrecht: Springer.
Dale, E. L., Engelsen, B. U., & Karseth, B. (2011). Kunnskapsløftets intensjoner, forutsetninger
og operasjonaliseringer. En analyse av en læreplanreform [The intentions of the knowledge
reform preconditions and operationalisations. An analysis of a curriculum reform]. Oslo:
University of Oslo.
Dalin, P. (1994). Utbildning för ett nytt århundrade [Education for a new century]. Stockholm:
Liber.
Daun, H. (2002). Educational restructuring in the context of globalization and national policy.
New York, London: Routledge Falmer.
Giddens, A. (1996). Modernitetens följder [The consequences of modernity]. Lund:
Studentlitteratur.
Giddens, A. (2003). En skenande värld. Hur globaliseringen är på väg att förändra våra liv [A
runaway world: How globalization is reshaping our lives]. Kristianstad: SNS Förlag.
Giroux, H. (1997). Crossing the boundaries of educational discourse: modernism, postmodern-
ism and feminism. In A. H. Halsey, H. Lauder, P. Brown, & A. S. Wells (Eds.), Education,
culture, economy and society (pp. 113–130). Oxford: Oxford University Press.
References 7
Abstract The chapter builds on institutional theory and how it explains stability
and change in organisations. Loose coupling is described as a common phenom-
enon to uphold a harmonious relationship between the demands of the external
environment and the inner life of the organisation. Organisational development
(OD) is presented as a framework to understand the work processes in school
organisation when school leaders and teachers do improvement work. The concept
of improvement capacity is defined in a socio-structural perspective, encompass-
ing the infrastructure of the school organisation, the improvement processes, the
improvement roles and the improvement history of the organisation. Finally, this
is framed in a practice and sensemaking perspective. The organisational perspec-
tive is contrasted with the need to focus on the teaching situation. The concepts
of means and goal-situated strategies are introduced, and four common means-
situated strategies are described. We argue for the need for goal-situated strategies
and underpin this with a social learning perspective.
a considerable gap has developed between the results obtained by the organisation
and the expectations of its constituencies (Cyert and March 1963).
In the case of Norway, in 2001, the country experienced a “PISA shock,”
with student performance being well below the expected level, given the public
resources spent on education. The PISA results, along with other international
skills surveys, such as TIMSS, stimulated much public and political debate about
the need for national school reform. The perceived crisis within the Norwegian
educational system laid the foundations for comprehensive school reform with a
strong focus on learning outcomes and the development of new assessment prac-
tices at the national level. Helge Ole Bergesen, who was state secretary in the
Ministry of Education and Research in the conservative government from 2001 to
2005, wrote about the Norwegian “PISA shock”.
With PISA, the debate climate changed abruptly, radically and irrevocably: mediocre
school results and declining skills could no longer be dismissed as claims by campaign-
ing conservative politicians or aging teachers in newspaper columns. The surveys revealed
and documented that our students do not have particularly good skills at the end of lower
secondary education. (Bergesen 2006, p. 42, our translation).
The orientation of the political climate towards change was supported by research-
based findings. Evaluations of the previous education reform in primary and lower
secondary schools, the Reform 97, documented that performance requirements
in schools were vague, that teachers were reluctant to defining explicit learning
goals, and that pupil feedback was rare (Haug 2004). Hence, there were several
drivers pushing for change.
Within the Norwegian Parliament, there was broad political support for a new
school reform and an increased focus on learning outcomes and quality assess-
ment in education. An important question is to what extent the perception of an
education crisis was shared by actors at the local level, creating a foundation for
profound and lasting changes within each school.
Institutional theories about organisations emphasise the importance of the
relationship between an organisation and its environment. Different actors, stake-
holders or constituencies in the environment of the organisation may attempt to
gain insight into the activities of the organisation and may try to influence organ-
isational actions in various ways. As a consequence, the boundaries between an
organisation and its environment might become blurred and contested. The rela-
tionship between an organisation and its constituencies can have a major impact
on the efficacy of reform measures as well as change processes, both within and
between organisations. However, actors in the external environment are not con-
cerned only with the actual results achieved by the organisation. To some extent,
the organisation will also be assessed in terms of the extent to which it applies
models, practices and working methods that are perceived as rational, legitimate
or modern by external actors. Such assessment could be viewed as particularly
important if it is difficult for actors in the environment to assess the actual quality
of work within the organisation. The same may be true if the relationship between
the results obtained and the methods and work practices applied are uncertain or
ambiguous (Meyer and Scott 1983).
12 2 Organisational Perspectives on Schools and Change
When norms and perceptions in the environment do not correspond with estab-
lished norms, values and beliefs within the organisation, an assumption according
to institutional theory would be that organisations develop double sets of struc-
tures and processes. These two sets are not allowed to interfere with each other,
but are kept separate, loosely coupled or decoupled (Meyer and Rowan 1977;
Brunsson 1989; Weick 1976). Formal structures and processes can be designed
primarily to comply with external requirements and expectations. Meanwhile,
actual behaviour and core activities within the organisation may be governed by
another set of structures and processes. The concept of loose coupling or decou-
pling in the organisational literature illustrates the inconsistency that may develop
between organisational structures that are visible from the outside, and the struc-
tures and processes that actually control the internal operations of organisations.
In schools, classroom instruction may be insulated from externally driven pressure
for change. Teaching practices may be decoupled from administration and policy-
making. When expected changes do not take place within schools, reforms tend to
be repeated again and again (Cuban 1990).
Norwegian educational policy during the first decades since 2000 can be char-
acterised as a series of reforms followed by research-based evaluations. The reform
evaluations have shown that the changes in pedagogical practice have been mod-
est. As is well documented in the international research literature, this story is in
no way unique to Norway. One of the explanations offered by Norwegian evalua-
tors has been that some of the political intentions behind the reforms would actually
require profound changes in beliefs and values concerning education and learning,
something that has not been reflected in the actual reform measures (Haug 2004).
Researchers have also pointed out that there tend to be a number of unresolved ten-
sions and dilemmas within the reforms. Some of these tensions are inherent in the
pedagogical project itself and must to some extent be resolved at the local level,
by school leaders, administrators and teachers, both collectively and individually
(Karseth et al. 2013, p. 246). Some examples of such issues are the tensions between
administrative control and professional autonomy, between collective and individual
learning processes and between learning processes and learning outcomes.
Institutional theories point to the values and norms in the local school as impor-
tant when it comes to making changes. OD delves still further into the inner life
of the local school. OD provides for a structural perspective on organisations and
at the same time makes the human interplay visible. OD theory depends on open-
system theory and understands organisations metaphorically, as living organisms,
where input, throughput, output and feedback are the notions that account for the
information and working process in the organisation (Burke 2008). Miles (1965)
was one of the first to apply this metaphor and proposed the concept of the healthy
organisation model to explain the change process among school leaders and teach-
ers. OD understands schools as systems of human beings, according to Schmuck
(1995a, b). Those human beings work with different tasks and they move between
different systems when they switch from one task to another. An important task for
an OD leader is to make the different subsystems effective, which is, to a major
extent, about enhancing the interpersonal competencies in the organisation.
Instrumental and Institutional Perspectives on Organisations 13
Ekholm (1971, 1989) developed the healthy organisation model from Miles
(1965) to an infrastructure model consisting of eight subsystems. The eight sys-
tems indicate the living organism or the social life in the school organisation on a
structural level. The systems are the grouping system, the communication system,
the goal management system, the power and responsibility system, the decision-
making system, the norm system, the reward system and the evaluation system.
How teachers and students are grouped in a school, how curriculum goals are dis-
cussed and managed, how the power to make decisions as well as the responsibil-
ity to execute them is distributed, what teachers signal to each other that desirable
behaviour should be, what behaviours are rewarded or punished by social atten-
tion, and finally how information about the status of the organisation are collected,
put together and evaluated—all this makes up a kind of infrastructure in which the
social working life takes place. The infrastructure is supposed to shape the daily
work and can be very salient for a new teacher in a school. It exists before the
teacher enters the school and makes certain actions possible and others impossible
to execute.
A clear structure and strong communication system point to a social life in
the school organisation where information feedback works and secures adaption
to organisational needs and societal demands. The grouping system and also the
communication system stand out as important in this respect, as they decide which
teachers will meet in certain groups and communicate. This way of understand-
ing school organisations has been used empirically in a longitudinal study of 35
schools from 1980 to 2001 in Sweden (Blossing 2004, 2008; Ekholm et al. 1987)
and is also used in this study (as part of the improvement capacity).
An ontological question underlying both institutional and OD theory is the rela-
tionship between agency and structure. Traditionally, institutional theory has been
involved in describing the influence of structure on organisations and their mem-
bers, while OD has focused on agency. Much OD theory stems from the work of
OD consultants and change agents working with schools and other organisations
to instigate change. The change agents lead, in a very practical way, group work
focusing on the values of the participants in order to make them visible and pos-
sible to unfreeze, in line with the legacy of Lewin (1947). Another core task in the
OD manual is to gather data about the local organisation and review its norms and
structures and their capacity to work in line with the goals of the organisation. In
this way, one can assert that the OD consultant, in his or her practical work as an
agent of change, tries to overcome the dualism between agency and structure.
OD theory is a good example of what is called practice theory. Nicolini (2013)
describes practice theory as the engagement of a range of researchers and theo-
rists, such as, for instance, Giddens, Marx, Wittgenstein, Bernstein and Schatsky,
in overcoming the opposition of agency and structure and trying to understand
social and human everyday practice. Introducing practice theory, Nicolini (2013,
p. 3) lists five features: (1) the importance of activity and the characteristics of
its processes, (2) the critical role of the body and material things, (3) individual
agency, (4) knowledge as the capacity to carry out a social and material activity
and (5) the importance of power and politics.
14 2 Organisational Perspectives on Schools and Change
With the help of these points, we can centre our interest: we are interested in
the practice of improvement work, and in the agency of teachers and school lead-
ers and the kind of activities and processes they carry out while being physically
located in their school organisation and framed in an institutional structure. Wenger
(1998) states that “Practice is, first and foremost, a process by which we can expe-
rience the world and our engagement with it as meaningful” (p. 51). In our devel-
opment of the analyses, we have used Weick’s (2001) theory of how sensemaking
constitutes the work of an organisation. Weick’s views fit well into the framework
of practice theory when he declares that “Reality is ongoing accomplishment:
Sensemaking is about flows, a continually changing past, and variations in choice,
irrevocability, and visibility that change the intensity of behavioural commitments”
(p. 11). A fundamental feature of Weick’s theory is that sensemaking is a retrospec-
tive process: looking back and remembering, in line with the symbols and ideas
that make the wider reality possible to grasp and can work as a rational reasoning
which accounts for the actions of yesterday and also guides those of tomorrow.
Does the practice of improvement work differ from ordinary practice in any
way? Yes, it does when it comes to schools that are successful in their improve-
ment efforts. Research, which we will account for in the following chapters, shows
that teachers and school leaders in these schools make their practice conscious,
by looking back at their improvement history and by shaping new sensemade pat-
terns which lay the basis for innovative actions that improve student learning. And
no, because research shows that many schools fail in this process. They look back
and restructure their sensemaking in terms of whatever evidence they can find to
explain their students’ underachievement. It is the situation that this project aims
to address: to develop an understanding of organisation as a practice and sense-
making process in local schools, and finally also to address support issues which
could help teachers and school leaders to look back and see conditions in their
improvement work that they have not seen before and thus enable them to plan for
new actions.
A Socio-structural Perspective
In this book, our intention is to hold onto the social and organisational perspective
of change and not reduce it to a habit of mind. This implies that we pursue a meth-
odological aim of maintaining an organisational and socio-structural perspective
on improvement capacity and moreover, as we have described above, a focus on
practice and agency. We use a framework developed by Blossing (2008) which has
its roots in organisation development theories (Burke 2008). It can be summarised
in the following four points:
• Infrastructure of the school organisation.
• Improvement processes.
• Improvement roles.
• Improvement history of the organisation.
16 2 Organisational Perspectives on Schools and Change
The first aspect deals with the question of how to describe an organisation in terms
of a somewhat more overall structure. Schlechty (1976) developed a structure to
describe the position of the students in different types of school organisations. He
classifies schools as bureaucratic or professional, based on the ways these organi-
sations manage their students. Morgan (1986) uses metaphors to explore possible
structures in an organisation. He imagines organisations as brains, organisms or
even prisons.
The best model to choose in order to describe the structure of an organisation
depends on what aspects of the organisation are of interest and which functions
and processes are in focus. In this case, we are interested in a local organisation
normally consisting of between 20 and 60 adults, and we are interested in cap-
turing the daily working processes or the social working life, mainly between
teachers and school leaders. We use a model called “the infrastructure of the local
organisation,” originally put forward by Miles (1965) and developed further by
Ekholm (1989). Hopkins et al. (2013) use the infrastructure concept to describe
the formal structure of a school organisation and apply it in a study of instruc-
tional reform in mathematics. They refer to institutional theory but otherwise give
a rather vague definition of infrastructure. It turns out to refer to the social net-
works among teachers and especially the positioning of teacher leadership and the
importance of this when it comes to advice and information seeking for improv-
ing instruction. We argue that a more comprehensive model of the organisational
infrastructure is needed, which captures the situation of the organisation as well as
the functions of social life in the local organisation.
The description of the infrastructure of the local school that we use derives
from Miles (1965) and Ekholm (1971, 1989) and consists of eight systems (see
p. 10). The infrastructure shapes the daily work and can be very salient for a new
teacher in a school, but it can also be influenced and changed by the teachers and
school leaders. The grouping system in a school, together with the goal manage-
ment system, constitutes basic parts of the practice when building a functioning
organisational infrastructure. When the goals of the organisation are discussed and
worked on and when this process is conducted in groups where the members of
the organisation have possibilities to meet, the coupling between the school’s goals
and the practical work is strengthened.
The second aspect, the improvement processes, focuses on important events or
situations which drive the improvement work forward, for example evaluations,
making an inventory of problems to deal with, peer tutoring, school site visits or
literature reading. In relation to our interest in structure and agency, the improve-
ment processes focus on the agency dimension. In the frame of OD, Schmuck and
Runkel (1994) define processes as shorter so-called micro processes, being the
parts that make up the longer and more complex macroprocesses. The macropro-
cesses of a whole school improvement process are described in several phases, as
initiation, implementation, institutionalisation and diffusion (Miles et al. 1987).
These phases do not follow each other rectilinearly, but rather they overlap with
each other. Fullan (2001) describes them as themes. Other researchers, such
as Miles and Louis (1990), talk about a growing or evolutionary planning and
Schools’ Improvement Capacity 17
inner life of schools, concludes that what starts out as a means in school improve-
ment work often tends to be transformed into an end in itself during the improve-
ment process. This provides an interesting perspective on why the Norwegian
schools participating in the programme often avoided focusing on the teaching situ-
ation. In Norwegian as well in Swedish schools, we find a dominant improvement
strategy where teachers talk to each other in groups with a view to developing their
pedagogical understanding. The idea is that these insights will cause the teachers to
reflect on their own teaching practices in turn and thereby improve their instruction.
But according to Sarason, this means-oriented strategy will not necessarily
lead to an improvement in student learning in the classroom. The rational assump-
tion that the means should lead to the desired ends does not seem to be correct.
Teachers experience these group talks as positive and this seems to promote a need
to continue with these group discussions. As a consequence, the means becomes
the end. The teachers want more positive time together—and this probably also
contributes to the learning of the teachers—but the intention that the learning
should transfer to the learning situation and to the students remains in the distance.
Instead, the group discussion itself appears to be the major goal to be achieved.
We would like to link the improvement strategies schools use to the situations in
which these strategies are used. We propose that the situation chosen makes a differ-
ence to the result. The situations can be of two different kinds: means situations and
goal situations, which imply that improvement strategies are either means or goal
situated. The means-situated strategies aim at working through means. Concerning
the goal of improving student learning outcomes, one such means strategy could be
to improve the collaboration in the teacher teams with the aim of improving instruc-
tion, with the hope that improved teaching methods will eventually improve student
learning outcomes. A goal-situated strategy, on the other hand, aims at working in
or very close to the situation that is intended to be improved. One example could
be action learning in order to improve the teaching approach in mathematics, where
people with external competence observe lessons and give feedback to teachers
who, based on these responses, develop new strategies to try out in the classroom.
It is, however, very important in acute cases to take care that the
current-strength should not be rapidly changed; and for this reason
the electrode should be drawn slowly to a distance from the nerve
before it is removed, or left in situ while the current is gradually
diminished by a suitable rheostat. As a rule, the former method is the
more practicable.
The use of the cautery and of blisters is in place in almost every form
of neuralgia where the temporary disfigurement is of no
consequence.
Of other cutaneous applications, aconite and chloroform liniments,
menthol in substance or in alcoholic solution (drachm j or drachm ij
to fluidounce j), aconite and veratrine ointments, are the most useful.
A strong aconitine ointment, made with Duquesnet's aconitia and
lard (drachm j to ounce j), has been recommended by Webber28 to
be used in portions of the size of half a split pea, but, though
effective, it needs to be employed with great caution.
28 Nervous Diseases, Boston, 1885.
During the past few years the operation of nerve-section has been to
some degree superseded by that of nerve-stretching, as being less
serious in its immediate (though not necessarily in its remote)
consequences, and sometimes more efficacious. Hildebrandt,
indeed, raises the question whether the traction which is apt to be
exerted when a nerve is cut is not an important element in bringing
about the result. On the other hand, cases are reported where
neuralgia which had not been relieved by stretching was cured by
resection.31
31 Nocht, Ueber die Gefolge der Nerven-dehnung.
The best showing for the operation is in the treatment of sciatica, but
most of the other superficial nerves, including the intercostals, have
been successfully treated in the same manner.
On the other hand, this treatment is not without its dangers. Apart
from the risks of the operation itself, cases have been reported in
which the spinal cord has been injured, so that chronic myelitis has
been set up, and a greater or less degree of paralysis—rarely
permanent, it is true—may be induced by the direct injury to the
nerve.
This means of treatment is therefore certainly to be thought of in
serious and obstinate cases, but not lightly decided on.
In one case of sciatica the writer has seen a neuritis of some severity
lighted up by this operation, perhaps because the disease was in too
active a state, although it had lasted some months. The operation is
probably most indicated in chronic cases.
Osmic acid has been used recently in the same way, and the reports
show about an equal number of successes and failures. The dose is
about 8 minims of a 1 per cent. solution, and the injection may be
repeated at intervals of a few days. It has been used successfully in
various parts of the body, including the face and the fingers. The
injection causes no great pain, but occasionally, though rarely,
excites abscess.
The auras are manifold and important. On the day before an attack
the patient may feel remarkably well, or may complain only of such
sensations as thirst or giddiness. The attack itself is apt to be
ushered in by visual hallucinations of dazzling and vibrating points or
serrated images, sometimes with prismatic outlines, accompanied by
a loss or obscuration of vision over one-half or some other portion of
the field, which lasts half an hour or more, and sometimes clearing
up in one part while it advances in another. Simultaneously or
immediately after this there may be tingling and a sense of
numbness of the tongue, lips, hand, or one-half of the body,
sometimes followed by partial hemiparesis, and, if the right side be
affected, by more or less aphasia or mental confusion. Occasionally
the other special senses are affected. Sometimes the aura may
constitute the whole of the seizure.
The pain may begin on the same side with these prodromal
symptoms or on the opposite side. Sometimes drowsiness is a
marked symptom throughout the attack, and this differs in
significance from the sound, refreshing sleep with which the
paroxysm often comes to an end. Sometimes the arteries of the
affected side seem strongly contracted, as shown by pallor and
coldness of the face and dilatation of the pupil (angio-tonic form);
sometimes, on the other hand, they are dilated and pulsate strongly,
or the latter condition may follow the former (angio-paralytic form).
The radial pulse may show corresponding modifications. These
vascular phenomena are often, however, entirely wanting.
Finally, there is great probability that the disease will cease of itself
with advancing years, not always, however, without having left its
mark on the patient's mental and bodily vitality.
Of the drugs used to control the liability to the attacks, the most
important is cannabis Indica, given in doses of about half a grain of a
good preparation of the extract several times daily for weeks or
months together. Valerianate of zinc and the iodide and bromide of
potassium in full doses are also recommended, but are less
efficacious.
In the treatment of the attack itself, besides absolute rest and quiet,
large and repeated doses of guarana or caffeine, either alone or
combined with drachm doses of bromide of potassium, are
sometimes of use if given at the very outset.
The writer has known a strong faradic current applied with the
moistened hand to the back of the neck to relieve an attack, and
prolonged but gentle manipulation of the painful area with the finger-
tips may have a like effect if the pain is not too severe; as, for
example, toward the end of a paroxysm.
These varieties are of course closely allied, and have many features
and causes in common.
The relation of caries of the teeth to neuralgia of the fifth pair forms a
very important chapter, which is admirably treated by J. Ferrier.36
Opinions on this subject are conflicting and unsatisfactory, and the
fact that many patients have had nearly all their teeth drawn in the
vain attempt to get cured of one of the severe forms of facial
neuralgia often creates an impatience of further investigation in the
matter. Ferrier points out that as a rule it is not the severest cases of
epileptiform tic douloureux that arise in this way, but, on the other
hand, that it is a mistake to conclude, because a neuralgia is
benefited by medical treatment and made worse by fatigue,
exposure, etc., and because it occurs in a person of neurotic
temperament, that it is not likely to be due to this form of irritation.
The teeth need not themselves be the seat of pain, and the disease
in them may be detected only after diligent search.
36 Les Névralgies reflexes d'Origine dentaires, Paris, 1884.
Pain in this region, often due to neuritis, may accompany acute and
chronic thoracic disorders, and may be the precursor of herpes
zoster. Caries of the vertebræ and meningitis should be thought of,
and cancer if the neuralgia is very persistent, even if it is paroxysmal
in character.
The most important facts with regard to them are that they are
intimately associated, in relation both of cause and of effect, with
affections of the abdominal and the pelvic organs and of the testis.
Neuralgias of the terminal branches of the lumbar plexus, the
obturator and anterior crural nerves, though well recognized, are
comparatively rare.
The TREATMENT of sciatica must vary with the probable cause of the
disease and its stage of progress. Diathetic taints are to be met if
present, and the greatest measure of physical health secured that
the circumstances possibly admit. It is a good precaution in all cases
to secure free evacuation of the bowels and to guard against
hemorrhoidal congestions.
As against the neuralgia itself, the proper means vary with the
acuteness of the attack and the presence or absence of neuritis. For
the acute stage absolute rest is almost always desirable as a prime