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 Modern Britain

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This page intentionally left blank
 Modern Britain
A Social History 1750–2011

THIRD EDITION

Edward Royle

B L O O M S B U RY ACA D E M I C

Royle.indb iii 10/01/12 5:56 PM

 Third edition published in 2012 by:

Bloomsbury Academic

an imprint of Bloomsbury Publishing Plc

50 Bedford Square, London WC1B 3DP, UK
and
175 Fifth Avenue, New York, NY 10010, USA

Copyright © Edward Royle 2012

First published by Edward Arnold (Publishers) Ltd in 1987

Second edition published by Arnold, a member of the Hodder Headline Group, in 1997

All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system,
or transmitted by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying or otherwise,
without the prior written permission of the publisher.

No responsibility for loss caused to any individual or organization acting on or refraining

from action as a result of the material in this publication can be accepted by
Bloomsbury Academic or the author.

CIP records for this book are available from the British Library and the
Library of Congress.

ISBN 978-1-84966-530-8 (paperback)

ISBN 978-1-84966-569-8 (ebook)
ISBN 978-1-84966-570-4 (ebook PDF)

This book is produced using paper that is made from wood grown in managed,
sustainable forests. It is natural, renewable and recyclable. The logging and
manufacturing processes conform to the environmental regulations of
the country of origin.

Printed and bound in Great Britain by MPG Books Group, Bodmin, Cornwall.

Cover image © Manchester City Galleries

www.bloomsburyacademic.com

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 Contents

List of Maps and Tables xiii

Maps xiv
Preface xviii

Part One The Changing Environment 1

1 The Countryside 3
The age of enclosure and improvement, 1750–1830 3
The Victorian countryside, 1830–1914 5
The twentieth-century countryside 7
Environmental concerns and countryside issues 9
The changing nature of land ownership 11

2 Transportation 15
Turnpikes and canals, 1750–1830 15
The railway age, 1830–1914 17
Urban transport 19
Passenger transport by road in the twentieth century 21
Goods transport by road in the twentieth century 23
Private road transport 24
Rail transport in modern Britain 25
Sea and air 26

3 Urbanisation 28
The growth of an urban society 28
The urban environment, 1750–1830 31
Urban development in the age of the railway 34
The built environment 36
The motor car and the modern city 41

4 Industrialisation 43
The first industrial revolution 43
The workshop of the world 45
Decay and renewal 46

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 vi CONTENTS

Part Two People 49

5 The Population Question 51

Counting the people before the census 51
Population size and growth, 1750–1830 52
Population trends, 1841–1911 54
Population trends since 1911 57
Population structure 60

6 Households and Families 64

Household size and composition 64
Illegitimacy 66
Marriage and divorce 68

7 Migration 71
Migration within Britain before 1830 71
Migration, 1830–1914 73
Migration in the twentieth century 74
Emigration before the mid-nineteenth century 76
Emigration from the mid-nineteenth century 77
Migrants and their motives 78

8 Immigration 82
Irish immigrants 83
Jewish immigrants 86
Towards a multi-ethnic society 89
Race, riots and social tensions 94

Part Three Class 99

9 Social and Occupational Structures 101

The old order 101
The language of class 103
The census and social structure 108
The structure of employment 111

10 The Making of a Class Society 117

The breakdown of the old order 117
Class and social theory 119

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 CONTENTS vii

Economic change and the origins of class society 122

The making of the working class 123
The middle classes 126
A viable class society, 1850–1900 129
Class in the early twentieth century 132

11 The Governing Class 135

The aristocracy 135
Urban government 137
Church and State 138
The survival of the elite, 1832–86 138
Class and party, 1886–1951 139

12 The Challenge of Radicalism 141

The beginnings of radicalism, 1760–1800 141
Radicalism and class conflict, 1800–50 144
Consensus and compromise, 1850–1900 148

13 The Organisation of Labour 151

Trade societies in the eighteenth century 151
Trade unions in the early nineteenth century 152
Labour, radicalism and class in the mid-nineteenth century 156
Acceptance and consolidation 157
Labour representation 163
Trade unions in the twentieth century 166

14 Class in Modern Britain 173

Towards a classless society? 173
Class, party and the governing elite since 1951 178
Class in the twenty-first century 184

Part Four Poverty and Welfare 187

15 Poverty 189
The rural poor 190
Urban poverty 194
The standard of living debate 197
Poverty in the twentieth century 201

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 viii CONTENTS

16 Responses to Poverty 206

The old poor law 206
The new poor law 211
Poor relief in Scotland after 1845 213
Private charity 214
Health care 219
Self-help 221

17 Welfare and the State 225

The growth of the administrative State 225
Factory reform 227
Public health 230
Changing attitudes, 1880–1914 233
The origins of the Welfare State 238
The Welfare State 240
The crisis of the Welfare State 242

18 Law, Order and Restraint 244

Crime and criminals 244
The police 252
Institutions of restraint 255
Prisons 256
Reform Schools 259
Asylums 261

Part Five Life and Leisure 265

19 Traditional Manners, Customs and Amusements 267

Landed society 267
Provincial life 269
Horse racing 270
‘Traditional’ customs and amusements 271
Artisan life 273

20 The Attack upon Popular Recreations 275

Enclosure and urban growth 275
Factory discipline 276
Moral reform 277
Social control 282

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 CONTENTS ix

21 Reformed Customs and Rational Recreations 284

Reformed customs 284
Rational pleasures 286
Useful knowledge 287
Access to the arts 290
The theatre 291
Music 293
Fresh air and fun 295
A ‘bleak age’? 298

22 Leisure and the Consumer Revolution 299

Holidays 300
Commercialised pleasures 305
Football 306
Betting and gambling 308
Newspapers, magazines and books 310
Music hall, theatre, cinema and radio 315
The consumer society 320
From reality to reality television 323
The e-society 325
The way we lived, then and now 330

Part Six Religion 335

23 Religion in the Age of Reason 337

The crisis of the established churches 337
The weakness of Dissent 340
Popular religion 342

24 The Evangelical Revival 345

The origins of the revival 345
Methodism 347
The impact of Methodism 349
Evangelicals, politics and reform 351

25 Church and State 354

Reform of the Church of England 354
The education question in England and Wales 357
The Disruption in the Church of Scotland 359

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 x CONTENTS

26 Dissent 363
Evangelical missions and the rise of denominationalism 363
Protestant Dissent in England and Wales, 1851 364
Nonconformity, the Church of England and the
Religious Census of 1851 368
Nonconformity in the later nineteenth century 371
Scottish Dissent 374
Roman Catholicism 376

27 Church and People 378

The midwife of class 378
The Churches and the working classes 381
Working-class religion 385

28 Decline and De-Christianisation 388

Institutional patterns in the twentieth century 388
De-Christianisation and secularisation 392
Religion and sex 398

Part Seven Education 401

29 Literacy 403
The measurement of literacy 403
Levels of literacy and illiteracy 404
The demand for literacy 407

30 Elementary Schooling 409

Private and informal schooling 409
The provision of public elementary education before 1870 411
Elementary education under the School Boards 413
Schooling and social class 414

31 Secondary Schools 416

The eighteenth-century grammar school 416
The public schools 417
Middle-class education 419
Public examinations 421

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 CONTENTS xi

32 Schools since 1902 424

From elementary to primary schools 424
Secondary schools and selection 425
Standards and expectations 430

33 Higher Education 433

The decline and revival of Oxford and Cambridge 433
The Scottish universities in the age of the Enlightenment 436
Alternative institutions 438
Liberal, scientific or useful education? 440
Higher education for women 442
Higher education in the twentieth century 445

34 Education and Society 450

Popular education and social change, 1750–1870 450
Education and the preservation of the elite 453
Education and the decline of Britain 456

Conclusion 462
Notes 465
Further Reading: A select bibliography 479
Index 523

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This page intentionally left blank
 List of Maps and Tables

Maps
1 Britain: Counties before 1974 and major towns in 1831 xiv–xv
2 Britain: Modern regions and major urban communities, 2001 xvi–xvii

Tables
1.1 Land ownership in Britain, 1872–2010 12
8.1 Population of the United Kingdom by age and
ethnic group, 2007 93
9.1 Distribution of national income by families, England
and Wales, 1803 102
9.2 Social structure of England and Wales, 1841–81 109
9.3 Social structure of England and Wales, 1881–1961 109
9.4 Social structure of Great Britain, 1971–91 110
9.5 Socio-economic classification of working-age population,
summer 2003 112
10.1 Employment in textile factories in Great Britain by age
and sex, 1839 124
13.1 Membership of the eight largest trade unions in 1960 169
13.2 Membership of ‘white-collar’ unions, 1950–90 169
13.3 Membership of the largest trade unions, 2008 172
15.1 Average ages of death among the different classes, 1842 194
16.1 Wheat and bread prices, 1790–1834 209
26.1 Membership of the principal Methodist Connexions, 1791–1851 367
26.2 Areas of Church of England weakness, 1851 369
26.3 Areas of Congregational strength, 1851 369
26.4 Areas of Baptist strength, 1851 370
26.5 Areas of Methodist strength, 1851 370
26.6 Index of attendance and percentage share of the major
denominations in Wales, 1851 371
26.7 Nonconformist membership/total adult population, 1801–1914 372
26.8 Major Scottish denominations, 1851 374
26.9 Areas of Roman Catholic strength, 1851 377
29.1 Literacy in England and Wales, 1839 405

xiii

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Royle.indb xiv

ORKNEY
CAITH-
NESS ZETLAND

SUTHERLAND

ROSS

AND

CROMARTY MORAY-
E

N
SHIRE IR

NAIR
SH
FF
N
BA ABERDEEN-
SHIRE

Aberdeen
INVERNESS-SHIRE 1 KINCARDINESHIRE
2 DUNBARTONSHIRE
1 3 STIRLINGSHIRE
4 CLACKMANNANSHIRE
ANGUS 5 KINROSS-SHIRE
6 RENFREWSHIRE
7 WEST LOTHIAN
Dundee 8 MIDLOTHIAN

E
IR
PERTH 9 PEEBLES-SHIRE
SH
LL
10 SELKIRKSHIRE
GY

11 CAERNARVONSHIRE
AR

FIFE
5 12
FLINTSHIRE
4 13
14 MONTGOMERYSHIRE
2 3 Edinburgh
EAST 15 RUTLAND
Greenock 7 LOTHIAN 16 HUNTINGDON
Glasgow 8 17 CAMBRIDGESHIRE AND ISLE OF ELY
6
Paisley BERWICK- 18 BEDFORDSHIRE
LANARK- SHIRE
BUTE 19 MONMOUTHSHIRE
SHIRE 9 20 WORCESTERSHIRE
-
10 GH
AYRSHIRE UR
XB IRE
RO SH NORTH
DUMFRIES-SHIRE SEA
NORTHUMBERLAND
KIRKCUD- Newcastle-upon-Tyne
BRIGHTSHIRE
WIGTOWN-
SHIRE

CUMBERLAND DURHAM

WESTMOR-
LAND

ISLE OF
10/01/12 5:56 PM

MAN
YORKSHIRE
York
Royle.indb xv

Kingston-upon-Hull
IRISH SEA Preston Blackburn Leeds
LANCASHIRE
Bolton
Oldham
Salford
Manchester Sheffield
Liverpool

-
ANGLESEY

IRE M
Stockport

SH GHA
CHESHIRE

IN
DENBIGH- 12 LINCOLNSHIRE

TT
11 DERBY-
SHIRE

NO
SHIRE

TH - 13 Nottingham
IONE
MER IRE STAFFORD-
SH
SHIRE Norwich
LEICESTER-
15
14 Leicester NORFOLK
Birmingham SHIRE
SHROPSHIRE

-
N
Coventry

E O
16

IR PT
E
IR

SH AM
H RADNOR-
NS WARWICK- 17

H
A SHIRE

RT
G 20 SHIRE SUFFOLK
DI

O
HEREFORD-

N
R

BR
CA SHIRE 18

EC HIR
PEMBROKE-

KN E
S
SHIRE

BU
O

-
IR RD
CK
CARMARTHEN- OXFORD-

CK HIRE

SH TFO
-
SHIRE SHIRE

E
GLOUCESTER-

ING
S

ER
GL SHIRE

H
HA
19 ESSEX
AM

.
OR

DX
-
GA BERK-

ID
N Bristol

M
SHIRE London

Bath WILTSHIRE
SURREY
KENT
HAMPSHIRE
SOMERSET
SUSSEX
Portsea Brighton
DEVONSHIRE
DORSET
Exeter

CORNWALL Plymouth

0 km 120

0 Miles 80

Map 1 Britain: Counties before 1974 and major towns in 1831

Note: Towns over 25,000 population are as shown in the 1831 census.
Source: Ordnance Survey Atlas of Great Britain and Census of Population (1831).
10/01/12 5:56 PM
Royle.indb xvi

Orkney Islands Shetland Islands

Aberdeen

Government Office Regions

Scotland
Dundee
Government Office Regions apply to England only.
Scotland, Northern Ireland and Wales are not Government
Office Regions, but are often used as equivalents for the
purpose of representing statistics that cover whole of the UK.
© Crown copyright. All rights reserved (ONS GD272183 2003).

Glasgow
Edinburgh

North
East
Newcastle
Northern Sunderland

Ireland
Middlesbrough
North
West Yorkshire and
The Humber
York

Blackpool Bradford Leeds

Blackburn Hull
Preston Huddersfield
Bolton Manchester
St Helens Oldham Rotherham
Liverpool
Stockport Sheffield
10/01/12 5:56 PM

East
Midlands
Stoke Derby Nottingham

Leicester Norwich
Walsall
Wolverhampton
West Bromwich Peterborough
Dudley Sutton Coldfield East of
Smethwick Birmingham
England
 Bolton Manchester
St Helens Oldham Rotherham
Royle.indb xvii

Liverpool
Stockport Sheffield
East
Midlands
Stoke Derby Nottingham

Leicester Norwich
Walsall
Wolverhampton
West Bromwich Peterborough
Dudley Sutton Coldfield East of
Smethwick Birmingham
Wales Northampton Cambridge England
West Coventry
Ipswich
Midlands
Luton Colchester
Oxford
Swansea Gloucester Watford
Newport Swindon Southend
Slough
Cardiff Bristol Reading London

South East Crawley

South West Southampton
Brighton
Exeter Poole Eastbourne
Bournemouth
Portsmouth
Plymouth
Map of the London Boroughs
Enfield

Barnet
Harrow Waltham
Harringay
Redbridge
Forest
Hillingdon Havering

Isli
Brent
e Hackney
Camden

ng
Barking&

ton
Dagenham
Tower Newham
Ealing 3 4 Hamlets
2 Southwark
1
Greenwich
Urban communities with 100,000 – 149,999 population Hounslow
Lambeth Bexley
Urban communities with 150,000 – 249,000 population Richmond
Wandsworth
Lewisham
Urban communities with over 250,000 population
Merton
Kingston
Bromley
Sutton Croydon

1 Hammersmith & Fulham

2 Kensington & Chelsea
3 City of Westminster
4 City of London

Map 2 Britain: Modern regions and major urban communities, 2001

Note: Urban communities have been identified from the 2001 census but are not necessarily the same as less compact administrative
units bearing the same name.
Source: Social Trends (2010) and Census of Population (2001).
10/01/12 5:56 PM
 Preface

S ocial history touches upon human relationships in every part of life, and as
such is beyond detailed treatment in any single textbook. Three principles
of selection have therefore been applied to the subject matter of this volume.
First, I have been aware of those topics – such as the standard of living, class,
radicalism, the labour movement, the poor law and the welfare state – that are
conventionally regarded as central to the history of society in courses offered
in schools, colleges and universities, and by those responsible for examining
students in these institutions. Second, I have tried to give emphasis to some
of those topics and approaches that have attracted the attention of scholars
working in the broad field of social history – urban history, demography, the
family, women’s history, crime, leisure, popular religion and literacy studies.
Third, I have attempted to follow some of those themes that are currently of
interest to all students of modern Britain in the hope that a long historical
perspective may lead to a clearer understanding of some of the major concerns
about contemporary British society – the environment, immigration, changing
moral values, consumerism, poverty, unemployment, the decline of Britain and
the impact of the electronic communications revolution.
Critics of the first edition of Modern Britain regretted that my Britain
did not include Ireland. This omission is deliberate, not only on account of
length but also of definition. The boundaries of the United Kingdom changed
significantly twice during the period covered by this book. The island of Great
Britain is a relative constant, so this is the Britain of the present study – the
history of society in England, Wales and Scotland. Even so, the three countries
have not been treated evenly throughout. Many published social statistics
bracket England and Wales, and make the task of isolating the separate
history of Wales a difficult one. And though Scotland has recently benefited
from excellent work on its own history, coverage remains patchy for some
topics dealt with extensively in English history. I hope I have nevertheless done
enough to show English students that Wales is different and that Scotland does
have its own past to be appreciated within the overall context of British history.
My approach has been almost entirely domestic, reflecting on the wider world
only when it has made a significant impact on Britain – whether slavery and the
fruits of empire or immigration and the creation of a multi-ethnic and possibly
multi-cultural Britain.
The approach is thematic, and largely chronological within each of
seven broad themes, although centres of discussion vary in accordance with
the principles outlined above. Most themes begin around the middle of the
eighteenth century and end with the present day. The conclusions reached about

xviii

Royle.indb xviii 10/01/12 5:56 PM

 PREFACE xix

the latter are necessarily even more personal and temporary than historical
judgements usually are. They are not intended to be polemical, though that
danger is inescapable in an age when social legislation and its consequences
are highly political matters, and there is no harm in students turning from
their books to discuss in an informed manner the world in which we live.
I do not wish to imply that ‘History’ recommends any particular course of
action for the reorganisation of modern social life, for history is inanimate
and teaches only those lessons that people choose to attribute to it. What the
historian can claim is that a knowledge of the past helps clear away some of the
misinformed prejudices on which politicians and others have frequently built
when wishing to enlist the past in their own cause. Those who would honestly
seek the wisdom to shape the future are invited first to understand the past for
its own sake and in its own context.
This third edition differs from the first two in a number of ways. Trying to bring
the themes up to date has sometimes meant a salutary recasting of my views about
the direction of recent trends, but more often the broad outlines of interpretation
have remained surprisingly resilient. I have tried to incorporate the most significant
new material that has been published over the past decade, although I have not felt
compelled by this to undertake a complete rewriting of the text. Since I first wrote,
women’s and gender histories have become more settled in the mainstream of
historical understanding than in their earlier, pioneering days; even greater caution
is now shown in the use of the language of class; cultural history has become
the vehicle for examining all aspects of human life and activity, and sociological
ideas about secularisation have been challenged by recent events and questioned
by historians who now take religious experience more seriously than was once
fashionable. These and other matters of emphasis will be found in the relevant
sections of the book. I have not recast my approach to be an explicitly cultural
one but have maintained the traditionally broad approach of social history, linking
it to both economic and political developments. I remain convinced that the pre-
eminent characteristic of British society over the period covered in this book is its
class structure. While recognising significant differences in the experiences of men
and women and of the many races that make up the British population, I have not
followed those scholars who emphasise gender and race as alternative ways of
thinking about society.
I have maintained the structure of the bibliography, with sections
corresponding roughly to the topics covered by the chapters in the book, but I
have omitted some older publications and added some of the many works that
have poured from the presses over the past decade. The intention is to provide
an easily located guide to further reading for students wishing to move on from
the general introduction provided in each of the sections and chapters of this
book to create their own extended piece of work or dissertation. For those
readers not requiring such an extensive listing, I have indicated the works with
which he or she might profitably start. One source not available a quarter of

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 xx PREFACE

a century ago is the Internet. I have used this for some of the details relating
to more recent times, and a few of the most useful sites are cited in the Notes
section. Where not otherwise indicated, statistics are drawn principally from
two government publications, the Annual Abstract of Statistics and Social
Trends, and from the website of the Office of National Statistics, www.ons.
gov.uk. Following current usage, I have taken the word ‘billion’ in its American
sense to mean 1,000 million.
In the preparation of this work I have been helped by many scholars whose
books and articles have taught me a great deal about unfamiliar things. Some,
but by no means all of them, are mentioned in the Further Reading section.
I should particularly like to acknowledge and thank those whose work I
have cited or quoted in the text: Faber & Faber, the UK publisher of the brief
quotations from T. S. Eliot on pages 392 and 397, and of Philip Larkin on
page 398, as well as Houghton Mifflin Harcourt, the US publisher of the same
T.S. Eliot excerpts, and Farrar, Straus and Giroux, the US publisher of the
same extract by Larkin; and Manchester University Press for permission to
re-use in Table 16.1, page 209, a version first published in my Revolutionary
Britannia (Manchester, 2000). I should also like to thank those many
generations of school and university students who have challenged me with
their insights, and have told me through their examination scripts what it is
that they have found hard to understand. I hope this book continues to help
them as they have helped me.
Edward Royle
York, 2011

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 PART ONE
The Changing Environment

P eople, not the environment, make history; yet the conditions under which
history is made are circumscribed by the physical environment – mountains,
marshes, fertile or infertile soils, availability of mineral resources and power
supplies, access to river transport and coastal waters, climate. Within these
limits man has exercised his ingenuity throughout the ages to control, exploit
and intentionally or otherwise change his environment. The history of the
past two and a half centuries reveals huge changes to almost every aspect of
the world around us, shaped by and shaping the lives of mankind. Much of
this might be judged for the better, but while some people in the past were
also aware of the environmental and human cost, only towards the end of
the twentieth century were the wider implications of human activity for the
environment clearly appreciated. Since the later eighteenth century society
has been increasingly reliant for power on carbon-based materials – first coal
and then, in the twentieth century, oil – while the older resources of wind
and water have been neglected. But the realisation that globally the climate
is being changed by the level of carbon emissions into the atmosphere has
challenged governments across the world to reconsider the implications for the
future of the planet of the modern way of living. In Britain this could mean
warmer summers and colder winters, a climate more hostile to native flora and
fauna and more friendly to predator species, and more extreme weather events
with water shortages, increased flooding and coastal erosion. Such possible
outcomes have raised policy questions for all the themes in this part of the
book: agriculture and the future of the countryside, industry and the economy,
urban living and methods of transport. The historian cannot see into the future,
but can help interpret the present by a better understanding of the past.

Royle.indb 1 10/01/12 5:56 PM

This page intentionally left blank
 1
The Countryside

W hen the poet William Cowper wrote ‘God made the country, and man
made the town’, he was indulging in a romantic fiction.1 In fact much
of the rural environment as we know it is also the product of human habitation
and a part of our social history. During the past 200 years man has exerted
control over his environment in ways undreamt of by his ancestors, and has
emancipated himself from many of the age-old constraints which kept his life,
in Hobbes’s celebrated words, ‘solitary, poor, nasty, brutish, and short’.2

The age of enclosure and improvement, 1750–1830

Figures for land use in the early eighteenth century are scarce and unreliable.
According to Gregory King in 1696, over a quarter of the 37.3 million acres
(15.1 million hectares) in England and Wales was under arable cultivation,
with another quarter under pasture and meadow and a further quarter waste
and barren land. At the same time, approaching three-quarters of the land
area of Scotland was thought to be uncultivable. In 1801 arable acreage in
England and Wales remained about the same, but the total acreage under
pasture and meadow had increased by some 20 per cent, and there had been
a similar decline in the acreage described as commons and wastes. Figures are
not available for Scotland, but it seems likely that the same trend occurred,
though a larger proportion of Scotland’s 19 million acres (7.7 million hectares)
remained waste, and a smaller proportion was under arable. Much of this
waste lay in the upland areas of northern and western Britain, but some land
remained to be reclaimed even on the outskirts of London.
The most striking change to the rural environment in many parts of the
countryside came with the enclosure of open fields, commons and wastes. The
extent of enclosure must not be exaggerated. In England, where much land was
already enclosed at the start of the eighteenth century, the main areas affected
lay in a central belt running north-eastwards from Berkshire and Oxfordshire
through the south and east Midlands into Norfolk, Lincolnshire and the East
Riding of Yorkshire. Here enclosure could mean both changing field patterns
and changing land use. Open strip-fields, radiating from nucleated settlements,
were replaced by hedged and ditched fields under single ownership, giving the
countryside a chequered appearance.

Royle.indb 3 10/01/12 5:56 PM

 4 MODERN BRITAIN

Crop yields increased by some 40 per cent during the course of the
eighteenth century. About two-thirds of this increase can be attributed to
the more intensive use of land, but historians are now less ready than were
contemporary propagandists of improvement to accept that enclosure was a
necessary part of this progress, or that the human costs were always outweighed
by the alleged benefits. Many of the advantages associated with enclosure
could have been secured without it by local co-operation, but during the later
eighteenth century parliamentary enclosure became the norm, involving not
only legal fees but also the costs of hedging, providing roads and allowing
land in lieu of a commuted tithe, all of which could bring the total costs of
enclosure to as much as £12 an acre (£5 a hectare). Where arable strips were
enclosed, those small proprietors who were unable to bear such costs could
find themselves reduced to labouring for those who had prospered from the
improvements. A more frequent problem, though, was the plight of those who
lived off the so-called wastes – common land to which they had no title –
who, when the commons were enclosed, found themselves without means of
support other than those offered by day labour, the poor law or emigration
to the towns.
In Scotland the situation was slightly different, but the outcome was the
same. Improvers initially tried to take account of the welfare of the small
landholders, who were invariably tenants, not owners as in England. New
planned villages were created to act as markets and centres of alternative
employment, but this was possible only so long as rural industry was able to
compete with the growing specialist production of the towns. On many estates
in the Highlands the improvers were reluctant to disrupt settled communities,
and enclosure took place mainly on commons and in the outfields, but some
crofters were driven to seek a new livelihood gathering kelp along the shoreline
as an expansion in sheep farming pushed them off their holdings inland.
Enclosure did not become widespread until the second half of the eighteenth
century, when grain prices rose with population growth. New peaks were
reached in the 1770s, and again during the French and Napoleonic Wars, when
high prices justified investment in enclosing and improving commons and
marginal or ‘waste’ land. But the drive for enclosure and general agricultural
improvement has been attributed not only to the market but also to fashion
and the demands of an increasingly expensive aristocratic lifestyle calling for
a maximisation of rent-rolls. These two factors came together in that most
striking feature of the eighteenth-century landscape, the enclosed park, of
which several hundred were designed during the course of the century – nearly
200 by Lancelot (‘Capability’) Brown (1715–83) alone. By the beginning of
the nineteenth century the results of this work were evident in thousands of
acres of rolling ‘natural’ parkland, liberally planted with trees. Seldom can
the indulgence of a few have contributed so greatly to the enrichment of the
environment of the many in later generations.

Royle.indb 4 10/01/12 5:56 PM

 THE COUNTRYSIDE 5

The significance of this agricultural improvement lies not simply in its effect
on the environment as perceived in field patterns, drained fens, reclaimed
wastes and country parks, but in its economic and social importance for the
lives of all the people of Britain. For, without a strong agricultural sector,
the economy could not have supported the rapidly growing population, an
increasing proportion of which was engaged in non-agricultural pursuits and
lived in an urban environment.

The Victorian countryside, 1830–1914

Those changes in the appearance of the countryside that are usually associated
with the age of enclosure were largely (though not entirely) completed by
1830, but it would be a mistake to think of the rest of the nineteenth century
as a period of stability. Changes continued to take place, the cumulative effects
of which were quite as dramatic as those of the earlier period. And though the
characteristic land pattern of the nineteenth century was of roughly equal-
sized, rectangular fields (easier to plough and convenient for crop rotation),
regional variations were still paramount. Change occurred unevenly, and in
different ways according to soil type, distance from markets and local custom.
The major natural determinants of land use were altitude and the nature of the
soil, whether light chalk or sand, or heavy clay. The great achievement of the
agricultural improvers of the later eighteenth century had been to bring the light
soils into arable cultivation, especially in the south-eastern part of England.
Once suitably cared for with manures, liming, marling and crop rotations,
they were by far superior to the heavy clays for growing wheat. The clays, by
contrast, were less efficient and always liable to become uneconomic in times
of depression, such as followed the ending of the wars in 1815. It was to help
farmers on these lands that Sir Robert Peel in 1846 associated government aid
for land drainage with the removal of agricultural protection. The invention of
the mole plough to cut underground drainage channels and the use of cheap
clay pipes in place of the old ridge-and-furrow system of surface drainage,
created the possibility of a more efficient high farming even on heavy clay
soils, but the latter remained second best to the lighter soils, which retained
their warmth into the autumn, released their nutrients more readily, offered dry
grazing for sheep and were more easily and cheaply worked.
The late 1870s proved a turning point in the history of land usage in the
wheat-growing areas of England – areas that provided the financial backbone
of two of the main institutions of political England, the Church and the
aristocracy. Cold wet summers were reported every year between 1877 and
1882, at a time when alternative supplies of wheat were becoming available
from North America. This competition reduced prices everywhere, but it was

Royle.indb 5 10/01/12 5:56 PM

 6 MODERN BRITAIN

the clay lands that suffered most. In western and northern parts, where arable
farming had usually taken second place to pasture, much land passed out of
tillage completely as farmers concentrated on supplying beef cattle for the
expanding urban market. Cattle breeding prospered in north-eastern Scotland
and in Cumberland. As the acreage under wheat fell in the last third of the
century, the number of cattle rose from 104,184 in 1867 to 149,313 in 1899.
The response of some farmers on the more depressed clay lands of the south-
east was to economise on labour by allowing arable land to go to grass, even
rough grass, and to maintain their hedges and ditches less regularly. Some land
went out of production entirely in parts of Essex, and tenancies were taken
over by Scotsmen from Ayrshire who turned to milk production for the London
market. Between 1866 and 1880 the volume of milk being imported into the
capital by rail rose from 7 million gallons (32 million litres) to 20 million (91
million litres). Other urban centres throughout the country had a similar effect
on their agricultural environs. Leicestershire sent milk to the West Riding and
even Newcastle, Ayrshire supplied Glasgow, Cheshire provided for Manchester
and Liverpool. Urban demand, rail transport and the need of farmers to diversify
production also encouraged the development of market gardening. Carrots
were grown in the fens round Chatteris, and peas in Essex; Cornwall specialised
in broccoli and early potatoes. Lincolnshire around Spalding turned to flowers
as a commercial crop. Over 300 acres (120 hectares) were under glass in the
Lea Valley in the 1890s, supplying tomatoes, grapes and flowers to London.
Fruit farming spread from the West Country to Kent, where hop farmers were
suffering from overproduction, and to Cambridgeshire, where William and
John Chivers began manufacturing jam at Histon in 1873. Everywhere local
specialisation in response to accessible markets was transforming the face of
agriculture, and the definition of ‘accessible’ was constantly changing as the
railway network reached into the furthest corners of the kingdom.
Increasingly the demands of industry and city dwellers made their impact
on the face of the countryside, as land was given over for quarries, mines, spoil
heaps and reservoirs as well as railway lines, embankments and stations. The
landscaped park of the eighteenth century continued in fashion, as men who
had made money in industry sought rural retreats appropriate to their wealth
and social standing, and away from the dirt and smoke that had generated
their fortunes. The new rich also made their impact on the countryside as
they followed their Queen into the Scottish Highlands, where sheep farming
was giving way before the higher rentals that could be had from deer forests,
grouse-shooting and river-fishing. At the beginning of the 1870s the sporting
valuations of parishes in the Highland region represented 13.4 per cent of their
total valuations; by 1911–12 the proportion had risen to 27.7 per cent, and was
as high as 38 per cent in the west. Shooting also came to play a prominent part
in the economy of parts of England. The partridge was said to be ‘the salvation
of Norfolk farming’, as houses and land were let out to shooting tenants.3

Royle.indb 6 10/01/12 5:56 PM

 THE COUNTRYSIDE 7

The twentieth-century countryside

The First World War temporarily restored some of that protection which
improvements in transportation had removed in the 1870s. The acreage
devoted to cereal production was increased, especially following the poor
harvest of 1916, when the government intervened with guaranteed cereal
prices to encourage output: in 1918 more acres were under wheat than at any
time since 1884, while the area under permanent pasture was at its lowest since
1890. But with the return to normal conditions and the repeal of the Corn
Production Act in 1921, agricultural depression returned as imports flooded
the country. The value of farm produce was halved between 1920 and 1922
and, although meat prices held up better than most, no sector of the farming
community was immune. Marginal land again reverted to rough pasture, and
uneconomic holdings were abandoned. Output fell by 3.1 per cent per annum
in the interwar years. The victims of depression were, as often as not, small
farmers, many of whom had only recently purchased tenancies from their
landlords in the boom years of 1918–21. With the collapse in farm incomes,
their de facto new landlords became the banks.
Economic prospects were as bleak in the countryside as in the old industrial
areas. Protection in 1932 brought some relief, but it was the Second World War
that marked the real turning point in the fortunes of agriculture. After the war
the policy of loans, subsidies and controls, which had increased the acreage
devoted to cereals and root crops by over 60 per cent between 1939 and 1945,
was continued to ensure that, unlike in the 1820s and 1920s, the 1950s would
not see a collapse in post-war farm prices. Guaranteed prosperity ensured
investment in new machinery and fertilisers. Though the number of horses in
agriculture had been falling in the 1930s, a dramatic increase in the use of tractors
on the farms of Britain came during the war. Thereafter, agriculture increasingly
came to be thought of as another industry, using sophisticated and expensive
machinery and pushing productivity up to record levels. Wheat production by
the mid-1960s actually exceeded that of the best war years, although the acreage
was 27 per cent less. Much of this higher output arose from the exploitation
of large farms in the south and east of England, increasingly owned by City
interests with the necessary capital to invest in the efficient maximisation of
productivity in land and labour. The result by the 1980s was a greatly expanded
output at artificially high prices without regard to the level of actual demand,
an approach to farming encouraged by the European Union (EU), which Britain
joined in January 1973. The Common Agricultural Policy had been designed
in 1962 with smaller continental farmers in mind, to buy-in produce when the
price fell below a certain level, thus creating an artificial market and leading to
stockpiling surplus produce in order to maintain price levels.
The same relative prosperity was experienced in other sectors, especially
dairying, and government grants brought some aid even to those experiencing

Royle.indb 7 10/01/12 5:56 PM

 8 MODERN BRITAIN

most hardship – the upland farmers, especially of Wales and northern Scotland.
British farms had 12 per cent more cattle, 46 per cent more sheep, 173 per cent
more pigs and 43 per cent more poultry in 1965 than in 1950, and the numbers
of all animals (except horses) were higher at this date than they had been even
at the beginning of the century, despite the fact that the country was less rural,
and the countryside less agricultural, than ever before.
Such economic success was achieved only at the cost of considerable change
in the appearance of the countryside. In the 1950s, about 50,000 acres (over
20,000 hectares) of wetland were being reclaimed each year; by 1980 the figure
had risen to 300,000 (120,000 hectares). About a third of the 60,000 acres
(25,000 hectares) of Exmoor was ploughed up between 1945 and 1980, a
quarter of the chalk downland of Dorset was put to the plough in the 1950s
and 1960s, and by 1980 half the pre-war acreage of the Wiltshire downs had
similarly been lost. To economise on labour and save valuable land, hedgerows
were everywhere being grubbed out and trees destroyed, either to be replaced
by wire fences or to make way for ‘prairie’-style farming, with huge fields more
suited to the use of large machinery.
On top of this change in the appearance of the countryside came one of the
greatest ecological disasters of the century, when two-thirds of the 23 million
elm trees south of a line from Birmingham to the Wash were destroyed by Dutch
elm disease in the 1970s. But if such developments were of great concern to
conservationists, the latter were equally unhappy with the policy of afforestation,
which radically altered the appearance of many highland parts of Britain.
A survey of land use throughout the United Kingdom (i.e. including
Northern Ireland) in 2009 showed a total land area of some 60 million acres
(24.2 million hectares), with 77 per cent classified as agricultural and 61 per
cent as permanent grazing and rough pasture.4 Much of the rest – some 11.7
million acres (4.7 million hectares) – was under crops, chiefly wheat, followed
by barley, but oilseed rape, virtually unknown before the 1970s, had become
the principal rotation crop on cereal farms, encouraged by EU funding and
with the added benefit of a ready market for its oil in the food processing
industry and, latterly, for biofuels. By 2009, around 1.5 million acres (613,000
hectares), about a third of the area under wheat and over half that under barley,
were devoted to this familiar yellow crop with its strong scent transforming the
appearance and smell of the countryside in early summer.
With the intensification of agricultural methods, the need to preserve the
rural environment became increasingly apparent, and the view developed
that farmers should be paid not so much to be producers from the land as to
be its conservators. This shift in emphasis was aided by grants made by the
European Union to control the use made of agricultural land. By 1994, 39
environmentally sensitive areas had been identified, covering over 7.6 million
acres (3.1 million hectares), with farmers receiving nearly £19 million to use
less intensive methods of cultivation and grazing, and to preserve grasslands.

Royle.indb 8 10/01/12 5:56 PM

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Walfran Research and Educational Fund; 14Dec73; MP25070.

MP25071.
The Language of medicine. Lesson no. 2. 7 min., sd., color,
videotape (3/4 inch) in cassette. Appl. au.: Wallace J. Vnuk. ©
Walfran Research and Educational Fund; 14Dec73; MP25071.

MP25072.
The Language of medicine. Lesson no. 3. 15 min., sd., color,
videotape (3/4 inch) in cassette. Appl. au.: Wallace J. Vnuk. ©
Walfran Research and Educational Fund; 14Dec73; MP25072.

MP25073.
The Language of medicine. Lesson no. 4. 14 min., sd., color,
videotape (3/4 inch) in cassette. Appl. au.: Wallace J. Vnuk. ©
Walfran Research and Educational Fund; 14Dec73; MP25073.

MP25074.
The Language of medicine. Lesson no. 5. 10 min., sd., color,
videotape (3/4 inch) in cassette. Appl. au.: Wallace J. Vnuk. ©
Walfran Research and Educational Fund; 14Dec73; MP25074.
MP25075.
The Language of medicine. Lesson no. 6. 17 min., sd., color,
videotape (3/4 inch) in cassette. Appl. au.: Wallace J. Vnuk. ©
Walfran Research and Educational Fund; 14Dec73; MP25075.

MP25076.
Feelings. United Methodist Communications. 29 min., videotape
(3/4 inch) in cassette. (Learning to live) © Trafco, Inc.; 15Jan74 (in
notice: 1973); MP25076.

MP25077.
Ego states. United Methodist Communications. 29 min., videotape
(3/4 inch) in cassette. (Learning to live) © Trafco, Inc.; 15Jan74 (in
notice: 1973); MP25077.

MP25078.
Games. United Methodist Communications. 29 min., videotape
(3/4 inch) in cassette. (Learning to live) © Trafco, Inc.; 15Jan74 (in
notice: 1973); MP25078.

MP25079.
Time structures. United Methodist Communications. 29 min.,
videotape (3/4 inch) in cassette. (Learning to live) © Trafco, Inc.;
15Jan74 (in notice: 1973); MP25079.

MP25080.
Scripts “B.” United Methodist Communications. 29 min.,
videotape (3/4 inch) in cassette. (Learning to live) © Trafco, Inc.;
15Jan74 (in notice: 1973); MP25080.

MP25081.
 Scripts “A.” United Methodist Communications. 29 min.,
videotape (3/4 inch) in cassette. (Learning to live) © Trafco, Inc.;
15Jan74 (in notice: 1973); MP25081.

MP25082.
Strokes. United Methodist Communications. 29 min., videotape
(3/4 inch) in cassette. (Learning to live) © Trafco, Inc.; 15Jan74 (in
notice: 1973); MP25082.

MP25083.
Transactions. United Methodist Communications. 29 min.,
videotape (3/4 inch) in cassette. (Learning to live) © Trafco, Inc.;
15Jan74 (in notice: 1973); MP25083.

MP25084.
A Conversation with President Tito. A production of CBS News. 30
min., sd., color, 16 mm. (CBS News special report) © Columbia
Broadcasting System, Inc.; 25Oct71; MP25084.

MP25085.
Search for the Goddess of Love. CBS News. Produced in
association with the Smithsonian Institution. 60 min., sd., color, 16
mm. (Smithsonian adventure) © Columbia Broadcasting System,
Inc.; 13Jun71; MP25085.

MP25086.
The Court and a free press. A production of CBS News. 60 min.,
sd., b&w, 16 mm. (CBS News special report) © Columbia
Broadcasting System, Inc.; 1Jul71; MP25086.

MP25087.
Louis Armstrong: 1900–1971. A production of CBS News. 60 min.,
sd., color, 16 mm. (CBS News special) © Columbia Broadcasting
System, Inc.; 9Jul71; MP25087.

MP25088.
The Year 1200. A production of CBS News. 60 min., sd., b&w, 16
mm. (CBS News special) © Columbia Broadcasting System, Inc.;
9Aug71 (in notice: 1970); MP25088.

MP25089.
The Chappaquiddick report. A production of CBS News. 30 min.,
sd., b&w, 16 mm. (CBS News special) © Columbia Broadcasting
System, Inc.; 29Apr70; MP25089.

MP25090.
Where we stand in Cambodia. A production of CBS News. 60 min.,
sd., b&w, 16 mm. (CBS News special) © Columbia Broadcasting
System, Inc.; 3May70; MP25090.

MP25091.
The Catholic dilemma. A production of CBS News. 60 min., sd.,
b&w, 16 mm. (CBS News special) © Columbia Broadcasting System,
Inc.; 5Oct70; MP25091.

MP25092.
The Court martial of William Calley. A production of CBS News.
30 min., sd., b&w, 16 mm. (CBS News special report) © Columbia
Broadcasting System, Inc.; 29Mar71; MP25092.

MP25093.
The Economy: a new way to go. A production of CBS News. 60
min., sd., b&w, 16 mm. (CBS News special report) © Columbia
Broadcasting System, Inc.; 15Aug71; MP25093.
MP25094.
Reston on China: a conversation with Eric Sevareid. A production
of CBS News. 60 min., sd., b&w, 16 mm. (CBS News special report)
© Columbia Broadcasting System., Inc.; 30Aug71; MP25094.

MP25095.
The World of Charlie Company. A production of CBS News. 60
min., sd., b&w, 16 mm. (CBS News special report) © Columbia
Broadcasting System, Inc.; 13Jul70; MP25095.

MP25096.
Voices from the Russian underground. A production of CBS News.
60 min., sd., b&w, 16 mm. (CBS News special report) © Columbia
Broadcasting System, Inc.; 27Jul70; MP25096.

MP25097.
Blue Christmas? An inquiry into the state of the economy. A
production of CBS News. 60 min., sd., b&w, 16 mm. (CBS News
special report) © Columbia Broadcasting System, Inc.; 1Dec70;
MP25097.

MP25098.
Is mercury a menace? A production of CBS News. 30 min., sd.,
b&w, 16 mm. (CBS News special) © Columbia Broadcasting System,
Inc.; 11Jan71; MP25098.

MP25099.
Southern exposures. A production of CBS News. 30 min., sd., b&w,
16 mm. (CBS News special) © Columbia Broadcasting System, Inc.;
3May71; MP25099.

MP25100.
 On the road with Charles Kuralt. A production of CBS News. 60
min., sd., b&w, 16 mm. (CBS News special) © Columbia
Broadcasting System, Inc.; 6Sep71; MP25100.

MP25101.
Sixty minutes. Vol. 3, no. 12. A production of CBS News. 60 min.,
sd., b&w, 16 mm. © Columbia Broadcasting System, Inc.; 2Mar71;
MP25101.

MP25102.
Sixty minutes. Vol. 4, no. 8. A production of CBS News. 60 min.,
sd., b&w, 16 mm. © Columbia Broadcasting System, Inc.; 25Nov71;
MP25102.

MP25103.
Sixty minutes. Vol. 4, no. 9. A production of CBS News. 60 min.,
sd., b&w, 16 mm. © Columbia Broadcasting System, Inc.; 28Nov71;
MP25103.

MP25104.
Kids! 53 things to know about health, sex and growing up. A
production of CBS News. 60 min., sd., b&w, 16 mm. (CBS News
special) © Columbia Broadcasting System, Inc.; 26Jan71; MP25104.

MP25105.
New voices in the South. A production of CBS News. 30 min., sd.,
b&w, 16 mm. (CBS News special) © Columbia Broadcasting System,
Inc.; 8Mar71; MP25105.

MP25106.
Reischauer on Asia. A production of CBS News. 30 min., sd., b&w,
16 mm. (CBS News special) © Columbia Broadcasting System, Inc.;
6Jul71; MP25106.
MP25107.
The Correspondents report. Pt. 2: America and the world. A
production of CBS News. 60 min., sd., b&w, 16 mm. (CBS News
special) © Columbia Broadcasting System, Inc.; 30Dec71; MP25107.

MP25108.
Pandora’s box. Perspective Films. 8 min., sd., color, 16 mm. ©
Perspective Films, a division of Esquire, Inc.; 22Jan74; MP25108.

MP25109.
Kyoto: exploring with Larry. A Coronet film. 10 min., sd., color, 16
mm. © Coronet Instructional Media, a division of Esquire, Inc.;
14Jan74; MP25109.

MP25110.
Hong Kong: wandering with Rick. A Coronet film. 10 min., sd.,
color, 16 mm. © Coronet Instructional Media, a division of Esquire,
Inc.; 15Jan74; MP25110.

MP25111.
Ball game. A film by Evelyn Marienberg. 1 min., sd., color, 16 mm.
© Evelyn Marienberg; 15Mar74; MP25111.

MP25112.
To a babysitter. An Alfred Higgins production. 2nd ed. 17 min., sd.,
color, 16 mm. © Alfred Higgins Productions, Inc.; 14Mar74;
MP25112.

MP25113.
Elementary natural science — songbirds. Centron Educational
Films. Produced in collaboration with Centron Corporation. 13 min.,
sd., color, 16 mm. © Centron Corporation, Inc.; 15Mar74; MP25113.
MP25114.
Tornado. 6 min., si., color, Super 8 mm. Appl. au.: Donald D.
Patterson. Prev. reg. 17Dec73, MU8857. © Donald D. Patterson;
20Dec73; MP25114.

MP25115.
Feeding. Sutherland Learning Associates. 10 min., sd., color, Super
8 mm. (Rocom Parentaid film system, parent counseling child care)
Prev. pub. 29Oct70. NM: editorial revision. © Hoffmann LaRoche,
Inc.; 29Jun73; MP25115.

MP25116.
Growth and development, toilet training. Sutherland Learning
Associates. 9 min., sd., color, Super 8 mm. (Rocom Parentaid film
system, parent counseling child care) Prev. pub. 29Oct70. NM:
editorial revision. © Hoffmann LaRoche, Inc.; 29Jun73; MP25116.

MP25117.
Troubles in the digestive tract. Sutherland Learning Associates. 10
min., sd., color, Super 8 mm. (Rocom Parentaid film system, parent
counseling child care) Prev. pub. 29Oct70. NM: editorial revision. ©
Hoffmann LaRoche, Inc.; 29Jun73; MP25117.

MP25118.
Respiratory problems. Sutherland Learning Associates. 9 min., sd.,
color, Super 8 mm. (Rocom Parentaid film system, parent counseling
child care) Prev. pub. 29Oct70. NM: editorial revision. © Hoffmann
LaRoche, Inc.; 29Jun73; MP25118.

MP25119.
Medication and treatment, your child’s eyes. Sutherland Learning
Associates. 8 min., sd., color, Super 8 mm. (Rocom Parentaid film
system, parent counseling child care) Prev. pub. 29Oct70. NM:
editorial revision. © Hoffmann LaRoche, Inc.; 29Jun73; MP25119.

MP25120.
Temperature. Sutherland Learning Associates. 5 min., sd., color,
Super 8 mm. (Rocom Parentaid film system, parent counseling child
care) Prev. pub. 29Oct70. NM: editorial revision. © Hoffmann
LaRoche, Inc.; 29Jun73; MP25120.

MP25121.
Allergy. Sutherland Learning Associates. 8 min., sd., color, Super 8
mm. (Rocom Parentaid film system, parent counseling child care)
Prev. pub. 29Oct70. NM: editorial revision. © Hoffmann LaRoche,
Inc.; 29Jun73; MP25121.

MP25122.
Accident prevention. Sutherland Learning Associates. 10 min., sd.,
color, Super 8 mm. (Rocom Parentaid film system, parent counseling
child care) Prev. pub. 29Oct70, MP22907. NM: editorial revision. ©
Hoffmann LaRoche, Inc.; 29Jun73; MP25122.

MP25123.
The Fussy baby. Sutherland Learning Associates. 8 min., sd., color,
Super 8 mm. (Rocom Parentaid film system, parent counseling child
care) Prev. pub. 29Oct70. NM: editorial revision. © Hoffmann
LaRoche, Inc.; 29Jun73; MP25123.

MP25124.
Immunizations. Sutherland Learning Associates. 6 min., sd., color,
Super 8 mm. (Rocom Parentaid film system, parent counseling child
care) Prev. pub. 29Oct70. NM: editorial revision. © Hoffmann
LaRoche, Inc.; 29Jun73; MP25124.