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 This volume presents an anthology of primary material relating

Literature of the Stuart successions

to the six Stuart successions (1603, 1625, 1660, 1685, 1688–9,
1702), which punctuated a turbulent and pivotal hundred years
of British history. This period also included two accessions to the
role of Lord Protector: those of Oliver and Richard Cromwell.
Each succession generated an outpouring of publications in a wide
range of forms and genres, including speeches, diary entries, news
reports, letters and sermons. Above all, successions were marked
by a wealth of poetry, by writers including Ben Jonson, Andrew
Marvell, Aphra Behn and John Dryden. This important material
reflects in fascinating ways upon both the particular moments of
transition, and the contested and changing political values of the
Stuart century.
By gathering together some of the very best Stuart succession
writing, Literature of the Stuart successions offers new and
enlightening perspectives on the history and culture of the period.
It includes fifty texts (or extracts), selected to demonstrate the
breadth and significance of succession writing. Additional material
guides readers through the period and supports them in their
engagement with particular pieces. The texts are modernised, and
are preceded by a substantial general introduction, while each
section has an additional introduction, and each text is preceded by
An anthology
a headnote. Textual annotation aims to explain and contextualise
this rich and complex collection of material. Designed for use by
students, Literature of the Stuart successions will also appeal to readers
with a general interest in the Stuarts.

Andrew McRae is Professor of Renaissance Studies at the University

JOHN WEST
ANDREW McRAE &
of Exeter
John West is Assistant Professor of Seventeenth-Century Literature and
Culture at the University of Warwick

Front cover:
‘The Progenie of the Most Renowned Prince James
King of Great Britaine France and Ireland’, 1624–35.
Print made by Gerrit Mountin, published by William
Riddiard. © The Trustees of the British Museum
ISBN 978-1-5261-0462-5

9 781526 104625 > ANDREW McRAE & JOHN WEST

www.manchesteruniversitypress.co.uk

9781526104625_CVR.indd 1 28/07/2017 12:36

Literature of the Stuart successions
Literature of the Stuart successions
An anthology

Edited by Andrew McRae and

John West

Manchester University Press

Editorial matter copyright © Andrew McRae and John West 2017

All other matter copyright © as acknowledged

The right of Andrew McRae and John West to be identified as the editors of this work has
been asserted by them in accordance with the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988.

Published by Manchester University Press

Altrincham Street, Manchester M1 7JA

www.manchesteruniversitypress.co.uk

British Library Cataloguing-in-Publication Data

A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library

ISBN 978 1 5261 0463 2 hardback

ISBN 978 1 5261 0462 5 paperback

First published 2017

The publisher has no responsibility for the persistence or accuracy of URLs for any
external or third-party internet websites referred to in this book, and does not guarantee
that any content on such websites is, or will remain, accurate or appropriate.

Typeset by
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 Contents

List of figures page ix

Acknowledgements and conventionsx
List of abbreviationsxi

General introduction 1

Part I: 1603

Introduction29
I.1 A Proclamation Declaring the Undoubted Right of our Sovereign Lord
King James, to the Crown of the Realms of England, France and Ireland
(1603) 32
I.2 Richard Niccols, ‘A True Subject’s Sorrow, for the Loss of his Late
Sovereign’ (1603) 35
I.3 Michael Drayton, To the Majesty of King James (1603) 38
I.4 Sir John Davies, ‘The King’s Welcome’ and ‘To the Queen at the
Same Time’ (1603) 46
I.5 A New Song to the Great Comfort and Rejoicing of All True English
Hearts, at our Most Gracious King James his Proclamation, upon the 24 of
March Last Past in the City of London (1603) 51
I.6 Thomas Dekker, from The Whole Magnificent Entertainment: Given to
King James, Queen Anne his Wife, and Henry Frederick the Prince, upon
the Day of His Majesty’s Triumphant Passage (from the Tower) through his
Honourable Citie (and Chamber) of London (1604) 55
I.7 Ben Jonson, ‘A Panegyre on the Happy Entrance of James our
Sovereign to his First High Session of Parliament’ (1604) 62
vi Contents

I.8 King James, from The Kings Majesty’s Speech, as it was Delivered by
him in the Upper House of the Parliament (1604) 68

Part II: 1625

Introduction 77
II.1 John Rous, from his diary (27 March 1625) 79
II.2 James Shirley, ‘Upon the Death of King James’ (1646) 81
II.3 John Donne, from The First Sermon Preached to King Charles (1625) 84
II.4 From A True Discourse of All the Royal Passages, Triumphs and
Ceremonies, Observed at the Contract and Marriage of the High and
Mighty Charles, King of Great Britain, and the Most Excellentest of Ladies,
the Lady Henrietta Maria of Bourbon (1625) 90
II.5 George Eglisham, from The Forerunner of Revenge. Upon the Duke of
Buckingham, for the Poisoning of the Most Potent King James of Happy
Memory King of Great Britain, and the Lord Marquis of Hamilton, and
Others of the Nobility (1626) 93
II.6 William Drummond of Hawthornden, from The Entertainment of the
High and Mighty Monarch Charles (1633) 98

Part III: 1653 and 1658

Introduction 105
III.1 [Marchamont Nedham], from Mercurius Politicus, 184 (December
1653) 107
III.2 ‘The Character of a Protector’ (c. 1654) 111
III.3 Andrew Marvell, The First Anniversary of the Government under his
Highness the Lord Protector (1655) 113
III.4 From The Public Intelligencer, 152 (November 1658) 128
III.5 John Dryden, Heroic Stanzas, Consecrated to the Glorious Memory of
his Most Serene and Renowned Highness Oliver Late Lord Protector of this
Commonwealth, &c. Written after the Celebration of his Funeral (1659) 132
III.6 The World in a Maze, or, Oliver’s Ghost (1659) 141

Part IV: 1660

Introduction 149
IV.1 The Declaration of Breda (1660) 151
IV.2 John Milton, from The Ready and Easy Way to Establish a Free
Commonwealth (1660) 154
 Contents  vii

IV.3 Samuel Pepys, from his diary (25 May 1660) 160
IV.4 Martin Parker, The King Enjoys his Own Again. To be Joyfully Sung,
with its Own Proper Tune (c. 1660) 163
IV.5 John Dryden, Astraea Redux. A Poem on the Happy Restoration and
Return of his Sacred Majesty Charles the Second (1660) 167
IV.6 Rachel Jevon, Exultationis Carmen: To the Kings Most Excellent Majesty
upon his Most Desired Return (1660) 179
IV.7 John Crouch, The Muses’ Joy for the Happy Arrival and Recovery of that
Weeping Vine Henrietta-Maria, the Most Illustrious Queen-Mother, and
her Royal Branches (1660) 186
IV.8 Edmund Waller, A Poem on St James’s Park as Lately Improved by His
Majesty (1661) 193

Part V: 1685

Introduction 201
V.1 John Dryden, Threnodia Augustalis: A Funeral-Pindaric Poem Sacred to
the Happy Memory of King Charles II (1685) 204
V.2 James II, An Account of What His Majesty Said at his First Coming to
Council (1685) 224
V.3 Elinor James, The Humble Petition of Elinor James (1685) 226
V.4 W[illiam] P[enn] (?), Tears Wiped Off, or The Second Essay of the
Quakers by Way of Poetry: Occasioned by the Coronation of James and
Mary (1685) 229
V.5 Francis Turner, from A Sermon Preached before their Majesties
K. James II and Queen Mary at their Coronation in Westminster Abbey,
April 23, 1685 235
V.6 England’s Royal Renown, in the Coronation of our Gracious Sovereign
King James the 2nd. and his Royal Consort Queen Mary, who were Both
Crowned at Westminster, the Twenty-Third of April, 1685. To the Tune
of, The Cannons Roar (1685) 240
V.7 Aphra Behn, A Poem Humbly Dedicated to the Great Pattern of Piety
and Virtue Catherine Queen Dowager. On the Death of her Dear Lord and
Husband King Charles II (1685) 243

Part VI: 1688–89

Introduction 251
VI.1 John Evelyn, from his diary (8 November 1688) 254
viii Contents

VI.2 Gilbert Burnet, from A Sermon Preached in the Chapel of St James’s,

before his Highness the Prince of Orange, the 23d of December, 1688
(1689) 256
VI.3 Aphra Behn, A Pindaric Poem to the Reverend Doctor Burnet, on the
Honour he did me of Enquiring after me and my Muse (1689) 259
VI.4 Thomas Shadwell, The Address of John Dryden, Laureate to his Highness
the Prince of Orange (1689) 264
VI.5 Elkanah Settle, ‘Britain’s Address to the Prince of Orange’ (1689) 271
VI.6 On the Occasion of the Descent of his Highness the Prince of Orange into
England, and their Highnesses Accession to the Crown. A Pindaric
Ode (1689) 274
VI.7 The Protestant’s Ave Mary, on the Arrival of her Most Gracious Majesty,
Mary, Queen of England (1689) 280
VI.8 A Letter from a Gentleman in the Country to his Correspondent in the City,
Concerning the Coronation Medal, Distributed April 11. 1689 (1689) 285

Part VII: 1702

Introduction 293
VII.1 Queen Anne, from ‘The Queen’s Speech in Parliament’ (1702) 295
VII.2 England’s Triumph, in the Joyful Coronation of a Protestant Queen: Or,
an Acrostic upon Anne, Queen of England, Scotland, France and Ireland
(1702) 297
VII.3 The English Muse: Or, a Congratulatory Poem (1702) 299
VII.4 From Albina, or The Coronation (1702) 311
VII.5 John Tutchin, from The Observator (22 April 1702) 317
VII.6 Bevil Higgons (?), ‘The Mourners’ (1703) 320
VII.7 William Walsh, To the Queen on her Coronation Day (1706) 322
 Figures

1 Frontispiece to Konincklijcke beeltenis, ofte Waerachtige historie van Karel

de II. koninck van Groot Britannien (1661); reproduced by permission of
the Folger Shakespeare Library page 5
2 Sir Anthony Van Dyck, Charles I and Henrietta Maria with their Two
Eldest Children, Prince Charles and Princess Mary (1631–32); reproduced
by permission of Royal Collection Trust / © Her Majesty Queen
Elizabeth II 2016 6
3 Frontispiece to John Gauden, Eikon Basilike (1649); reproduced by
permission of the Folger Shakespeare Library 11
4 Image from Some Farther Intelligence of the Affairs of England. The Death
of the Renowned Oliver Lord Protector of England, Scotland, and Ireland
(1659); reproduced by permission of the Folger Shakespeare Library 12
5 Image from Stephen Harrison, The Arches of Triumph Erected in Honor of
the High and Mighty Prince James I (1604); reproduced by permission of
the Bodleian Libraries, University of Oxford 15
6 Image from Francis Sandford, The History of the Coronation of the
Most High, Most Mighty, and Most Excellent Monarch, James II (1687);
reproduced by permission of the Folger Shakespeare Library 16
7 HCR9649 1689 coronation medal for William III and Mary II, silver;
image © Ashmolean Museum, University of Oxford 18
 Acknowledgements and conventions

This book was produced as a result of the Stuart Successions Project, a col-
laboration between the universities of Exeter and Oxford, funded by the Arts and
Humanities Research Council. We wish to thank the universities, and especially
the AHRC, for their support. We also acknowledge the contributions of other
project team members: Paulina Kewes, Joseph Hone and Anna-Marie Linnell.
And we note that the Stuart Successions Project was conceived and developed
in collaboration with the late Kevin Sharpe. Although Kevin died – too young –
shortly after the grant was awarded, the project was greatly indebted to his work.
As a friend and colleague, he is greatly missed.
In our annotation of the texts, we benefited from generous advice from a
number of people, including Alastair Bellany, Daniel Cattell, David Colclough,
Karen Edwards, Neil Guthrie, Joseph Hone, Paulina Kewes, Gerald Maclean and
Philip Schwyzer.
This anthology is designed to be compatible with other outputs from the Stuart
Successions Project. These include a volume of essays, Literature of the Stuart
Successions, ed. Paulina Kewes and Andrew McRae (Oxford: Oxford University
Press, forthcoming); and an open-access database of Stuart succession literature,
http://stuarts.exeter.ac.uk/database/. We have also developed the website
‘Stuarts Online’ (http://stuarts-online.com/) to support education in this rich
field.
Spelling and punctuation have been modernized lightly in all texts, in order
to improve the experience of reading but with a view to retaining the authors’
original intentions. All references to the Bible are to the Authorized (King James)
Version.
 Abbreviations

Hammond The Poems of John Dryden, vol. 1: 1650–1681, ed. Paul Hammond
(London: Longman, 1995); vol. 2: 1682–1685, ed. Paul Hammond
(London: Longman, 1995)
ODNB Oxford Dictionary of National Biography (Oxford: Oxford University
Press, 2004); online edn, January 2008, http://www.oxforddnb.
com (accessed 1 February 2017)
OED Oxford English Dictionary Online, http://www.oed.com/ (accessed
1 February 2017)
POAS Poems on Affairs of State: Augustan Satirical Verse, 1660–1714, 7 vols
(New Haven and London, 1963–75), vol. 6, ed. F. H. Ellis
 General introduction

Royal successions are moments of national transition. The shift from one reign to
another can invoke uncertainty and anxiety, anticipation and hope. Successions
will prompt observers of all kinds to look back at the reign that has passed, and
also forward to that which is dawning. They are occasions that concentrate minds
on the values and structures of the nation. Succession literature, as presented in
this anthology, includes all types of writing that respond to these moments. It is a
category that includes a lot of material that we might readily identify as literature,
most notably various kinds of poetry. But it also includes other types of writing
and performance, including news reports, proclamations, speeches, pageantry,
pamphlets and sermons. It is therefore generically diverse, though highly con-
centrated in terms of its occasion and subject-matter. The aim of this anthology is
to represent both the breadth and the quality of this writing across the Stuart era
(1603–1714).
This was the great age of succession literature. While earlier successions certainly
generated responses from writers, the conditions of publication were considerably
less advanced. The technology of print was introduced into England in the late fif-
teenth century, but the business of printed publication advanced rapidly from the latter
decades of the sixteenth century. Across the Stuart century, print was ubiquitous,
reaching all geographical regions and social levels. While some writers, especially
within the court, still preferred to circulate their works in manuscript form among
coteries of readers, the vast majority of material produced in response to successions
was printed. At the other end of the Stuart era, successions tended to generate less
material in part because the monarchy itself was by then less powerful a force, and in
part because observers were choosing different ways of responding to such events. The
growth of the newspaper, from its infancy in the seventeenth century, is relevant in this
regard. The gradual decline of poetry as a public form of writing, powerfully engaged
2 Literature of the Stuart successions

with national debates, was also a factor. By the twentieth century, only a handful of
people would respond to royal successions by writing poems.
In this introduction, we want to provide a richly informed context for the mate-
rial that follows. While introductions to particular reigns and headnotes to texts
will be provided in the body of the book, our goal at the outset is to establish an
overview of the period, the nature of royal succession and the various kinds of suc-
cession literature. The material in this volume is compelling and fascinating, but
can also be challenging and opaque to non-specialist readers. We aim, here and
throughout, to provide the framework and support necessary to facilitate produc-
tive reading experiences.

The Stuart monarchs and their nations

This volume focuses on the period when the Stuarts ruled in England, Scotland
and Ireland, subsequent to the arrival in London of James VI of Scotland in 1603
after the death of Queen Elizabeth I. The rule of Stuarts (or ‘Stewarts’) in Scotland
stretched back to 1371, while James himself had held the throne from 1567, his
first year of life. He was, he reflected many years later, ‘a cradle king’.1 James was
not the only candidate for the English throne in 1603, nor could anybody in the
country be sure that he would succeed peacefully. Elizabeth, who had ordered the
execution of James’s mother, Mary, Queen of Scots, in 1587, notoriously refused
to address the question of succession, which consequently festered in the public
consciousness throughout the final years of her life.2 But when the time came, the
succession was surprisingly peaceful and decisive, establishing a dynasty that would
only be brought to an end 111 years later.
The Stuarts ruled multiple nations. Wales had been incorporated into England
by the Tudors, but Scotland and Ireland remained distinct entities. While James’s
accession unified the English and Scottish crowns, his expectation that he would
as a result be able to unify the nations of England and Scotland was frustrated by
entrenched differences. This goal would elude him, and all subsequent Stuart
monarchs, until Queen Anne established the nation of Great Britain in 1707.
Throughout the dynasty, then, the different structures and interests of each
nation placed competing demands on the Stuart monarchs. Ireland remained, in

1 James VI and I, ‘O Stay your Teares yow who Complaine’, line 135; in ‘Early Stuart
Libels: An Edition of Poetry from Manuscript Sources’, ed. Alastair Bellany and
Andrew McRae, Early Modern Literary Studies Text Series, 1 (2005), http://www.early​
stuartlibels.net, Nvi1 (accessed 1 February 2017).
2 On the late Elizabethan context see Doubtful and Dangerous: The Question of Succession in
Late Elizabethan England, ed. Susan Doran and Paulina Kewes (Manchester: Manchester
University Press, 2014).
 General introduction  3

practice, virtually a colonial outpost, subject on occasion to brutal repression.

It was also feared as a gateway to sympathetic Catholic forces from the conti-
nent, as for example when James II brought French troops to Dublin in 1689
in an effort to launch a war designed to reclaim his throne. Scotland sustained a
distinct parliament (until 1707), and retained even beyond that date a different
Church and legal system. Significantly, in the century’s two great revolutions
Scotland asserted a unique set of interests and tensions by comparison with those
in England, and also expressed different allegiances at key moments. The Scots
civil wars, in particular, had a markedly different character to those in England,
while in 1651 Prince Charles was embraced briefly as King of Scotland: crowned
on 1 January, but driven out of the British Isles altogether later that year after
defeat at Worcester. Although all the Stuarts established their base in London,
and this anthology concentrates largely on the huge volume of material gener-
ated in England, the complex dynamics of their three kingdoms helped to define
the era.3
The passage of power through the generations of Stuarts was also more compli-
cated than it may appear from a position of historical distance. James’s first son,
Henry, died at the age of eighteen in 1612, after promising in his short life a bold
model of chivalric and militant authority at odds with his father’s own image. His
second son, Charles, acceded in 1625 as Charles I, and ruled until 1649. In his
final seven years of power, his realms were ravaged by civil war, which broke out
after intense confrontations between his supporters and the English parliament.
Having lost the wars, and failed in efforts to negotiate a settlement, Charles
was executed on 30 January 1649. His oldest son, the future Charles II, always
dated his reign from the moment of his father’s death. He wanted the nation to
forget the preceding years; he even passed an ‘Act of Oblivion’, instructing his
subjects to take the same approach.4 But the Stuart dynasty contains nonetheless
an intriguing gap: the eleven years between 1649 and 1660 in which the British
nations first adopted republican structures (from 1649 to 1653), then established
the parliamentary general Oliver Cromwell as Lord Protector. After Cromwell’s
death in 1658 power passed to his son, Richard, briefly raising expectations

3 On the Stuart monarchs and the three kingdoms, see esp. Tim Harris, Rebellion: Britain’s
First Stuart Kings, 1567–1642 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2014), Revolution: The
Great Crisis of the British Monarchy, 1685–1720 (London: Penguin, 2006) and Restoration:
Charles II and his Kingdoms (London: Penguin, 2005).
4 See Paulina Kewes, ‘Acts of Remembrance, Acts of Oblivion: Rhetoric, Law, and
National Memory in Early Restoration England’, in Ritual, Routine, and Regime:
Institutions of Repetition in Euro-American Cultures, 1650–1832, ed. Lorna Clymer
(Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2006), pp. 103–31.
4 Literature of the Stuart successions

of a new, non-monarchical dynasty. Throughout this period, however, Prince

Charles presented from exile a continuing Stuart claim to the throne.5
The Stuarts returned to power in 1660, when Charles was invited back to Britain
to assume the throne as Charles II. Since he produced no legitimate heirs in his
marriage to Catherine of Braganza, it became increasingly apparent through the
course of his reign that his most likely successor was his younger brother, James,
who was openly Catholic. Despite efforts to exclude him from the line of succession
on account of his religion, James succeeded Charles on the latter’s death in 1685.
After just three years in power, however, James was overthrown in late 1688 by
an invasion from the Low Countries, supported by senior p­ oliticians and clergymen
in England and Scotland and led by the King’s son-in-law, the Protestant William
of Orange. After a short but intense period of uncertainty, William was invited to
take the throne jointly with his wife, James’s daughter, Mary, in February 1689.
They ruled as William III and Mary II. While their authority was secure, both they
and their successor nonetheless faced constant challenge from the ‘Jacobites’: sup-
porters of the deposed James II and, after his death in 1701, of his son James Francis
Edward, living in exile in France. The settlement of the crown on William and
Mary stipulated that only children borne by Mary could inherit the title after their
deaths. When she died childless in 1694, therefore, it became apparent that her
younger sister, Anne, would probably take the throne after William’s death. This
occurred in 1702. Childless herself, despite numerous pregnancies and a son who
died aged eleven in 1700, Anne was likely even from the outset of her reign to be
the last Stuart monarch. Her death in 1714 marked the end of the Stuart dynasty.
Although royal power lay (with the exception of William and Mary) in the
hands of one person, family was crucial to the Stuarts. One of the key attractions
of James to the English, after they had lived through decades of uncertainty on the
question of who would succeed the Virgin Queen, was that he brought with him
from Scotland a wife and three children. Even the death of Prince Henry was thus
not enough to unsettle the dynasty. Similarly, in 1660 the British celebrated the
return not just of one king but of a family, including Charles I’s widow and the
three royal brothers (Figure 1). Across the seventeenth century, royal marriages
were seized upon as valuable ways through which to manage diplomatic alliances.
In the weeks immediately following his father’s death Charles I married the French
princess Henrietta Maria; although this became possible only after the Prince’s
infamous trip to Spain in 1623 – slipping out of England in disguise, accompanied
by the Duke of Buckingham – failed to secure a contract with the Infanta Maria.

5 On Cromwell and the Stuart monarchy, see esp. Benjamin Woodford, Perceptions of
a Monarchy without a King: Reactions to Oliver Cromwell’s Power (Ithaca: Queen’s-McGill
University Press, 2013).
 General introduction  5

Figure 1 Frontispiece to Konincklijcke beeltenis, ofte Waerachtige historie van Karel de

II. koninck van Groot Britannien (1661)

The French match proved fruitful; Henrietta gave birth to six children between
1630 and 1644, including the future kings Charles II and James II. Charles I pro-
moted images of the growing royal family through a number of portraits, including
some by the Dutch artist Anthony Van Dyck (Figure 2), while poets in the 1630s
focused their attention on images of love and ­marriage.6 Marriage was also an

6 On literature and the royal family in the 1630s, see Anne Baynes Coiro, ‘“A ball of
strife”: Caroline Poetry and Royal Marriage’, in The Royal Image: Representations of Charles
I, ed. Thomas N. Corns (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1999), pp. 26–46.
6 Literature of the Stuart successions

Figure 2 Sir Anthony Van Dyck, Charles I and Henrietta Maria with their Two Eldest
Children, Prince Charles and Princess Mary (1631–32)

immediate question for Charles II upon his restoration to the throne in 1660. The
Portuguese princess Catherine of Braganza was attractive in part because of the
wealth and international trading concessions that she brought with her as a dowry.
But when she failed to produce children, much attention focused on James, Duke
of Monmouth, Charles II’s oldest illegitimate child. Monmouth stood briefly as a
rival to James II, but his 1685 rebellion was defeated and he was executed. For
James II, by contrast, reproduction precipitated crisis. He succeeded to the throne
with two Protestant daughters – the future queens Mary and Anne – from his first
marriage to the Englishwoman Anne Hyde, who died in 1671. But the birth of a
son, James Francis Edward, who would be raised a Catholic, to his second wife,
 General introduction  7

Mary of Modena, in 1688 presented the English with the spectre of a Catholic
dynasty. It was this event that in part prompted prominent political figures to issue
an invitation to William of Orange to come to England and thus contributed to
James’s overthrow later that year. For his successors, marriage remained impor-
tant: critical, indeed, to William III, whose claim to the throne was considerably
less secure than that of his wife. But reproduction, and as a result the continuation
of the dynasty, proved altogether more challenging.
Although the dynasty claimed a continuity of rule for over one hundred years,
the nature and power of monarchy across the Stuart era was neither stable nor
uncontested. From the beginning, under James I, relations between the king and
his parliaments were often fraught. James himself maintained a view of parlia-
ments as merely advisory bodies, with no authority to intervene in some of the
most important matters of state. But parliament, from the earliest Stuart sessions,
proved more assertive, and at times even confrontational. Charles I’s rejection of
parliaments – the period of ‘Personal Rule’, from 1629 to 1640 – was effective in
underwriting his commitment to an absolutist theory of kingship, but proved con-
stitutionally unsustainable. It came to an end with the explosive ‘Long Parliament’
that began its long session in 1640, along the way helping to pitch the British nations
headlong into civil war. After the intense and sophisticated debates over the nature
of authority and role of a monarch that were produced in the middle decades of the
century, the later Stuart period was marked by further renegotiations of the power
of the monarch. In this regard it is often argued that the revolution of 1688–89
had a greater long-term effect than that of 1649, since it established principles of
limited constitutional monarchy that survive to the present day.7 Moreover, the
emergence of party politics, which would rapidly come to dominate political life,
was itself the product of debate over succession: the Whigs favoured the exclusion
of the future James II from the line, while the Tories opposed them. While these
debates would in time be forgotten, the structure of political parties stands as one
of the great legacies of the Stuart era.
The Stuart monarchs also assumed control, like all Tudor predecessors since
Henry VIII, of the national Church. Throughout the century, this remained argu-
ably the single most controversial aspect of their role, within nations that were
fractured on religious lines. The principal division was between Catholics – a
small yet influential minority in England and Scotland for much of the period – and
Protestants. The English had bitter memories of the bloody reign of the Catholic
Mary I (1553–58), and therefore had good cause to fear any return of Catholic
influence. Yet there were also voices of toleration throughout the period. When

7 See, for example, Tim Harris, Revolution: The Great Crisis of the British Monarchy,
­1685–1720 (London: Penguin, 2006), pp. 34–5, 512–16.
8 Literature of the Stuart successions

James I came to the throne some Catholics in England were hopeful that he might
offer them greater toleration; however, after the Gunpowder Plot in 1605, when
a group of Catholic plotters planned but failed to assassinate James as he sat in
­parliament, this proved to be a fruitless hope. It also remains notable that James II’s
Catholicism did not ultimately prevent him from assuming the throne; indeed, in
the months following his accession James enjoyed broad support. Catholicism in
Ireland, however, remained a different matter. The heavily Catholic Irish popula-
tion troubled the English across the period, and both Cromwell and William III led
savage military assaults on them.
Protestantism itself, meanwhile, was never a stable entity. The author-
ity of the English Church, with its hierarchical (‘episcopal’) structures headed
by bishops and archbishops, was repeatedly challenged by groups that became
loosely labelled as ‘puritans’. These influences were critical to the breakdown of
order in the 1640s, a decade of extraordinary political and religious radicalism,
when sects like the Ranters, the Fifth Monarchists and the Quakers claimed to
prophesy the coming of the apocalypse and the everlasting rule of King Jesus.
Religion, at this moment, offered a gateway to the questioning of some of the
basic structures of social and political life. In the later Stuart era, the question of
religious identity was reframed in terms of conformity. To what extent, monarchs
and parliaments asked repeatedly, might the state require its citizens to conform
to the religion and authority of the authorized Church? This question led to a
series of uneasy and controversial compromises in England and Wales across the
latter decades of Stuart rule. In Scotland, meanwhile, the equation was always
different. The Scots defeated the imposition of episcopacy in the Civil Wars of
the 1640s, and reasserted in the later Stuart decades their distinctive presbyterian
structures of Church government, whereby local churches had significant power
over matters such as the appointment of clergy. The creation of Great Britain,
in the reign of Anne, thus masked fundamental facts of national difference which
remain to this day.
In the cultural life of their nations, the Stuarts played leading roles throughout
the period. The court was arguably the most important centre for cultural and
artistic production. The personal influence of individual monarchs was evident
in areas including the visual arts, literature, architecture and fashion. James I, for
instance, patronized the work of writers and helped to nurture the unique perfor-
mances of court masques. Ben Jonson rose to national prominence as a favoured
court poet and author of masques, while William Shakespeare’s company became
the ‘King’s Men’ in 1603 and performed a number of important plays at James’s
court in the following years, including Macbeth and Hamlet. Charles I, by compari-
son, clearly preferred the visual arts, and encouraged leading continental painters,
such as Van Dyck, to spend time in England. At the Restoration court, Charles II’s
 General introduction  9

liberal attitudes to sexuality and expression, influenced by his time in exile, shaped
the development of a different kind of court culture. Libertinism, a philosophical
outlook that prized the hedonistic pursuit of individual sexual appetite, generated
fresh kinds of artistic expression, as is perhaps best represented by the dissolute
and outspoken writer John Wilmot, Earl of Rochester.
The expansion of cultural activity beyond the court, meanwhile, is one of the
underlying narratives of the Stuart era. Despite efforts by the crown to assert
censorship over the press, the century was characterized by a substantial growth
of printed publication, which in turn enabled new kinds of writing. Cheap and
popular texts proliferated, while the influence of genres based on performance –
from drama to sermons – was amplified by printed dissemination. Most notably,
in the 1640s and 1650s the explosion of popular writing of all kinds, including
expressions of political and religious radicalism, was without precedent. For a
relatively brief period readers were exposed to a remarkable range of fresh and
challenging ideas, as also to an environment characterized by conflict and discord.
Although censorship was re-established, the sphere of public discourse was deci-
sively stretched by this experience. In 1660 one observer hoped that newspapers
would become redundant; however, this was to misread not only the nature of the
times but also the power of the form.8 Newspapers in fact went from strength to
strength in the later Stuart decades, while pamphlets and ballads also proliferated.
Much of such popular literature was relatively ephemeral, yet through the course
of the century increasing numbers of people were as a result involved in cultural
and political discourse. In the towns and cities, the coffee houses of the Restoration
decades provided a physical space for open debate where the latest pamphlets or
newspapers might be read, ensuring that members of the public could be abreast
of current affairs.9 Historians have identified, across the century, the emergence
of a ‘public sphere’ of political engagement. While there have been disagreements
about the date of this development, and also about the precise nature of the public
sphere, these changes undoubtedly exposed the monarchy across the Stuart era to
greater levels of public scrutiny.10

8 Richard Brathwaite, To His Majesty (1660), p. 10. On newspapers, see Joad Raymond,
The Invention of the Newspaper: English Newsbooks 1641–1649 (Oxford: Oxford University
Press, 1996).
9 See Steve Pincus, ‘“Coffee Politicians does Create”: Coffeehouses and Restoration
Political Culture’, The Journal of Modern History, 67:4 (1995), 807–34.
10 This argument was first made by of Jürgen Habermas, in The Structural Transformation
of the Public Sphere: An Inquiry into a Category of Bourgeois Society, trans. Thomas Burger
(Cambridge, Mass., MIT Press, 1991). For more recent interventions, see esp. The
Politics of the Public Sphere in Early Modern England, ed. Peter Lake and Steven Pincus
(Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2007).
10 Literature of the Stuart successions

These cultural shifts are evident in the material published to mark the succession
of Anne. Although there were still limits on what could be said, it is immediately
striking how the last Stuart monarch was drawn into the arena of political debate.
Some writers took the opportunity to criticize her predecessor, others questioned
her politics, while others still looked hopefully to the exiled Jacobite Pretender.
For all the trappings of continuity and conventional expressions of loyalty, Anne
assumed power in an era of party politics and a fiercely partisan press. The cultural
and political environment had shifted around the Stuarts, repositioning them and
consistently forcing them to adapt.

The practice of succession

Questions of succession always impressed themselves upon the minds of men and
women in Stuart Britain. When would the next succession occur? Who would
succeed? What effect would the new monarch have on the nation? Even at times
when the line of succession was secure and uncontested, as in the case of Charles
I’s transition to the throne, people speculated nonetheless about possible shifts of
policy. Given the authority of monarchs over diplomatic relations and military
ventures, and their direct influence over the Church, a new monarch could
have a material impact on the lives of their people. And at other times – most
notably in 1649, 1660 and 1688–89 – subjects intervened more directly in the
matter of succession. This anthology, however, focuses on literature produced
in direct response to successions, as opposed to the ongoing debates associ-
ated with monarchy. In this context, it is worth outlining what these events
entailed, moving chronologically through the process as it was usually expected
to transpire.
The death of a monarch is a liminal moment, bearing a considerable element
of risk for the nation. No Stuart ruler endured a long period of terminal illness
or mental decline, of the kind that might create a hiatus in authority, but courti-
ers were nonetheless always anxious to establish control over the narrative of
royal death. The most stunning case-study of these struggles is provided by the
months and years after the execution of Charles I, as his supporters and opponents
contested the legitimacy of his death. The regicides arguably thought too little
about how to handle the aftermath of the execution, while the lack of censorship
gave licence to the Royalists. As a result, their tenacious efforts to position him
as a godly martyr – in texts such as the hugely successful Eikon Basilike (1649),
probably written by John Gauden but presented as the words of Charles himself –
­unquestionably contributed to the failures of the republic and Protectorate. The
national memory of monarchy, as captured in the frontispiece to Eikon Basilike
(Figure 3), held strong through the Interregnum.
 General introduction  11

Figure 3 Frontispiece to John Gauden, Eikon Basilike (1649)

12 Literature of the Stuart successions

Figure 4 Image from Some Farther Intelligence of the Affairs of England. The Death of the
Renowned Oliver Lord Protector of England, Scotland, and Ireland (1659)

Other royal deaths were less violent, but still carried the threat of instability.
Cromwell’s own death is notable for the extent to which his supporters tried to
lay upon him the trappings of monarchy, which he had resisted most of his life
(Figure 4). The succession to the protectorship of his son was undermined not
merely by Richard’s unsuitability, but also by the lack of recognizable ceremony.
Among the Stuarts themselves, the death of James I was dogged by rumours that
he had been murdered, and these posed a threat to the authority of Charles I and
his most trusted courtiers.11 When Charles II died, in 1685, similar rumours were
powerfully countered by poets who emphasized his younger brother’s sorrow and
loyalty at the death-scene. James II desperately needed to control public p­ erceptions
at this moment of transition.12 As with all subjects, writers were at this point faced
with a dilemma, needing to balance a degree of regret for the monarch who had
passed with an overriding celebration of the incoming ruler. At some moments
of succession this was less of a problem. In 1660, for example, endorsement of

11 Alastair Bellany and Thomas Cogswell, The Murder of King James I (New Haven and
London: Yale University Press, 2015).
12 See John Dryden, Threnodia Augustalis, V.1 below.
 General introduction  13

Charles II was inseparable from a rejection of the attempt to rule without monar-
chy, while in 1689 there was almost no place in succession literature for expressions
of sympathy for the deposed James II.13 But in other succession years, this became
more challenging. In 1603, most interestingly, expression of dismay at the loss of
the long-serving Elizabeth was virtually required of poets as a pre-requisite to their
panegyrics on the incoming king. Poets were quick to criticize Michael Drayton
when he failed to mention Elizabeth in his panegyric to James.14 The stability of rule,
at such a crucial moment, depended upon looking backward as well as forward.
News of successions was spread quickly and efficiently. James I learned of his
elevation to the English throne after the courtier Robert Carey rode non-stop from
Elizabeth’s death-bed in London to hail the new King of England in Edinburgh.15
Subjects across the British nations relied on the dissemination of information, in
written and oral form. Official proclamations, announcing the change of reign,
were important vehicles through which the central government could assert control
over the message. These were circulated methodically across the British nations,
and read publicly for the benefit of those who could not read themselves. This was
critical in 1603, when many subjects remained unsure who would succeed. It was
also vital to the success of regime change at two points later in the century, when
men arrived from continental Europe in order to claim the throne: in 1660, when
the path was cleared for Charles by the publication of key official documents, such
as his Declaration of Breda;16 and in 1688–89, when William had first to justify his
invasion17 and then his assumption of the crown. The Church also played an impor-
tant role at such moments, as both a source of reliable information and a voice of
trusted authority. Prayers for the deceased monarch and the one succeeding to the
throne provided a simple ritual of transition within every church in the land. Stuart
monarchs, after all, were perceived as being ordained by God, to govern by divine
right, and so religious affirmation of their reigns served a basic yet vital function.
The initial phase of a reign was dominated by ceremony. Some of this was
informal; the journeys to London taken by James I (from Edinburgh) and Charles
II (from his landing in Dover), for instance, were closely observed by thousands of

13 One panegyrist for William and Mary departed from this pattern, also writing ‘An
Elegy for the Late King’. This poem promises: ‘I ne’er rejoiced with those that sing thy
shame, | Nor will I ever persecute thy name’ (Lux Occidentalis, or Providence Displayed
in the Coronation of King William and Queen Mary, and their happy accession to the crown of
England (London, 1689), p. 10).
14 See Michael Drayton, To the Majesty of King James, I.3 below.
15 A. J. Loomie, ‘Carey, Robert, First Earl of Monmouth (1560–1639)’, ODNB.
16 See IV.1 below.
17 The Declaration of his Highness William Henry, by the Grace of God Prince of Orange, &c. of the
Reasons Inducing him to Appear in Arms in the Kingdom of England (The Hague, 1688).
14 Literature of the Stuart successions

supportive subjects, and recorded in news reports and poems. But much was more
formal, whether stipulated by the law of Church and state or simply expected by
subjects as a matter of convention. In theory, monarchs were expected to make a
formal entrance to London on the day before their coronation. In 1603 this event
was postponed on account of plague until 1604, and in similar circumstances in
1625 it was in fact never rescheduled. But the principle of these events was impor-
tant, recognizing the bond between London citizens and their monarch, and they
could be lavish spectacles, marked by visual display and dramatic performance.18
The triumphal arches erected for 1604, images of which were published by their
designer, Stephen Harrison, expressed the city’s levels of ambition and commit-
ment, while bearing in their details a wealth of allegory (Figure 5).
The coronation was an even more formal and powerfully religious event, indis-
pensable to the transfer of royal authority.19 Appearances mattered; when joint
monarchs were crowned in 1689, and again in 1702 when a married woman was
crowned, the positioning of the main figures was critical in order to represent
power relations to the many observers.20 Equally, Charles I’s decision to hold
an unusually private coronation ceremony was surely influenced to a consider-
able degree by his bride’s refusal to take part in a Protestant ceremony. Charles
could hardly afford a public show of dissent. By the later Stuart era, by contrast,
coronations had become public events, with tickets for sale and scaffolding erected
for seats. Printed images, depicting the majesty of monarchy and the unity of the
nation’s elite at these key moments, were circulated across the land (Figure 6).
And the final ceremonial occasion, embraced to differing degrees by all the Stuarts,
was the monarch’s appearance at his or her first parliament. This event offered an
opportunity to assert bonds between the nation – represented by the members of
the House of Lords and House of Commons – and the monarch. It also provided a
chance to set an agenda for the reign.

18 See Thomas Dekker, The Whole Magnificent Entertainment, excerpted in I.6 below; and
Ian Archer, ‘Royal Entries, the City of London and the Politics of Stuart Successions’,
in Literature of the Stuart Successions, ed. Paulina Kewes and Andrew McRae (Oxford:
Oxford University Press, forthcoming).
19 On Charles II, see Lorraine Madway, ‘“The Most Conspicuous Solemnity”: The
Coronation of Charles II’, in The Stuart Courts, ed. Eveline Cruickshanks (Stroud:
The History Press, 2000), pp. 141–57. On Tudor coronations, see Alice Hunt, The
Drama of Coronation: Medieval Ceremony in Early Modern England (Cambridge: Cambridge
University Press, 2008).
20 Lois G. Schwoerer, ‘The Coronation of William and Mary, April 11, 1689’, in The
Revolution of 1688–1689: Changing Perspectives, ed. Lois G. Schwoerer (Cambridge:
Cambridge University Press, 1992), pp. 107–30; Joseph Hone, ‘The Last Stuart
Coronation’, in Literature of the Stuart Successions, ed. Kewes and McRae.
 General introduction  15

Figure 5 Image from Stephen Harrison, The Arches of Triumph Erected in Honor of the
High and Mighty Prince James I (1604)

Changes in direction intended by an incoming monarch could be signalled

directly or indirectly. Speeches in parliament, such as the ambition to unite
Scotland and England announced by James I in 1603 and again by Anne in 1702,
could provide some of the clearest statements of intent.21 As James discovered,
however, this approach also bore risks, since it exposed the monarch to criti-
cism and judgement. The union policy became one of the most unpopular of his
reign, and was quietly shelved within a few years of his accession. Monarch after
monarch would also be judged on her or his success in managing relations – and
also the almost inevitable conflicts, given the prevailing diplomatic turmoil of the

21 See I.8 and VII.1 below.

16 Literature of the Stuart successions

Figure 6 Image from Francis Sandford, The History of the Coronation of the Most High,
Most Mighty, and Most Excellent Monarch, James II (1687)

period – with other countries in Europe. Charles I’s efforts to present himself
as a Protestant military leader, foreshadowed from the years before his acces-
sion, in fact amounted to very little in the years that followed. At the end of the
century, William and Anne could lay claim, with some cause, to greater success.
Meanwhile only James I, of all the Stuarts, overtly presented the values of a diplo-
macy based upon a commitment to peace, as he began his reign by negotiating a
conclusion to conflict with Spain and presented a blueprint in his writings on king-
ship for non-military forms of influence. Other shifts were signalled more subtly,
but were equally significant. While no incoming monarch was reckless enough to
make bold claims about shifts in religious direction, people of all religious persua-
sions studied the early signals of a reign. For instance, choices of preachers for
early sermons or initial appointments to clerical offices could send messages about
intentions. In the case of James II, despite an early speech to the Privy Council in
which he vowed to protect the Church of England, fevered speculation over the
likely consequences of his own Catholicism began years before his succession and
continued until his overthrow.22 Indeed historians still puzzle over the multiple
paradoxes of the Catholic king who was briefly head of the English Protestant

22 See James’s first speech to parliament, I.8 below.

Another random document with
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machine. Fortunately I had presence of mind enough to keep my
watch going, as well as the captain’s chronometer, for otherwise I
would have had no knowledge of the passage of time. Once or twice
the scarlet women visited the ship, but seemed nervous and wary,
and made no effort to approach or molest me, merely gazed about
as if searching for something—perhaps for me—and then retiring.
Several times, too, I ventured on deck, and peered over the ship’s
side, but saw none of the giantesses, although with the glasses I
could see crowds of the beings about the city in the distance.
“Also, I noticed among them, several individuals who were much
smaller than the rest, and who appeared to be men, although I could
not be sure. I also discovered, and almost lost my life in the
discovery, that the atmosphere of this place is unfit for human beings
to breathe, and is thick with sulphurous fumes. Close to the ground
these fumes are so dense that a person would succumb in a few
moments, but at the height of the Chiriqui’s decks, nearly seventy
feet above the rocky bed on which she rests, the air is breathable,
although it causes one to choke and cough after a few minutes. And
I am sure that the houses of these giant beings have been built on
the summits of the basalt columns in order to avoid the suffocating
fumes of the lower levels. Later, too, I learned that the membrane-
like frills upon these creatures are a sort of gills, or as I might say,
natural gas-masks, which by some means enable the beings to
breathe the sulphur-laden air. But even with these, they avoid the
lower areas where the fumes are the worst, and only visit them when
necessity arises, which accounts for my being left in peace, with
none of the horrible women near the ship, for days at a time. I
discovered the presence of the sulphur gas on the first day when,
attempting to eat, I removed my gas-mask. Suffocating as I found
the fumes, I was compelled to endure them, and gradually I became
slightly accustomed to them, so that now I have little trouble in
breathing during the short time it takes me to eat my meals. At all
other times I must wear the apparatus, and I thank God that this is
so, for I know now that it is the gas-mask which so far has preserved
my life.
“On the tenth day after my arrival I noticed a number of the
giantesses gathering about the huge, spherical airship which still
rested on its cradle near the Chiriqui, but which, I have forgotten to
state, ceased to emit its green or red lights after it had landed. Lying
there it resembled nothing so much as a gigantic can-buoy or a
floating mine, if one can imagine a buoy two hundred yards in
diameter.
“On the day I mentioned, all interests seemed to be centered on
the thing, and cautiously peering from the shelter of the deck-house,
I watched the proceedings. Presently several of the women entered
the sphere through an opening in its middle band; the aperture
closed behind them, and immediately there was a low, humming
sound as of machinery. As the sounds issued from the sphere, the
cables to which were attached the smaller spheres (which glowed
red when carrying the Chiriqui through the air) were drawn in until
the two smaller spheres were resting in recesses at the axes of the
large sphere, and where they appeared merely as hemi-spherical
projections. Then, slowly at first, but with ever increasing speed, the
slender rods about the large sphere began to move back and forth,
or rather in an oscillating manner, until they were vibrating with such
rapidity that they appeared merely rays of light. Slowly, majestically,
the immense globe rose from its cradle, and gathering headway,
leaped upward to an immense height. Then, tilting at an angle, it
passed over the city and headed for an immense pinnacle of rock,
which, fully seven miles from where I stood, reminded me of a
gigantic chimney or funnel.
“Although it was barely visible to the naked eye, I could see it
distinctly through the glasses, and I watched it with the most intense
and concentrated interest. For a few moments it remained, poised a
hundred feet or so above the pinnacle. Then, from the towering,
tapering rock, a terrific jet of steam roared forth, and striking the
great spherical machine above it, hurled it upward and beyond my
vision. Give close heed to these words, whoever may, by God’s
grace, be listening to what I say, for upon them may hinge the fate of
the human race. Only by this means, by being shot upward by this
titanic jet of steam, can the airship leave this subterranean land and
emerge through the crater by which it entered bearing the Chiriqui.
Within this place it can sail at will; once above the crater opening it
can travel anywhere, although it cannot land; but by some unknown
force or magnetic attraction or freak of gravitation the machine
cannot ascend through the crater, although, when over it, it will drop
like a plummet through the opening. And herein—for the sake of
humanity, listen to this and remember my words—lies a means of
destroying the machine, for by surrounding the crater with powerful
guns the sphere can be shelled as it emerges and utterly destroyed.
To attempt to do so as it returns to the crater would be suicidal, for
once in the outer air, it emanates vast quantities of most poisonous
gas, and all living things within a radius of several miles would be
struck down unconscious, as were my companions on the Chiriqui.
Even if gas-masks were worn, it would be most difficult to destroy
the machine as it descended, for it travels with incredible speed in its
descent and, moreover, the terrible creatures who man the thing
would see that enemies lurked near and would find some means of
destroying them, or by the mysterious magnet force they control,
would draw even the heaviest cannon to the machine as an ordinary
magnet draws needles or iron filings. So if the thing is to be
destroyed, it must be done as the machine emerges from the crater.
Would to God that I could tell where the crater is, but beyond feeling
sure it is at the summit of an Andean peak, I have no means of
locating it.
“But I was telling of what occurred on that tenth day when the
spherical airship was projected from my sight by the blast of steam.
As the machine vanished, the women who had watched its
departure, returned to their city, and I swept the landscape with my
glasses, wondering at the bleak, terrible scenery and bizarre colors.

“As I focussed the binoculars upon a level plateau, perhaps a mile

from where the Chiriqui rested, I gasped in surprise. Clearly defined,
lay the remnants of what had once been a steamship! Had I given
the matter thought, I might have known that the Chiriqui was not the
first vessel to have fallen a victim to these awful beings; but the sight
of another ship’s skeleton came to me as a terrific shock. As nearly
as I could judge, the vessel had been dismantled, for only the great
steel frame remained, with the mighty boilers and other portions of
the ship scattered about, and gruesomely like some mammoth
creature lying disemboweled upon the earth.
 “I was consumed with a mad desire to visit that pathetic wreck, but
I knew not to what dangers I would be exposed, once I left the
security of my ship. Not a being was in sight, however, and carefully I
studied the land, visually measuring the relative distances between
myself and the wreck, and between the city and the route I must
traverse. Having already observed that the giantesses moved slowly
and cumbrously on foot, I at last decided that even if they attempted
to intercept me I could regain the Chiriqui before I was overtaken, so
I threw caution to the winds and prepared to undertake my
hazardous journey. Slinging the loaded rifle on my back, with the
revolver at my belt, and still further arming myself with a keen-edged
fireaxe, I hunted up the pilot’s ladder, lowered it over the lowest side
of the ship,—which was also the side farthest from the city,—and
clambering down the Chiriqui’s lofty sides, leaped down upon the
ground. To my amazement, I landed in a dense jungle of dry, tough
vegetation which rose to my shoulders. From the deck, looking
directly downwards, I had thought this dull-green growth a short, wiry
grass, and, of course, in its relative proportion to the gigantic women,
it was no higher than ordinary grass to a normal human being. It was
a wonderful example of the theory of relativity, but my mind was not
interested in scientific matters at the time, and I merely gave thanks
that the miniature jungle,—which I saw was composed of giant
lichens—would afford me cover through which I might sneak in
safety, and with little chance of detection.
“Without much difficulty I made my way to the other vessel, and
found her even more dissected than I had supposed. Why the
denizens of the place had torn her to bits I did not then know, but
certain portions of her machinery and fittings had been left intact,
and, as I examined these, I made another and most astounding
discovery. Deeply engraved upon a brass plate was the ship’s name
‘U. S. S. Cyclops!’ For a space I stood staring, scarcely able to
believe my eyes. Here then was the solution to that mystery of the
sea, the disappearance of the collier, as laden with manganese, she
vanished without word or trace when off the Barbados during the
World War. No doubt, I thought, many a mystery of the sea had been
caused by the damnable work of these beings with their infernal
machine. But why, for what reason, did they capture ships? Why did
they carry off the unconscious persons upon the vessels? And why
did they tear the vessels apart? It was all a mystery which, in all its
horrible, gruesome, ghoulish details I was soon to solve.
“There was nothing more to be learned from the remains of the
Cyclops, and in safety I returned to the Chiriqui to find, to my
surprise and terror, that a gang of the monstrous females had
boarded the ship in my absence and were stripping her of
everything. But as they caught sight of me, all threw down whatever
they had and fled precipitately, leaving me once more in undisputed
possession of the ship. I was relieved at this, for it was obvious that I
had no need to fear the creatures. By now, too, I had formulated a
theory to account for this strange dread of a being who was a puny,
miserable thing compared to them. Unquestionably my gas-mask
rendered me a most grotesque and unknown creature in their eyes.
My remaining alive and active while all others upon the ship had
succumbed to the noxious gas had probably caused them to think
that I was a supernatural being. The fact that I could go about and
breathe the sulphur-laden air would cause them to regard me with
even greater wonder and superstition, and, as I found later, the fact
that I was never seen to eat, confirmed their belief that I was some
mysterious being against whom their gases and their deviltries were
of no avail.
“I had not much time to devote to such matters, however. Soon
after regaining the Chiriqui I heard excited cries from the land, and
looking over the ship’s rails, I found an immense crowd had gathered
near the empty cradle of the airship, and that all were gazing
upward. Following their example, I stared into the greenish void and
instantly understood. Descending rapidly towards the plain, came the
great sphere, and, suspended below it, was the hull of another
captive ship. And as I focussed my glasses upon this, I rubbed my
eyes and gaped. The dull gray color, the lines, the raking funnels, the
barbettes and gun muzzles left no room for doubt. Incredible as it
seemed, the captive vessel was a warship! What hope then had my
fellow men upon earth? What chance was there if these giant
creatures could send forth their flaming machine, and by it, capture
the fastest, most powerful war-vessels—all within the space of a few
hours?
 “Rapidly the machine and its burden approached, and presently
descended gently dropping the war vessel close to the Chiriqui. My
worst fears were confirmed. The vessel was an American destroyer,
the McCracken, and I knew that scores of my countrymen must lie
unconscious upon her, and in a few moments would be carried off to
some unknown horrible fate. What that fate was I had already
surmised. That first demonstration of the ferocious cannibalism of
the giantesses upon the Chiriqui’s deck had been enough to make
my blood run cold.
“But I had not yet guessed even a fraction of the true horror of it.
Scarcely had the McCracken been dropped upon the earth, when
the women swarmed upon her, and once more I saw the creatures
gathering the inert forms of men and carrying them to the city. And
rapidly, too, they commenced dismantling and tearing the destroyer
into bits. How they had accomplished this with the Cyclops had
puzzled me, but now I witnessed the process close at hand. From
the vicinity of the waterfall, lines or pipes were led to the vessel’s
side; presently there was the roaring sound of steam; dense clouds
of vapor arose from the cataract; the water ceased to flow, and from
the extremities of the lines or tubes twenty-foot jets of blinding flame
shot out. As easily as though made of wax, the steel sides, the
massive beams, the armored barbettes of the warship melted and
were cut by these jets, and as the pieces fell apart, the spherical
airship took a position above the vessel, and by its magnetic power,
lifted tons of the fragments, then sailing off, deposited them in some
spot beyond the city. It was then, as I saw the ship rapidly dissolving
before my eyes, that the inspiration came to me which may make it
possible for me to communicate with the outside world and may, if
God wills, serve to warn my fellow men of the fate which will
overtake them if these terrible creatures are allowed to follow out
their plans. As the jets of flame cut through the McCracken’s
superstructure, and the radio antennae fell in a tangled mass across
the deck, I forgot all else and rushed to the wireless room of the
Chiriqui. Here was my chance. If the ship’s radio transmitter was still
in working order; if the auxiliary battery was still charged, I might
send out messages which, small as the chances were, might reach
the ears of some of the countless thousands of persons who listened
each night at their receiving sets. I trembled with fear that I would
find the transmitter injured or dismantled. I shook with dread that the
battery might be dead. I felt faint with apprehension that the
message, if sent, might never penetrate the sulphur-laden
atmosphere or might never reach the outer world. And I realized,
with a sickening sinking of my heart, that even if heard my
communication might be regarded as a hoax, and no attention would
be given it. But I would do my best. The radio set had not been
molested. Everything was in working order, and I set myself the task
of transmitting my story each night at the same hour, repeating it
over and over again, until the storage batteries are exhausted, for to
get up steam and start the dynamos is beyond my powers. Had I
knowledge of Morse I would send my story by that code, but I have
not, and so—I must cease. For the love of your race and of your
dear ones listen, I beseech you, until I can resume.”

Here the message broke off abruptly, and Frank and I sat staring at
each other, fearing to speak lest we might interrupt or miss the words
which might come, and listening with straining ears at the head-sets.
For an hour we sat there and then, once more the voice spoke.
“The doom that I feared is approaching. I have been here for three
months and this will, I know, be my final message. Oh that I could
only be sure that someone has heard my words, that my fate has not
been in vain but has served to warn my fellow beings. But I must
hurry on. I have learned everything of importance. I have watched,
studied and have even learned to understand much of the language
of these beings. I found that there were men. They are puny beings
compared to the women, though ten-foot giants compared to normal
men, and they are cowed, abject, mere slaves of the females. Only
enough male children are permitted to survive to propagate the race.
All others are killed.
“As they reach manhood only those males of super-intelligence,
strength and virility are permitted to live. The others are destroyed
and—yes, horrible as it sounds, their bodies, like those of the
murdered infants and of the aged, sick or infirm, are devoured. And
as fast as the males attain middle age their lives are forfeited. Long
ago these beings subsisted upon the few wild creatures which
roamed their land; but long ago all these were exhausted and human
flesh became the only meat. There is no vegetable food, and for a
time the sacrificed surplus males, and the aged, provided food for
the race. But gradually the male births decreased, female children
preponderated, and with the increased population resulting, the
males were too few to nourish the others. Then, through what
damnable accident or design I do not know, the creatures went forth
in their airship and discovered the teeming millions of human beings
on earth.
“But the bulk of humanity was and still is safe from them, at least
until new means of attacking mankind are devised, for the globular
airship cannot approach the land. The very power it uses to lift the
greatest steamships and carry them off, draws the machine to the
earth and holds it fast. But above water, which acts as an insulator
apparently, the apparatus can operate at will. And they have a two-
fold purpose in capturing ships. All the available metal in this land
was exhausted in constructing two of the spherical machines. One of
these never returned from its first trip, and only the one remains. To
construct more, these giant women plan to use the metal salvaged
from captured ships, until a vast fleet of the infernal things is ready to
go forth and wipe the seas clean of ships and human beings. And
the bodies of the men and women, struck down by the gas, are to
serve as food for these demons in human form.
“This is the most horrible, blood-curdling thing of all. Rendered
unconscious by the gas, the victims remain in a state of suspended
animation indefinitely, exactly as do grubs, spiders and insects when
stung by certain species of wasps and placed in their nests to
provide food for their young. Stacked in great storage vaults these
breathing, living, but paralyzed human beings are kept, and as
needed, are taken out.
“Already they have a supply on hand sufficient to last them for
over a year. Some of the Cyclops company are still preserved; there
are over three hundred from the Chiriqui, hundreds from other ships,
and the entire crew of the McCracken.
“All these things I learned little by little, and mainly through a
friend, for marvelous as it may seem, I have a friend—if friend he
can be called, a miserable, trembling, terrified male, who, doomed to
death, sought to escape his fate and sought refuge with me,
dreading my presence less than his doom, and hoping that such a
feared and almost reverenced being as myself might protect him. For
two months he has been my companion, but he cannot eat anything
but meat and the supply of meat upon the ship is getting low, and
sooner or later he must succumb. And the women, maddened at his
escape from their clutches, though not yet daring to approach too
closely to me, are getting bolder. Some time, at some unguarded
moment, they will find the poor fellow alone and will fall upon him.
And in his terror, in an effort to buy his life, he will, I know, reveal to
them that I am but an ordinary mortal, a man who eats and drinks
and who survived the gas by mechanical and not supernatural
means. But I will not be taken alive by these fearful female
cannibals. When the time comes, as I know it will, I will blow my
brains out, and though they may devour my body they will not rend
me alive. No more ships have been brought in here since the
McCracken was captured. But this I know is due to the fact that all
the energies of these creatures are being devoted to building
additional air machines. This work goes on in a vast cavern beyond
the city where tremendous forces, furnaces with heat beyond human
conception and machines of which we know nothing, are controlled
by the internal steam, the radiant energy and the magnetic powers of
the earth’s core.
“And now, again let me implore any and all who may hear my
words to give close attention to what I say, for here again is a means
by which humanity may combat and destroy these ghastly, gigantic
cannibals. The spherical air-machines are helpless from above.
Their magnetic or electrical forces extend only downwards. The
gasses they throw out are heavier than air and descend but cannot
ascend, and by means of swift planes, huge bombs and machine
guns, the things can be easily destroyed. And they cannot travel
without throwing off the dazzling green light. Only when motionless
are they dark. And so they will offer easy marks and can be readily
detected. So, I beseech you who may hear, that the governments
are notified and warned and that a fleet or many fleets of airplanes
properly equipped patrol the seas, and at first sight of one of the
green meteors rise above it and utterly destroy it without mercy.
 “Wait! I hear a terrified scream.... I am back again at the
transmitter. It was the fellow who has been with me. Poor devil! He
has met his fate, but after all it was the custom of his people, and,
moreover, he would have starved to death in a few days. For that
matter I, too, face starvation. The ship’s stock is running low; all the
food upon the McCracken was destroyed in cutting up that vessel,
and unless another ship is captured I will have no food after two
weeks more. What a strange thought! How terrible an idea! That the
awful fate of hundreds of my fellows would be my salvation! But I will
never live to die from hunger. I can hear the terrible screams of my
late companion on the deck outside. God! It is the end! The fellow
must have told the enraged females. His body has been torn to
shreds. With bloody hands and reeking lips they are rushing towards
the upper deck where I sit. They are here! This is my last word! God
grant that I have been heard! I am about to⸺”
Crashing in our ears came the report of a pistol.
The End

1 The message as it came in, was halting, and interrupted, with many unintelligible
words and repetitions, as if the sender were laboring under an intense strain or was an
amateur. For the sake of clarity and continuity, the communication has been edited and
filled in, but not altered in any detail.
2 The metropolitan papers reported the meteor on the eighteenth and stated it was
observed by those on the Chiriqui on the evening of the seventeenth, but it must be
remembered that the Chiriqui was in the western Pacific and hence had gained a day
in time.

Transcriber’s Note: This story appeared in the July 1927 issue of

Amazing Stories Magazine.
*** END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK A VOICE FROM
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