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OUP CORRECTED PROOF – FINAL, 31/01/17, SPi
OX F O R D S T U D I E S I N M E D I E VA L
E U RO P E A N H I S TO RY
General Editors
JOHN H. ARNOLD PATRICK J. GEARY
and
JOHN WATTS
Magnanimous Dukes
and Rising States
The Unification of the Burgundian
Netherlands, 1380–1480
RO B E RT S T E I N
1
3
Great Clarendon Street, Oxford, OX2 6DP,
United Kingdom
Oxford University Press is a department of the University of Oxford.
It furthers the University’s objective of excellence in research, scholarship,
and education by publishing worldwide. Oxford is a registered trade mark of
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© Robert Stein 2017
Translation of De hertog en zijn Staten. De eenwording van de Bourgondische
Nederlanden, ca. 1380–1480 (Hilversum, Verloren, 2014). ISBN 978-90-8704-388-9.
Translated by Marilyn Hedges, M.A.
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Acknowledgements
It seems so simple: in the fifteenth century the Duke of Burgundy subjected many
principalities to his rule, creating a new state that extended the boundaries of the
Netherlands. The rise and fall of the Burgundian house has fascinated historians
for centuries, and I, too, was enthralled by the spectacular events of the fifteenth
century. Hidden behind the apparent success of the Burgundian dynasty lies the
regional world of the former principalities. The rise to power of the new dynasty
was a fascinating process of integration and social change, of continuity and dis-
continuity, rather than a straightforward centralization of government. In this
book I investigate the background of the unification of the Netherlands, not pri-
marily from the perspective of a dynasty aiming at centralization, but from the
viewpoint of the former principalities that continued to exist as provinces in a
composite monarchy.
The present book goes back a long way. It is a translation of the Dutch De hertog
en zijn Staten that appeared in 2014. The writing and translation of a book is not
a solitary work. It evolves over the years, as a result of many discussions with—and
suggestions by—colleagues, students, and friends. I am indebted to the staff of
the many archives and libraries in Belgium, France, and the Netherlands, who are
the guardians of our historical culture, indispensable to the present study. In the
Leiden University library in particular I found a stimulating and warm welcome.
I would like to thank the students at Leiden University, who over many years took
my classes on Burgundian history and on state formation, and who never failed to
challenge me with their critiques, curiosity, and inquisitiveness. I am very grateful
to my colleagues for their intellectual generosity in sharing their knowledge, insights,
and findings. There are a few colleagues I want to mention explicitly. First of all,
those who were involved in the NWO project that laid the roots of this book:
Wim Blockmans, Marc Boone, Mario Damen, Jan Dumolyn, Walter Prevenier,
and Hilde De Ridder-Symoens.
The Department of History at Leiden University is a very stimulating place
to work. It is where I often discussed my ideas with my direct colleagues at the
section of Medieval History, Peter Hoppenbrouwers, Hans Mol, Aart Noordzij,
Louis Sicking, Claire Weeda, and especially Justyna Wubs-Mrozewicz. My research
assistants Justine Smithuis, Maurits den Hollander, and Anne Beckers helped me
to phrase, rephrase, and correct my text; Marilyn Hedges undertook the difficult
task of translating the book, with all its complex institutional terminology, from
Dutch into English.
Three people deserve an extra mention. My wonderful former colleague and
mentor Wim Blockmans closely followed the genesis of this book, and was always
prepared to counsel me and to discuss and modify my interpretations. Secondly,
vi Acknowledgements
I want to thank Antheun Janse, with whom I had so many stimulating discussions
in the corridor between our offices over the decline of the Holland dynasty and the
rise of Burgundian power. Finally, I want to thank my mother, Tineke Stein-
Wilkeshuis, not just for the interest she showed during the research for and the
writing of this book, but also for reading through the manuscript.
Contents
List of Figures ix
List of Maps xi
List of Tables xiii
List of Abbreviations xv
1. The Burgundian Union: By Way of Introduction 1

1.1 Limits 1
1.2 State Formation in the Burgundian Netherlands 7
2. The Titles 15
2.1 Introduction 15
2.2 The Border Areas of the Empire and France 19
2.3 The Reign of Philip the Bold 22
2.4 Expansion in the Fifteenth Century 35
2.5 Patterns 48
2.6 Conclusion 51
3. The Representative Institutions 53

3.1 Introduction 53
3.2 States and Orders 54
3.3 Political Role 71
3.4 Conclusion 78
4. The Attraction of a Union 79

4.1 Introduction 79
4.2 Bankrupt Dynasties 81
4.3 Financial and Social Repercussions 97
4.4 The Burgundian Alternative 103
4.5 Conclusion 114
5. Towards a New Structure of Government 115

5.1 Introduction 115
5.2 The Nucleus of Power 117
5.3 The Provinces 127
5.4 The Integration of the Administration 146
5.5 Conclusion 150
6. The Jurisdiction 152

6.2 The Bailiwicks 154
6.3 The Provincial Council Chambers 161
viii Contents
6.4 The Great Council and Parliament of Mechelen 177
6.5 Conclusion 182
7. The Financial Organization 185

7.2 Receivers 186
7.3 Auditing the Accounts 197
7.4 The Results 216
7.5 For the Common Good? 220
7.6 Conclusion 224
8. The Taxes 226

8.2 Argumentation 227
8.3 The Financial Importance 232
8.4 The Distribution of the Fiscal Burden 239
8.5 Concessions 244
8.6 Clergy and Nobility 249
8.7 Conclusion 253
9. Summa summarum 255
Epilogue 262
Bibliography 265
Index 307
List of Figures
1.1. Johan Huizinga (1872–1945) 3
1.2. Henri Pirenne (1862–1935) 4
2.1. Panel by master WA (after 1472), showing the coats of arms of Charles
the Bold, surrounded by those of his duchies and counties 16
2.2. Seal of Philip the Bold (1387) 17
2.3. Simplified genealogical table of the dukes of Burgundy, counts of
Flanders, Artois, Franche-Comté, Nevers, and Rethel (before ca. 1400) 21
2.4. Simplified genealogical table of the Brabant line of inheritance (1355–1430) 28
2.5. Division of the inheritance of Philip the Bold among his sons John
the Fearless, Anton of Brabant, and Philip of Nevers 33
2.6. The murder of John the Fearless on the bridge of Montereau (1419) 34
2.7. Simplified genealogical table of the House of Bavaria (1404/1406–30) 37
2.8. Simplified genealogical table of the House of Luxemburg 44
2.9. Simplified genealogical table of the Houses of Guelders, Jülich, and Berg 47
3.1. Number of assemblies of the States of Holland and Zeeland, 1401–80 58
3.2. Brabant urban league of 8 March 1355 65
3.3. Brabant league of nobles of 17 May 1355 66
3.4. The States of Brabant ask Philip of St Pol to act as regent (1421) 74
4.1. John of Nassau’s letter of abuse (ca. 1420) 95
4.2. Incidental donations from the French crown to Philip the Bold and John
the Fearless, 1382–1419 105
5.1. Charles the Bold presenting a military ordinance to the commanders (1473) 119
5.2. Geographic origin of the most important courtiers (écuyers, stewards, and
chamberlains) based on the court ordinances, 1433, 1445, 1458, and 1477 120
5.3. Geographic origin of the knights of the Order of the Golden Fleece, 1430–81 126
5.4. Number of university-trained council members in the council chambers
of Flanders, Brabant, and Holland-Zeeland, 1380–1480 144
5.5. Travels of the envoys between the central administration and the provinces 147
5.6. Number of assemblies of the States-General, 1431–76 149
6.1. The legal system in the Netherlands: the situation ca. 1475 154
6.2. Status of the bailiwicks in Flanders, Brabant, and Holland in 1465 158
7.1. Financial organization of the provinces in the late Middle Ages 187
7.2. Development of the office of receiver-general in Burgundy, 1386–1477 191
7.3. Auditors of the Chambre des comptes of Paris (ca. 1450) 201
7.4. Officers involved in the establishment of the audit offices in Dijon,
Lille, Brussels, and The Hague 202
x List of Figures
7.5. Audit master Bartelomeus a la Truye 205
7.6. Account of Holland with notes by the auditors 211
7.7. Exchange rate of the vierlander compared to the Venetian ducat in Bruges 219
8.1. Amount of the aids and fines in the core provinces, 1425–63 in pounds 242
8.2. Marinus van Reymerswael. The tax collector 248
9.1. Summa summarum—grand total—of the Holland clerk to the treasurer
Filips Engelbrechtszoon (1417) 256
List of Maps
1.1. The Burgundian lands at the time of Philip the Good 6
2.1. Brabant, Limburg, and the Lands of Overmaas 31
4.1. Allodial possessions of John of Bavaria, in 1424 bequeathed to Philip
the Good 107
List of Tables
1.1. Estimate of the area and the number of inhabitants of the Burgundian
provinces in the fifteenth century 13
2.1. Payment of debts on the duchy of Limburg and the Lands of Overmaas
by Philip the Bold 30
2.2. Partition of the Burgundian inheritance 32
2.3. Year of effective exercise of power and formal acquisition of the most
important Burgundian provinces 49
3.1. Number of assemblies in Flanders, Brabant, and Holland, and the
participation by the different orders 59
3.2. Number of assemblies of the States of Guelders, 1471–9 59
3.3. Origin of the third order 67
3.4. Composition of the first order in the representative institutions 70
4.1. Estimate of the size of several provincial courts in the Netherlands 81
4.2. Number of feasts and tournaments at the court of Brabant, 1406–30 82
4.3. Wars of the duchy of Brabant (1350–1430) 83
4.4. Wars of the county of Holland (1350–1430) 85
4.5. Estimated wealth of the Christian sovereigns in the first quarter of the
fifteenth century, expressed in ducats 103
4.6. Domain incomes of the Burgundian lands, 1445 104
4.7. Regular gifts from the French king 105
5.1. Composition of the Council of Flanders, 1409 117
5.2. Places of residence of the court of Burgundy during the reign of Philip
the Good (1419–67) 121
5.3. Origin of the members of the Great Council, as determined in the
General Privilege and actually appointed 1477 125
5.4. Chapter meetings of the Golden Fleece, 1430–77 127
5.5. Date of appointment of a stadtholder in the Burgundian provinces 128
5.6. Date of the establishment of the provincial councils: core council
and permanent location 133
5.7. Demands set out in 1477 with regard to the origin of the members
of Brabant, Flanders, Holland, and Namur 140
5.8. Geographical origin of the officials of the Councils of Brabant, Flanders,
and Holland-Zeeland 141
5.9. Number of assemblies of the provincial representative institutions
(ca. 1430–ca. 1476) 149
xiv List of Tables

5.10. Attendance of the duke and members of the councils at the assemblies of the
Members of Flanders and the States of Holland and Zeeland (percentages) 150
6.1. Overview of the bailiwicks in the Netherlands: the oldest mention and
numbers in ca. 1450 156
6.2. Date of the introduction of the Ministry of Public Affairs in the
provincial councils 166
6.3. Dates when series of registers were set up in the provincial council chambers 169
6.4. Oldest mention of clerks of court in the provincial council chambers 170
6.5. Content of the ordinance for the Council of Holland, 1462 172
6.6. Date and length of the ordinances of the Councils of Flanders, Hainaut,
Brabant, Holland-Zeeland, Guelders, and Namur 173
6.7. Role of the second and third orders of Holland-Zeeland in the development
of the Council of Holland 175
6.8. Composition of the Parliament of Mechelen, 1474 179
6.9. Submission of the provincial councils to the Great Council/Parliament
of Mechelen 181
6.10. Specification of the cases brought before the Great Council and
the Parliament of Mechelen (1470–6) 181
7.1. Reform of the receiverships in the Burgundian provinces 193
7.2. Jurisdiction of the Burgundian audit offices (ca. 1460) 208
7.3. Introduction of accounting audits in the Burgundian provinces 209
7.4. Net income from the domains, 1445 and 1467–8 in pounds 218
8.1. Compulsory motivations for providing an aid (situation ca. 1425) 231
8.2. Overview of the earliest occurrences of long-term aids in the
Burgundian principalities 233
8.3. Overview of the earliest occurrence of the regular aid in the Burgundian
principalities235
8.4. Development of the regular aid in Flanders 236
8.5. Division of the great aid of 1473 in the southern principalities 238
8.6. Estimate of the importance of the aids for the Burgundian finances
(1445, 1468–73) 238
8.7. Receipt of the revenues of the aids at regional and central level 239
8.8. Relative positions between the core provinces in the distribution of
the aids, 1462–4 243
8.9. Revenues in the Netherlands from the tax on the nouveaux acquets, 1474–6 251
List of Abbreviations
AB Annales de Bourgogne
ADCO Dijon, Archives départementales de la Côte d’Or
ADN Lille, Archives départementales du Nord
AR Brussels, State archives of Belgium
ASRAB Annales de la Société royale d’archéologie de Bruxelles
ASAN Annales de la Société archéologique de Namur
BCRALO Bulletin de la Commission royale des anciennes lois et ordonnances de
Belgique
BCRH Bulletin de la Commission royale d’histoire
BG Bijdragen tot de Geschiedenis
BMGN Bijdragen en mededelingen betreffende de Geschiedenis der Nederlanden
BMGelre Bijdragen en mededelingen Gelre
BNB Biographie nationale de Belgique
BVGO Bijdragen voor de vaderlandsche geschiedenis en oudheidkunde
BY Jan van Boendale (and continuator), Brabantsche Yeesten
CC Brussels, AR Chambre des Comptes
KAWLSK Koninklijke akademie voor Wetenschappen, Letteren en Schone kunsten
KB Koninklijke Bibliotheek / Royal Library
LMA Lexikon des Mittelalters
MA Le Moyen Age
MD Brussels AR, Manuscrits divers
MNW Verwijs, Verdam, Middelnederlandsch woordenboek
MSDB Mémoires pour l’histoire du droit et des institutions des anciens pays
bourguignons, comtois et romands
NA The Hague, National Archives
NAGN [New] Algemene Geschiedenis der Nederlanden (15 vols, Haarlem
1980–1983)
NBW Nationaal biografisch woordenboek
PCEEB Publications du Centre Européen des études Bourguignonnes
PSHIL Publications de la section historique de l’Institut royal grand-ducal
de Luxembourg
RBPH Revue Belge de philologie et d’histoire
Rekreg NA, Grafelijkheidsrekenkamer, registers
Rekrek NA, Grafelijkheidsrekenkamer, rekeningen
RN Revue du Nord
SAL Leuven, Stadsarchief
SL Standen en Landen
TRG Tijdschrift voor rechtsgeschiedenis / The legal history review
TVG Tijdschrift voor geschiedenis
1
The Burgundian Union
By Way of Introduction
1.1 LIMITS
On 7 October 1430, a funeral procession proceeded from the Leuven court chapel
to the nearby parish church of Tervuren. A large number of princes, bishops,
abbots, priests, and townspeople accompanied Philip of St Pol, Duke of Brabant,
to his final resting place. His body, shrouded in black cloth, was at the heart of the
procession. Sixteen high nobles gathered around the late duke, their hands resting
on the bier. These in turn were surrounded by 250 men, all dressed in black, who
had been the duke’s heralds, secretaries, falconers, valets, kitchen servants, and
others who had belonged to his household. For several years they had shared their
destiny with him through thick and—more often—through thin. Some of them
may have cast their minds back to the events of the previous few months, when the
duke conceived the plan to arrange a wedding with a royal princess, how he sud-
denly died under mysterious circumstances, how the States of Brabant had an
autopsy performed on his body, and how the body was laid out for two months in
the Leuven court chapel, because the States could not decide who they should
inaugurate as his successor. That was all over now. The vivid colours of the festive
wedding finery may still have shown through the sombre black of the mourning
robes. At another point in time, no trouble or expense had been spared in dressing
all courtiers in ceremonial garb for the wedding. Now the Duke was dead and the
money had run out. The treasurer had the brightly coloured cloth dyed black to
save money.1
Philip of St Pol’s death was an end point in several respects. With the childless
duke, the independent duchy of Brabant, a principality that had been of great pol-
itical significance in the Low Countries for centuries, went to its grave. With him,
the Brabantine court that had played a leading role in the thirteenth and four-
teenth centuries disappeared. And for the courtiers, too, the funeral meant a turn-
ing point. This was the last time they gathered around their lord. They dispersed,
and most of them sank into anonymity.
1 This reconstruction is based on the distribution of mourning cloth in 1430 (Brussels AR, CC
2408, f. 33r–38) and the description in the continuation of the Brabantsche Yeesten (BY VII vs.
18020–35). The composition of the funeral procession is partly derived from the funeral of Duke
Anton: Brussels AR, CC 131, f. 177r–178v and CC 2399, f. 98v–106r. Compare: Stein, ‘Gifts’;
Chevalier de Gottal, ‘Funérailles’, 79–88.
2 Magnanimous Dukes and Rising States
Le duc est mort, vive le duc. A day after the funeral, Philip the Good, Duke of
Burgundy, Count of Flanders, and prince of many other counties and lordships,
was inaugurated in Brussels, to displays of great joy and delight and with festivities
and enormous honours (met minnen, met bliscapen, feesten, met groter eere).2 For
Brabant this heralded the start of a period of transition. The duchy now became
part of a much larger territorial polity, which would soon encompass almost the
whole of the Low Countries. It became absorbed into the international ambitions
of the new dynasty. More importantly, the existing administrative, financial, and
judicial organization was partially dismantled, and partially encapsulated in new
structures. New institutions were formed, staffed by new servants. Brabant was not
the only principality that fell into the hands of the Burgundian dynasty in this
period. John III, Count of Namur, died almost at the same time as Philip of St Pol;
six years later, Jacqueline of Bavaria, Countess of Hainaut, Holland, and Zeeland,
passed away, followed fifteen years later by Elisabeth of Görlitz, Duchess of
Luxemburg. All died childless, and their principalities were added to the rich list
of duchies, counties, and lordships in the possession of the Burgundian dynasty.
The rise of the House of Burgundy can be read as the success story of a dynasty
that in little over a century managed to assemble a great number of principalities,
thus creating a new state. In 1363, the French King John II gave the duchy of
Burgundy to his youngest son, Philip the Bold. A century later Philip’s grandson,
Philip the Good, ruled over ten medium-sized principalities, located in the border
regions of the Empire and France. In the south, his possessions consisted of
Burgundy and Franche-Comté; in the north, of important parts of the Low
Countries. In 1475 his son Charles the Bold succeeded in connecting the northern
and southern parts by obtaining the interjacent territories. Burgundian power had
expanded so far that the dukes attempted repeatedly to transform their lands into
a single kingdom with an independent status, free of the disruptive interference of
the Emperor and the King of France. Ultimately their success backfired on them.
The final years of Charles the Bold were enveloped in a cloud of gunpowder, and
when he perished in 1477, many of the earlier gains were lost, including the duchy
of Burgundy that had been the start of the whole affair more than a century earlier.
What remained was a series of possessions in the Low Countries and Franche-
Comté, now under the authority of Maximilian of Habsburg, who had married
Charles’ daughter Mary in 1477.
All this raises the question of what was the nature of the polity created by
the Burgundian dynasty. In 1930, the Dutch cultural historian Johan Huizinga
(1872–1945; Figure 1.1) taught a course at the Sorbonne on L’État bourguignon,
the Burgundian state. Obviously Huizinga was well aware of the problematic
nature of the central concept of ‘State’. He started his discourse by giving the term
a more subtle shade of meaning. In his view, a true Burgundian state only existed
between 1477 and 1579, from the time when the Netherlands definitively broke
away from France, until its equally final separation into a northern and a southern
2 Quote: BY VII 18040–1.

The Burgundian Union 3
Figure 1.1. Johan Huizinga (1872–1945). Leiden University Library, Icones Leidenses,
nr. 360
part.3 But Huizinga’s course actually focused on the previous period that stretched
from 1363 to 1477, when the great dukes of Burgundy, Philip the Bold, John the
Fearless, Philip the Good, and Charles the Bold, reigned over a myriad of
principalities and lordships. The convenience of the term Burgundian state led him
to use it for the earlier period as well. Huizinga was cautious, but others used the
expression État bourguignon with less restraint: Henri Pirenne (Figure 1.2) as a
chapter title in his monumental Histoire de Belgique, and the French historian
Bertrand Schnerb as the title of a book. The latter was not so much concerned with
the relationship between the Burgundian union and France, but with how it was
organized, how the institutions of state were established, and how they developed
over time.4
The hesitation in referring to an état and the caution with which the term was
used are symptomatic. The development of Burgundian power and the institution-
alization inherent in it are an unmistakable part of a process of state formation, of
3 Huizinga, ‘État’, 161. In reality, the Netherlands only in 1529 became independent from France.
At the same time, one may wonder how ‘Burgundian’ this state still was: France annexed the duchy of
Burgundy in 1477.
4 Schnerb, État, 8–9.
Figure 1.2. Henri Pirenne (1862–1935). KIK IRPA, object number 20007645
centralization, rationalization, and expansion and of the establishment of a

state monopoly.5 But did this result in the formation of a true Burgundian state?
A state is the intended end product of state formation. In a modern state, the
government has a high degree of sovereignty over its territory and population;
however, in the late Middle Ages, this ideal was still a long way off. It is only under
a very general definition that the Burgundian union can be regarded as a state; such
a definition is Bernard Guenée’s trichotomy territory-population-government: Il
y a État dès qu’il y a sur un territoire, une population obéissant à un gouvernement.6
There was indeed something resembling a central government, formed by the
Burgundian dukes and their administration, who ruled over a sizeable, more or
less recognizable territory inhabited by a large population. But, in that case, what
is the relationship between subjects and government? In other words, if the
Burgundian union—or any other medieval polity—is characterized as a ‘state’, or
état, does this not overemphasize its centre? Should it not be regarded rather as a
personal union, comprising diverse principalities, each with its own institutions
and customs?
This present study focuses on the administrative establishment of the Burgundian
Netherlands, namely the organization of governance, justice, and finance. The
dukes of Burgundy were heirs to a large number of regional dynasties. Inevitably,
the rise of Burgundian power led to a series of profound institutional changes given
that, along with the regional dynasties, the princely courts that had traditionally
5 Elias, Civilisatieproces, 266. 6 Guenée, Occident, 62–3.

been the centres of administration and justice also disappeared. The expansion of
Burgundian power was accompanied by a professionalization of administration,
the renewal of the financial and judicial institutions and the introduction of sys-
tematic tax collection. Even so, these new institutions were indebted to those that
had developed in the principalities over the previous centuries. All in all, it is safe
to say that there was both continuity and change. Some of the institutions of the
former principalities were incorporated into the new structure; some of the former
structures remained in place, and a number of new ones were created.
However, I intend more than to write just an institutional history of the
Burgundian union, more than simply to reconstruct the composition and compe-
tence of a series of late medieval institutional bodies. Institutions, whether they
have administrative, judicial, or financial tasks, play a role in society, be it in the
service of the central government in its efforts to strengthen its power or improve
its access to finance, or in serving the subjects, maintaining law and order, and
enabling proper monitoring of the government. Institutions can therefore only be
understood from their social and political contexts. Applied to the Netherlands in
the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries, the ambitions of the Burgundian dukes
were confronted, sometimes frustrated, by those of their new subjects. In this book
I will examine the development of the institutions in the field of tension between
ruler and subject, between centralization and particularism. Who were the d ominant
players? Did the dukes create an unstoppable movement of centralization and
rationalization when they tried to encapsulate the principalities in their structures
of government and finance? Or did the subjects weigh the benefits of unity and
institutional security and find them important enough to make financial and
political sacrifices?
In terms of geography, this study focuses primarily on the Netherlands. It is
impossible to give a precise indication of the perimeters of the Netherlands. We
find only incidental sources in the late Middle Ages that seem to relate to this area,
and even then, the references are not very clear. It was not until the middle of the
sixteenth century—probably as a result of the incredibly successful edition of
Guicciardini’s Descrittione di tutti i Paesi Bassi (first edition Antwerp 1567)—that
it became clear where the borders lay. In the fifteenth century the area that
Guicciardini described as Paesi Bassi had no logical demarcation at all. It was inter-
sected by the language border, by the borders of ecclesiastical territories, and above
all, by numerous borders of principalities and lordships. At a higher level, the bor-
der between the Empire and France divided the region into two unequal parts. The
largest part, to the east of the Scheldt, belonged to the Holy Roman Empire; a
much smaller part—in essence Flanders and Artois—belonged to the Kingdom of
France. I will take as my basis the area controlled by the house of Burgundy around
the middle of the fifteenth century. This was a highly changeable and dynamic ter-
ritory, being increased and reduced according to the tide of the dynasty’s military,
diplomatic, and political success. To keep the scope of this book manageable, I will
limit myself to the political and institutional integration of ten former principalities
in the Netherlands, with a clear emphasis on the so-called core provinces of
Flanders, Artois, Brabant, Hainaut, Holland, and Zeeland (Map 1.1).
Possessions of Philip the

Good since 1419
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Border of the Holy Roman
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Borders of the Principalities
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Breda ´s-Hertogen-
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Middelburg GUELDEURS MARK
B R A BA N T
Antwerp
Bruges
Ghent BERG
Rh
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F L ANDERS Mechelen GULIK
Cologne
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CHARO-
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Map 1.1. The Burgundian lands at the time of Philip the Good
© Bert Stamkot, Cartografisch bureau MAP, Amsterdam
The period under discussion is demarcated by the government of the four great
Burgundian dukes: Philip the Bold (1363–1404), John the Fearless (1404–19),
Philip the Good (1419–67), and Charles the Bold (1467–77). The period started
with the appointment of Philip the Bold as duke of Burgundy in 1363 and ended
with the death of his great grandson Charles the Bold in 1477 and the incorporation
of the Netherlands into the much greater Habsburg personal union. Given the
importance of the reign of Philip the Good for the unification of the Netherlands—
in the years from 1421 to 1433, Namur, Brabant, Hainaut, Holland, and Zeeland
were added to the Burgundian union—I will focus particularly on the period of his
reign.
1.2 S TAT E F O R M AT I O N I N T H E B U RG U N D I A N
NETHERLANDS
When researching the rise of the modern state, most sociologists take the adminis-
trative centre as their starting point. The core of this approach lies in the definition
of the modern state, as formulated by, for example, Max Weber: ‘a compulsory
association which organizes domination. It has been successful in seeking to
monopolize the legitimate use of physical force as a means of domination within a
territory.’7 A comparable definition is proposed by Charles Tilly, who defines states
as ‘Coercion-wielding organizations that . . . exercise clear priority in some respects
over all other organizations within substantial territories’.8 From this perspective it
seems obvious that the centre, where all state power is concentrated, is the logical
starting point for a long historical development. The origin of the modern state can
thus be sought in the high and late Middle Ages, when a slow process of centraliza-
tion began. The reasoning is more or less as follows: initially a ruler faced a large
number of competitors, with whom he competed to maximize the size of his ter-
ritories. In a continuous struggle, a survival of the fittest, only those princes sur-
vived who were ambitious, powerful, and ruthless enough to eliminate their rivals.
It therefore comes as no surprise that the waging of wars has a prominent place in
this approach. The prince had to deal not only with external enemies but also with
rivals within his own territory, such as the important nobles and the privileged
towns. These groups had to be subjugated to the prince’s authority, and they had
to provide him with the personal and—most important—financial means needed to
be able to engage in the inevitable wars. Central administrative, legal, and financial
institutions acted as instruments of the prince—later the government—to impose
sovereignty on the competing legal powers within the prince’s territory. Seen in
this light, it is hardly surprising that Charles Tilly characterized state formation as
‘organised crime’.9
The process of exploiting, pacifying, and subjugating a territory and its inhabit-
ants, and enforcing a monopoly of violence by imposing taxes and military, legal,
7 Weber, ‘Politics as a vocation’, 82–3. 8 Tilly, Coercion, 1. 9 Tilly, ‘War making’.
and political institutionalization has thus become the dominant model within
the discussion on state formation.10 A good example is the development of the
Kingdom of France. Starting in the late tenth century, from the relatively small
territory of Île de France, the kings of the Capetian dynasty successfully built an
enormous kingdom, literally centred on Paris. This process took centuries and was
typically punctuated by external threats, wars, indoctrination, dynastic continuity,
and the imposition of a monopoly of violence. Counties and duchies were sub-
jected to Paris and new central institutions—an audit office, a high court, a council
of finances—were established to channel the financial resources to the centre, and
to impose royal jurisdiction on the subjects.
There are at least three reservations that should be made in applying this model
in a more general sense to state formation during the late Middle Ages. Firstly,
the principle is strongly teleologically coloured, focusing on the creation of the
European states of the twentieth and twenty-first century that exhibit a more or
less similar organizational structure. This certainly did not apply to the polities
of the late Middle Ages. When Wim Blockmans made a classification of the dif-
ferent types of governments in Europe, he identified no fewer than twelve different
types, determined by their size and demographic and geographic status, from the
small peasant communities in the Alps and in Friesland, via the autonomous
towns in northern Italy and the medium-sized principalities of Central Europe, to
the kingdoms and empires with holistic pretentions. Most of these no longer have
any political significance today, even if they may live on in the names of provinces
and regions. This enormous variation has no place in most models of state
formation.11
Reticence is also needed on a second point, that of the violent nature of state
formation and the dominant role of warmongering. Indeed, the formation of a
military power gave the princes and their administrations the means of expanding
their territory and keeping their subjects in check. However, expansion and
oppression are not the only character traits of state formation. Political scientist
Stein Rokkan pointed out that—besides violence—economic, cultural, and legal
factors also played a role.12 Social scientist Michael Mann added ideological factors
to this list.13
A third reservation relates to the emphasis on the princes or administrators as act-
ors, who tried to impose the monopoly on violence on their subjects, who in turn
were forced to endure it; at times, they may have complained, but in general, they
were resigned. But is a state exclusively the child of princely aspirations for power?
Was it just the government that, by using force, extended its power over society?
In more recent literature (Ertman; Spruyt), it is understood that interdependence
between prince or government and subjects was fundamental to state formation.14
10 See, for example: Tilly, Coercion, 75, 96–8; Elias, Civilisatieproces; Koenigsberger, ‘Dominum’.
11 John Watts too pointed out the importance of smaller ‘polities’ in the medieval context: Watts,
Making of polities.
12 Rokkan, ‘Dimensions’. 13 Mann, Sources, 1–33.
14 Ertman, Birth of the Leviathan; Spruyt, Sovereign state, esp. 61–7.
On the one hand, the prince depended on the nobility and towns—especially the
urban elites—for political and financial support. In exchange, these demanded the
political stability, law, and order that were crucial to their commercial interests and
to the prosperity of the country. In other words they had an interest in strengthening
the prince’s public role. This approach is for instance taken by the New Institutional
Economics, a school that emphasizes the role of the state and its institutions in the
public sphere, in safeguarding rights of property, and as the supplier of the indis-
pensable lubricants of commercial economy: safety, peace, order, access to markets,
stable currency, and a dependable legal system. Considered from this perspective,
state formation is located expressly in the interaction between prince and subjects.
This is the approach taken by Bernard Guenée in his masterly L’Occident aux XIVe
et XVe siècles that first appeared in 1971 and was translated into English in 1985.15
Guenée doesn’t study the states of the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries in a
chronological sequence ending in modern times, but judges them on their own
merits, examining not just political realities but also the emotions, imaginations,
ideas, expectations, identities, rights, and obligations of both prince and subjects.
Jean-Philippe Genet and Wim Blockmans pointed out the interdependence of princes
and the towns, and the importance of urbanization for state formation: ‘as long as
princes and towns found a common rival in feudal nobility, they were allies to each
other’s advantage’.16 More recently, this concept was expanded in a volume,
entitled Empowering Interactions.17 Perhaps this view is best summarized by John
Watts: ‘The stronger polities of the later fifteenth century were forged as much
from below, or from within, as they were from above’.18
It is striking that the late medieval Netherlands played only a limited role in the
theoretical discussion about state formation. In literature, the rise of Burgundian
power is most often considered to be a disruption in the process of state formation
by the Kingdom of France.19 The dukes of Burgundy are generally regarded as
‘French’ princes, which is, of course, quite correct. They were descended from the
French royal house, and the duchy of Burgundy, their oldest possession, fell under
the French crown. And possibly even more important: the outside world also
regarded them as such. But still, if we take Burgundian polity—and certainly the
part situated in the Netherlands—as a whole, this is a simplification of the reality:
the emergence of the Burgundian union in itself can be considered in the light of
late medieval state formation: the development of a new ‘state’ in the twilight zone
between the Empire and the French Kingdom. The reconstruction of this process
is the ambition of this book.
The literature on the Burgundian period is overwhelming. Fascinated or
blinded by the Burgundian court spectacle that was unequalled in Europe, or by
the striking personalities of the dukes, many authors have paid almost exclusive
15 The title of the English translation is: States and rulers in later medieval Europe.
16 Blockmans, ‘Voracious states’, 750. See the impressive series The origin of the modern state in
Europe, edited by Blockmans and Genet.
17 Blockmans et al., Empowering interactions. 18 Watts, Making of polities, 378.
19 Recently, by Genet, ‘Government of later medieval France and England’, 6.
attention to the centre, to the dukes, at the Burgundian court, to the Order of the
Golden Fleece and the Feast of the Pheasant. They largely took as their basis the
historiographical sources that chroniclers like Georges Chastellain, Jean Molinet,
and Olivier de la Marche wrote at the request of the Burgundian dukes. The dukes
and the ‘state’ they created were interesting themes, particularly for Belgian histor-
ians. Flanders and Brabant were united by the dukes under a single princely house,
and this union would form the basis, first of the Spanish and Austrian Netherlands,
later of Belgium. In the nineteenth century the historiography focused primarily
on emphasizing the unique character of Belgian society. And how could this better
be characterized than by the persistent, proud struggle for freedom of the Belgian
cities of Ghent and Liège against the might of Burgundy? Ultimately, this desire
for freedom was smothered in blood by the dukes, despots who did not deny their
French ancestry. The Ghent historian Paul Fredericq (1850–1920), for example,
repeatedly emphasized the ‘antinational’ character of the corrupt Burgundian
dukes, who had no interest in the inherent German love of freedom. The dukes of
Burgundy definitely earn a place in the long line of foreign despots who had tried
for centuries to enslave the Belgians.20
In around 1890 the image of the Burgundian state presented in the historiography
changed rapidly. The state of Belgium attempted to make a place for itself on the
international stage, but at the same time the Belgian people felt increasingly threat-
ened by the great international powers. Historians paid lip service to these efforts
by emphasizing the interests of unity and condemning as narrow-minded and self-
interested the urban and provincial particularism that they had so roundly
acclaimed just a short time before. The dukes of Burgundy went from being the
stooges to the heroes of Belgian unity, patriots who were able to bridge the diver-
sity of the local communities. The work of Henri Pirenne (1863–1935) is both a
textbook example of this development and its pièce de résistance. Duke Philip the
Good was Pirenne’s great hero: he guided the different principalities to a new State
of the Netherlands, which gained him the name of conditor Belgii, a term borrowed
from sixteenth-century statesmen.21 The Burgundian duke shaped what was later
to become the Kingdom of Belgium. But, in Pirenne’s opinion, Philip formalized
something that had already been in existence for a long time. He stated somewhat
curiously on the one hand that the unification of the Netherlands was a more or
less natural development, while at the same time denouncing the particularism of
the towns and principalities that delayed or even obstructed the process. Ultimately,
in his view, the Netherlands did constitute a unity and it was Philip the Good who
provided it with a political structure.
Pirenne’s ideas are not set in stone. Paul Bonenfant, in his biography of Philip
the Good (1943), expresses some doubt about the centralist assumptions of earlier
20 Carlier, ‘Contribution’, 3–12; Stengers, ‘Mythe’. A similar approach can be found in Luxemburg:
Péporté et al., Inventing, 3–4.
21 Carlier, ‘Contribution’, 12–20. The term Conditor Belgii is usually attributed to Justus Lipsius
or Pontus Heuterus but it seems that it was used by Viglius van Aytta as well: Jongkees, ‘Génération’,
145 n. 42.
historiography, without actually setting out his reasons.22 In more recent years,
historians with a Flemish background in particular have addressed the problem of
unification of the Netherlands and they have decidedly distanced themselves from
Pirenne’s ideas, from his monarchistic-centralistic point of departure. They have
focused not on the prince and his environment, but on the subjects and have stud-
ied the consequences of Burgundian state formation for them. Their prime area of
interest was urban history, and economic and social aspects in particular. In some
ways this means that science is back to square one. In less flowery language than
that of Paul Fredericq and his peers, the dukes of Burgundy and their paladins were
again painted as cynical despots. The long tradition of revolts—particularly in
Ghent and Bruges—makes it clear how deeply the resistance against Burgundian
centralization was rooted.23 In their recent publications Wim Blockmans and
Walter Prevenier again looked for a balance between the prince’s interests and
those cherished by the urban and noble elites, although they too mainly point to
the centralizing initiatives of the princely administration.24 However, one can ask
how representative Flanders and the rebelling cities of Ghent and Bruges were of
the other provinces and towns in the Burgundian union. Flanders was by far the
most urbanized province of the Netherlands and the insurgency was largely con-
fined to the two cities mentioned; there was no comparable tradition of revolt in
the towns of Brabant, Hainaut, Holland, or Zeeland. Possibly more importantly,
Flanders lay in the Kingdom of France, whereas most other provinces of the
Netherlands lay in the Empire.25
In the meantime, the theme of Burgundian state formation aroused less interest
among Dutch historians. Their agenda was dominated by an obsession with the
roots of the Republic, and the Burgundian union was mainly considered in the light
of this.26 The growth of Burgundian power was regarded as a threat to provincial or
local autonomy and as a political phase that would inevitably lead to the Revolt, so
glorified with teleological and nationalistic zeal. The view held by Leiden historian
Robert Fruin (1823–99) is typical; he indicated that even before the formation of
the Republic, there was already a profound difference between the northern and
southern Netherlands, including in terms of their national character and their his-
tory. This vision is revisited in the work of Jonathan Israel, who talks of a ‘pro-
found rift which had already long existed’ between North and South.
The institutions that came into being in the Burgundian lands have fascinated
researchers since the nineteenth century. This was clearly a dynasty at work that
liked order, regularity, and methodical systems. The council chambers were seen as
the forefathers of the institutions that dominated the legal field right up until the
French Revolution, institutions that were still recognizable in the nineteenth and
22 Bonenfant, Philippe le Bon, 122–7; ‘Traits’. 23 See, for example, Boone, Gent, 240.
24 Blockmans, Prevenier, Bourgondiërs; Blockmans, Metropolen.
25 Based on the Burgundian possessions in 1465, only 40 per cent of the Netherlands belonged to
the Kingdom of France, and roughly half the number of inhabitants. If we include the duchies of
Burgundy and Franche-Comté, the figures make up around 50 per cent of the territories and 53 per cent
of the number of inhabitants (see Table 1.1).
26 Fruin, Tien jaren, 440.
twentieth centuries. For the audit offices there was and is a much more direct link.
Even today the Belgian Cour des Comptes and the Dutch Algemene Rekenkamer
point proudly to their predecessors, the audit offices that were set up in 1386 and
in 1447 on the orders of the Burgundian dukes in Lille and The Hague. This explains
why studies on institutionalization occupy an important place in the sizeable
bibliography about the Burgundian period. While research by Dutch historians
often emphasized the autonomous development of the Council of Holland,
Belgian historians placed greater emphasis on the fact that the Councils of Flanders,
Brabant, and Namur were princely creations that served only to enslave the inhab-
itants of the Low Countries and to subject them to French mores in favour of royal
power.27 Frequent reference is made in this context to the events of 1477, when the
whole Burgundian political system was faltering and one of the main demands of
the subjects was that the central Parliament of Mechelen, set up a few years previ-
ously by Charles the Bold as high court of law, should be dismantled.
Much of the research stresses that the dukes and the Burgundian administration
were the most important actors in the process of unification and institutionalization,
which brings us back to the starting point of this study. Undoubtedly they played
a major role in the process that led to a unification of the Netherlands, but was it a
dominant role? Is it possible to fully understand the cohesion of a union if only the
centre is considered, or only one of the parts? If the new institutions were indeed
imposed from the top down, if they meant a cynical breach of the rights and interests
of the subjects, how can it be that they enjoyed the approval of numerous citizens,
who apparently sought guarantees for their legal security? Moreover, how can we
explain that even after the disintegration of the Burgundian union these institutions
continued in completely different political constellations: in the duchy of Burgundy,
situated within the Kingdom of France, with a centralist system of administration,
in the isolated, relatively enlightened Spanish enclave of the southern Netherlands
and in the Dutch Republic that was dominated by the States?
The union of the Burgundian lands might have existed in the dreams of Philip
the Good and Charles the Bold and of the nineteenth-century historians, but in
reality things were different. Much more fitting than the image of a centralized
state is that of a composite monarchy, a term used by British scholar John Elliott in
1992. Composite monarchies are personal unions where the different principal-
ities had their own laws and customs, in some cases even their own constitution. It
is true that they had one and the same prince, but he treated them as independent
administrative entities; they existed alongside all kinds of other independent polities.
The concept of a composite monarchy has mostly been applied to early modern
Europe. It is also a good characterization of the late medieval Burgundian union.
The sequence of titles of the dukes of Burgundy alone illustrates this: Philip the
Good held fifteen titles at the end of his life, as Duke of Burgundy, Lower
Lorraine, Brabant, Limburg, etc. The characterization of the Burgundian union as
a composite monarchy has consequences for research. Elliot commented: ‘If
27 Jansma, Raad; Douxchamps-Lefèvre, Procureurs généraux, 1; Lambrecht, ‘Centralisatie’, 100.

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answer for your Juan. Tell me, sweetest! have you courage to let me share
this glorious conflict.”
The eyes of Juan, as he now suffered them to rest solely upon her to
whom he spoke, by turns softened and sparkled, as love and patriotism
succeeded to displace each other in his mind: those of the hoary-headed
Sebastian expressed an apprehensive anxiety.
Luisa’s changing complexion betrayed an inward and a severe struggle;
but courageously conquering every selfish care, she looked up, and said
firmly, “It is true, you are mine, Juan! but not to the exclusion of sublimer
duties and affections: your country’s claims supersede all others. Awful is
the thought of what may follow this consent I give; for does not the bolt
strike him first who stands on the highest ground? Yet, better to die nobly,
than to live meanly!—better to lament a dead hero, than to retain”——“A
base coward!” interrupted Braganza, snatching her to his breast with
transporting exultation. “O my brave wife! may your spirit animate our
boy!”
“Bless thee, mighty God!” cried the aged King, as he rose and extended
his hands over the admirable pair, “bless them here and hereafter; and grant
that their race may ever sit on the throne of Portugal!”
His august figure, dignified yet further by the sublime emotion which
elevated his soul, stood like some time-shattered tower, whose ruins shew
its former strength and beauty. Luisa contemplated these remains of the
once young and love-inspiring Sebastian, with a melting heart; for she
thought of all the events and feelings which had filled his chequered life,
and sighed to think how barren and how desolate was that Sebastian now.
Braganza looked at him with respect and admiration: “Honored Sire!
dear Father!” he said, “I have but one ardent wish—’tis that I may not
disgrace the illustrious blood which flows in my veins. If there be one drop
there poisoned by vile ambition, if there be but one that does not flow
purely for freedom and my country, may the whole tide that circles through
this body, redden the swords of Spain.”
Shuddering at so horrid an image, Luisa threw herself on the neck of her
husband and fondly chid him. His smiles and caresses banished alarm,
while Sebastian, eager to learn the particulars of an association so fraught
with importance, proceeded to inquire the names, characters, and resources
of the confederate nobles.
He found that the party which had thus courted the protection of
Braganza, consisted of the first families in Portugal; and that the
Archbishop of Lisbon, a prelate of great power and probity, had, through
the means of the inferior clergy assured himself of the spirit and fidelity of
three parts of the people.
The Duchess of Mantua, who governed in quality of Vice-Queen, was in
reality but the instrument of Vasconcellos, her secretary. This man, though
by birth a Portuguese, was in heart a Spaniard: or rather, was a wretch of
such wide ambition, such insatiable covetousness, and such base sensuality,
that to gratify these favorite passions, he was ready to trample on the
mother who bore him.
His licentious conduct, dissolute life, cruelties, extortions, and insults,
had by degrees, exasperated the Portuguese into the most deadly animosity:
to this private hatred was added the stronger sentiment of national honour,
and the animating one of attachment to the person of Braganza.
Nothing could be more ardent or universal than the latter sentiment.
Braganza’s noble spirit pervaded every place: his bounties flowed into the
remotest corners of the kingdom; and while the splendor of his household,
his retinue, his equipages, his entertainments, and his palaces, kept in
perpetual freshness the remembrance of his royal birth, the ceaseless dew of
his secret charities fell all around, penetrating the hearts of men with
gratitude and with love.
In public, his magnificent train, and serious dignity of manner, preserved
to him that profound respect, which should ever follow distinguished
personages: in private the sweetness of a benign and smiling temper, the
graces of a refined taste, the charm of every accomplishment, and the
rivetting talisman of goodness, added affection to respect, and turned
admiration into enthusiasm. He was beloved, he was venerated throughout
Portugal; and so evident was the dominion he had acquired over his
countrymen, that not even the Machiavalian Olivares, though trembling at
his power, dared openly arraign or stop his course.
There was something strikingly different in the present spirit of Portugal,
from that irresolute, fearful conduct, which had palsied her exertions for her
legitimate sovereign: Sebastian could not refuse a sigh to the remembrance.
Then, not even the probable assistance of other powers, stimulated them
into open insurrection: now, they were nobly resolved to free themselves,
unsupported by other aid than God and their own arms.
While he was thus revolving past events, the memory of his dearest
friend often mingled with these thoughts, and by a natural association,
reminded him that Caspar had left a son. “Where is he?” he exclaimed
abruptly, pursuing his thoughts aloud, “twelve years ago, I was told that he
belonged to your household, my son?”
“Of whom do you speak, Sir!” asked the Duchess.
“Of Juan Pinto Ribeiro,” replied Sebastian.
The Duke’s features beamed with pleasure. “You ask after the most
attached and estimable of my servants,” he said, “Pinto has always studied
with me, travelled with me, lived with me more like a brother than a
domestic: he is the comptroller of my household; and it is to him I believe
myself indebted for the universal suffrages of my countrymen. His love for
me and his devotion to our country, are sentiments of equal strength in his
excellent heart.”
“What do I hear?” exclaimed Sebastian in extreme emotion, tears
trickling down his cheeks, “is it the son of my faithful Caspar that you thus
commend! O my children, so many feelings, long, long since laid to sleep
in this heart, now awake and overcome me, that I know not myself. Joy, and
the recollection of other days, make an infant of me.”
Sebastian bowed his venerable head, and as he did so, a slight colour
flushed his pale face; for now he wept uncontrolled, and was ashamed of
his weakness.
Braganza respected his age and his tears, and drawing Luisa away to the
couch of their son, they leaned over it together, occupying their attention
with his childish beauty.
After some moments silence, the King resumed in a low, faltering voice.
“Let me see Ribeiro! after that I will take some rest:—my spirit is more
wearied than my body, yet both require repose.”
The Duke hastened to gratify his royal kinsman, and sending for Pinto,
(who was the confidential person appointed to carry his final answer to the
confederates) he led him up to Sebastian.
Some faint resemblance to his father, (a likeness rather of lineament than
of countenance) powerfully affected the venerable monarch: Pinto was
nearly the age that Gaspar was when he left his master for the last time at
Villa Rosolia, and this circumstance heightened the effect of the
resemblance. Sebastian frequently embraced him, and as frequently
repeated the name of his dead friend: he wistfully examined the face before
him, but he did not find it the exact counterpart of Gaspar’s.
Pinto’s eyes and air had the fire of his Italian mother: his look was
neither so mild nor so tender as his father’s; but it was more pregnant with
resolution and talent; it announced him what he was, an intrepid, ardent,
faithful, and enterprizing man.
Sebastian did not require a second glance at this luminous countenance
to decide that Pinto would be the spring and the mover of the Revolution
they meditated. After conversing with him awhile, and hearing anew the
most momentous details connected with the great event in hand, Sebastian
retired, at the pressing instance of his lovely grandchild, who watching the
fluctuations of his venerable face, grew fearful that he might suffer from so
much emotion, and at length succeeded in leading him to a chamber.
Pinto’s arrival in Lisbon was the signal for active measures: each noble
hurried to his paternal residence, where they severally employed themselves
in secretly securing the support of their tenantry, and their retainers. The
clergy awakened the consciences of their parishioners by painting resistance
as a duty, submission as a crime; they explained the right of Braganza,
while they demonstrated the comparative insufficiency of Philip’s title to
the crown of Portugal. The merchants animated each other with the view of
their present humiliation and their past power; and the starving artizans
whom Pinto sought out and relieved, owing their lives to his generous
master, professed themselves eager to risk those lives for his advancement.
These springs, though privily worked, were visible in their effects. An
impatience of Spanish oppression, with occasional demonstrations of
contempt, or of hatred, began to occur in every place; Vasconcellos was
alarmed, yet he knew not on whom to fix the eye of suspicion: for Braganza
was retired into the bosom of his own family at Villa Viciosa, remote from
the capital, enjoying himself as usual in the peaceful pleasures of study,
hawking, hunting, and elegant society.
The venerable stranger who was now and then to be seen coming forth
upon the arm of Luisa to breathe the clear air of the parks, or the sweeter
breeze of the gardens, was an object of no curiosity to any of the Spaniards:
Braganza’s palace was so often the asylum of age, misfortune, and
helplessness, that an individual just standing on the brink of eternity excited
no suspicion. Sebastian therefore, dwelt under the protection of the last of
his race, in happy security: his sun was about to set; but it was sinking
beneath a cloudless horizon, to rise again in the region of everlasting bliss.
While his judgment steadily scanned and approved all the sentiments,
feelings, and actions of the amiable and admirable Braganza; while he
marked the brightness of a soul which no passions obscured, and felt the
benign influence of a disposition diffusing happiness like light, he became
sensible to a solicitude for the event of the revolution, which entirely
banished his long though hardly acquired repose. At every dispatch from
Pinto, his aged frame shook with strong emotion; but fortune appeared
inclined to favour the good cause, and the heroism of Luisa communicated
its own ardour to her parent.
In the midst of this anxiety, an order arrived from the court of Spain,
demanding the attendance of the Duke of Braganza at Madrid. The reason
assigned for this requisition was plausible and difficult to evade! for
Olivares artfully declared that his august master, grieved at the misery
which he was told pervaded Portugal, was determined to investigate the
cause, find out and punish the authors, be they who they might, and finally
place at the head of the government one of its own Princes.
To refuse attendance after such a declaration, was impossible to
Braganza, if he would retain a title to his country’s affection, or conceal
from Olivares that he knew his destructive intentions: he was obliged to
return an evasive answer, which implied that he would appear at Philip’s
court, when he could draw around him a train befitting his high rank.
At the suggestion of his wife, whom love made politic, he dispatched
this reply by one of his household, who was charged to hire a superb
mansion, engage servants, purchase magnificent furniture, in short amuse
Olivares by the shew of preparing for the reception of his master and his
suite.
So alarming a command as that which would deprive them of their
leader, quickened the exertions of the confederates: it was necessary to
establish strong parties throughout every province, to gain the soldiery, to
secure the possession of the arsenal, to win over the keepers of prisons, that
all confined for resistance to Spanish tyranny might be set free; in short,
that the whole kingdom might rise at once in one body, as if by an electric
touch, and displace the Vice-Queen without tumult, and without massacre.
To effect these purposes, required more time than it appeared prudent to
allow at a period like this: for messengers came daily from Spain,
expostulating with the Duke on his disrespectful tardiness.
Pinto, who had secretly and rapidly made the circuit of all the towns
devoted to his master’s interest, at length ventured to pronounce that the
trial might be hazarded.
The regiment of Braganza, he had contrived to get stationed at Elvas and
Olivenza, two frontier fortresses, which may be called the keys of Portugal;
these he intended should form a barrier against the Spaniards, should any
obstacle arise in the kingdom itself, and might keep them in check till the
revolution was completely effected.
Humanely desirous to avoid the effusion of blood, Braganza would not
suffer a step to be indiscreetly taken; and Sebastian exhorted Pinto to avoid
temerity, if he would ensure success without slaughter.
They were yet agitating the subject, when an express from Madrid
demanding the appearance of Braganza before the expiration of six days
under pain of forfeiting his estates, decided the debate, and rendered
immediate action a deed of necessity. Pinto proceeded instantly to Lisbon,
circulated the news through the city, and at midnight assembled the
principal patriots, concerted with them fit measures for securing the persons
of the Vice-Queen and her secretary.
It was agreed that four resolute bands, of a hundred men each, should, at
a given signal, seize upon the four avenues of the palace, while the
Portuguese regiment of cavalry (then quartered in the city) should ride
through the streets, proclaiming Juan the IVth, and calling on the other
citizens to join their party. The archbishop undertook to appear at the head
of all the religious orders, animating the people to take the side of justice
and of national honour; and the artizans, headed by the most popular and
intrepid of their order, were pledged to hold themselves in readiness to rush
out completely armed, and follow the standard of Braganza.
To every city, and every garrison, hurried some noble or some officer, all
sworn to rise and proclaim Juan the IVth at the same hour. Braganza, under
the pretext of paying his respects to the Vice-Queen, ere he set out for
Spain, removed from Villa Viciosa to a hunting seat opposite Lisbon, where
he waited the event with some perturbation of heart.
Sebastian and Luisa were his companions: awful was the time to both!—
Sebastian saw the fate of his country in the balance,—the lives and liberties
of millions; Luisa beheld a crown and an axe suspended over the head of
him she loved beyond all former love. Braganza was the most tranquil, and
the most confident, for he knew his own disinterestedness, and trusted to
receive the blessing which virtuous motives almost warrant man to expect
from a just and approving Being.
The night fixed upon by the confederate patriots now arrived; it was the
sixth of December, an hour before that which was to decide the fortunes of
Braganza. Pinto came to receive his master’s latest instructions, and to
conjure him not to delay providing for his safety by means of a vessel
which his careful friends had secured in case of failure, should Providence
destine Spain to triumph.
As he embraced his zealous adherent, Braganza whispered in a low, but
firm voice, “I go to a throne, or to death: would you that I should outlive the
brave friends that must have fallen, ere flight be my only refuge? No Pinto!
my resolution was taken long since: I rise or fall with Portugal.”
Luisa heard not this declaration, but her eye caught the strong beam of
Braganza’s, as it flashed an answer to the approving look of Sebastian, and
she felt that her husband’s soul dilated with some great resolve. Her heart
dared not question him; it dared not question itself:—alas! to imagine for an
instant, that he, in whom all joy, all delight, were summed up, that he who
was indeed her earthly god, should be ravished from her fond arms, and
doomed to the death of a rebel, was to think herself into frenzy. She hastily
dismissed the image, and smiling through tears, gave her hand to Pinto, who
respectfully kissing it, uttered some inspiriting words, and disappeared.
Almost total silence followed the departure of Pinto. At length the clock
striking eight, told them that “the work was begun.” Sebastian started up at
the first stroke of the bell, but immediately sitting down again, he stroked
back his grey hair with a trembling hand, and said, sighing, “These white
locks, and this boyish eagerness, are not well-suited, my children! we think
our characters changed, when the change is only in our circumstances: for
thirty long years, scarcely any event has moved me strongly, and now I am
all weak agitation.”
“Hurry not yourself, dear father!” said Luisa, “by giving that name to
honourable feeling: as the soul draws nearer to her divine source, ought not
her powers to brighten, her sensibilities to increase? I see no virtue in
apathy.”
Sebastian turned on her a grateful and gratified look: Braganza spoke
not; his thoughts were so entirely absorbed by one momentous object, that
he neither heard nor saw what passed around him.
Suddenly confused sounds proceeded from the distant city, shouts,
shrieks, the clamour of alarm bells, the trampling of horses, the beat of
drums, proclaimed the confusion which reigned throughout Lisbon;
amongst the uproar, Braganza listened for the sound of artillery; none was
heard; at this circumstance his hopes expanded, and he exclaimed aloud,
“All then goes well!”
Pale with anxiety, yet bright with heroism, Luisa sat by the side of her
venerable grandsire, alternately returning the agitated pressure of his hand,
or the inquiring glance of his eye; their beating hearts kept time with each
other; but as they looked on the inspiring countenance of Braganza,
apprehension gave way to hope, and hope to security.
The signal of success at last was heard; a cannon fired from the citadel,
announced that Lisbon was in the hands of the patriots, that the Duke of
Braganza was proclaimed King.
At this welcome sound, the transported Luisa threw herself into the arms
of her lord; she intended to salute him by his new title, but love alone
spoke, and half fainting with sweet emotion, she could but murmur out,
“Juan, my dear, dear husband.”
Braganza strained her to his breast, his fine countenance all glowing
with patriot joy, then eagerly snatching the hand of the majestic old man, he
exclaimed,—“Hasten! hasten, my father! that is the call for me,—our
country, our beloved country is unchained.”
A deeper flush illumined his face as he spoke, and the ardour of his
feelings burst forth in tears. It was not usual for Braganza to weep, and
these tears gave testimony to the noble source whence they flowed.
Yielding to the impulse of his hand, Sebastian and Luisa hastened with
him out of the house; his servants had already prepared every thing for their
instant conveyance to Lisbon; they crossed over, and entered the city.
Sebastian had followed, pale, silent, and uncertain; so many reverses, so
many unforeseen shocks had assaulted him at periods of his greatest
prosperity, that now he hesitated to believe too soon, or to trust the evidence
of other senses than his own.
The gates of Lisbon were thrown open; they were crowded with armed
citizens, wearing the colours of the Braganza’s on their caps and scarfs; the
banners of Portugal waved from every public building, the convents and the
houses were lighted up, and the whole city resounded with the cry of “Long
live Juan the IVth, King of Portugal and of the Indies.”
Pinto met his new sovereign at the entrance of the palace: he fell at his
feet, and his manly countenance was overflowed with tears; he attempted to
speak, but could not. The archbishop, the clergy, the nobles, and the other
patriots, hailed their King with loud and repeated acclamations.
“Where is the Duchess of Mantua?” asked Braganza, pausing, ere he
passed the threshold, “My friends, let her be respected, and honourably
conducted beyond the frontier. No blood I hope will flow.”
“One victim only!” exclaimed a bold young man, starting forward, and
advancing a sword yet red with blood. “This sword (be it enrolled and
sainted for the deed) searched the heart of Vasconcellos. I found him hidden
in the Vice-Queen’s chamber: I drew the quivering villain forth, and at the
same moment a hundred weapons was in his breast. The tyrant is dead! I
cried, let liberty live, and Don Juan King of Portugal! At that cry, all Lisbon
echoed a shout of triumph, the Spaniards dropt their useless arms, and the
contest was ended.”
“The Duchess of Mantua has been removed to Xabregas, Sire,” said
Pinto, who now found voice to speak. “The citadel, the arsenal, the fleet, all
is your Majesty’s. Vasconcellos alone has perished, and his crimes called
for the vengeance of heaven.”
Braganza, bowed in token of assent, ashamed of the momentary pang
which the death even of one person caused to his humane heart: he then
turned to the surrounding multitude, and with an air at once full of
thankfulness and of dignity, acknowledged the services of his friends;
promised love and protection to his people; and recommending to them all,
mercy towards their unresisting enemies, retired into the palace.
While these things were transacting, Sebastian appeared to have been
standing in a trance: he now moved slowly on supported between the young
King and Queen, who anxiously watched his varying looks.
They entered the state apartment: their august companion would have sat
down on the first chair he reached, but Braganza gracefully checking him,
led him from it, and placed him, ere he was aware, on the throne itself.
Sebastian bowed his head with a divine smile; his heart was agitated, was
oppressed beyond utterance; for the visions of his youth were present here.
This throne, these royal banners, these armorial trophies which
witnessed the heroic exploits of his ancestors, those illustrious portraits
covering the walls, the very consciousness that he was in his own palace,
and that even so, another prince was its master, all united to shake his frame
with emotions beyond its strength. But regret mixed not with the sentiment:
it was a solemn and an awful fulness of contentment.
He looked down and beheld the amiable Juan with his lovely consort,
kneeling before him: their train were left in the outer chamber, and Pinto
alone remained. Beyond the palace walls, the city still rung with shouts of
“Long live our King!” and still the proud discharge of ordnance shook the
buildings around.
Sebastian’s eyes wandered over the illuminated countenances of his
grand children, with an expression of celestial satisfaction; yet he was
mortal pale, and his hands, as he laid them on the heads of Juan and Luisa,
were damp and chilling. “Give me that babe!” he said, after having blessed
the parents. Luisa laid it on his arms.
Sebastian received the boy with trembling avidity:—as he bent to kiss
his infant cheek, his silver locks sweeping over the eyelids of the little
Prince, awoke him, and he looked smiling up. A nobler smile (for it was
radiant with the immortal spirit) lighted up the face of the aged King, he
leaned back in the royal chair, he looked at the son of Gaspar, then at
Braganza and Luisa, cast a last glance at their child, thought of them he was
hastening to rejoin, and fixing his eyes on heaven, he feebly exclaimed,
“Die, die! thou hast lived long enough.”
His eyes closed as he spoke, and Luisa starting up to catch her falling
babe, discovered that the soul had indeed ascended to happiness and its
God!
FINIS.
J. M‘Creery, Printer,
Black-Horse Court, London.
Typographical errors corrected by the etext transcriber:
the paroxym is=> the paroxysm is {pg 25}
has supplicating whine=> his supplicating whine {pg 30}
would be uncontrolable=> would be uncontrollable {pg 33}
the gaurantee on the part=> the guarantee on the part {pg 41}
as a deposite for=> as a deposit for {pg 47}
direcly in front=> directly in front {pg 62}
seating his exhaused=> seating his exhausted {pg 144}
had directed Guiseppe => had directed Giuseppe {pg 160}
take a dicisive part=> take a decisive part {pg 163}
affected reunnciation=> affected renunciation {pg 189}
To the prison del Ovo=> To the prison Del Ovo {pg 191}
some of the groupe=> some of the group {pg 237}
displayed the amour=> displayed the armour {pg 239}
its precints=> its precincts {pg 245}
more distintly=> more distinctly {pg 263}
base sensualiy=> base sensuality {pg 297}
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Magnanimous dukes and rising states :

the unification of the Burgundian

Biota Grow 2C gather 2C cook Loucas

The bounds of reason game theory and the unification of

Utopics The Unification of Human Science Manel Pretel-

East German Intellectuals and the Unification of

A Lady Unchained Dukes of the Demi Monde 2 1st Edition

A Geometric Approach to the Unification of Symbolic

A Courtesan s Comfort Dukes of the Demi Monde 3 1st

A Duke Stripped Bare Dukes of the Demi Monde 1 1st

1. The Burgundian Union: By Way of Introduction 1

3. The Representative Institutions 53

4. The Attraction of a Union 79

5. Towards a New Structure of Government 115

6. The Jurisdiction 152

7. The Financial Organization 185

8. The Taxes 226

9. Summa summarum 255

xiv List of Tables

2 Magnanimous Dukes and Rising States

2 Quote: BY VII 18040–1.

The Burgundian Union 3

4 Magnanimous Dukes and Rising States

centralization, rationalization, and expansion and of the establishment of a

5 Elias, Civilisatieproces, 266. 6 Guenée, Occident, 62–3.

The Burgundian Union 5

6 Magnanimous Dukes and Rising States

Possessions of Philip the

Leiden STICHT GUELDERS

NO RWANDY VALOIS RETHEL

Nevers Dôle Besançon

The Burgundian Union 7

8 Magnanimous Dukes and Rising States

The Burgundian Union 9

10 Magnanimous Dukes and Rising States

The Burgundian Union 11

12 Magnanimous Dukes and Rising States

27 Jansma, Raad; Douxchamps-Lefèvre, Procureurs généraux, 1; Lambrecht, ‘Centralisatie’, 100.

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1. The Burgundian Union: By Way of Introduction 1

3. The Representative Institutions 53

4. The Attraction of a Union 79

5. Towards a New Structure of Government 115

6. The Jurisdiction 152

7. The Financial Organization 185

8. The Taxes 226

9. Summa summarum 255