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2017
EDITED BY
Kiran N. Solanki
Dmytro Orlov
Alok Singh
Neale R. Neelameggham
The Minerals, Metals & Materials Series
Kiran N. Solanki Dmytro Orlov
•
Editors
123
Editors
Kiran N. Solanki Alok Singh
Arizona State University National Institute for Materials Science
Tempe Tsukuba
USA Japan
v
vi Preface
Kiran N. Solanki
Dmytro Orlov
Alok Singh
Neale R. Neelameggham
Contents
vii
viii Contents
The Effect of Grain Refinement on Hot Tearing in AZ91D Magnesium Alloy. . . 653
T. Davis, L. Bichler, F. D’Elia and N. Hort
Formability of Magnesium Alloy AZ31B from Room Temperature
to 125 °C Under Biaxial Tension . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 661
Isaac Chelladurai, Andrew Orme, Mike P. Miles, David T. Fullwood,
John E. Carsley, Raj K. Mishra, Irene J. Beyerlein and Marko Knezevic
In Situ Real-Time Monitoring of Aging Processes in an Aluminum
Alloy by High-Precision Dilatometry. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 669
Martin Luckabauer, Elisabeth Hengge, Gregor Klinser,
Wolfgang Sprengel and Roland Würschum
Effect of the Zn Content on the Compression Behaviour
of Mg5Nd(Zn): An In Situ Synchrotron Radiation Diffraction Study . . . . . . . . . 675
Domonkos Tolnai, Tim Kärcher, Ricardo Buzolin, Tungky Subroto,
Francesco D’Elia, Serge Gavras, Andreas Stark, Norbert Schell,
Norbert Hort and Karl U. Kainer
Lead Editor
xv
xvi About the Editors
Keynote Session
Kiran Solanki, Arizona State University
Dmytro Orlov, Lund University
Alloy Development
Michele V. Manuel, University of Florida
Vineet Joshi, Pacific Northwest National Laboratory
Corrosion
Kiran Solanki, Arizona State University
Ilaksh Adlakha, Arizona State University
xix
xx Session Chairs
xxi
xxii Reviewer Pool
Dalong Zhang, Lin Jiang, Xin Wang, M. Arul Kumar, Irene J. Beyerlein,
Julie M. Schoenung, Mo Li, Subhash Mahajan and Enrique J. Lavernia
William J. Joost
and complicated relationships suggest that application of technologies in alloying, formability, corrosion protection,
integrated computational materials engineering (ICME) material cost, and ICME, Mg will always be on the horizon
techniques would provide enormous benefit for Mg devel- of vehicle use. Identifying the most promising applications
opment. An ICME approach requires continued development provides a guide for future development, improved Mg
of experimental and computational tools capable of capturing alloys, and fuel-efficient lightweight vehicles.
the complex anisotropic and chemical properties of Mg
alloys. Examples of successful integration and accelerated
engineering development are needed (and underway), and References
will provide motivation for future approaches.
The low density and weight savings potential of Mg will 1. W. Joost, JOM 64(9), 1032–1038 (2012)
always provide an appealing opportunity for automotive 2. A.A. Luo, J. Magnes. Alloy. 1, 2–22 (2013)
engineers. However, without consistent pursuit of new 3. K.A. Unocic et al., J. Electrochem. Soc. 161(6), C302–C311 (2014)
Magnesium Development as a Lightweight
Material—In Competition with Other
Structural Materials
Alan A. Luo
Abstract
Magnesium is emerging as a lightweight material for mass reduction and structural
efficiency in the automotive, aerospace and consumer industries, but is currently only a
niche material competing with other structural materials such as advanced high-strength
steels, aluminum and carbon-fiber-reinforced polymers. This talk will discuss what the
magnesium community can learn from our competition, what critical technologies needed
for magnesium to become a main stream material for automotive lightweighting. This talk
will also present successful examples of multi-material lightweighting in the automotive
industry, and highlight the role of magnesium in providing lightweight solutions when
competing with other structural materials. Opportunities and challenges for automotive
applications of magnesium will be discussed.
Keywords
Lightweighting Magnesium Transportation applications Structural materials
The following conclusions will be reached at the end of the • Magnesium can learn from its competition (steel, alu-
presentation: minum and polymer-based composites) in developing
new alloys and manufacturing processes.
• Regardless of future energy solutions, lightweighting is a • Magnesium industry should actively participate in early
“must” for the automotive and other transportation stages of product development with automotive original
industries. equipment manufacturers (OEMs).
• Magnesium can play an important role in multi- • Magnesium community should leverage significant
material design and manufacturing of lightweight government funding available around the world in
structures. developing new technologies and products.
Suveen N. Mathaudhu
Extended Abstract availability or REs has encouraged the search for similar, yet
cheaper alternatives. In this regard, Ca has emerged as a
It is well-known that opportunities for the application of strong candidate replacement element, with Mg–Ca alloys
wrought magnesium alloys have been limited by the limited showing many similar behaviors to Mg-RE alloys. Another
low-temperature formability. The roots of this problem lie in less-common approach to enhanced formability is grain
the limited number of active slip mechanisms and strong refinement. It is commonly believed that fine grained
basal textures, which result in strong deformation aniso- Mg-alloys will not behave in a uniform plastic manner due
tropy, and thus brittle behavior. Historically, there have been to the suppression of the twinning mechanisms that are
many studies on approaches that aim at activation of critical to c-axis deformation. New studies, however, indi-
non-basal deformation mechanisms and weakened or ran- cate that reduction of grain sizes to the sub-micrometer, and
domized texture to lend magnesium allows more formabil- even nanoscale, can alter plasticity mechanisms and promote
ity. On the processing side, these approaches include rolling more uniform material flow. Other novel approaches to
variants such as cross-rolling, twin-cast rolling, and differ- enhancing formability, including nanoparticle dispersions
ential speed rolling. On the alloying side, it has been shown and tension-twin promotion will be presented. The scientific
that the addition of rare-earth elements (REs) activates opportunities and challenges for each mechanism will be
non-basal slip modes and simultaneously weakens texture, deliberated, and future research and development opportu-
therefore improving the plasticity, however the cost and nities will be considered.
[787] For a full description of this pyramid see Native Races, ii. 579 et seq. Some
horses had been taken to clear the approaches, but they slipped on the smooth
pavement, and were sent back as unserviceable. Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 105.
[789] Ojeda appears to be the sole authority upon which Herrera relies for these
two struggles. dec. ii. lib. x. cap. ix. Clavigero doubts them; yet there is nothing
unlikely in either attempt.
[790] It was related afterward that when the natives first sought to remove the
virgin image their hands clove powerlessly to it for some time, and left their marks
upon it. Oviedo, iii. 510. Montezuma, being told of this miracle, ordered the image
to be left in its place. Afterward, ‘pareciò, segun supimos, que el gran Monteçuma
tenia ó deuocion en ella, ó miedo, y la mandó guardar.’ Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad.,
104, 102. Others, as will be shown, suppose it to have been saved by its owner,
Villafuerte, perhaps when Cortés withdrew the troops from the temple, or to have
fled by its own miraculous power to the shrine at Remedios.
[791] ‘Comierõ de los caualleros Mexicanos muertos.’ Herrera, dec. ii. lib. x. cap.
ix.
[792] Cortés, Cartas, 130-1. According to Bernal Diaz the sally with the engines
was directed against the temple, which he appears to place at some distance. It
was held by 3000 or 4000 Indians, ‘all chiefs,’ and cost the Spaniards 46 lives,
every man being beside wounded. They returned hard pressed by the enemy. ‘Se
mostrò Cortes mui varõ, como siẽpre.’ Hist. Verdad., 103-4. ‘Murieron todos
quinientos Indios, como valientes.’ Gomara, Hist. Mex., 157. ‘En trecientos
caualleros que alli estauan no quedaron seys viuos.’ Herrera, loc. cit. This author
describes on a later occasion the capture of a tower attached to Montezuma’s own
palace, from which missiles fell with telling effect. Cortés goes with 200 men to
reduce it, and is hotly received; yet the Indians, relying upon the execution to be
made by some loose beams which are to be rolled down upon the assailants at a
favorable moment, allow the Spaniards to rush forward and gain the tower, putting
almost every occupant to the sword. This story is probably a version of the temple
fight.
CHAPTER XXV.
DEATH OF MONTEZUMA.
June, 1520.
Long before this the Spaniards had learned that the power which
had arisen in Montezuma’s stead was of a different quality from that
lately wielded by the poor caged monarch, whose proud spirit they
had so blighted and brought low. No Quetzalcoatl or other
personage, fair or dark, heaven-descended or of import infernal,
might now interpose to prevent the killing and cooking of the
strangers. Cortés had thought that the late spoliation of idols would
fill the people with awe toward beings so superior to their gods. But
when he threatened that if they did not lay down their arms not a
man of them should remain alive, nor one stone be left on another
throughout all their city, they laughed at him, the priests abetting.
“How speak you so foolishly,” they said, “mortal as we now know you
to be, when for every Spanish life we are prepared to sacrifice, if
need be, twenty-five thousand of our own lives?” They had cut off
retreat at the causeways, so that the lake alone was open to exit,
and here they were prepared with fleets of canoes filled with resolute
men. Even should the Spaniards hold out against assault, hunger
and thirst must overcome them in the end. “The truth of this was too
evident,” observes Cortés, “for hunger alone would have soon killed
us.”
The imperial party, which had sunk to insignificance since the
elevation of Cuitlahuatzin to the leadership, and was now sustained
only by a few relatives of Montezuma, had no longer a voice in the
direction of affairs. Their efforts to make terms with the Spaniards
might have gained public approval, but the ambition of Cuitlahuatzin
stood in the way of any compromise. To release the strangers would
be to restore Montezuma, and he preferred to occupy the throne
himself. He was also covetous of military fame; and knowing the
desperate condition of the besieged, he hoped by their reduction to
add to his record of glorious achievements.[793]
The soldiers felt the peril of their position more than the general.
They had been cheered for a moment by victory, only to find how
barren it was; only to realize that many such triumphs would prove
their ruin. In order to counteract this growing despondency, Cortés
resolved on a night sally with half his force. The Indians being
unprepared for this, the party advanced with comparative impunity,
destroyed several barricades, and fired a large number of houses
along the Tlacopan road, where the roof assault had been so severe.
The warriors having finally gathered in sufficient force to render
retreat advisable, the Spaniards destroyed a number of buildings in
the vicinity of their quarters before entering, and thus secured
additional immunity.[794]
The present purpose of the Spaniards was to open an exit from
the city. At a council, called to consider the situation, it was admitted
that delay would only reduce their strength without corresponding
gain, and with the prospect of closing more effectually the gate
against them.[795] It was a great disappointment to Cortés thus to
abandon his hard-earned advantage. There were those who would
exult over his misfortunes, and never could he hope to win favor
from the king except by some brilliant success. But this he would yet
achieve, God willing, or perish in the attempt.
The engines were strengthened, and every preparation was
made to meet the rapidly accumulating difficulties. At dawn a large
force set out in the direction of the Tlacopan causeway to secure its
approaches.[796] The advance was made in the order of the day
previous, with guns and pioneers, and with cavalry in front and rear.
The late destruction of houses proved of no considerable advantage,
but the cannon being brought to play on the barricades, an opening
was soon made. The engines, with their fortified sides and covers,
proved more efficient than formerly in checking assaults from the
roofs. The soldiers accordingly advanced with firmer resolution, and
although the showers from the house-tops were still troublesome,
and resistance on the streets was as fierce as ever, yet one after
another the first four canals were captured. The nearest houses
were razed, and with the débris roadways were thrown across the
channels.
These operations were carried on in the face of a bitter
onslaught, and occupied the entire day. Evening being at hand the
crossings were left in charge of a strong guard, composed of the
freshest men, while the rest returned to the fort.
Montezuma the while lay a-dying, prostrate a-dying, not as
Vespasian would have an emperor die—standing; but with manhood,
and the aspirations of man, ay, even the regrets and remorse
incident to foiled endeavor, all crushed he was killed when the insults
of his people fell upon him; he scarcely heeded their darts and
stones.
It is not necessary always that breath shall cease before one can
be dead. From Ianthe’s spirit fell the shackles of sense, the body
being left with its animal life, but soulless. And though corporal life
was yet present in Montezuma, the soul was already free: the
accursed aliens had done their worst. When the might of sacred
sovereignty was extinguished, the remains were less than man,
though they walked, and talked, and wept.
Compared with his present condition, how dignified and happy
death would have been by the hands of his brother priests, before
the gods, in the eyes of the nation, on the sacred sacrificial stone!
Or, like that among the Massagetæ, told of by Herodotus, who
sacrificed and ate their old people, holding natural death a
misfortune—even this or any other stepping down and out would
have been preferable to thus dying like a silly hare in a trap!
He refused food and any attention to the wounds, which were far
from fatal. He tore off the bandages, threw from him all medicines,
and bared his body to disease, even as his soul had been long since
bared, and stretched out his hand to hasten the cold stony grasp of
death. What a farce was life, and honor, and majesty, all to end in
poverty and disgrace! Feeling the all-changing moment at hand, he
summoned Cortés; for despite his long maltreatment he entertained
a kind of affection for the monster, who might even yet prove to be
the demi-god of some far away incomprehensible world. Moreover,
the Spaniard’s intellect and arm were the stronger; he was his son-
in-law and probable successor; therefore, though his jailer, he would
speak with him. And when he came Montezuma said: “The end for
me approaches, Malinche; it is even here. You cannot harm me
further, nor help me if you would. I have given you all; you have
taken all—my liberty, my kingdom, my life, and that which is more to
me than kingdom, liberty, or life, the affection of my people, the love
of my counsellors and friends; and respect—respect of self, and that
sacred respect which, living or dead, is mine by inheritance, and by
virtue of my office. But I would not upbraid you; I pray only that my
ruin will benefit you; I beg of you care for my children, and I conjure
you to avenge me on my rebel subjects and their leaders.”[797]
Moved by the touching appeal, Cortés promised all that was
asked of him, while remonstrating with the monarch for rejecting food
and medicine. Montezuma then, in like manner, exhorted his nobles
who were prisoners with him, and was touched by their sorrow for
the sad state of the empire, and their manifestation of affection for
himself. Father Olmedo, who had never relaxed his efforts for the
captive’s conversion, now pressed to his aid the general. But in vain.
All else these beings maledict had taken from him; they should not
now rob him of his religion. His faith was as dear to him, as true, as
pure, as efficacious, as was theirs to them. Away with another’s
gods! Let each live and die by his own. He was high-priest, too, and
for him to prove recreant to the national faith would overshadow all
his former crimes combined. “What is this they would have of me?”
he groaned within himself. Then turning suddenly to Olmedo, he
asked, “Do Spaniards go to this heaven of yours?” “Assuredly,” was
the reply; “it was made for them, and is held by Christians, against all
others, as the reward of their pure belief and gentle deeds.” “It is
enough; I will none of it,” said Montezuma, who from that moment
would not listen to a word of Christian exhortation.[798] It was early in
the morning of the 30th of June,[799] three days after the trying
scene in the presence of his people, that the monarch breathed his
last. And even the Spaniards forgot for a moment their diabolisms,
and allowed their minds to dwell on the virtues of this magnificent
heathen, this mighty sovereign, their sweet-tempered prisoner, and
kind and generous host.[800]
Of a truth, despite his pusillanimity with regard to the Spaniards,
which was indeed little else than pardonable superstition, this man
was in many respects not unworthy the title of Great so freely
bestowed upon him. Montezuma was but forty-one[801] at the time of
his death, and had wielded the sceptre for nearly eighteen years with
wonderful success. Under him the Aztec empire acquired its widest
extent and greatest glory. While his armies by well directed
operations spread the terror of his name to distant provinces and
increased the national domain by fresh conquests, his subtle
intrigues secured advantages at home, and established the
supremacy of Mexico in the tripartite alliance. With a high regard for
the dignity of his throne, he caused the sovereign to be worshipped
almost like a god, and sustained the grandeur of his surroundings
with lavish expenditure. This severe and ostentatious pride kept him
above the reach of his people, and failing to understand their wants
or to sympathize with their condition, he ruled not by love, but by
fear. Thus it is that we find the native records dwell upon his fitful
cold-blooded cruelty and superstition, not as a tyrant, however, but
as an administrator of their own cruel yet revered rites. He was
reputed just, but this quality was to be found rather in the intention
than in the act. With all his pride he appears to have been most
affable and kind to those with whom he came in contact. The
Spaniards certainly found him so. In their later intercourse other
considerations may have ruled him, however, and with the cunning
and secrecy of his race he may have submitted to the inevitable
demands of circumstances.[802]
Surrounded by fawning ministers, whose existence depended on
his favor, he was encouraged in the extravagant habits of a
magnificent court, which promoted their schemes at the expense of a
tax-ridden people. The ambition to extend his fame and power
required the maintenance of immense armies, of numerous
garrisons, and of costly campaigns, which proved another drain on
the people. This was augmented in subjected provinces by the
extortions of imperial officers, who found means to prevent the cry of
the oppressed from reaching the throne. Perhaps the most terrible
infliction was the levy on the youth of both sexes for slaves, and for
sacrificial victims to appease the bloody appetite of Aztec gods—an
appetite which had increased in horror with the abject superstition of
this otherwise enlightened monarch. Enlightened he undoubtedly
was, for as high-priest he had become versed in the higher learning
of the priesthood. The study of mythology came naturally to him,
while astronomy and natural history were favorite subjects with the
lords of the lake peoples, the former connected with myths and
divinations, the latter illustrated by specimens from different regions,
and collected in the botanic and zoologic gardens of Mexico and
other cities. The studies of his youth had gained for him a well
merited respect from his priestly confrères, and the prudence and
sagacity which controlled the well stored mind commanded attention
in the council.[803] While yet a young man there seemed to develop
qualities which fitted him for the position of high-priest, also as
counsellor, to which his princely rank paved an easy way. Besides
this he had shown himself possessed of great courage, and had
established his fame as a general by many victories.
It was with this reputation, as zealous and learned priest,
prudent statesman, and brave soldier, that he ascended the throne in
1503, while only twenty-three years of age. It is in such terms that
his colleague Nezahualpilli in his coronation address refers to the
hopes entertained of the youthful ruler.[804] Though ever a devout
servant of the gods, the effeminate pleasures of the court weakened
the nerves and energy of the soldier, till his warlike ardor survived
only in a taste for military reviews and for the chase. The caution of
the general remained, but timidity saves few leaders from disaster.
Vanity and designing ministers overruled too often the dictates of
wisdom in the administration of affairs.[805] His path had been
prepared by able predecessors, and answered well for the policy of
aggrandizement which became the leading feature of his reign. In
this his natural liberality and talent for intrigue, fostered by priestly
training, served him well and procured blindly devoted instruments
for his plans. Thus, by fair means and foul, the empire was raised to
the pinnacle of its glory, but not being of a natural or healthy growth it
proved unstable, and crumbling under the strong commotion created
by the approach of Castilians, it revived only for a moment in the
present uprising like the mental illumination preceding death.
Montezuma could not have failed to recognize the insecurity of the
bonds which held it, and influenced by the predictions of its downfall
he readily fell beneath the spell of the superior intellects which were
to assume control. It was his misfortune to have lost the sanguine
energy of his youth, which might have enabled him to rise above the
weaknesses of himself and his age. Duty and honor were overcome
by superstition and absorbing love of power, of life, and he reaped
the natural fruit of puerile and misdirected efforts by losing both.
Resistance might not long have delayed the inevitable, but it would
at least have procured for him an end worthy of his grandeur.
Of his many wives may be named the princesses Teitlalco,
Acatlan, and Miahuaxochitl, of whom the first named appears to
have been the only legitimate consort.[806] By her he left a son,
Asupacaci, who fell during the noche triste, and a daughter,
Tecuichpo, baptized as Isabel, married consecutively to
Quauhtemotzin, the last Mexican sovereign, to visitador general
Alonso Grado, to Pedro Andrade Gallego, and to Juan Cano de
Saavedra. She had children by the latter two, from whom descend
the illustrious families of Andrade-Montezuma and Cano-
Montezuma.
By the Princess Acatlan were left two daughters, baptized as
María and Mariana. The latter alone left offspring, from whom
descends the Sotelo-Montezuma family. By the third wife came to
the emperor the son Tlacahuepantzin, known after baptism as Pedro
Yohualicahuacatzin Montezuma, whose descendants, the condes de
Montezuma y de Tula, intermarried with the noblest families of
Spain, and connected the name with the highest offices of state, and
with the title of grandee.[807]
FOOTNOTES
[793] In Manuscrit de 1528, Aubin Col., Cihuacohuatl and Tzihuacpopocatzin,
brothers of Montezuma, are named as the leaders of the opposition party,
connected also with the followers of Quetzalcoatl, who abhorred the cruel rites of
the Aztecs. They succeeded, it is said, in introducing provisions for the besieged.
Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., iv. 317-18. But this is doubtful.
[794] This is probably the sally which Herrera intrusts to Salcedo. dec. ii. lib. x.
cap. viii.
[795] ‘Por importunidad de muchos ... acordó de salir della.’ Carta del Ejército, in
Icazbalceta, Col. Doc., i. 429. ‘El ... capitan dilataba de cada dia la dicha salida,’
but the officers insisted that he should leave. Segunda Probanza de Lejalde, in Id.,
423.
[796] Clavigero directs the operation against the Iztapalapan road, which would
have been a useless manœuvre. Cortés is explicit enough on the point.
[797] In a privilegio in favor of the daughter Isabel, Cortés refers to this interview,
saying that three daughters were intrusted to him. No allusion is made to any son.
The affectionate terms in which he herein speaks of Montezuma must be due to
political reasons, and perhaps to a regard for the princesses. Panes, Vireyes, in
Monumentos Domin. Esp., MS., 67-8. Ramirez ridicules the idea of an appeal by
the emperor to Cortés, who was on unfriendly terms with him. Soc. Mex. Geog.,
Boletin, x. 359 et seq. But the effort of Montezuma to save the Spaniards shows
that intercourse had been reëstablished; and was not Cortés, as the husband of
one or more of his daughters, the proper person to protect their sisters?
[798] The question of his conversion has been much discussed. ‘No le pudo atraer
a que se bolviesse Cristiano,’ says Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 105; and Herrera is
even more explicit. dec. ii. lib. x. cap. x. Cortés and his followers, Martyr and
Oviedo, give no indications to the contrary. Ixtlilxochitl states, however, that he had
learned several prayers, and even begged for baptism, but that the rite was
deferred ‘por la pascua siguiente, que era de la resurreccion, y fue tan
desdichado, que nunca alcanzó tanto bien.’ Hist. Chich., 299. Yet he adds that it
has been said ‘que se bautizó y se llamó Don Juan.’ Relaciones, 457. According
to Gomara he asked for baptism in the beginning of lent, but it was determined to
postpone the rite till pentecost, for greater effect, and as more appropriate for so
high a personage. Owing to the troubles arising out of Narvaez’ arrival nothing
was done then, ‘y despues de herido oluidose con la prissa del pelear!’ Hist. Mex.,
154. Cortés had persuaded him, says Vetancurt, during the early days of his
imprisonment, to accept baptism, and he was taken to the temple for the purpose,
but at the last moment he excused himself on the ground that the Indians would
elect another lord and attack them all if he abandoned the faith. Teatro Mex., iii.
132-3. Father Duran, on the contrary, ever zealous for the natives, and particularly
for his hero, Montezuma, asserts that trustworthy men had vouched for his
baptism. Padre Olmedo had also expressed belief therein, although he had not
been present when it was administered. Hist. Ind., MS., ii. 445. The father’s
memory must have failed him with respect to Olmedo. Camargo has also been
assured of his baptism, with Cortés and Alvarado for sponsors. Hist. Tlax., 166.
Tezozomoc, who claims to have investigated the point, declares explicitly that the
rite was administered on his death-bed, when he received the name of Cárlos, and
that Cortés, Olid, and Alvarado were the sponsors. Recopilacion de verídicas
tradiciones, probando que el emperador Moteuhsoma recibió el santo sacramento
del bautismo. This author wrote at the close of the sixteenth century, and follows
traditions only. Bustamante, in modern times, has also reviewed the question, and
follows Tezozomoc implicitly. In support thereof he quotes a poem, by Captain
Angel Betancourt, wherein he refers to Montezuma as the ‘indio bautizado,’
introduces the vague utterance of Ixtlilxochitl, and even attempts to misconstrue a
certain expression of Cortés. Montezuma tells the latter to baptize his daughters,
and this Bustamante regards as proof that he himself desired the rite. He does not
suppose that the religion of the vicious Spaniards could have had great attractions
for him, but when about to die he accepted it, ‘as the drowning man does the
saving plank.’ Article in Chimalpain, Hist. Conq., i. 287-95. Still fuller is the review
of Ramirez, who follows Torquemada in pointing out the fact that neither Cortés
nor Alvarado ever referred to their supposed sponsorship, as they certainly would
have done in connection with so distinguished a personage had they felt
empowered. Soc. Mex. Geog., Boletin.
[799] Cortés’ chronology, as indicated in the Cartas, shows clearly that he left
Mexico during the night of June 30th, as will be demonstrated. He also implies
what Bernal Diaz and Herrera distinctly assert, that considerable fighting took
place on the Tlacopan road between the time the corpse was surrendered to the
Aztecs and the Spaniards returned to their quarters preparatory to evacuation.
Hence the death must have occurred early on that day. Herrera confirms Cortés’
testimony that he could not have died before the 30th, by saying, ‘en quatro dias
se murio.’ dec. ii. lib. x. cap. x. It is also generally admitted that he was not
wounded before the third day of the siege.
[800] ‘Cortes lloró por èl, y todos nuestros Capitanes, y soldados: è hombres huvo
entre nosotros ... que tan llorado fue, como si fuera nuestro padre.’ Bernal Diaz,
Hist. Verdad., 104. Cortés speaks highly of him, ‘y siempre tuvo mui buena
voluntad á los Españoles,’ but this is in the deed presented to his daughter. See
Privilegio, Monumentos Domin. Esp., MS., 66. In the Cartas he is referred to
merely as a captive who dies. After saying that he never consented to the death of
a Spaniard nor to injury against Cortés, Gomara adds: ‘Tambien ay quien lo
cõtrario diga.’ Hist. Mex., 154-5.
[801] Clavigero says 54, but Bernal Diaz, who was so much in his company, could
hardly have been mistaken, and the comparative youth of his children also
indicates that 41 is more correct.
[803] ‘Fue muy sabio, pues passaua por las cosas assi, o muy necio q̄ no las
sentia.’ Gomara, Hist. Mex., 155. ‘El hombre mas sábio de su siglo,’ is
Bustamante’s interpretation. He also discovers that Montezuma objected to
sacrifices! Chimalpain, Hist. Conq., 292-3.
[805] ‘Pareva aver cangiato di sesso, siccome dicevano i suoi sudditi.’ Clavigero,
Storia Mess., iii. 132.
[806] So Cano, the son-in-law, declares, Oviedo, iii. 549, and so Cortés intimates
in the privilegio to Isabel, whom he calls ‘su legitima heredera,’ especially
commended to him.
[807] Of the rest of the imperial wives and concubines nothing positive is known,
save that a number of them and their daughters were liberally bestowed, as a
mark of imperial favor, on prominent personages, including Spaniards. After the
conquest they sank into obscurity, although some of them still managed to
maintain a certain consideration among the natives, despite their poverty. Bernal
Diaz claims that he received one of the concubines; upon Olid was bestowed a
daughter, and upon Cortés two, it is said, one baptized as Ana, the other as Inés.
Two witnesses declare that Isabel also ‘cinco meses questava casada con ...
Gallego e que pario una fija y que hera del ... Cortés.’ Cortés, Residencia, ii. 242,
244; i. 63, 99, 221, 263. The three daughters confided to Cortés on their father’s
death-bed were not in the Spanish quarters at the time, at least not all of them, but
were found after the conquest and baptized. The eldest and legitimate, the
attractive Tecuichpo, was then the wife of the last and captive sovereign,
Quauhtemotzin, her cousin, who had married her chiefly with a view to strengthen
his hold on the throne, for she was too young for the married state. She was
baptized as Isabel, and her Indian husband having been executed, Cortés, on his
return from Honduras, gave her in marriage to the hidalgo Alonso Grado, of
Alcántara, who had succeeded Ávila as contador, and now held the position of
visitador general of New Spain. In consideration partly of Grado’s services and
partly of Isabel’s rank, the captain-general bestowed as dower, in the emperor’s
name, the town of Tacuba (Tlacopan), with the villages and farms subject to it,
together with the title of señora thereof. The deed, which recounts the services of
her father and the intrusting of his daughters to Cortés, is signed by him as
captain-general and governor of New Spain, and dated June 27, 1523. It is given,
among other books, in Monumentos Domin. Esp., MS., 65-8. Grado dying soon
after, without issue, she married Pedro Andrade Gallego, by whom she had one
son, Juan Andrade, the founder of the Andrade-Montezuma family. This branch
inherited the Villa Alta villages, in Oajaca, and other estates, which in 1745 were
bought up by the crown for a pension of 3000 pesos, continued by the Mexican
government in irregular payments. A member of this branch was the bishop of
Chiapas a few years later. Certificacion de las Mercedes, MS., 14-18. M. Fossey
describes a visit, in 1849, to the poverty-stricken yet proud descendants. Mexique,
497-500. The omission of Gallego’s middle name has led the critical Alaman,
among others, to assume that this family descends from Isabel’s fifth marriage
with Juan Andrade. Prescott’s Mex. (Mex. 1844), ii. 31. Nor is Prescott free from
error in connection with Montezuma’s descendants. The Andrade branch became
allied to the Condes de Miravalle, and a daughter of this house was the wife of
General Barragan, who became presidente interino of the republic, thus raising a
descendant of Montezuma once again to the supreme place in the country. The
Princess Isabel was married a fourth time, to Juan Cano de Saavedra, by whom
she had five children, the inheritors of the Tacuba estates, also exchanged for a
pension which was continued by the republic. Of the Princess Acatlan’s two
daughters, María and Mariana, the former left no issue. Mariana married the
conquistador Juan de Paz, bringing a dower of three towns, and after his death
she took for husband the conqueror Cristóbal de Valderrama. By him she had a
daughter, Leonor, who, marrying Diego Arias Sotelo, gave origin to the Sotelo-
Montezuma family. Fonseca, Hist. Hacienda, i. 464. This work, with its collection of
official papers and extracts, gives a mass of information about the imperial
descendants and estates. Prescott confounds the mother and daughter. Mex., ii.
351-2. Viceroy Mendoza, in a despatch to the emperor of December 10, 1537,
refers to the death, three weeks before, of Valderrama, and speaks of children by
the former husband, which are not admitted in Fonseca. Pacheco and Cárdenas,
Col. Doc., ii. 208. Cortés refers to three sons of Montezuma: the heir, who fell on
the causeway during the noche triste, and two surviving boys, ‘one said to be
insane, the other paralyzed.’ On leaving Mexico he took with him one son and two
daughters, his concubines probably, all of whom perished. Cartas, 135, 153.
Sahagun names two sons, who perished on that occasion. Hist. Conq. (ed. 1840),
122, 126. Ixtlilxochitl gives them different names. Hist. Chich., 302. Cano gives the
name Asupacaci to the heir, or only legitimate son, the brother of his wife Isabel,
and states that he was killed by Quauhtemotzin, who feared him as the only rival
to the throne. Oviedo, iii. 549. Brasseur de Bourbourg follows him, but prefers the
name of Cipocatzin for the young prince, while Axayoca is also applied. Cortés’
version is more likely to be correct, however. One of the surviving sons, ‘Signor di
Tenajoccan,’ Clavigero, Storia Mess., iii. 133, was baptized with the intervention of
his sponsor, Rodrigo de Paz, and died three years after the conquest, ‘y se enterrò
en la Capilla de San Joseph.’ Vetancvrt, Teatro Mex., pt. iii. 144. This author
assumes that the youth fled with the Spaniards from the capital and hid at
Tepotzotlan. The other prince, son of Miahuaxochitl, daughter of the lord of Tula,
and niece of Montezuma—baptized as María, says Vetancurt—received the name
of Don Pedro. He accompanied Cortés to Spain in 1528, it appears, at the age of
eighteen, and made repeated appeals to the emperor for a maintenance in
accordance with his rank. At first some trifling favors were granted, and he,
together with a cousin, was educated by the Franciscans in Madrid. Puga,
Cedulario, 85. President Fuenleal, of the audiencia, and other prominent persons
having added their recommendation, regular pensions and encomiendas were
bestowed, including the town of Tula, the seat of his maternal grandparents, upon
which was based the second title of Condes de Montezuma y de Tula, conferred
on his grandson. The line expired on the male side with the great great-grandson
of the emperor, whose daughter married Sarmiento de Valladares, duke of Atlixco,
and viceroy of New Spain, thus raising the name again to the highest position in
the country. Prescott, following Humboldt, Essai Pol., i. 191, 203, calls Valladares,
by mistake, a descendant of Montezuma. The cousin of the vice-queen married
Silva, the first marquis of Tenebron, whose descendants inherited the title and
estates from the other branch, and became grandees in 1765. Their pension
amounted at this time to 40,000 pesos, says Berni, Titulos de Castilla, which
represented in part the encomiendas withdrawn by the government. The republic
recognized this portion, as it had the pensions to the other branches. Shortly after
the independence of Mexico the holder of the title, Alonso Marcilla de Teruel
Montezuma, came over with the intention of asserting his claim to the throne of his
forefathers, but the prudent possessors of the power thought it best not to admit
him, and he passed on to New Orleans, there to put an end to his life some years
later. Prescott understands that the septuagenarian had been disappointed in love.
Mex., ii. 352. Several members of the Spanish nobility have intermarried with this
line, among them a branch of the Guzman family, whence the claim made for the
consort of Napoleon III. of having Montezuma’s blood in her veins. Gondra gives a
portrait of a member married into the Mendoza family. Prescott’s Mex. (ed. Mex.
1845), 219. One of the line, Padre Louis de Montezuma, wrote the Historia del
Emperador, which has been consulted by Alaman, Disert., i. app. ii. 158. Clavigero
gives a genealogic table in Storia Mess., iii. 235, and Carbajal, while plagiarizing
the statements and blunders of others, adds a few of his own. Hist. Mex., ii. 378-
88. In Fonseca, Hist. Hacienda, i. 455 et seq., are to be found several valuable
extracts concerning titles and estates; also in Reales Cédulas, MS., i. pt. i. 5, ii. 4
etc.; Certificacion de las Mercedes, MS.; Mex. Mem. Hacienda, 1848, 35-6;
Fuenleal, Carta, in Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., xiii. 222. The family name
has been spelled in different ways, also by its possessors, as Motezuma,
Muteczuma, Moctezuma, Mocthecuzoma, Motecuhzuma, Moteuhzuma; but
Montezuma is the most common form.
The Historia de las Indias de Nueva-España y Islas de Tierra Firme, by Father
Diego Duran, is claimed by its author, in the introductory to chapter lxxiv., to be
devoted essentially to the life and rule of this monarch, ‘cuya vida é história yo
escribo.’ The preparation of the work was more directly prompted by a
compassion for the maltreated natives, whose champion he constituted himself, in
common with so many of the friars. This spirit led him naturally to color the
occurrences of the conquest; and a non-critical acceptance of whimsical legends
and statements in favor of his protégés tends further to reduce the value of the
work. His deep interest in the aborigines and their history may be explained by the
fact that he was born at Tezcuco, of a native mother. Franco wrongly calls him
Pedro, and Clavigero, Fernando. He professed as a Dominican at Mexico, in
1556, with missionary aspirations, no doubt, but a delicate constitution and
constant suffering confined him rather to the monastery, and directed his efforts to
researches and writing. Castellanos, Defensa, 28, attributes several works to him,
and Eguiara, Bib. Mex., 324, the compilation of the Dominican history of Dávila
Padilla, though not the style and form. Dávila also, ‘scrisse la Storia antica de’
Messicani, servendosi de’ materiali raccolti già da Ferdinando Duran Domenicano
da Tezcuco; ma questa opera non si trova.’ Clavigero, Storia Mess., i. 13. But this
may be a mistake. A similar rewriting would have greatly improved the Historia de
las Indias, which is exceedingly unpolished and slovenly, full of repetitions and bad
spelling, and showing great poverty of expression. On the other hand, it is relieved
by an admirable portrayal of character and knowledge of human nature, and by a
minute study of the effect of conversion on the natives. The work consists of three
tratados, the first in 78 chapters, giving the history of Mexico from its origin to the
conquest, terminating with the expedition to Honduras. This was completed in
1581, while the other two were finished two years before. The second tratado, in
23 chapters, treats of Mexican divinities and rites, and the third, in two, or more
properly nineteen, chapters, of calendar and festivals. Padre Duran died in 1588,
leaving the manuscripts to Juan Tovar, Dávila Padilla, Hist. Fvnd. Mex., 653, who
gave them to Acosta, then occupied in preparing his Natura Novi Orbis, and other
works. The contribution came most opportunely, and was used chiefly for his
account of Mexico, as he frankly admits, though giving the credit to Tovar, who
may have claimed the authorship. On the strength of this statement Clavigero,
with others, confirms the claim to the ‘nobilissimo Gesuita Messicano.’
Torquemada, i. 170-1, ii. 120, himself not spotless, takes advantage of the
confession to rail at Acosta for borrowed plumage, mutilated at that. The
manuscripts, now in the Biblioteca Nacional de Madrid, are written in double
columns and illustrated with numerous plates. Pinelo, Epitome, ii. 711, refers to
them as in two parts. A few copies have been taken, mine forming three volumes.
A set obtained by José Fernando Ramirez, one of Maximilian’s ministers, was
prepared by him for publication, but, owing to the death of the imperial patron, only
the first 68 chapters were issued at Mexico, 1867, in one volume, with notes and
considerable changes of the style. This mutilation, as some term it, may have
been a reason for the seizure of the whole edition, together with the separate
plates, by the republican government. Only a few copies escaped this fate, one of
which I succeeded in obtaining. Although independent issue was long withheld
from Duran, he has at least enjoyed the honor of being associated with one
possessed of far greater fame than he himself could ever hope to achieve.
The motives which impelled Joseph de Acosta to write on America were quite
pretentious. Among the many Spanish books on the New World, he says: ‘I have
not seene any other author which treates of the causes and reasons of these
novelties and wonders of nature, or that hath made any search thereof. Neither
have I read any booke which maketh mention of the histories of the antient
Indians, and naturall inhabitants.’ With a view to repair these omissions he issued
De Natvra Novi Orbis libri dvo, et de Promvlgatione Evangelii, apvd Barbaros, sive
de Procvranda Indorvm Salvte Libri sex. Salmanticœ, 1589. The first part, De
Natura, is a philosophic dissertation on physical features, on the probable
knowledge among the ancients of a western hemisphere, and on the origin of the
Indians. The second part, in six books, bearing a separate imprint under 1588,
though published only in connection with the previous two books, treats entirely of
the method and progress of Indian conversion. The Natura was translated into
Spanish, and incorporated, with some amendments, in the Historia Natvral y moral
de las Indias, Sevilla, 1590, dedicated to Infanta Isabel, which treats also of Indian
history and customs, and refers briefly to the conquest. The work achieved great
success, and was reproduced in numerous editions, in nearly every language,
though often without Acosta’s name, and in distorted form, as in De Bry and some
German versions. This may not be considered bad treatment by those who charge
Acosta with plagiarism, although he frankly admits following a number of authors,
among them ‘es vno Polo Ondegardo, a quien communmente sigo en las cosas
de el Piru: y en las materias de Mexico Ioan de Touar prebendado que fue de la
Iglesia de Mexico, y agora es religioso de nuestra Compañia de Iesvs. El qual por
orden del Virrey hizo dõ Martin Enriquez diligẽte, y copiosa aueriguaciõ de las
historias antiguas.’ See p. 396. There is no doubt that the interest and value of the
work are owing chiefly to the circumstance that the original authorities have
remained sealed, until lately at least; for, despite its pretentious aim, the pages are
marred by frequent indications of the then prevalent superstition and credulity. The
Procvrando Indorvm Salvte is more in consonance with the character of the Jesuit
missionary and scholastic.
Born at Medina del Campo about 1539, he had in his fourteenth year joined
the Society, to which four brothers already belonged. After studying and teaching
theology at Ocana, he proceeded in 1571 to Peru, where he became the second
provincial of his order. Returning to Spain seventeen years later—‘post annos in
Peruano regno exactos quindeciem, in Mexicano & Insularibus duos,’ says the
dedication of 1588 to Philip II., in De Natvra of 1589—he gained the favor of the
king, occupied the offices of visitador and superior, and died as rector at
Salamanca, February 15, 1600. Several other works, in print and manuscript,
chiefly theologic, are attributed to him—see Camus, 104-13—among them De la
criança de Cyro, dedicated to Filipe III. in 1592, which was also a borrowed text,
from Xenophon, and remained a manuscript in the Royal Library.
CHAPTER XXVI.
LA NOCHE TRISTE.
The Captive-King Drama Carried too Far—Better had the Spaniards Taken
Montezuma’s Advice, and have Departed while Opportunity Offered—
Diplomatic Value of a Dead Body—Necessity for an Immediate
Evacuation of the City—Departure from the Fort—Midnight Silence—
The City Roused by a Woman’s Cry—The Fugitives Fiercely Attacked on
All Sides—More Horrors.
And now what must have been the feelings of the invaders, who,
like the ancient mariner, had killed the bird that made the breeze
blow! For assuredly they were responsible for the emperor’s death.
Indeed, the direct charge of murder against Cortés has not been
wanting, even among Spanish chroniclers; but this was owing greatly
to the effort of the general to extricate the army from its desperate
situation while the enemy was supposed to be distracted by grief and
engaged in solemn obsequies. We may be sure, however, that the
Spaniards did not kill Montezuma; that they did not even desire his
death; but regarded it at this juncture as the greatest misfortune
which could happen to them.[808] For in the vast evolvings of their
fast, unfathomable destiny, they were now all like sea-gulls poised in
mid-air while following a swiftly flying ship.
It is interesting to note the manœuvring on both sides over the
dead monarch, who having ministered so faithfully to his enemies
while living, must needs continue in the service after death. The
hostile chiefs were called and informed of the sad consequences of
their outrage on the emperor. The body would be sent to them, so
that they might accord it the last honors. The leaders replied curtly
that they had now a new chief, and cared no longer for Montezuma,
dead or alive. The corpse was nevertheless carefully arrayed in
fitting robes and given in charge of two prisoners, a priest and a
chief,[809] with instructions to carry it to the Mexican camp, and
explain the circumstances of the death and the grief of the
Spaniards. On appearing outside the fort a leader motioned them
back, and would probably have used force but for the priestly
character of the bearers, behind whom the gate had been closed. A
few moments later they disappeared from view. The disrespect
shown the living was not spared the dead. As the corpse was borne
through the streets jeers and insults fell from lips which formerly
kissed the ground on which the monarch had stood. Many declared
that a coward like Montezuma, who had brought so many
misfortunes on the country, was not worthy of even ordinary burial.
[810]The imperial party managed, however, to secure the body, and,
assisted by those to whom the royal blood and high priestly
character of the deceased outweighed other feelings, an honorable
though quiet cremation was accorded in the Celpalco, where
Sahagun intimates that the ashes remained.[811]
Shortly after the body had left the Spanish quarters Cortés sent
a fresh message to the Mexicans, believing that by this time the
presence of the august dead might have had its effect on them. He
pointed out the respect due to the remains of a sovereign, and
proposed a cessation of hostilities with that view, and till they had
elected a successor, one more worthy than the present leader, who
had driven them to rebel.[812] The chiefs replied that the Spaniards
need trouble themselves about nothing but their own safety. They
might come forth, they added tauntingly, to arrange a truce with their