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NATIONAL PERSPECTIVES ON THE
DEVELOPMENT OF PUBLIC RELATIONS
Series Editor: Tom Watson
NORTH AMERICAN
PERSPECTIVES ON THE
DEVELOPMENT OF
PUBLIC RELATIONS
Other Voices
Edited by
Tom Watson
National Perspectives on the Development
of Public Relations
Series Editor
Tom Watson
Faculty of Media & Communication
Bournemouth University
Poole, UK
Aims of the Series
The history of public relations has long been presented in a corporatist
framework. The National Perspectives on the Development of Public
Relations: Other Voices series is the first to offer an authentic worldwide
view of the history of public relations freed from this influence. The series
features seven books, six of which cover continental and regional groups
including (Book 1) Asia and Australasia, (Book 2) Eastern Europe and
Russia, (Book 3) Middle East and Africa, (Book 4) Latin America and
Caribbean, (Book 5) Western Europe, and this volume (Book 7) North
America. The sixth volume featured five essays on new and revised histo-
riographic and theoretical approaches. Written by leading public relations
historians and scholars, some histories of national public relations devel-
opment are offered for the first time while others are reinterpreted using
new archival sources and other historiographical approaches. The National
Perspectives on the Development of Public Relations: Other Voices series makes
a major contribution to the wider knowledge of PR’s history.
North American
Perspectives on the
Development of
Public Relations
Other Voices
Editor
Tom Watson
Faculty of Media & Communication
Bournemouth University
Poole, UK
Tom Watson
SERIES EDITOR’S PREFACE
This series will make a major contribution to the history and historiogra-
phy of public relations (PR). Until recently publications and conference
papers have focused mainly on American tropes that PR was invented in
the USA, although there have been British and German challenges to this
claim. There are, however, emerging narratives that public relations-type
activity developed in many countries in other bureaucratic and cultural
forms that only came in contact with Anglo-American practice recently.
The scholarship of public relations has largely been driven by US per-
spectives with a limited level of research undertaken in the UK and Central
Europe. This has been reflected in general PR texts, which mostly tell
the story of PR’s development from the US experience. Following the
establishment of the International History of Public Relations Conference
(IHPRC), first held in 2010, it is evident there is increasing level of
research, reflection and scholarship outside Anglo-America and Central
European orbits.
From IHPRC and a recent expansion of publishing in public relations
academic journals, new national perspectives on the formation of public
relations structures and practices are being published and discussed. Some
reflect Anglo-American influences while others have evolved from national
cultural and communication practices with a sideways glace at interna-
tional practices.
I am attached to the notion of ‘other’ both in its postmodern con-
cept and a desire to create a more authentic approach to the history of
public relations. It was the UK public relations scholar and historian
vii
viii SERIES EDITOR’S PREFACE
Professor Jacquie L’Etang who first used ‘the other’ in discussion with
me. It immediately encapsulated my concerns about some recent histori-
cal writing, especially from countries outside Western Europe and North
America. There was much evidence that ‘Western hegemonic public rela-
tions’ was influencing authors to make their national histories conform to
the primacy of the USA. Often it was processed through the four models
of Grunig and Hunt (1984). This approach did not take account of the
social, cultural and political forces that formed each nation’s approach to
PR. It was also dull reading.
National Perspectives on the Development of Public Relations: Other
Voices will be the first series to bring forward these different, sometimes
alternative and culturally diverse national histories of public relations in
a single format. Some will be appearing for the first time. In this series,
national narratives are introduced and discussed, enabling the develop-
ment of new or complementary theories on the establishment of public
relations around the world.
Overall, the series has three aims:
Six of the seven books focus on national public relations narratives which
are collected together on a continental basis: Asia and Australasia, Eastern
Europe and Russia, Middle East and Africa, Latin America and Caribbean,
Western Europe and North America. The other book addresses historio-
graphic interpretations and theorization of public relations history.
Rather than requesting authors to write in a prescribed format which
leaves little flexibility, they have been encouraged to research and write
historical narratives and analysis that are pertinent to a particular country
or region. My view is that a national historical account of public relations’
evolution will be more prized and exciting to read if the author is encour-
aged to present a narrative of how it developed over one or more particular
periods (determined by what is appropriate in that country), considering
why one or two particular PR events or persons (or none) were impor-
tant in that country, reviewing cultural traditions and interpretations of
SERIES EDITOR’S PREFACE ix
Tom Watson
twatson@bournemouth.ac.uk, tom.watson1709@gmail.com
REFERENCE
Grunig, J., & Hunt, T. (1984). Managing public relations. New York: Holt,
Rinehart and Winston.
CONTENTS
1 Introduction 1
Tom Watson
xi
xii CONTENTS
Index 127
CONTRIBUTORS
xiii
xiv CONTRIBUTORS
Introduction
Tom Watson
T. Watson (*)
Bournemouth University, Poole, UK
e-mail: twatson@bournemouth.ac.uk
v olume, which unlike five others in the series, has more than a single
chapter on a nation or region.
Among critiques of much extant research and writing on the history of
public relations from US authors, in particular, has been an assumption that
public relations (PR) is an invention from their nation. There was also lack of
interest in forms, practices and theorization of public relations that have arisen
in other countries. L’Etang (2008) has commented acidly: “US scholars have
always tended to assume that activities referred to as PR have been invented by
Americans and exported elsewhere” (p. 328). This attitude is exemplified in
Doug Newsom’s comment in 1984 that: “Public relations is an occupation,
some would say a profession, of uniquely US origin” (p. 30). More than 30
years later, I am sure that Professor Newsom’s view would have changed but it
has been a typical historical expression in major US-written public relations
texts used around the world. Alongside it has been the progressive model of
PR’s development, onward and upward in ever-increasing sophistication and
ethical practice. This model is offered widely in textbooks and through Grunig
and Hunt’s four models of public relations practice (1984), which start with
the low ethics of press agentry and move upward to two-way symmetrical com-
munication. Although the models have been revised over time, the original
four models of 1984 have been taught widely around the world and accepted
by many as being accurate representations of the development of PR.
Since the early 1990s, there have been challenges to the standing histo-
riography of PR in North America. These started with low rumbles
(Pearson 1992; Miller 2000) even as Cutlip’s two major books with their
progressivist history of PR in the USA (Cutlip 1994, 1995) were being
published. During the past 15 years, the low rumble has increased to overt
challenge. The primacy of the progressive model has been widely criticized;
the attitude that PR evolved from corporate and agency bases sometime
early in the twentieth century has been debunked, notably by Lamme and
Russell (2010); the under-researched role of women in PR’s evolution has
been identified and is being addressed in Canada and the USA; the role of
activism in PR’s development in North America is being recognized; and
the formation of PR in Canada has moved from being presented as a
sideshow to the USA to a very separate experience with strong links to
governmental and organizational communications. As well, specialist
practices such as governmental communication, lobbying and political
communication, entertainment publicity and PR, and the professionaliza-
tion of the field have been researched as major topics. The historiography
of PR in North America has begun being revised in the past decade, too,
with extensive consideration of antecedents, proto-PR and the role of
those who did not self-identify as PR practitioners. The role of “great
men” such as Ivy Lee, Edward Bernays, and, to a lesser extent, Arthur
Page in the formation of PR has been contested and played down.
INTRODUCTION 3
References
Cutlip, S. M. (1994). The unseen power: Public relations, a history. Hillsdale:
Lawrence Erlbaum Associates.
Cutlip, S. M. (1995). Public relations history: From the 17th to the 20th century.
Hillsdale: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates.
Grunig, J. E., & Hunt, T. (1984). Managing public relations. New York: Holt
Rinehart & Winston.
Lamme, M. O., & Miller, K. R. (2010). Removing the spin: towards a new theory
of public relations history. Journalism & Communication Monographs, 11(4),
281–362.
L’Etang, J. (2008). Writing PR history: Issues, methods and politics. Journal of
Communication Management, 12(4), 319–335.
Miller, K. S. (2000). U.S. public relations history: Knowledge and limitations.
Communication Yearbook, 23, 381–420.
Newsom, D. (1984). Public relations and the question of provinciality. IPRA
Review, 8(3), 30–31.
Pearson, R. (1992). Perspectives in public relations history. In E. Toth & R. Heath
(Eds.), Rhetorical and critical approaches to public relations. Hillsdale: Lawrence
Erlbaum.
CHAPTER 2
Cayce Myers
Abstract This chapter examines the use of the term “public relations” in
the popular press from 1774 to 1899. Frequently public relations history
places the beginnings of PR in the late nineteenth century with a genesis
in entertainment and later business. This examination of the use of the
term “public relations” shows that public relations in the eighteenth and
nineteenth century was related to politics, specifically international affairs,
domestic relations, and political popularity.
C. Myers ()
Virginia Tech, 181 Turner Street NW,
Blacksburg, VA 24061, USA
e-mail: mcmyers@vt.edu
This myth, perpetuated by Bernays (1952) and Grunig and Hunt’s four
models of public relations (Grunig and Hunt 1984), has been retold to the
point it has become an accepted truth in many PR histories. However, aside
from its inaccuracy, this view of American public relations history poses
some larger theoretical issues. First, American PR history is not congruent
with non-US PR histories. European PR scholars have shown that politics,
not entertainment, was a major harbinger of public relations development
(Bentele 2010; Bentele and Grazyna-Maria 1996; L’Etang 2004; Watson
2014). Second, identifying public relations’ beginning in the late nine-
teenth century overlooks the historical complexity of the practice. Focusing
US PR’s beginnings in the late nineteenth century excludes the political,
social, and religious influences that created professional PR. This chapter
attempts to show the beginnings of public relations by analyzing proto-
public relations history, a history prior to institutionalized PR practice. The
nuances of early American proto-PR is seen in an analysis of the term
“public relations” in the US popular press form 1774 to 1899.
In American public relations history there is an inaccurate periodization
of PR development that was heavily influenced by Grunig and Hunt’s
(1984) four models of public relations. Though not a historical theory,
the four models of public relations’ influence on PR historiography is
readily seen in many works (Hoy et al. 2007). The Grunig and Hunt
(1984) models lend themselves to an interpretation of PR history that
argues early press agentry gave way to an ever-increasing complex and
more ethical corporate public relations practice that dominated the twen-
tieth century. However, Grunig and Hunt’s (1984) four models mirror
other public relations histories written by Cutlip and Center (1958),
Cutlip (1994, 1995), and even Bernays (1952, 1965). Outside of public
relations research, business scholars Chandler (1977); Tedlow (1979) and
Marchand (1998) followed a similar narrative about media, corporate
communication, and PR development. This type of historical trajectory is
influenced by twentieth-century public relations figures such as Bernays
(1965) who claimed he coined the idea of “counsel on public relations”
(p. 287). In fact, in his autobiography Bernays (1965) claimed that in the
early twentieth century that he never “heard of the words ‘public relations,’
because they were not in general use” (p. 287).
Criticisms of these early narratives of public relations have increased
(Coombs and Holladay 2012; Gower 2008; Miller 2000; Myers 2014;
Olasky 1984, 1987; Watson 2014).Outside the USA, scholars have exam-
ined countries’ development of public relations finding that the American
model of PR development is not ubiquitous (Bentele 2012; Bentele and
Grazyna-Maria 1996; L’Etang 2004; Watson 2014). Lamme and Russell
(2010) also found that American public relations historiography was
UNITED STATES ANTECEDENTS AND PROTO-PR 7
within the relationship between the countries. In 1857 the New York
Daily Times wrote:
Yet as the people have never taken the constitutional measure that was
necessary to alter it, and as our public relations, both foreign and domes-
tic, appear to require a cautious policy (City Gazette and Daily Advertiser
1806, p. 2).
We find no account in the Boston papers of the affray in the place last week,
between several officers and some of the inhabitants: Indeed the conduct of
the former, as we are told, was so detestably savage and obscene as to render
a particular public relation thereof improper (Essex Journal and Merrimack
Packet 1774, p. 3).
becoming more and more favorable to the [white] Americans, and the
time may not be distant when a majority of them will adhere to us in pref-
erence to any foreign power” (American Mercury, Sept. 18, 1806, p. 3).
Political parties were also part of domestic public relations frequently
referring to party stances on domestic issues. In 1809 a letter to the
“Electors of Massachusetts” the Federalist Party argued for the support of
Federalist Governor Christopher Gore whose “public relations” had not
changed on the tariff issues (Norfolk Repository 1809, p. 1). The use of the
term “public relations” coincided with the advocacy of political positions
within political parties. The New York Democratic-Republicans wrote that
their “public relations” required them to make “greater sacrifice of per-
sonal feeling to promote the general good” (The New-York Columbian
1817, p. 2).
Articles from the nineteenth century also characterized public relations
as a national attitude toward the US government generally. During the
Nullification Crisis of the 1820s and 1830s, one article wrote, “the union
of this confederation is the key stone to the whole fabric of our political
and national greatness, our civil and social prosperity. Let this sentiment
enter with religious solemnity into all our public relations with our
country” (Richmond Enquirer 1831, p. 2). In 1821, an article appeared
about the citizens of Massachusetts concern over the loss of Maine as part
of the Compromise of 1820. The Boston Commercial Gazette stated that
the loss of Maine affected Massachusetts’s citizens in their “welfare and
public relations” (Boston Commercial Gazette 1821, p. 1). During the
Civil War, public relations of the Confederacy was discussed in context
with the public relations of the USA. The Charleston Mercury stated that
“public relations” between the Confederacy and England would be diffi-
cult because the Confederacy was “a government recognizing the slavery
of a part of the human race” (Charleston Mercury 1862, p. 4). Post-Civil
War relationships between the citizens of the North and South were
defined as “public relations” of two distinct regions (The Constitution
1868, p. 2). Even race relations between black and white southerners was
mentioned as “public relations” in a New York Times article about President
Grant’s policy of giving clemency to members of the Ku Klux Klan (New
York Times 1873a, p. 5).
Domestic public relations frequently had values assigned to them, espe-
cially when these public relations affected citizens directly. One article
from The Albany Argus in 1820 commented on “the demoralized state of
our public relations” in reference to political bribes and corrupt public
policy (The Albany Argus 1820, p. 2). The term “public relations” was
detailed in a variety of positive domestic US contexts such as military
schools, legal codes, and the Vice President’s treatment of policies affect-
UNITED STATES ANTECEDENTS AND PROTO-PR 11
ing New York State (The New-York Columbian 1820, p. 2; New York Times
1865, p. 4; New York Times 1876a, p. 3). However, these public relations
were always discussed in the context of what political entities, namely the
larger government, could do for its citizens. The government role in creat-
ing good public relations was restricted to men. However, women could
play a role according to one article from Godey’s Lady’s Book that said,
“The public relations of government are, as they should be, exclusively
under the care and guidance of men; but women may do much, very
much to promote the general harmony and happiness of the nation”
(Godeys Lady’s Book’s 1848).
Let him [the public] be assured that that his private and public relations are
so closely connected, so intimately interwoven, so reciprocally dependent on
each other, and so firmly dove-tailed that their security and prosperity must
stand of fall together (The People’s Friend and Daily Observer 1807, p. 2).
This role of public relations for politicians was extremely important and
applied to a variety of officeholders. For instance, the remembrance of
Judge Elmendorf in the Charleston Courier stated “he [the judge] was
held deservedly in high esteem, not less in private life than in his various
12 C. MYERS
St. Patrick’s toast to the President of the USA is illustrative of public rela-
tions being related to official duties. The toast said:
Whilst the entire country sincerely sympathize with him [the President] in
his recent domestic affection they hope that time may bring healing on his
wings, and that in his public relations, his policy may be marked by that high
sense of Constitutional justice (Charleston Courier 1858, p. 2).
In 1860 the New York Times published an article about the retirement
of Senator D.L. Yulee in which the senator is quoted as saying that he is
“closing the public relations which have been so long maintained between
us [meaning him and a fellow Senator] (New York Times 1860, p. 2). In
speeches given during Representative H. Blount’s retirement from the
U.S. House of Representatives, several colleagues mentioned how “their
public relations [with Blount] are so soon to be severed” because of his
retirement (The Washington Post 1893, p. 4). These formal political rela-
tionships were the subject of interest. In 1873 a book by John W. Forney,
Anecdotes of Public Men, was mentioned in the New York Times as an
excellent political book. According to the Times, Forney was able to gain
insight into these politicians because of “the public relations of the
author…have brought him into intimate contact with many of the most
eminent American politicians” (New York Times 1873, p. 5).
14 C. MYERS
one [sic] who would manage them” (The Revolution 1871). In 1876, the
New York Times exclaimed that women in the USA should not serve on
board of directors for state agencies because they did not possess the skills
of public relations. Comparing American women with British women, the
New York Times pointed out that women in America needed more experi-
ence in handling administrative functions within boards. They wrote,
“Women in this country have not as yet had that training in the habit of
acting together and in public relations which is indispensable for good
administration” (New York Times 1876b, p. 4).
Administrative functions of public relations were important for
American businesses and businessmen. As early as 1816 “public relations”
was used in context with business. In an article from The Columbian editor
G.L. Holley argued for a “commercial paper” given that economic com-
plexity demanded a more business-focused journalism that included
advertising (Holley 1816, p. 2). Part of Holley’s reasoning was that older
forms of papers were inadequate since they served a different era where
“when commerce is limited and public relations few” (Holley 1816, p. 2).
In 1875 the New York Times discussed the “public relations” of an indi-
vidual business owner in context with a lawsuit against a rival business.
Princeton University announced that it would be forming a New York
City Alumni Chapter in 1886 to allow members “to discuss matters
bearing on the policy of the college and its public relations” (New York
Times 1885, p. 3)
Perhaps the most important use of public relations was that of the
expanding railroads. General Harrison of the Harrison and Morton
Railroad Club recognized the ever-expansive railroad industries of the
1880s. The Washington Post covered a speech given by the General in
which he discussed the nature of the recent regulations placed on railroad
companies by the federal government. Specifically, the General spoke on
the positives of having uniform railroad cars and track sizes and equated
this regulation to the important role railroads played in daily life. He said:
their customers suggests that the term “public relations” was applied to
railroads because their large-scale consumer interaction (The Atlanta
Constitution 1897, p. 6). In fact, this is reflected in the 1894 obituary of
railroad executive Robert Harris. The obituary in the New York Times said
“And this passion for justice extended to the public relations of the railroad
properties which he managed. He was always anxious that his railroad
should do its duty to the community which it served” (New York Times
1894, p. 4).
REFERENCES
American Mercury. (1806). ‘Walpole, Sept. 12’, 18 September p. 3.
American Mercury. (1811). ‘From the Aurora’, 7 November p. 2.
Bentele, G. (2010).PR-Historiography, a functional-integrative strata model and
periods of German PR history. In Proceedings of the first international history of
public relations conference, Bournemouth, UK, 8–9 July 2010. https://micro-
sites.bournemouth.ac.uk/histor yofpr/files/2010/11/IHPRC-2010-
Proceedings.pdf. Accessed 31 Mar 2016.
Bentele, G. (2012). Is a general (and global) PR-historiography possible?
Questions, problems, proposals. In Proceedings of international history of public
relations conference 2012, Bournemouth, UK, 11 July 2012. https://micro-
sites.bournemouth.ac.uk/historyofpr//wp-content/uploads/2012/09/
IHPRC-2012-Presentations.pdf. Accessed 31 Mar 2016.
Another random document with
no related content on Scribd:
moment he saw an animal of that species, though he showed no
symptoms of preparing for any defence. Bruce never heard that he
had any voice. During the day he was inclined to sleep, but became
restless and exceedingly unquiet as night came on.
Bruce describes his Fennec as about ten inches long; the tail, five
inches and a quarter, near an inch of it on the tip, black; from the
point of the fore-shoulder to that of the fore-toe, two inches and
seven-eighths; from the occiput to the point of the nose, two inches
and a half. The ears were erect, and three inches and three-eighths
long, with a plait or fold at the bottom on the outside; the interior
borders of the ears were thickly covered with soft white hair, but the
middle part was bare, and of a pink or rose colour; the breadth of the
ears was one inch and one eighth, and the interior cavity very large.
The pupil of the eye was large and black; the iris, deep blue. It had
thick and strong whiskers; the nose was sharp at the tip, black and
polished. The upper jaw was projecting; the number of cutting teeth
in each jaw, six, those in the under jaw the smallest; canine teeth,
two in each jaw, long, large, and exceedingly pointed; the number of
molar teeth, four on each side, above and below. The legs were
small; feet very broad, with four toes, armed with crooked, black, and
sharp claws on each; those on the fore-feet more crooked and sharp
than those behind. The colour of the body was dirty white, bordering
on cream-colour; the hair on the belly rather whiter, softer and longer
than on the rest of the body. His look was sly and wily. Bruce adds
that the Fennec builds his nest on trees, and does not burrow in the
earth.
Illiger, in his generic description of Megalotis, states the number of
molar teeth on each side of the upper jaw to be six, but gives no
account of those in the lower; nor does it appear on what authority
he describes the teeth at all, or where he inspected his type. In other
respects, his description agrees pretty closely with that given by
Bruce.
Sparman[82] took the Fennec to be of the species he has called
Zerda, a little animal found in the sands of Cambeda, near the Cape
of Good Hope; and Pennant and Gmelin have called Bruce’s animal,
after Sparman, Canis cerdo; Brander considered it as a species of
fox; Blumenbach rather as belonging to the Viverræ. Illiger quotes
Lacépède as having made a distinct genus of it, Fennecus[83], and
has himself placed it as one, under the name of Megalotis, in the
order Falculata, in the same family with, and immediately preceding
the genera Canis and Hyena.
M. Geoffroy Saint Hilaire, assuming Bruce’s account to be
imperfect and inaccurate, supposes that the Fennec is neither more
nor less than a Galago; but M. Desmarest differs from him in opinion,
and places it in a situation analogous to that assigned it by Illiger, at
the end of the Digitigrades, in the order Carnassiers. Cuvier merely
takes the following short notice of this animal in a note, “Le Fennec
de Bruce que Gmelin a nommé Canis cerdo, et Illiger Megalotis, est
trop peu connu pour pouvoir être classé. C’est un petit animal
d’Afrique, dont les oreilles égalent presque le corps en grandeur, et
qui grimpe aux arbres, mais on n’en a descrit ni les dents ni les
doigts.” (Reg. Anim. I. 151. note). This eminent zoologist appears
from the above to hold our countryman’s veracity, or at least his
accuracy of observation, and fidelity of description, in the same low
estimation as M. Geoffroy Saint Hilaire; or he would hardly have
talked of the ears of the Fennec being nearly as large as its body[84],
or have asserted that neither the teeth nor toes have been
described. But the illustrious foreigners of whom we have, in no
offensive tone we hope, just spoken, are not the only persons who
have hesitated to place implicit confidence in all that Bruce has given
to the world: his own countrymen have shown at least an equal
disposition to set him down as a dealer in the marvellous. Time,
however, and better experience, are gradually doing the Abyssinian
traveller that justice which his cotemporaries were but too ready to
deny him.
M. Desmarest considers all the characters which Bruce has given
of the Fennec as correct, “not conceiving it possible, that he could
have assumed the far too severe tone he adopted in speaking of
Sparman and Brander, if he had not been perfectly sure of his facts.”
Mr. Griffith has given the figures of two animals, both, as he
conceives, belonging to this genus; one of them came from the Cape
of Good Hope, and is now in the Museum at Paris; it is named by
Cuvier Canis megalotis, and is described by Desmarest in his
Mammalogie, (Ency. Meth. Supp. p. 538): Major Smith has called it
Megalotis Lalandii, to distinguish it from Bruce’s Fennec. The other
animal is from the interior of Nubia, and is preserved in the Museum
at Frankfort. Both the figures are from the accurate and spirited
pencil of Major Hamilton Smith. The first animal is as large as the
common fox, and decidedly different from Bruce’s Fennec; the
second, Major Smith considers to be Bruce’s animal.
In the fifth volume of the Bulletin des Sciences, sect. 2. p. 262., is
an extract from a memoir of M. Leuckart, (Isis, 2 Cahier, 1825), on
the Canis cerdo, or Zerda of naturalists, in which it is stated that M.
M. Temminck and Leuckart saw the animal in the Frankfort Museum,
which had been previously drawn by Major Smith, and recognized it
for the true Zerda; and the former gentleman, in the prospectus of
his Monographies de Mammalogie, announced it as belonging to the
genus Canis, and not to that of Galago. M. Leuckart coincides in
opinion with M. Temminck, and conceives that the genus Megalotis,
or Fennecus, must be suppressed, “the animal very obviously
belonging to the genus Canis, and even to the subgenus Vulpes.” He
adds, “that it most resembles the C. corsac; the number of teeth and
their form are precisely the same as those of the fox, which it also
greatly resembles in its feet, number of toes, and form of tail. The
principal difference between the fox and the Zerda consists in the
great length of the ears of the latter and its very small size.”
The singular controversy, not even yet decided, that has arisen
respecting this little animal, has induced us to preface our
description of the individual before us, by this sketch of its history.
6—6 1—1
Fennecus. Dentium formula.—Dentes primores 6—6, laniarii 1—1
6—6
, molares 7—7?